the jesuits justification, proving they died as innocent as the child unborn oldham, john, 1653-1683. 1679 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46858 wing j718 estc r37030 16187290 ocm 16187290 105022 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46858) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105022) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:105 or 21241:104) the jesuits justification, proving they died as innocent as the child unborn oldham, john, 1653-1683. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1679] in verse. attributed to oldham by nuc pre-1956 imprints. imprint suggested by nuc pre-1956 imprints. with ms. correction in next to last line and ms. note at head "by dr. peter chamberlen." reproductions of originals in the harvard university library and british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature. counter-reformation -controversial literature. anti-catholicism. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the jesuits justification , proving they died as innocent as the child unborn . they that can do no hurt are innocent as child unborn , so the dead are meant : therefore they said they died , not lived so , else their last breath had them oppos'd with no. which fill'd the air with poison in their word , able to turn the edge of justice sword. had it been true , but truth is not their guise , their sacred order lives and thrives by lyes . yet they die martyrs all . why ? what 's the reason ? they die all for religion ; which is treason . idolatries , lyes , blasphemies and worse , are their religion , bound up with a curse . poysons , rapes , massacres , are saint-like ware , and holy dictates , of the roman chair . perjuries , murthers , are their laws ; 't were sin not to be still found dutiful therein : to kill all hereticks , is no plot now , but true devotion , and religions vow . kings are usurpers , that hold not their crown derived from roman mitre , and must down . they are more troublesom than egypts frogs , and must be kill'd as vermine , or mad dogs . thus they promote the scarlet interest , in honour to the whore , and to the beast . apollyon , abaddon , bids them burn , and root out nations that will not turn . therefore they merit the three crowned horn ; and die as innocent as child unborn . finis . die mercurii 5 maii 1641 it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with the protestation, which the members of this house made the third of may, shall be forthwith printed, and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house, ... proceedings. 1641-05-05 england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83738 of text r231860 in the english short title catalog (wing e2613). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83738 wing e2613 estc r231860 99900029 99900029 137260 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83738) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 137260) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2499:6) die mercurii 5 maii 1641 it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with the protestation, which the members of this house made the third of may, shall be forthwith printed, and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house, ... proceedings. 1641-05-05 england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by r. oulton and g. dexter, london : 1641. reproduction of original in the william andrews clark memorial library. eng jesuits -england -early works to 1800. anti-catholicism -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a83738 r231860 (wing e2613). civilwar no die mercurii 5 maii 1641. it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament, that the preamble, together with the p england and wales. parliament. house of commons 1641 1191 2 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ die mercurii 5 maii 1641 ▪ it is this day ordered by the house of commons now assembled in parliament , that the preamble , together with the protestation , which the members of this house made the third of may , shall be forthwith printed , and the copies printed brought to the clark of the said house , to attest under his hand , to the end that the knights , citizens , and burgesses may send them down to the sheriffs and justices of peace of the severall shires , and to the citizens and burgesses of the severall cities , boroughs , and cinque ports , respectively . and the knights , citizens , and burgesses , are to intimate unto the shires , cities , boroughs , and cinque ports , with what willingnesse all the members of this house made this protestation : and further to signifie , that as they justifie the taking of it in themselves , so they cannot but approve it in all such as shall take it . we the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the commons house in parliament , finding , to the great grief of our hearts , that the designes of the priests and jesuites , and other adherents to the see of rome , have of late been more boldly and frequently put in practice then formerly , to the undermining and danger of the ruine of the true reformed protestant religion in his majesties dominions established : and finding also that there have been , and having just cause to suspect that there still are , even during this sitting in parliament , indeavours to subvert the fundamentall laws of england and ireland , and to introduce the exercise of an arbitrary and tyrannicall government , by most pernicious and wicked councels , practises , plots , and conspiracies : and that the long intermission , and unhappy breach of parliaments , hath occasioned many illegall taxations , whereupon the subject hath been prosecuted and grieved : and that divers innovations and superstitions have been brought into the church ; multitudes driven out of his majesties dominions ; jealousies raised and fomented betwixt the king and his people ; a popish army leavied in ireland , and two armies brought into the bowels of this kingdome , to the hazard of his majesties royall person , the consumption of the revenues of the crown , and treasure of this kingdome : and lastly , finding great cause of jealousie , that indeavours have been , and are used to bring the english army into a misunderstanding of this parliament , thereby to incline that army , with force to bring to passe those wicked councels , have therefore thought good to joyn our selves in a declaration of our united affections and resolutions , and to make this ensuing protestation . i a. b. do in the presence of almighty god , promise , vow , and protest , to maintain and defend , as far as lawfully i may , with my life , power , and estate , the true reformed protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england against all popery and popish innovations within this realm , contrary to the same doctrine , and according to the duty of my allegiance , his majesties royall person , honour , and estate ; as also the power and priviledges of parliament ; the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject , and every person that maketh this protestation , in whatsoever he shall do in the lawfull pursuance of the same . and to my power , and as far as lawfully i may , i will oppose , and by all good wayes and means indeavour to bring to condigne punishment , all such as shall either by force , practise , councels , plots , conspiracies or otherwise , do any thing to the contrary of any thing in this present protestation contained . and further , that i shall in all just and honourable wayes indeavour to preserve the vnion and peace between the three kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland ; and neither for hope , fear , nor other respect , shall relinquish this promise , vow , and protestation . whereas some doubts have been raised by severall persons out of this house , concerning the meaning of these words contained in the protestation lately made by the members of this house , ( viz. ) the true reformed protestant religion , expressed in the doctrine of the church of england against all popery and popish innovations within this realm , contrary to the same doctrine ; this house doth declare , that by those words , was and is meant , only the publike doctrine professed in the said church , so farre as it is opposite to popery and popish innovations ; and that the said words are not to be extended to the maintaining of any form of worship , discipline , or government , nor of any rites or ceremonies of the said church of england . die veneris 30. iulii ▪ 1641. resolved upon the question . that this house doth conceive that the protestation made by them , is fit to be taken by every person that is well affected in religion , and to the good of the common-wealth ; and therefore doth declare , that what person soever shall not take the protestation , is unfit to beare office in the church or common-wealth . resolved upon the question . that the knights , citizens , and burgesses , and barons of the cinque-ports respectively , shall forthwith send down to the severall places for which they serve , copies of this vote of the house , concerning the protestation . resolved upon the question . that these votes shall be printed and attested under the clerks hand . die sabbati 8. ianuarii , 1641. at the committee of the house of commons appointed to sit in london to consider of the safety of the kingdome , and of the city of london , and of vindicating the priviledges of parliament . resolved upon the question . that the actions of the citizens of london , or of any other person whatsoever , for the defence of the parliament , or the priviledges thereof , or the preservation of the members thereof , are according to their duty , and to their late protestation , and the lawes of this kingdome . and if any person shall arrest or trouble any of them , for so loing , he is declared to be a publike enemy of the common-wealth . resolved upon the question . that this vote shal be made known to the common councell of the city of london . iohn wilde sergeant at law sitting in the chaire of that committee . london , printed by r. oulton and g. dexter , 1641. by the king. a proclamation. charles r. charles the second, by the grace of god, king of scotland, england, france, and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to all and sundry our good subjects whom these presents do or may concern, greeting: we having, with the advice and consent of our parliaments, past so many acts in favour of the protestant religion, against field-conventicles,... proclamations. 1679-06-29 scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1679 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a79279 wing c3209 estc r225601 99899837 99899837 135752 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79279) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 135752) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2457:24) by the king. a proclamation. charles r. charles the second, by the grace of god, king of scotland, england, france, and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to all and sundry our good subjects whom these presents do or may concern, greeting: we having, with the advice and consent of our parliaments, past so many acts in favour of the protestant religion, against field-conventicles,... proclamations. 1679-06-29 scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) , edinburgh, printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty. anno dom. 1679. re-printed at london, [london] : [1679] at end of text: given at our court at white-hall, the 29. day of june, 1679. and of our reign the thirty one year. arms 254; steele notation: defender place one. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -scotland -early works to 1800. jesuits -controversial literature -early works to 1800. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation . charles r. charles the second , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and sundry our good subjects whom these presents do or may concern , greeting : we having , with the advice and consent of our parliaments , past so many acts in favour of the protestant religion , against field-conventicles , whereby our subjects were withdrawn from publick ordinances , in such ways as exposed them to hear jesuits , or any other irregular preachers , and were at last debauched to meet with arms in formed rebellions ; we might have expected a most hearty concurrence from all such as resolved to live religiously and peaceably in suppressing those disorders : in place whereof , magistrates having by their negligence , and masters by their connivance , hightned those distempers into a formed rebellion , founded upon extravagancies , inconsistent with the protestant religion and our monarchy ; which , we having by the mercy of god , and the affection of our subjects , overcome so totally , that our clemency cannot be liable to any mis-construction : we have therefore thought fit , with the advice of our privy council , to recommend the vigorous execution of all our former laws and proclamations against such rendezvouzes of rebellion ; commanding hereby our judges , magistrates and officers of all ranks and degrees to apprehend , condemn and punish all such as frequent any field-conventicles , the ministers by death , and the hearers by fining , and otherways according to the prescript of our laws ; such as bear arms there , being to be demained as traitors , conform to our former proclamation , dated the 13. day of may last , and ordaining that all masters shall be lyable for presenting such of their tennants , and such as live upon their ground to underly the law in our justice-airs , conform to the sixth act , par. third james the fifth . as also , we most peremptorily command all in office under us , to prosecute with all legal rigor , those inhumane and execrable murderers of the late arch-bishop of st. andrews , and all such as have had accession thereto , by concealing or ressetting the assassinates . but we , being desirous to reclaim all such in that our ancient kingdom , as have been misled by ignorance , or blind zeal ( the pretexts of disorders ) and to convince all indifferent persons , that too great severity is as far from our design , as our inclinations , have according to the power reserved to us , by the fifth act , and second session of our second parliament , suspended the execution of all laws and acts against such as frequent house-conventicles in the low countreys on the south-side of the river of tay only : excepting always the town of edinburgh , and two miles round about the same , with the lordships of musselburgh and dalkeith , the cities of st. andrews and glasgow , and stirling , and a mile about each of them ; being fully resolved , not to suffer the seat of our government , nor our universities to be pestred with any irregularities whatsoever . and for a further evidence of our protection to all who resolve to live peaceably , we hereby suspend all diligences for fines upon the account of conventicles , except such fines as are imposed by our privy council , and such fines of inferiour judicatures , as were uplifted or transacted for , prior to the 29. of may last , and all letters of intercommuning , and other executions , except in so far as concerns those who were our actual servants , or in publick trust . but to the end , that none whom we may justly suspect , shall under the colour of this favour , continue to preach rebellion , schism and heresie ; we hereby ordain all such as shall be suffered to preach , to have their names given in , and surety found to our privy council for their peaceable behaviour , only one preacher being allowed to a paroch ; and none to be allowed who have appeared against us in this late rebellion , nor none who shall be admitted by the un-conform ministers in any time hereafter . assuring all those to whom we have extended this favour , that if they or any of them , shall for the future frequent any field-coventicles , or disturb the peace of these our kingdoms , we will secure our people , and maintain our authority and laws by such effectual courses , as in ruining the authours , cannot be thought rigid , after so insufferable and unnecessary provocations . this our forbearance being to continue in force only during our royal pleasure , as we shall see those dissenters deserve our favour . and to the end , all our good subjects mave notice of this our royal will and pleasure , we do hereby command our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers , pursevants , messengers at arms , to make proclamation hereof , at the mercat-cross of edinburgh . given at our court at white-hall , the 29. day of june , 1679. and of our reign the thirty one year . by his majesties command , lauderdale . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty . anno dom. 1679. re-printed at london . by the lord deputie and councell. a proclamation for the banishment of iesuites and priests, &c. proclamations. 1624-01-21 ireland. lord deputy (1622-1629 : falkland) 1624 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04102 stc 14185 estc s100884 99836711 99836711 997 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04102) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 997) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1026:11) by the lord deputie and councell. a proclamation for the banishment of iesuites and priests, &c. proclamations. 1624-01-21 ireland. lord deputy (1622-1629 : falkland) falkland, henry cary, viscount, d. 1633. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by the societie of stationers, imprinted at dublin : anno domini m.d.c.xxiii. [1623, i.e. 1624] the roman numeral date is made with turned c's; the year date is given according to lady day dating. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -ireland -legal status, laws, etc. ireland -history -1603-1625. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lord deputie and councell . ❧ a proclamation for the banishment of iesuites and priests , &c. henry falkland . it is well knowne , by daily experience , what intolerable mischiefes and inconueniences haue growne vpon this realme , through the extraordinary resort of such persons hither as are commonly called titulary popish archbishops , bishops , vicars generall , abbots , priors , deanes , jesuites , fryers , seminary priests , and others of that sect , who seeking to set vp and maintaine a forreine power and authority within this his maiesties dominion , the said bishops , by pretence thereof , haue vsurped and exercised ecclesiasticall jurisdiction within this kingdome in all spirituall and ecclesiasticall causes , to the great derogation of his maiesties imperiall crowne . and the said inferiour secular priests haue likewise exercised all spirituall and sacerdotall functions , as christening , marrying , and such like , and by colour there of haue taken and exacted sundry spirituall duties , from such as are seduced by them , to the intolerable grieuance and impouerishing of this poore nation , and they all seeking and daily endeuouring to peruert the hearts of his maiesties subiects , and to draw them from the true religion here established , to blindnesse and superstition , & to alienate their affections from their souereigne liege lord the kings maiestie , and to subiect them to the said forreine authoritie , to the generall disturbance of the common peace and tranquillitie of this kingdome . for reformation of which abuses , and auoiding of such seditious persons , sundry proclamations haue beene issued and published in this kingdome : some by immediate warrant from his maiestie out of england , and others by authoritie of the lord deputie and councell of this kingdome for the time being , thereby strictly charging and commanding them forthwith , or within some short time then after ( and now long sithence expired ) to depart out of this kingdome , and neuer to returne hither againe , vnlesse they should conforme themselues to the religion here established , and repaire to the church duely and orderly : vpon paine of his maiesties high indignation , and such punishments as might iustly bee inflicted vpon the wilfull contemners of his maiesties royall command . all which notwithstanding , his maiestie is informed that the said popish titularie bishops , vicars generall , priests , jesuites , and other persons before mentioned , haue of late flocked hither in greater numbers then at any time heretofore , and that such jesuites , seminary priests , and other priests , fryers , vicars generall , abbots , priors , and bishops so ordayned by forreine authoritie , which did before time secretly lurke in sundry parts of this kingdome , haue of late time mo●e boldly and presumptuously shewed and declared themselues in the vse and exercise of their functions in open assemblies , whereby his maiesties subiects haue beene generally more seduced and confirmed in their disobedience and obstinacie against his highnesse lawes and royall commandements ( in contempt of his maiestie and the said former proclamations ) and are like to breed more and greater mifchiefes , if they be suffered to abide and continue here any longer : of which increase and insolence of the said popish bishops , priests , and others as aforesaid , his maiestie hauing taken speciall notice , hath signified his high displeasure thereat , and hath thereupon commanded vs to put all lawes in execution ( that are in force in this kingdome ) that inflict any punishment vpon such as exercise any thing to extoll or maintaine the power or iurisdiction spirituall or ecclesiasticall of any forreine prince or prelate , within this kingdome , and to reuiue the proclamation to remoue and exclude all popish bishops , priefts , vicars generall , and others as aforesaid , out of the same , as the principall supporters and maintayners of the said vsurped authoritie . know yee therefore , that wee in obedience vnto his maiesties royall command , and for absolute warning to bee giuen in this kind , doe denounce , and in his maiesties name strictly charge and command , that they shall all of them , that is to say , all titulary popish archbishops , bishops , vicars generall , abbots , pryors , deanes , jesuites , fryers , seminary priests , and other priests whatsoeuer , regular or secular ( being made or ordeyned by any authoritie , deriued or pretended to be deriued from the see of rome , or by any other forreine authority whatsoeuer ) depart out of this kingdome of ireland forthwith , or within fortie dayes next ensuing , at the farthest , after the date hereof . and that no such titulary bishops , vicars generall , abbots , pryors , deanes , jesuites , seminary priests , or other priests or fryers , ordayned by forreine authoritie as aforesaid , shall from and after the said fortie dayes , repaire , come or returne into this kingdome , vpon paine of his maiesties high displeasure and indignation , and vpon such further paine and penaltie as may bee iustly inflicted vpon them by the lawes and statutes of this kingdome . and vpon the like paine , wee doe in his maiesties name expressely forbid all , and all manner of persons whatsoeuer within this kingdome , to receiue , relieue , or conuerse with , bee ordered by , or receiue instruction from any such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , pryor , deane , fryer , seminary priest , or other priest which after the said fortie dayes shall remayne and abide in this kingdome , or come into the same or any part thereof , contrarie to the intent of this proclamation . and we doe further in his maiesties name declare , publish , and command , that if any such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , pryor , deane , jesuite , fryer , seminary priest , or other priest , shall wilfully abide and continue in this kingdome after the said fortie dayes , or shall voluntarily repayre or returne into this kingdome , or any part thereof : or if any person or persons shall receiue , relieue , conuerse with , bee ordered by , or receiue instruction from any such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , pryor , deane , jesuite , fryer , seminary priest , or other priest , that then all and euery prouinciall gouernors , sheriffs , justices of peace , mayors , soueraignes , portrieffs , constables , and all others his maiesties officers and loyall subiects in this kingdome , shall vse their best diligence and indeauours , to apprehend all and euery such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , prior , deane , jesuite , fryer , seminary priest ▪ and other priest ordayned by forreine authority as aforesaid , and all and euery of their receiuers , relieuers , and followers ▪ and them and euery of them to commit to some safe and strict prison , to the end such further order may be taken for their punishment , as to vs the lord deputie and councell shall be thought fit . and we require them and euery of them , to bee seuere to put this his maiesties commandement in full execution , as they and euery of them will answer the contrary to his maiestie , who will call them and euery of them to a strict account touching the performance of their duties in this behalfe . prouided alwayes , that if any of the said titulary archbishops , bishops , vicars generall , abbots , pryors , deanes , jesuites , fryers , seminary priests , or other such priests whatsoeuer shall before the said forty dayes , or within ten dayes next after his or their repayre or returne into this kingdome , submit themselues before vs the now lo : deputy , or to the lo : deputy or other chiefe gouernour of this kingdome for the time being , or other the gouernour of any prouince , or before any of his maiesties priuy councell in this kingdome , and shall thereupon conforme themselues , and repayre to the church duly and orderly , according to the intent of his maiesties lawes , that then it shall and may be lawfull for all and euery such popish titulary archbishop , bishop , vicar generall , abbot , pryor , deane , jesuite , fryer , seminary priest , or other priest that shall so submit and conforme themselues , to abide and continue in this kingdome , and to repayre and returne into the same , and to haue and enioy the benefit of his maiesties lawes and royall protection , in as free and ample manner as any other loyall subiect , so long as they or any of them shall continue in such conformitie . giuen at his maiesties castle of dublin , the one and twentieth day of january . 1623. adam loftus canc. hen : valentia . fra : aungier . fra : blundell . geo : shurley . i. blener hayset . dudly norton . fra : annesley . william parsons . roger iones . i. king. adam loftus . god saue the king. imprinted at dublin by the societie of stationers . anno domini m. d. c. xxiii . the confession of john browne, a iesvite, in the gate-house twice examined by a committee from the honourable house of commons wherein is discovered the late plots of the pope and papacy against these kingdomes, england, scotland, and ireland : and the manner how he poceeds in his intents to intrude himselfe into the temporall monarchy hereof : with the copy of the popes breve, & the fansinesse of his nuntio with the english ladies : and the event that may preoceed by stopping such proceedings. browne, john, jesuit. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a29831 of text r10825 in the english short title catalog (wing b5118). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a29831 wing b5118 estc r10825 12827698 ocm 12827698 94298 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29831) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94298) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 255:e173, no 1) the confession of john browne, a iesvite, in the gate-house twice examined by a committee from the honourable house of commons wherein is discovered the late plots of the pope and papacy against these kingdomes, england, scotland, and ireland : and the manner how he poceeds in his intents to intrude himselfe into the temporall monarchy hereof : with the copy of the popes breve, & the fansinesse of his nuntio with the english ladies : and the event that may preoceed by stopping such proceedings. browne, john, jesuit. [8] p. s.n.], [s.l. : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng jesuits -england. catholics -england. great britain -religion -17th century. a29831 r10825 (wing b5118). civilwar no the confession of john browne a iesvite, in the gate-house. twice examined by a committee from the honourable house of commons. wherein is d browne, john, jesuit 1641 1921 9 0 0 0 0 0 47 d the rate of 47 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-06 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the confession of john brovvne a iesvite , in the gate-house . twice examined by a committee from the honourable house of commons . wherein is discovered the late plots of the pope and papacy , against these kingdomes , england , scotland , and ireland . and the manner how he poceeds in his intents , to intrude himselfe into the temporall monarchy hereof . with the copy of the popes breve , & the sansinesse of his nuntio with the english ladies , and the event that may proceed by stopping such proceedings . printed by barnard alsop 1641. the confession of john brown a jesuit in the gate-house , twice examined by a committee from the honourable house of commons . this iohn browne desiring to informe concerning some speciall points , for the weale of this state , as himselfe hath observed , for above 50. yeares past , which are reduced to these heads . 1. concerning the iesuits , and dammage they have done to these kingdomes , labouring that the oath of allegeance might not be taken , and the wayes which they use with their penitents , & projecting of monopolies of their ministers , & substitutes , and the way to roote them out of these dominions . that they have their lay-brethren , which collect duly their annuities , & rents , and play the marchants transporting cloth and other marchandize of great value . i doe know a brother in law of captain reades , who continually trades in marchandises for them , as also one cuthbert of lancashire , and one grey of barwick● , and they are protected by the spanish ambassadors . they have their marchants in london : namely , one evans , worth 5000 l. who meanes to make them his heires , and to disinherit his own kindred . he was appointed to be sheriffe of middlesex this last yeare , and by their perswasions did goe out of the city , and lived retiredly , untill michaelmas was past . more of their agents are doctor more , captaine re●d a scottish-man , lieutenant col. in ireland , under col. bruce , he lets their buildings in long-acre for them , and the faire buildings in lincolnes-inne fields , inhabited by sir george gage . &c. and at his death left to the lady gardeners , where the jesuits continually doe resort . they doe use with them penitents to tell the poorer sort , that to take the oath of allegeance is damnable , and they tell the richer sort ; that they may doe as their conscience will inspire them , not making conscience to performe . some have left by testament , others by donation , to bring up some 2 , some 3 , and paid 25 l. and 30 l. per annum , but since they are not willing to take the ●oyle , to take it yearly , b●t have entised the d●●ators to give them , some three , some foure , some 500 l. and in my knowledge , they have got in this manner for nourishing above 200 , extorting money from this kingdome , to the great prejudice of this state . 2. of the reformation of some things in the queens court , and of some persons which are fit to be removed . the actors are father philips , her confessour , and the superior of the capuchins , and a gray fryer , who hath intruded himselfe by degrees , to be a clark of her majesties chappell : sometimes he is called by the name of wilson , sometimes of tomson , and a doctor of divinity , a furious and unquiet spirit , by a nick-name called cackafugo : he rules father philips , he rules the businesse amongst them , that concernes the state ; and for the most part , the matters of rome , having three wives at this present all alive . there is also one penrick resident at rome , by his master mr. william hamilton , l●te agent at rome . there be many more , one francis maitland , alias quashet hath 100 crowns , per annum of her majesties pensioner , a firebrand intelligencer at rome , france , flanders , and spaine , with liddington , colonell syms , chambers , and penricke at paris . i should think it good to remove all these from about her majesty , except only father philips , who is of a sweet disposition : though so easily perswaded by sir toby matthewes , sir iohn winter , mr. walter mountague , who are of the cabinet counsell . 3. of the manner whereby the pope meanes to intrude himselfe into the temporall monarchy of this kingdome , and the manner how he proceeds . one seignior george was appointed by the pope to informe him of all important businesse of england and scotland : who as soone as english , scottish , or irish runnagates came to rome , he went to their lodging in the popes behalfe , and brought them of his holinesses bread , and wine , and other rarities , as bolognean , sassages , and such dainties , and shewing them all the antiquities of rome , and feasting them at the popes charges ( though they were protestants ) for this purpose 2000 families were requested of his majesty to be sent to rome , with a promise of their quiet abode there , and their use of liberty of conscience . to break the ice for the popes honours sake : then was nominated also mr. robert duglas , cozen german to the marquesse duglas , an eminent friend to father philips and seignor george a great traveller ; a great linguist , a courtier , whose directions were to be from cardinall richlieu , and from the court of france , receives moneyes for his journy , where he had great entertainment , and after a yeares space the viatick being dismist , they sent him with pictures a●g●● d●●s , and many other small gifts which they brought into england of presents : under pretence of a breve from his holinesse , the substance of the breve is this . to the clergy , secular , and regular , and lay-catholicks of the two kingdomes of england , and scotland , &c. his holynesse being very sorry for such jarres , and divisions between the secular , and the clergy , to the great prejudice of the catholike church ; and for that respect having a fatherly care of soules , in those kingdomes of england and scotland , he hath sent ( expressing his reverend fatherly care ) george pausanone of his family to compose , and recronicle them , if he can . this man at paris quits his priests robes , and drest himselfe in secular apparell : covering his shaven crown with a great periwig , & writes to father philips , to be the primum mobile , and directer of all who send to him at paris , as to an italian gentleman , desirous to see these kingdomes . that comming to london , he lodged first at the italian ordinary in the strand ; but being so much resorted to by persons of great quality : he removed to seigneor germines house neare the exchange , is you passe to covent-garden . in their meetings ( at last ) it was concluded , that they should speak honourably of the king , and queen , & be sparing to discourse of the oath of allegeance . it is worthy of consideration to observe the nuntioes carriage day and night , in courting of ladies and gentlewomen , in terme-time all the gentry of both sexes . such were his comportments . that it is a shame to relate them , his conversation abroad , and conventicles at home with ladies , sir iohn winter : her majesties secretary , sir toby matthewes , sir kellum digby , and mr. walter , were his cabinet counsell . he visited one of the best ladies in the land alone , and being found by her husband , and being asked why he durst be so bold , he was in feare to have bin precipitated out at the window . his manner was in the morning , sometimes two houres before day , to visit ladies and gentlewomen , enquiring of them , how they had slept that night . the pope had made his eldest nephew francisco protector of england , scotland , and ireland , and directing a particular congregation , for the matters of these kingdomes , and with him were joyned two other cardinals , and a new secretary , and other prelates of rome his counsellors . he entertained mr. francis mountague with great pomp , and sent him abroad in his nephewes coach , and so others the like . hee made segn●or georgeo patriarch of ierusalem . no lesse was his pride puft up , when sir william hambleton , brother to the earle of abercorn , and cozen to marquesse hambleton , whose carriage was like to segnior georgeo here : carrying ( clothed in mans apparell ) through scotland , england , france and italy ; his sweet-heart eugenius bonny . after segnior georgeo was sent hither , count rossey , who was intended to be made cardinall , in case he may have meanes . but it was dasht , and so will all correspondency be : no doubt hereafter by this grave counsell of the honourable parliament . so that mr. penricke agent there , be called back , and a certaine knight of the order of st. iohn of ierusalem , whom count rossey intends to send hither to keepe correspondency , be likewise dismist from hence . which done , all the project will end in smoake : provided that m. mountague , sir toby matthewes , sir kellam digby , sir iohn winter be removed , and bar'd from rome , or any of his holinesses territories . i heard a french-man of good worth say , that he had seene a breve from rome with this inscription . tobiae mathew sacerdoti , societatis jesu . that is , to toby mathewes priest of the order of jesus : wherein ( inter alia ) was confirma amazones illas quae strenue laborant in vita pro christo . first , confirme those amazonian court-ladies , that is , those brave catholicks , catamountaines of the popish-faction , that labour lustily for the advancement of popery . 4. that the roman catholicks shall be stopt from going over sea , with their goods and all . touching romish catholiks , they ( especially those that have lands ) should be stopt from going over sea , in respect that selling and morgaging their lands the money is transported to forraine parts , whereby the kingdome is depauperated , his majesty loseth his yearely pay for their recusantsie , the shires where they remain are disabled to pay such subsidies , as formerly in time of their residence , and finally the poore lose much by their absence . finis . a letter to the jesuits in prison shewing them how they may get out. from mr. william hutchinson alias bury for fourteen years of their society; but now of the church of england. hutchinson, william, fl. 1676-1679. 1679 approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45249 wing h3837 estc r219974 99831418 99831418 35881 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45249) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35881) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2050:4) a letter to the jesuits in prison shewing them how they may get out. from mr. william hutchinson alias bury for fourteen years of their society; but now of the church of england. hutchinson, william, fl. 1676-1679. 4 p. printed for the author, and are to be sold at the bear and orange-tree in prince's-street, [london : 1679] caption title. imprint from colophon. signed and dated at end: july, 30. 1679. william hutchinson. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library, cambridge. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature -early works to 1800. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter to the jesuits in prison , shewing them how they may get out . from mr. william hutchinson alias bury for fourteen years of their society ; but now of the church of england . honoured dear sirs , do not vainly flatter your selves with the hopes of martyrdom ; you know as well as i can tell you : 't is the cause , not purely suffering , which makes a martyr . if the state of venice might lawfully prohibit you their territories , so may our gracious sovereign lawfully prohibit you his dominions ; provided he tolerate ( as he does ) a sufficient number of christian priests and bishops to preach the doctrine , and administer the sacraments of our lord jesus to his people . seing therefore ( contrary to his majesties prohibition ) you have entred his kingdoms , to the disturbance of the ecclesiastical and civil peace , and to the disquieting of his pious subjects consciences , by telling them they are damned for not communicating with a prelate as their supream pastor , a thousand miles off , who has no authority over them : confess your fault and ask pardon , and be gone ; or else heartily joyn with your natural liege and his bishops , in reforming abuses crept into the christian world through the negligence of ecclesiastical prelates , and in restoring the true primitive christian doctrine and discipline to our poor country . say no more falsly , you are hardly dealt with , to be prohibited your native soyl under pain of being hang'd , drawn and quarter'd , for loving your neighbours as your selves , for gently admonishing them they are precipitating themselves into eternal misery by all manner of sins and wickedness . say no more neither , our blessed lord bids you go teach all nations his holy gospel ; but no says king james ; i except my three kingdoms of england , scotland and ireland . you are mistaken , you are not prohibited england either by our gracious soveraign or his royal grandfather , for your preaching christs holy gospel ; but for your superadded doctrines of the popes temporal and spiritual supremacy , of new devised indulgences and other trashy tenents and practices prejudicial to our souls health , and destructive of the civil polity . joyn your selves to our communion , and bring a long with you as much zeal as you please against all manner of sin and wickedness , only leave your treasonable and trashy doctrines behind you , and you are welcom . know my dear friends , god is deservedly angry with your society for your deposing , and other trashy doctrines . do not die with an equivocation in your mouths , but confess ( to the glory of god and the confusion of your order , ) that not a man of your society hath writ against the popes power of deposing heretical princes , but either they treated not the question , or else they positively held he had such a power : as have done you know , your santarel , bellarmine , suarez and others . and if your later writers teach no such doctrine , 't is not because they hold it not , but because they are politickly prohibited to meddle with the controversy . your silence in this matter is a tacit consent , unless you would positively renounce what your prime doctors have positively taught : if this be christian doctrine , doubt not to die for it , if not , abjure it . and know , if you suffer imprisonment or other grievances for such treasonable doctrines , you are in the sight of god no more confessors , or martyrs , then common highway-men , or other fellons . acknowledge all your damnable doctrines of deposing princes for heresie or mis-government , of equivocation , and forswearing by oath what you are guilty of , to defend your honor , &c. for these and your other damnable doctrines god evidently punishes you and your party . heartily renounce these and god and men will favour you . to say you renounce king-killing doctrine is an equivocation : 't is ill halting before a cripple ; a deposed king is no king , but an usurper and rebel , if he go on after his deposition to exercise regal power : and consequently it becomes lawful to the next man that meets him to kill him , if the next heir so command . so that , whosoever holds the deposing doctrine , necessarily holds king-klling doctrine . and therefore if it be your unhappy fate to die at tyburn , which i hope it will not be , renounce candidly the deposing doctrine , and confess ingenuously withall , that your writers universally either teach it , or else say nothing of the question . our lord jesus is purging his church , he abhorres the papal infallibility , his spiritual and much more his temporal universal supremacy , your indulgence doctrine , your attrition doctrine , &c. and so must you too , if you ever expect his favor in this world or the other . if ever any ones sin was legible in their punishment , your and your parties is : take notice then of these seroius reflections . by a breue from the pope your general licensed santarel's book for deposing of princes for heresie or mis-government : and you are accused that your general by a breue from the pope appointed officers military and civil in our gracious soveraigns dominions . you commonly teach the people that our blessed saviours natural body is in heaven and on earth at the same time ; and your chief accuser must ( you say ) prove himself to have been in two places at once to make his testimony valid . you say its pride and unsufferable arrogancy to question the decrees of general councils , undoubtly after they are in a manner universally received ; and they are looked upon as willfully blind who question your guiltiness after a whole parliament has resolved you guilty , especially after this has been also in a manner generally believed by the whole people . you falsly maintain an usurped papal power , and you are accused to make use of it to treason and rebellion . you have notoriously abused the power of ecclesiastical dispensation , partly by extending it to divine obligations in oaths and vows made to god , and manifestly by making use of it to avarice and gain : and you are believed to have a dispensation for lies and perjuries in the very article of death . your exacting a set mulct upon priests for concubins , looked much like a giving leave to keep one for the increase of the church's treasury : and you are accused to have leave to commit most horrid villanies for the church's interest . you have abused the power of absolution , to absolve as oft as customary sinners pleased : and you are accused with perjury to attest your innocency , and then to absolve one another afterwards . not that i accuse you of the crimes laid to your charge , i leave you to god and your own consciences . but i say , your doctrines are the just cause of all your sufferings . you have taught the world to equivocate and deny with oathes the crimes they are guilty of , and every one is laughed at as sensless who believes a word you say or swear in your own defence . if in your persons you be innocent of the crimes you are charged with , your doctrines are more manifestly punished by the providence of heaven . at length acknowledge not onely your personal , but your very church-faults . 't is a notorious cheat , that your church is chargeable with nothing but the mistakes of general councils . if i cannot meet with an immediate ghostly guide , one in ten but he teaches me dangerous doctrines ▪ and practises , my soul is in no less danger by my being in your communion , than if the errors and fopperies of every petty confessor were so many decrees of oecumenical assemblies . that which influences our souls either to good or bad , are the notoriously known sentiments of our immediate guides , and not the secret and to few known decisions of christian councils . i will not say with a friend of yours , calumny was your crime , and by calumuy you are punished : yet i wish you would reflect how falsly and undeservedly you calumniated the great mr. white , and the divine mr. arnauld ( and indeed whom you pleased ) in the court or rome , and disparaged amongst your devotes their incomparable writings with blind and surreptitious censures . we are verily guilty concerning our brother , in that we saw the anguish of his soul when he besought us , and we would not hear : therefore is this distress come upon us , gen. 42. 21. you may say , and perhaps truly , you never were taught your selves the deposing doctrine , nor never taught it others ; because the teaching of it by some of your authors made you odious to christian princes , and thereupon your general prohibited all medling with the question . you may also perhaps truly say , you do not believe the doctrine to be true , that is , as an article of your faith. but what security is this to christian princes , whom you deem hereticks , if in your hearts you generally think it a probable opinion , partly for intrinsecal reasons , but manifestly for the authorities of your own , and other doctors of your church ? especially you commonly maintaining as you do , that it 's lawful to follow a probable opinion , though but even extrinsecally probable , as you speak ; and this without dispute , when great good is likely to ensue upon your acting according to such an opinion . god forbid i should go about to add afflictions to your afflictions , but i would gladly shew you how you may appease god and man's anger against you , by inducing you to an humble and penitent acknowledgment of your manifest and notorious faults . your blind zeal for the pope's temporal and spiritual power , has brought all this evil upon you ; examine it well and impartially , at least now when god afflicts you for the idolizing of it , lest you hear , and deservedly , jer. 2. 30. in vain have i smitten your children , they received no correction . acknowledge the plain truth ; the pope , as from christ , has no more power in england , than the bishop of canterbury has in italy . all bishops are absolute spiritual monarchs in their diocesses ; archbishops , primates , and patriarchs , are purely humane inventions , for union and order sake , in the vacancy of general & provincial councils ; as for a supreme pastor , that would be as inconvenient , as a civil monarch of the whole world. the government of the church of christ is not monarchical , but aristocratical ; st. peter was no more the vicar of christ , than any one of the other apostles , they were all his vicars , and so is every christian bishop , and has power all over the world to ordain priests , to preach the gospel , and to administer christs sacraments ; but by mutual accord for order's sake , and to avoid confusion , they exercise not this power out of their particular diocesses . the twelve apostles divided the world amongst them , that so their labours might be more profitable , and no place left uncultivated ; the like is done and to be done by all christian bishops till dooms-day come . consider attentively , whether seeing jesus christ resolved his church should be spread all over the earth , it be not as certain he would never ordain an universal monarch over it , as 't is certain he would not appoint a government which would be impracticable , useless , and sensless . a monarch even over the western part of the world , what mischief has it not done , in making strange doctrines and practises universal ? such are the doctrines of infusion of habitual grace by the words of absolution , indulgences , mock-absolutions , &c. no less notorious mischiefs has it done , in exhausting vast riches out of all the provinces of europe to satiate the avarice and ambition of one pompous see. besides , the unanimous belief and practices of several christian provinces in the same faith and rites , what assurance does it not give for their being apostolical ? but when all are over-awed and commanded to believe or practise as one spiritual monarch pleases , their agreement has far less force . nor is there fear of as many christian religions as there are christian provinces , provided they meet frequently in general and provincial councils , as they ought , and determine nothing of faith to others which is doubtful to themselves , and resolve nothing to be apostolical , but what is so clear to them all to be so , in the holy scriptures , tradition , &c. as they cannot doubt but it had its origin from the apostles ; for what 's so clear to one province , cannot be obscure to another , consulting the same safe means of not mistaking the holy scriptures , holy fathers , &c. our judgment are as agreeing as our eyes ▪ and no twenty men can so clearly see an object at such a distance , so as they cannot doubt they see it ; but any three men of equal good eye-sight , at the same distance , must needs see the same . if reformers have disagreed , 't was because they stuck not to this rule , and therefore their disagreement ought to be no prejudice to those who are resolved rigidly to adhere to it . in my next i shall hint to you the reasons of my change , which so much scandalizes you , but indeed ought to edifie you , and all good christians . your real friend , william hutchinson . july , 30. 1679. london , printed for the author , and are to be sold at the bear and orange-tree in prince's-street . 1679. a copie of the first arrest or decree of the parlament [sic] of paris, against the booke of santarellus the iesuite commanding it to be burned, and the provincial of the iesuites, with others, to come to the court the next morning to be heard. with, the parlaments [sic] demands, the iesuites answeres, their declaration of their detestation of the said booke, with the censure of the sorbon doctours against the same. translated into english, according to the french copies, printed at paris with the kings priviledge. france. parlement (paris) 1634 approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08925 stc 19203 estc s120128 99855328 99855328 20815 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08925) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 20815) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1553:27) a copie of the first arrest or decree of the parlament [sic] of paris, against the booke of santarellus the iesuite commanding it to be burned, and the provincial of the iesuites, with others, to come to the court the next morning to be heard. with, the parlaments [sic] demands, the iesuites answeres, their declaration of their detestation of the said booke, with the censure of the sorbon doctours against the same. translated into english, according to the french copies, printed at paris with the kings priviledge. france. parlement (paris) bouvot, ph. université de paris. faculté de théologie. aut 8, 10-12, [1] p. printed by r. badger, and are to be sold [by r. allott] at the black beare in pauls church-yard, london : 1634. bookseller's name from stc. signed at end: ph. bovvot. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng santarelli, antonio, 1569-1649. -tractatus de haeresi. jesuits -france -early works to 1800. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-05 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copie of the first arrest or decree of the parlament of paris , against the booke of santarellus the iesuite ; commanding it to be burned , and the provincial of the iesuites , with others , to come to the court the next morning to be heard . with , the parlaments demands , the iesuites answeres , their declaration of their detestation of the said booke , with the censure of the sorbon doctours against the same . translated into english , according to the french copies , printed at paris with the kings priviledge . london , printed by r. badger , and are to be sold at the black beare in pauls church-yard 1634. a copie of the first arrest , or decree of the parlament of paris , &c. the court of the great chamber , criminall , and of the edict assembled , having seene a booke printed at rome in the yeare 1625. intituled , antonij santarelli , &c. containing in the 30. and 31. chapters many propositions against the soveraigne powers of kings , ordained , and established by god , the peace and tranquillity of their states . conclusions of the kings procuratour generall , and all considered . the court hath declared , and doth declare the propositions , and maximes of the said booke , to be false , scandalous , and seditious , tending to the subversion of soveraigne powers ordained , and established by god , to the insurrection of subjects against their prince , withdrawing them from their obedience , inducing to attempt against their persons , and states , to disturbe the publike peace , and tranquillity ; and the said booke , as such , to bee torne , and burned in the court of the palace by the executioner of high iustice . injoyneth , and forbiddeth under paine of treason all booke-sellers , and printers to print , sell , utter , and all persons of what state , and condition soever they bee , to have , keepe , retaine , and communicate , to print or cause to bee printed , or to publish the said booke . commandeth all those ; who have copies thereof , or shall have notice of those , who shall have them in their hands , to notifie forthwith to the ordinary iudges , to the end that inquisition be made by the diligence of the substitute of the procuratour generall , and to proceed against the offenders according to iustice . ordaineth , that this present arrest shall be sent to the bailywikes , and stewardships subject to the iurisdiction of this court , to be published , kept , and observed according to the forme , and tenour thereof . and to be signified to the syndicke of the booksellers to make it knowne to the rest , to the end that they pretend not cause of ignorance . ordaineth , that the provinciall , three rectours , and three ancients of the iesuites shall bee commanded to come to morrow betimes in the morning to the court for to bee heard , made , and executed the thirteenth of march , 1626. articles of the parlaments demands to the iesuites , with their answers . the twenty fourth of march 1626. the iesuites being present in the great chamber , the parlament asked them , doe you approve the wicked booke of santarellus ? p. coton , provinciall of the province of paris , accompanied with three others , answered : messieurs , it is so faulty , that we are ready to write against it , and to disprove all that he saith , and in effect there are come to our houses ten copies of them , all which we have suppressed . the parlament , suppressed , is it your duty to deale so ? the iesuites . we thought , that we could not doe otherwise then so . the parlament . why brought you not them to monsieur the chancellour , or to monsieur , the first president ? the iesuites . messieurs , we are obliged , and bound to many other obediences , then are other religious . the parlament . doe not you know very well , that this wicked doctrine is approved by your generall at rome ? the iesuites . yea messieurs , but we that are heere can not be so imprudent , but we disprove it with all our might . the parlament . well then , answere to these two things , do you beleeve , that the king is all powerfull within his estates , and do you thinke , that any forraigne power can , or ought enter in , or any then in the person of the king can disturbe the peace of the gallican church ? the iesuites . no , messieurs , we beleeve him all powerfull , as for temporall . the parlament . as for temporall , speake plainly , and tell us , if you beleeve , that the pope can excommunicate the king , free his subjects from their oath of allegiance , and expose his kingdome to spoile ? the iesuites . o messieurs , to excommunicate the king , he that is the eldest sonne of the church will be carefull to doe nothing , which may oblige the pope to that . the parlament . but your generall , who hath approved that booke , doth hold for infallible as above . are you of a different beliefe ? the iesuites . messieurs , hee who is at rome , could doe no otherwise , then to approve that , which the court of rome approveth . the parlament . is it your beleefe ? the iesuites . it is quite contrary . the parlament . and if you were at rome , what would you doe ? the iesuites . we would doe , as they doe there . the parlament . well then , answere to that , which we have demanded of you ? the iesuites . messieurs , we humbly beseech you , to give us leave to conferre together . the parlament . goe into that chamber . they being there halfe an houre returned backe againe to the parlament . the iesuites . messieurs , we will bee of the same opinion with the sorbon , and will subscribe to the same things with the messieurs of the clergie . the parlament . make your declaration there beneath . the iesuites . messieurs , wee most humbly entreate you , to give us some dayes to conferre among our selves . the parlament . goe your wayes , the court giveth you three dayes . a copie of the iesuites declaration against the doctrine contained in the book of santarellus the iesuite , in that which concerneth the person of kings , and their authority , exhibited to the french king two dayes after . vve underwritten doe declare , that we disallow , and detest the wicked doctrine contained in the book of santarellus , in that which concerneth the person of kings , their authority , and their states , and that we acknowledge their majesties to depend immediately upon god , that we are ready to shed our bloud , and expose our lives in all occasion for the confirmation of this truth . promising to subscribe to the censure , which shall be made of this pernicious doctrine by the clergy , or the sorbon , and never to professe opinions , or doctrine contrary to that , which shall be held in this matter by the clergie , and the vniversities of the realme , and the sorbon . made in paris by the undernamed religious of the company of iesus , the sixteenth day of march , 1626. p. ●oto . ign. arman . ch. de la toure . i. souffren . f. garasse . f. godullon . dion . gaiatrin . fr. grandillon . dion . petau . i. fillault . i. brossault . est . guerry . lud. neyran . iac. alemant . pierre royer . est . louys . a copie of the censure of the sacred theologicall facultie of paris , of a booke intituled antonii santarelli , &c. if any one perchance make doubt , that the ends of the world are come upon us , as the apostle speaketh , let him but consider these latter times , and compare them with the former , and hee will then acknowledge , that the enemy of mankinde hath left nothing unattempted , which might serve not only to hurt , but also to cleane overthrow both the ecclesiasticall , and also the civill policie . there have beene wicked men , who presuming to blaspheme against heaven , have imployed their pens , and swords against the church , the spouse of christ iesus . but some witlesse men perceiving , that it is not without reason , that the secular power be armed with the sword , have assaulted the civill policie by an other way ; and have attempted to extirpate , and annihilate hereby execrable bookes , putting in execution by such ambuscado's more covertly their pernicious designes . the marke which s. iude propoundeth to us to know these men by ; is , that they despise dominion , and blaspheme majesty . and would to god , that they had rested content only with despisall , and reviling speeches ; but so great is their fault , that contrariwise these damnable writers , under a pretence of establishing in the church , a certaine temporall power , doe teach , and affirme ; that it is in the power of those , who have in their hands the government of ecclesiasticall affaires , to depose kings from their thrones , and the same for very small and ridiculous causes , and to put in their places other supreme magistrates either annuall , or iournall ; as they shall thinke good . for this cause the theologicall facultie of paris perceiving , that they intend to overthrow by this meanes all civill policies , especially this of the french monarchie , which is governed by our most christian , most clement , and most iust king , lewis the xiii . to follow the steps of her predecessour , in testifying the affection , which shee beareth to his majesty , and the whole realme , and to satisfie also the generall desire of all good men , hath chosen out among other bookes one newly come forth , intituled , antonii santarelli iesuitae de haeresi , schismate , apostatia , &c. and in the generall congregation held extraordinarily the sixeteenth day of march last past shee committed to certaine doctours , whom shee particularly named , to read , and examine the same . but for as much as it treateth of many things , which doe no way appertaine to that , which principally is now questioned , shee thought good , that they should examine only two chapters , to wit , the thirtieth and thirtie one of the treatise de haeresi . therefore the first day of april , 1626 after masse of the holy ghost the assembly being kept after the accustomed manner in the hall of the sorbon colledge , hath read the relation of the doctours appointed by the facultie , who have declared , that in those two chapters are contained these propositions following : that the pope can punish kings , and princes with temporall punishments , depose , and deprive them of their kingdomes for the crime of heresie , and free their subjects from their obedience , and that this hath ever been the custome in the church . and not only for heresie , but also for other causes ; to wit , for their sinnes . if also it be expedient : if princes be negligent : if they bee unable , and unprofitable . moreover , that the pope hath power ouer spirituall things , and also over all temporall . and that by the law of god there is in him both spirituall , and temporall power . that we must beleeve , that to the church , and her supreme pastour power is given to punish with temporall punishments , princes who offend against divine , and humane lawes , especially if the crime be heresie . they said also , that the same santarellus affirmed in that booke . that the apostles were subject to secular princes de facto , but not de iure . and also , that as soone as the pontificall dignitie was ordained , all princes began to bee subject to it . to be short , they related , that he expoundeth those words of christ , whatsoever thou shalt binde upon earth , &c. not only of spirituall , but also of temporall power . and that he corrupteth the text of saint paul in cutting of the negation [ not ] and imposeth upon authours things , which they never thought of . and they concluded , that as well these things , as many others , which they related , doe worthily deserve the correction , and censure of the facultie . wherefore the matter being by monsieur the deane brought into deliberation , after the opinions of all the doctours were heard , and their voices collected , the facultie hath disproved , and condemned the doctrine contained in these propositions , and the conclusions of the said heads , as new , false , erroneous , contrarie to the word of god ; making the pontificall dignitie to be odious ; opening the way to schisme ; which dependeth only upon god , hindering the conversion of infidell , and hereticall princes , disturbing the publike peace , and overthrowing kingdomes , states , and common-wealths , and in briefe , with drawing subjects from the obedience , which they owe to their soveraignes , and inducing them to factions , rebellions , and seditions , and to attempt against the lives of their princes . made in the sorbon , the day , and yeare above named , and reviewed the fourth of april , 1626. by the commandement of the messieurs , the deane , and doctours of the sacred theologicall facultie of paris . ph. bovvot . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a08925-e220 see the french mer. tom . 11. ad ann. 1626. p. 87. & seq . notes for div a08925-e810 see the french mer. p. 8. & seq . see the french merc. pag. 92. notes for div a08925-e2330 this censure is printed at paris in latine by ioseph bovillerot , and see it in french in the french merc. ubi supra pag. 95. 1 cor. 1. matth. 16. 2 cor. 10. our lord hath given us power to edification , and not to destruction . a duell betvveen a iesuite and a dominican, begun at paris, gallantly fought at madrid, and victoriously ended at london, upon fryday the 16 day of may, anno dom. 1651. / by thomas gage, alias the english american, now preacher of the word at deal in kent. gage, thomas, 1603?-1656. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85366 of text r206439 in the english short title catalog (thomason e629_5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85366 wing g108 thomason e629_5 estc r206439 99865601 99865601 117847 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85366) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 117847) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 97:e629[5]) a duell betvveen a iesuite and a dominican, begun at paris, gallantly fought at madrid, and victoriously ended at london, upon fryday the 16 day of may, anno dom. 1651. / by thomas gage, alias the english american, now preacher of the word at deal in kent. gage, thomas, 1603?-1656. 8 p. for tho. williams dwelling at the bible in little brittain, printed at london : 1651. caption title. imprint from colophon. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng jesuits -early works to 1800. catholic church -early works to 1800. dominicans -early works to 1800. a85366 r206439 (thomason e629_5). civilwar no a duell betvveen a iesuite and a dominican,: begun at paris, gallantly fought at madrid, and victoriously ended at london, upon fryday the gage, thomas 1651 3388 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 b the rate of 3 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-06 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a duell between a iesuite and a dominican , begun at paris , gallantly fought at madrid , and victoriously ended at london , upon fryday the 16 day of may , anno dom. 1651. by thomas gage , alias the english american , now preacher of the word at deal in kent . curteous reader , the cause of my being at present at london requiring some satisfaction and just vindication , i thought fit to set my self in the publick view of my country , and once more to appear with the poor and beggerly cloak of my former american stile . the object of my discourse being a jesuite and a dominican , both professours of a sole fancy-pleasing religion , my pen shall drop before thee a dream , the relation whereof may peradventure delight the sense and fancy of some , and from thence get further into the hearts of some others now holding the stern of the weather-beaten ship of this common-wealth . it is a most true and well experienced saying , that odia religionum sunt acerbissima , and may be instanced both at home and a broad , but especially between the jesuites and dominicans , both clothed with outward weeds of dissembled mortification , but both inwardly lupi rapaces , ravening wolves , with sharp teeth of passion biting and devouring one another ▪ this passion begun with the birth of ignatius , founder of the jesuites order , a fiery birth seconded speedily with a fiery name ; what else signifieth ignatius , but igninatus , born for fire of mischief and sedition ? this fire began to burn at paris , and with it that ever since lasting quarrell between the ignatians ( now jesuites ) and the dominicans . there it was that ignatius like a cobler beyond his last , took upon him to soar above his reach , and to search into the mystery of the blessed trinity , which proving too hard for his weak brain , brought him to a publike censure and judgement , & for his speedy triall the dominicans ( being the grand inquisitors of the inquisition court ) were nominated judges ; who finding ignatius too saucy with the secret trinity of one glorious and immortal god , and traducing it with blasphemous and erroneous principles , condemned him to a publike punishment , no less then whipping . lashes they were , that did not only gall ignatius his back , but ever since have caused lashing and clashing between ignatius his children and the dominican whippers . and if ignatius his name betray his fire , stil blown and further kindled in most parts of the world by his train of jesuites ; so likewise doe the dominicans in their legend confession , acknowledge fire to be blown by them , who boast that when their founder dominick was born , his mother saw in a dream stand by her a dog with a lighted torch in his mouth and a globe ; which , if true , may better signifie that he and his children also should kindle fire of rebellion and sedition in the world , then what they most foolishly fancy upon it . thus gentle reader , if you please , you may take notice of these two fiery brands of christendome , the ignatian jesuite , and the barking and biting dog with fire in his mouth the dominican . but as two fire-brands laid together upon one hearth , strive with the fire that is in them , not only to burn what comes neer or is laid upon them , but further are active in burning and consuming each other . even so where ever these two , the jesuite and dominican do meet , they according to their from hell infused activity indeavour to kindle not only the fire of discord and rebellion in the common-wealths or kingdomes where they live , but also burning passionately each against the other , doe indeavour like fire-brands one to consume the other . oh how did ignatius his fire with a violent flame about the yeere 1620 run in spain over all the houses and cloisters of the dominicans , who by the jesuites then were so prosecuted that with weapons they were forced to defend their lives in their cloisters against the fury of the common people stirred up against them by the fiery jesuites , and were like to bee banished that kings dominions for heresie imputed to them , because against the ignatians and suarez his crew , they held that mary christs mother was conceived in sin , and not like jeremy sanctified in her mothers womb . tedious i might be in relating their clashings in china , iapan , in rome , yea and in england ; but i must make hast to madrid , and from thence give thee , reader , intelligence of a single combate or duel fought before the king and his court in the kings chappel between florentia a grand jesuite and domingo de torres a dominican , both chaplains to that majesty when my self was living in valladolid in spain . florentia envying the dominicans fortune & honor , who by the laws sof arragon are constant confessours to the kings of spain , and ambitious of that place himself , thought if he could any wayes banish them from the court of heaven , he might soon cause them to be banished from the court of madrid , and from hearing that majesties confessions . whereupon he plotted a feigned dream and sleep that should befall him in the pulpit , ready to preach before his majesty and his nobles . up to the pulpit he goes to act in publike his secretly contrived plot ; before the naming of his text , hee faineth a sleep , resting upon his hand and elbow , the court being for a while in suspension , wondring what had befallen the sleepy and drowsie jesuite , at last he awakes with a dissembled amazement , and craving pardon of his majesty , relates his dream , as followeth . sacred majesty , being in a sleep i have dreamed that i was in heaven , ( wel said jesuite , thou mayst dream of heaven , that is all thou art like to have ) and there i saw the glory of all the saints , and among them herme , negildus , and many other kings of spain , with philip your father , whose glory may be your majesties incouragement , i saw also of all religious orders some , but above all ignatius was most glorious with his train of saints ; but prying earnestly amongst them , and casting a carefull eye about all the corners of that capacious court , i could see no dominican saint , which hath made me judge that surely their lives here upon earth are unworthy of eternall life in glory , and that their ambition to be great here , especially about your majesty , is cause of their losse of any greatnesse hereafter in heaven . thus having with a lying dream unthroned all dominicans from seats in glory ( who doubtlesse without a lye may be said to have none there ) and banished them that court , hoping to work a banishment of them from the heart and affections of his majesty and his nobles , he went on to his text , suiting his discourse with his faigned dream & fancy . but the dominicans hearing of this jesuiticall plot against them , made choice of one of their best champions by name , domingo de torres , who might enter into duell with florentia , having goliah-like defied the host of the guzman or dominican families . therefore upon the next lords-day , domingo de torres being appointed to preach in the kings chappell , no sooner gets up into the pulpit , but like as florentia before , he fals a sleep for a small time and dreams . but awaking out of a dissembled slumber before any choice of text was made , he relates unto his majesty his dream thus . may it please your majesty , this place as it breeds too much sleep and dulnesse in the hearers of our sermons ( which therefore work so little upon their hearts ) so it seems the preachers themselves are here subject to slumbering , yea and to dreaming , as hath appeared in father florentia ; and now again in my selfe ; who have dreamed that i saw hell opened before me , and that by some chief devils i was carried about all the corners thereof , where i saw many kings damned for their wicked lives , unjust commands , and tyrannizing power over their subjects , whose damnation i hope will prove a terrour to your majesty from acting like them : there also i saw some who have bin of yours & of your fathers councell ; yea let flattering of princes be far from my mouth , i dreamed that neer unto the gates of hell i saw a coach driving furiously , and in it your majesty with many of your nobles here present , & that the count of olivares did drive the coach . i hope it will but prove a dream , and that none about your majesty will for the time to come drive your soule by wicked counsels to that dismall house of darknesse and eternall ruine . further i saw many fryers of mine own order damned , yea & of all other orders with them , beside bishops , abbots , prelates , and many priests for lewd and carnall lives ; yet i must confesse , that in all the places i had gone through , i saw not one jesuite , which made me wonder that they all should live so holily that none of them should goe to hell . but being at the gates ready to come out , i demanded of some chief devils , whither they had no jesuites in their dark and horrid dungeons ; and unto me they replyed , they had more of them then of any other orders , and that if i would goe back , i should see the place and number of them . i went back , and at the furthest part of hell was shewed unto me , a wel covered with a stone of a vast and mighty bignesse , and for the taking of it up legions of divels were gathered together ; the well being opened , i saw a bottomless pit burning with fire and brimstone , wherein were thousand thousands of jesuites ; and further demanding why they were kept in hell by themselves under more restraint of so waighty a stone then others . answer was made by some chief devils , that they feared the jesuites power and liberty more then all others , and that as in the world where they have power , they are masters of kings , people and laws to subvert and ruine all ; so if they should in hell give jesuites liberty , & not keep them under great restraint , they would there also become masters ; and as in the world they rule by breeding rebellion and sedition , so if power and liberty were given to them in hell , they would to eternally racking torments adde a further fire of mutiny , faction and sedition . thus much affrighted with the sight of so many damned jesuites , & fearing they should rise up and master all hell before the well were covered again , i made hast to depart . i was not far gone out , when like as father florentia in the way , i saw heaven also opened , and looking carefully where the dominicans were , that could not be seen by florentia in his dream , i saw that at the furthest part of heaven , they were hid under our ladies mantle , and that as in the world they serve her most , so in heaven they have protection under her glorious garment and mantle . thus torres having delivered his dream freely , went on to preach suitably against the jesuites over ruling power in states , common-wealths , courts or kingdomes . the duell being ended between these two dissembling dreamers , the event followed that torres was promoted to the archbishoprick of saint foy in the west-india's , and florentia his ambitious thoughts with other his brethren were stopped , and with great care and vigilancy their too great power prevented and weakned . thus , gentle reader , with dreams i have pleased thy fancy ; indeed they were dreams , but according to my true and faithfull relation they were really acted before the king and court of spain ; let them therefore enter beyond our fancy , to work a horrid detestation of such fire-brands , dissemblers and dreamers amongst us , that our nation and people may not be deluded with doctrine of mantles in heaven , nor our state and common-wealth subverted with indulgence of power and liberty to them , to whom devils ( according to torres his dream ) dare not indulge too much command and power in hell . but lastly , reader , i must shew thee a further foil and fall of a jesuite in our city of london , and so give satisfaction to some of my present being here , because my coming out of the country hath been misconstrued by some , who will not know that high powers have commanded me up , and by those that know it , aspersions have been laid upon me , that for delinquency and siding with some gentlemen in kent now prisoners in london , by warrant from high powers i was commanded to come and answer for some misdemeanors against the present government . know therefore that upon the second of february , 1650. at the marques of winchester his house in coven garden was apprehended a jesuite , by name peter wright , alias bele , and for high treason committed to newgate ; whither also was transported from the clink , one thomas dade , a long time prisoner , upon suspition of being superiour of all the dominican fryers in england . these men being to be tryed at the sessions and generall gaol delivery holden at the old baily upon the 14. 15. and 16. day of this present month of may , and the right honorable henry rolle lord chief justice of england and member of the right honourable councell of state , being informed that i was able upon oath to give in evidence against both the iesuite and the dominican , by his warrant commanded me up from deal in kent , the place of my abode . in obedience unto which order i came up , having no thought of peter wright the iesuite , but confident that with safe conscience i could give evidence against thomas dade as a fryer and superior of the dominicans , for that he was formerly mine own superiour , when i professed obedience to those superstitious wayes , and particularly to the order of the dominicans . being come to town i began to weigh with my self the danger on the one side i might be in by reason of the bloudy tenents of popish enemies , and the greatnesse of the marquesse his friends , whose cause must needs bee published with the publike triall of his priest . on the other side i weighed the service of my country and the state , whose bread i eat and whose protection i enjoy , and resolved that no danger could be great that i should undergoe , nor death more glorious the what i should suffer for the common-wealth of england as now setled by authority of this present parliament . being therefore commanded by my lord chief justice of england in company of mr. clark of the warrants , and others to visit first in new-gate peter wright and thomas dade , with other prisoners there in hold , to see if i did know them ; i was by words uncivilly entertained by them , whose tender mercies would prove cruelties against me , if they could with advantage finde me here , or beyond sea catch me within the command of their tyrannical court of inquisition , instituted by the bloudy men of belial the dominicans . thomas dade , i found to be indeed the same man that he was indited for , superior of the dominicans , who also had formerly owned me , ( when a dominican ) for his inferiour , and had exercised authority over me . peter wright i found to be a grand jesuite , formerly chaplain to colonel gage my brother and to his regiment in flanders , who from thence came over with him to oxford , took up armes with him against the parliament of england ; whom i had often seen say masse in and about gant in flanders , where out of a deadly inbred spite against dominicans he was a meanes to cast out of my brothers regiment one peter martyr , alias craft , a fryer of that order . this man was actually chaplaine and heard confessions of the papist souldiers and commanders when one captaine vincent burton of the same regiment harboured satanicall thoughts of murthering my person , and with such base continued thoughts ( no doubt but formerly confessed ) came from flanders into england , where hee indevoured an assault upon my lodging , and murther upon my body , but by the watching providence of god was prevented , and himselfe escaped . the dominican pleaded for mercy and found it , the evidence not being very strong to prove orders or masse saying , but onely to prove him a fryer with command in england over that order . the jesuite having nothing to say against strong evidence was cast and condemned ; and so let ever justice and righteousnesse spring forth , and flourish in the state and common-wealth of england : so let men of belial be destroyed , shebaes cast over the wall , zimries and cozbies be slain , and no doubt but the plague will cease . now , gentle reader , if after this my publike service any untimely or violent death or mischiefe shall befall me here in town or in my return to kent , or any time hereafter , i desire thee from this my declaration to take notice , that through spite , malice , hatred and envious contrivances of bloud thirsty enemies , i have been butchered , and by their butchering of me , a doore hath beene opened unto me to let me goe through a dark and dismall entry into a glorious place of rest , which i doubt not but that i shall enjoy it , when once i have finished my course and fought a good fight as faithfull to the lamb against all antichristian abettors , and so i take leave of thee , well affected reader , with the angels carroll and doxology ; glory to god on high , on earth peace , and good will towards men , especially in mine and this states enemies , that they may learn with good will and affection better to affect those that seek the glory of god , the kingdome of christ here , the inward peace of god and their consciences . vale , veni , vidi , vici . dixi. printed at london for tho. williams dwelling at the bible in little brittain , 1651. finis . garnets ghost, addressing to the jesuits, met in private caball, just after the murther of sir edmund-bury godfrey written by the author of the satyr against virtue (not yet printed). oldham, john, 1653-1683. 1679 approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53287 wing o235 estc r32248 12572572 ocm 12572572 63522 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53287) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63522) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1022:19) garnets ghost, addressing to the jesuits, met in private caball, just after the murther of sir edmund-bury godfrey written by the author of the satyr against virtue (not yet printed). oldham, john, 1653-1683. 4 p. s.n., [london : 1679] in verse. caption title. imprint suggested by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. first edition. the author'a first satyr upon the jesuits. nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng godfrey, edmund berry, -sir, 1621-1678. jesuits. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion garnets ghost , addressing to the jesuits , met in private caball , just after the murther of sir edmund-bury godfrey . written by the author of the satyr against virtue , ( not yet printed . ) by hell 't was bravely done , what less then this ; what sacrifice of meaner worth , and price ; could we have offer'd up for our success ? so fare all they who dare provoke our hate ; who by like ways presume to tempt their fate ▪ fare each , like this bold medling fool , and be as well cur'd , as well dispatch'd as he . would he were here , yet warm , that we might drain his reeking gore , and drink up every vein : that were a glorious sanction ; much like thine , great roman , made upon a like design . like thine ? we scorn so mean a sacrament , to seal and consecrate our high intent , we scorn base blood should our great league cement . thou didst it with a slave , but we think good to bind our treason with a bleeding god. would it were his ; why should i fear to name , or you to hear 't ? at which we nobly aim . lives yet that hated enemy of our cause ? lives he our mighty projects to oppose ? can his weak innocence , and heavens care , be thought security from what we dare , are ye then iesuits , are you so for nought ? in all the catholique depths of treason taught : in orthodox , and solid poysoning read ; and each profounder art of killing bred : and can you fail or bungle in your trade ? shall one poor life your cowardise upbraid ? tame dastard slaves , who your profession shame , and fix disgrace on your great founders name . think what late s●●tries ( and ignoble crew , not worthy to be rank'd in sin with you ) inspir'd with lofty wickedness durst do . how from his throne , they hurl'd a monarch down and bravely eas'd him of his life and crown : they scorn'd , in covert , their bold art to hide , in open face of heaven the work they did ; and dar'd its vengeance , and its powers defy'd . this is his son , and mortal too like him : durst you usurp the glory of the crime . and dare ye not ? i know you 〈◊〉 to be , by such as they , outdone in villany● ( your proper province ) true , you urg● th●n on , were engins in the ●act ; but they alone share all the open credit and renown . but hold , i wrong our church & cause , which need no foreign instance ; nor what others did . think on that matchless assassin , whose name , we with just pride can make our happy claim ; he who at killing of an emperour , to give 〈◊〉 poyson stronger force and power , mixt a g●● with 't and made it work more sure . blest me●ory , which shall through age to come stand s●●red in the lists of hell and rome . let ou● great clement , and ravillia'cs name , your ●●irits to like height of sin inflame . those mighty souls , who each durst bravely dye , to h●ve a royal ghost their company . her●●●ck art ! and worth their tortures well , w●●● worth the suffering of a double-hell : th●t they felt here , and that below they fell : a●d if these cannot move you as you shou'd , 〈◊〉 me and my example fire your blood , ●●ink what i durst attempt ; a glorious deed , which durst the fates have suffer'd to succeed , ●ad rivall'd hells most proud exploit and boast ; ●v'n that which would the king of fates depos'd . curst be that day , and nere in time enrold ; and curst the star , whose spightfull influence rul'd , the luckless minute which my project spoild . what mean't that power , which of it self afraid , my glory , with my brave design betray'd ? was 't that he fear'd lest i who strook so high , in guilt , should next blow up his realm and sky ? or if that fail'd , at least i would have durst , and missing had got off with fame at worst . had you but half my daringness in sin , your work had never thus unfinish'd been : had i been man , and the great act to do , i 'ad dy'd by this , and been what i am now ; or what his father is ; i would leap hell ●o reach his life , though in the midst i fell ; and deeper then before . — let rabble souls , of narrow aim and reach ; stoop their vile necks , and dull obedience preach . ●et them with slavish awe , disdain'd by me : adore the purple rag of majesty , and think 't a sacred relick of the sky . well may such fools be subject to controul ; ●o every scepter'd wretch that dares but rule : unlike the soul with which , proud i was born ; who could that sneaking thing , a monarch scorn ; ●purn off a crown , and set my foot in sport , upon the head that wore it , trod in dirt . but say , what i' st that binds your hands ? does fear , ●rom such a glorious action , you deter ? or i' st religion ? but you sure disclaim that frivolous pretence , that empty name : meer bugbear word , devis'd by us to scare the senceless rout to slavishness and fear , nere known to awe the brave and those that dare . ●uch weak , and feeble things may serve for checks , to reign and curb base mettl'd hereticks : dull creatures , whose nice bogling consciences , startle , or strain at such like crimes as these . such whom fond inbred honesty befools ▪ or their old musty peice the bible gulls . that hated book , the bullwark of our foes , whereby they still uphold their tott'ring cause , let no such toys mislead you from the road of glory , nor infect your souls with good , let never bold incroaching virtue dare , with her grim holy face to enter there . no , not in very dream , have only will like fiends and me , to act and covet ill. let true substantial wickedness take place , usurp , and reign , let it the very trace , if any yet be left of good , deface . if ever qualms of inward cowardice , ( the thing which some dull sots call conscience ) rise , make them in streams of blood and slaughter drown , or with new weights of guilt still press them down ▪ faith , shame , religion , honour , loyalty , nature it self , what ever checks there be , to loose and uncontroul'd impiety , be all extinct in you ; own no remorse , but that you 've balk'd a sin ; have been no worse , or too much pity shew'd . — be diligent in mischiefs trade ; be each performing as a devil , nor stick to reach , at crimes most dangerous , where bold despair , and heedless blind revenge , would never dare to look ; march you , without a blush or fear . enflam'd by all the hazards that oppose , and firm as burning martyrs to our cause , then you 're true jesuites ; then you 're fit to be disciples of great loyola and me : worthy to undertake , worthy a plot like this , and fit to scourge an hugenot . plagues on that name , may swift confusion seize and utterly blot out that cursed race : thrice damn'd be your apostate monk from whom sprung first these enemies of vs and rome . whose poysonous filth dropt from ingendring brain , by monstrous birth did the vile insects spawn ; which now infect each countrey , and defile with their o'respreading swarms this goodly isle , once it was ours , and subject to our yoke , till a late reigning witch the enchantment broke . it shall again , 't is hell and i decree , if you but dare make good the prophecy , not fate it self shall hinder . — too sparing was the time , too milde the day , when our great mary , bore the english sway ; un-queen-like pitty marr'd her royall power , nor was her purple dy'd enough in gore . four or five hundred , some such petty sum , might fall perhaps a sacrifice to rome : scarce worth the naming ; had i had the power or been thought fit to be her councellor : she should have raised it to a noble score . big bonefires have blazed ; shone each day , to tell our triumph , and make bright our way . and when 't was dark in every lane and street , thick flaming hereticks should serve to light ; and save the needless charge of links by night . smithfield should still have kept a constant fire , which never should be quench'd , never expire ; but with the lives of all the miscreant rout , till the last gasping breath had blown it out . so nero did ; such was his prudent course us'd too by all his mighty successours , to tame like hereticks of old , by force . they scorn'd dull reason , and pedantick rules ; to conquer , and reduce the hardned fools : racks , gibbets , halters , were their arguments , which did most undeniably convince . gray-bearded lyons , manag'd the dispute , and reverend bears their doctrines did confute : and all who durst hold out in stiff defence , they gently claw'd , and worry'd into sence . better then all our sorbon dotards now , who would by dint of words our foes subdue . this was the rigid discipline of old , which modern sots for persecution hold . of which dull annalises in story tell strange legends , and huge bulky volums swell with martyr'd fools , that lost their way to hell . from these our churches glorious ancestors , we 've learnt our arts , and made their methods ours . nor have we come behind the first degree , in arts of rough and manly cruelty . converting faggots , and the powerfull stake , and sword resistless our apostles make . this heretofore bohemia felt , and thus were all the numerous proselites of huss crusht with their head ; so waldo's cursed rout , with those of wickliff here were routed out : their names scarce left ▪ sure were the means we chose , and wrought prevailingly ; fire purg'd the dross of those foul heresies , and sovereign steel lopt off the infected limbs , the church to heal . renown'd was that french brave , renown'd his deed ; a deed , for which the day deserves its red ; far more , then for a paltry s'aint that dy'd . how goodly was the sight , how fine the show , when paris saw through all its channels flow the blood of huganots ; when the full sein swell'd with the flood , its banks with joy o'reran . he scorn'd like common murtherers to deal by parcels , and peice-meal ; he scorn'd retail , th' trade of death ; whole myriads dy'd by th' great , soon as one single life , so quick their fate , their very prayers and wishes came too late . this a king did , and great and mighty 't was ; worthy his high degree , and power and place , and worthy our religion and our cause , unmatch'd 't had been , had not macquire arose . the bold macquire ; ( who read in modern fame can be a stranger to his worth and name ? ) born to out-sin a monarch ; born to reign in guilt , and all competitors disdain . dread memory ! whose each mention still can make pale hereticks with trembling horror quake . t' undo a kingdome , to atcheive a crime like his , who would not fall , and dye like him ? never had rome a nobler service done ; never had hell , each day came thronging down vast shoals of ghosts , and mine was pleas'd and glad , and smil'd , when it the brave revenge survey'd . nor do i mention these great instances , for bounds and limits to your wickedness . dare you , beyond , something out of the road of all example ; where none yet have trod , nor shall hereafter : what mad catiline durst never think nor 's madder poet feign . make the poor buffled pagan-fool to own , how far in gallant mischief overcome , the old must yield to new and modern rome . mix i'lls past , present , future in one act , one high , one brave , one great , one glorious fact : which hell and even i may envy . — such as that iove himself may wish to be , a complice in the mighty villany , and barters heaven , and vouchsafe to dye . nor let delay ( the bain of enterprize ) mar yours , or make the great importance miss . this fact hath wak'd your enemies , and their fear , let it be your vigour too , be swift to dare ; hasten , and let your deeds forestall intent ; forstall e'vn wishes , ere they can take vent ; nor give the fates the leisure to prevent . let the full clouds which a long time did wrap your gathering thunder , now with sudd●in clap , break out upon your foes ; dash , and confound , and scatter wide destruction all a round : let the fir'd citty to your plot give light , you ras'd it half before , now rase it quite : do 't more effectually ; i 'd have it glow in flames unquenchable as those below . i 'd see the miscreants with their houses burn , and both together into ashes turn . bend next your fury to the curst divan ; that damn'd committee , whom the fates ordain , to all our well laid plots to be the bane . unkennel those state foxes where they lye , working your speedy fate and destiny . lug by the ears the doting prelates thence ; dash heresy together with their brains out of their shattered heads ; lop off the lords and commons at one stroke , and let your swords adjourn 'em all to th' other world . — would i were blest with flesh and blood again , but to be actor in that happy scene : yet still i may be by ▪ and glut my view , revenge shall take its fill , in state i 'le go with captive ghosts t' attend me down below . let these the handsells of your vengeance be , yet stop not here , nor flag in cruelty , kill like a plague or inquisition ; spare no age , degree , or sex : only to dare to own a life ; only a soul to wear . be crime enough to lose no time nor place , be sanctuary from your outrages . spare not in churches , kneeling priests at prayer ; the interceding for you , slay e'en there : spare not young infants smiling at the breast , who from relenting fools may mercy wrest . rip teeming wombs , tear out the hatred brood from thence , and drown them in their mothers blood . pitty not virgins , nor their tender cryes , the postrate at your feet with melting eyes : all drown'd in tears , strike home as 't were in lust , and force their hands to guide the fatal thrust . ravish at the altar , kill when you have done ; make them your rapes and victims too in one . nor let gray hoary hairs protection give to age , just crawling on the verge of life : snatch from his leaning hands their weak support , and with it knock't into the grave in sport . brain the poor cripple with his crutch , then cry , yo 've kindely rid him of his misery . seal up your ears to mercy ; lest their words should tempt a pity , ram 'em with your swords , ( their tongues too ) down their throats ; let them not dare to mutter for their souls a gasping prayer , but choak't in th' utterance , and stab it there . 't were witty handsome malice could you do 't ) to make 'em dye , and make 'em damn'd , to boot . make children , by one fate with parents dye , kill in revenge , the next posterity : you 'l so be pester'd with no orphans cry , no childless mothers curse your memory . make death and desolation swim in blood , throughout the land , with nought to stop the flood but slaughter'd carcasses , till the whole isle become one tomb , become on funeral pile . till such vast numbers swell the countless sum , that the wide grave , and wider hell want room , great was that tyrants wish , which should be mine , did i not scorn the leavings of a sin . freely i would bestow 't on england now , that the whole nation with one neck might grow , to be slic'd off , and you to give the blow . what never saxon rage could ere inflict , nor danes more savage , nor the barbrous pict ; what spain , nor eighty eight could ere devise , with all its fleet , and fraught of cruelties : what medina nere wisht , much less could dare , and bloodier alva would with trembling hear ; what may outdo all prodigies of old , and make their milder cruelties untold : what heavens judgments , nor the angry stars , forreign invasions , nor dome●●ck wars ; plague , fire nor famine could effect or do ; all this , and more , be dar'd and done by you . but why do i with id'ler talk delay , your hands , and while they should be acting stay ? farewell . — if i may waft a prayer for your success . hell be your aid , and your high projects bless . may that vile wretch , if any here they be , that meanly shrinks from brave iniquity ; if any dare feel pity or remorse , may he feel all i 've bid you act , and worse : may he by rage of foes unpittied fall , and they tread out his hated soul to hell , may's name and carcasse rot , expos'd alike to be , an everlasting mark of grinning infamy . finis . the tryal and execution of father henry garnet, superior provincial of the jesuits in england for the powder-treason collected by roger widdrington, a roman catholick, and by him addressed unto pope paul the fifth, printed in latin 1616 in his appendix to his humble supplication, p. 124, and thence translated. now published to make it further evident, that it is no new thing for jesuits to curse and ban, to justifie a lie. humillima supplicatio. appendix. english. selections preston, thomas, 1563-1640. 1679 approx. 26 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65974 wing w2087 estc r22947 12622773 ocm 12622773 64572 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65974) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64572) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 969:18) the tryal and execution of father henry garnet, superior provincial of the jesuits in england for the powder-treason collected by roger widdrington, a roman catholick, and by him addressed unto pope paul the fifth, printed in latin 1616 in his appendix to his humble supplication, p. 124, and thence translated. now published to make it further evident, that it is no new thing for jesuits to curse and ban, to justifie a lie. humillima supplicatio. appendix. english. selections preston, thomas, 1563-1640. 8 p. printed for johnathan robinson ..., london : 1679. reproduction of original in huntington library. widdrington's real name is given by dnb as thomas preston. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng garnet, henry, 1555-1606. east india company. jesuits -england. gunpowder plot, 1605. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the tryal and execution of father henry garnet , superior provincial of the jesuits in england for the powder-treason . collected by roger widdrington a roman catholick ; and by him addressed unto pope paul the fifth ; printed in latin 1616. in his appendix to his humble supplication , p. 124 , and thence translated . now published to make it further evident , that it is no new thing for jesuits to curse and ban , to justifie a lie. london , printed for jonathan robinson , at the golden lyon in st. paul's church-yard . 1679. to the reader . having observed that in one of the late trials , it did appear by one of the witnesses , that the jesuits old flam is still alive in some of their mouths , viz. that the powder-plot was but a trick of cecil's ( as ireland told mr. jennison ) to bring an odium upon the papists , i have thought good to give here an account of the trial and execution of father garnet , written by a learned and eminent roman catholick , the truth of which he had confirmed to him by many others of the same profession , who were eye and ear witnesses of what he writes ; and which he addressed unto the pope himself : and therefore i presume he may be accounted by papists a more impartial relater , then if he had been a person in other circumstances , or had not told it the pope to his face to keep him from being fallible in sainting a traytour ; for the author had said but a few lines before that garnet had been lately inserted into the catalogue of holy martyrs in the english martyrology , made by one wilson , sometimes scribe to father parsons in the english colledge at rome . i confess i have sometimes wondred at the wit , as well as the im●udence of those men who think they have finely excused themselves by saying that cecil trapan'd them into that plot. ( for that they were in it over head and ears , the present relation shews ) when as they might more truly have said that the devil drew them into the conspiracy , ( as they said he discovered it ) which would have been the better excuse of the two ; by how much the devil is a more subtle seducer , and so it will be the less imputation of reproach to have been out-witted by him ; but in laying the fault on cecil , they do thereby but prove themselves as weak as wicked , and as much fools as knaves , and so renounce that darling attribute of their order . upon this narrative the reader will ( i doubt not ) make many considerable remarks ; as for instance , 1. that it 's no new thing for a jesuit to curse and ban himself to justifie a lie ; and therefore less to be wondred that they should die with a lie in their mouths now . 2. that one reason of their so doing is , because they think the contrary cannot be prov'd against them ; or , upon their execrations of themselves , will not be believed to be true . 3. that they have a certain doctrine of equivocation among themselves , how far , and when it may be made use of , which unless others knew too , they cannot tell how far or when to trust them ; but if they did know , the trick would become useless and ridiculous . 4. that the society is greatly improved since those times , especially in the forehead vein ; for here poor garnet is said to have blush'd , when found in a lie , and to have confest his fault ; but his successors had so much of the white , that no red could be seen ; they are now got above such childish passions , as our late trials and executions have given us abundant testimony . 5. that all papists were not in the plot then , as 't is hop'd they are not now ; but what they might have been after the blow given , we know not ; but as then 't was disown'd when it succeeded not , so now deni'd that it may go on ; but i shall leave the reader to make his own further observation . the tryal and execution of father henry garnet , &c. father henry garnet , being at that time superiour-provincial of the jesuits in england , was in a publick court of judicature held by many peers of the realm , and those privy counsellours to our serene king ( many thousands of men , and among them many roman catholicks being present ) arraigned and condemned , and afterward executed for being a contriver of , or consenter to , or at least privy to that most horrible powder-treason . there were many proofs offer'd to the twelve jury-men ( who by the english custom are to pass their verdict , whether the prisoner at the bar be guilty or not of the crimes whereof he is accused , before the judge may pass his sentence ) by the king's council and other lord 's appointed by the king , who sate upon the bench , which did prove the said father garnet guilty of contriving , or consenting to , or at least being privy to the aforementioned treason . and because it would be too tedious to reckon up in particular all those proofs which were taken and objected against him , both out of letters written with his own hand , and produced by the king's council , and also out of his own free confession , which he had before his trial made unto the lord's deligates who examin'd him , and sign'd with his own hand ; ( for , which is very considerable , he was not compelled to discover the truth by putting him to any kind of torture , which yet is usual in all other nations , but they only took those things in writing , which he of his own accord would confess ) and lastly , out of the testimonies of the conspirators themselves ( and mrs. anne vaux , one very intimate and familiar with him ) all which are apparently to be seen partly in the publick records , since printed by authority , and partly in the answer of the bishop , then of chichester , now of ely to matthew tortus , who doth examine the matter with great accuracy : therefore i shall content my self to relate only some few things of many , which i have heard confirmed to me by roman catholicks , who were present at his trial , which he either was publickly convicted of , or confessed himself in open court. and which may be abundantly sufficient , for your holiness to make a clear judgment from them , whether father garnet be to be accounted a true martyr of christ , and to have suffered for righteousness sake , or else a very traytour , and to have suffered for his own demerits ; or else , being neither martyr nor traytor , he were condemned of that powder conspiracy unjustly only , and without sufficient evidence . first of all therefore there were very many proofs offered to the jury , which did seem to prove evidently , that father garnet was privy to the said conspiracy , and therefore himself did in open court before all present confess , 1. that he had had some notice of the plot in the general , even out of confession , from catesby , who was the principal conspirator ; when he came to father garnet to ask his advice , whether it were lawful in any case to destroy the innocent together with the guilty ; which ( said father garnet ) at first i thought to be but an idle question , though indeed afterwards i did suspect that he had some ill design in his mind ; and yet to this question he gave his resolution , viz. that without doubt a man might lawfully destroy the innocent together with the nocent , if the doing of it might produce so much good as might countervail the death of some innocent persons . 2. he confessed also that he could have known the whole plot in particulars from catesby , who would have made to him a particular narrative of his design , which yet garnet would not listen unto . but father garnet affirmed that he did desire catesby once and again to acquaint the pope with his undertaking . to which catesby returned this answer , that he would not learn the pope's mind of him , which himself did not at all doubt of . 3. he confest that he had heard the whole conspiracy in particulars from the jesuit father oswald tresmond , alias greenwel , whom he strictly injoyned , ( said father garnet ) both to desist from the enterprize himself , and to use his utmost endeavour that the rest of the conspirators should proceed no further . but to this his answer the king's attourney thus replied ; that this confession was not true , but seigned and shifting , and only palliated under the pretext of confession , seeing that about this confession father garnet had nonoriously shuffled before the lords delegates : for being commanded to answer seriously whether or no he had really in confession heard the whole matter in particulars ; i answer ( saith father garnet ) that as we were walking , tresmond alias greenwel declared the whole matter under the greatest zeal ; which i understood of the zeal of confession , though he perhaps might mean some other less zeal ; neither can i affirm it for certain that he did intend to declare what he did in way of confession . then the earl of salisbury said , that there was no credit to be given to his bare affirmation or negation , seing that father garnet had formerly before the lords delegates been convicted of manifest perjury to his own great blushing and confusion . for when after his secret discourse with oldcorn the jesuit ( alias hall ) ( which yet was over-heard by some ) he was asked by the lords delegates , and desired to answer without equivocation , whether or no he had had any conference with father oldcorn in the prison ; father garnet did peremptorily deny it upon his salvation , which he repeated with such horrid imprecations ( said the earl ) that he seemed to wound the ears of those that heard him . and yet so soon as father oldcorn confest that he had discoursed with him , father garnet blushed ask●● pardon of the lords delegates , and confessed himself to have sinned 〈◊〉 ●quivocation could relieve him . and afterward the same earl asked father garnet that he would produce but so much as one argument besides his own simple negation , which might perswade a prudent man to believe that he was not consenting to the conspiracy : to whom father garnet answered not a word . in the second place , that father garnet was not only privy , but also consenting to the conspiracy , these among others were the proofs . 1. his silence and concealing of it , having heard it in the general from catesby , ( and might also have heard it in particular but refused ) yet did not reveal it . for he that conceals what he ought to discover , is said to consent to it ; and he which doth not hinder what he might , and ought to hinder , by revealing it , it is manifest that he is consenting to it . 2. the father tesmond's and father gerrard's ( both jesuits ) and the rest of the conspirators persisting in the plot ; who did wholly depend upon the authority of those fathers , especially garnet , in this wicked enterprize ; as also the words of father oldcorn the jesuit to humphrey littleton , when ( after the conspiracy was discovered ) he told him that catesby and others were miserably wounded by the suddain firing of gun-powder , and that he was heartily sorry that the pains of so many days was now vanished into smoke , and was come to so lamentable an issue ; whom father oldcorn bad not to take it so much to heart , nor judge of the equity of the cause by the event . for , the eleven tribes of israel ( and those ) gathered together at god's command , did twice joyn battle with their brethren of the tribe of benjamin , yet both times they lost the day . and saint lewis king of france raised a vast army , and went to the holy war against the sarazens , though he had a good cause , yet was he conquered , and his army routed . the christians also that so stoutly defended rhodes against the assaults of the turks , yet were they constrained to resign the city to the enemy . for , all these things do seem to make it sufficiently manifest , that father garnet did not truly and really detest that conspiracy , nor cordially command father tesmond and father gerard to desist from it ; since it is not likely , unless they had well understood that father garnet did consent to that conspiracy , that they durst have persisted in so horrid a wickedness ; which , if it were once discovered , would prove the ruine of their whole society here in england ; and this , contrary to the command of their superior . nor that father oldcorn should dare to commend it as a good enterprize even after it was discovered . thirdly , ( to conclude ) that father garnet was not only privy and consenting to that treason , but also an adviser of it , these among others were the reasons brought to prove . first , the shewing to catesby of two apostolick letters or briefs of pope clement the eighth ( which were sent to father garnet ) whereof one was directed to our beloved sons the catholick princes and nobles ; the other , to our beloved son the arch-priest , and the rest of the clergy of england . in which letters the pope exhorts the english catholicks , that after the death of queen elizabeth they should not admit of any to the crown of england , how near soever he were in blood , but only such an one as would not only tolerate , but with all his might promote the catholick faith , and , more majorum , give his oath that he would perform it . for , by these letters was catesby confirmed in his wickedness , thus arguing from them . those who might then be kept out , may now be cast out again . it is as lawful now to hinder the king from enjoying , as it was then to hinder him from entering ; but then clement would have us catholicks to have hindred his obtaining , and therefore now it shall be my care to look to this matter . secondly , the second was father garnet's answer to the question of catesby , concerning the slaughter of the innocent together with the nocent . from these two did catesby ground himself , and build all his intentions upon them . the third , was the persistence of father tesmond and father oldcorn in their wicked enterprize , and father oldcorn's commending it as a good act , though now discover'd and unsuccesful ; for it is not credible that they should dare to do so , unless they had ask'd the advice , and known the mind of their superiour , that is , father garnet , especially in a matter so weighty and so dangerous to their society , as this might prove . at length father garnet being much moved by the speeches of the earl of northampton , and the earl of salisbury , brake forth into these words : that he had done more than he could form any just excuse for ; and wish i had never known the business of this powder-treason ; and at last he humbly besought god and the king , that the other catholicks might not fare the worse for his sake . out of these and many other arguments ( which for brevity sake i mention not ) it seems to be plain , that the jury , and the lord chief justice ( to whom it belongs to pronounce sentence of life or death ) might deservedly think , that father garnet having had notice of the treason ( and that out of confession ) and yet not revealed it , and seeing it was his own fault that he had not particular notice of it , that so he might have revealed it , and since that to make it appear that he had particular notice of it , in confession only , there is nothing but his own simple assertion ( to which in this matter credit ought not to be given ; especially seeing he was before convicted of perjury ) was , if not a counsellor of and consenter to , yet at least privy to that treason which he did not reveal ; and therefore according to the ancient laws of england , guilty of high-treason . wherefore , all the arguments and proofs of what had been said and done , together with father garnet's answers , being heard and referred unto the jury's verdict , who brought him in guilty of the charge laid against him ; the lord chief justice pronounced this sentence against him , that he should be drawn , hanged and quartered . then the earl of salisbury ask'd father garnet if he had any more to say : to which he answered ; no my lord , but i humbly beseech your lordships to recommend my life unto the king , at whose command i am most ready to die , or to live and do him service . and these things were transacted in the publick tryal of father garnet at his arraignment , which i have recited faithfully , though perhaps not all in the same order wherein they were done . but of what passed at his execution , this is the sum which follows . being brought to the place of execution , and having ascended the scaffold which was set up on purpose ; sir henry mountague recorder of the city of london ( being commanded by the king to be there present ) asked father garnet if he had any thing to impart to the people that stood about him , telling him that it was no time now to dissemble , since his crimes were manifest unto all ; and therefore if he pleased he might testifie to all , what he thought concerning his own condition , and his crimes ; for he should have free leave , if he had any thing to say . father garnet answered , that his voyce was so low , and his strength so spent , that , if he should speak to the people , he could not be heard . but to those that stood by him on the scaffold , he said , that it was a wicked plot , and the design was so horrid , that if it had taken effect , he could not but have detested it from his very soul ; adding that he only knew of it in general from catesby , and yet herein he had offended that he had concealed it , and neglected to prevent it ; but what he knew particularly of it , he said , he had heard it only under the seal of confession . but the recorder admonished him that he would remember these four things the king had by him in writing , signed by father garnet's own hand , viz. 1. that greenwel ( or tesmond ) had signified the matter to him , not as a sin , but as that which he before was acquainted with , and to the intent that he might ask his advice about it . 2. that catesby and tesmond came to him that they might be confirmed in their wicked undertaking . 3. that tesmond and he had a good while after , had a conference in essex concerning the particulars of the gun-powder-treason . 4. that tesmond had asked father garnet , who was to be protector of the kingdom ? and father garnet answered him ; that was to be respited till the matter was done and ever . these things shew that these wickednesses were known to you otherwise than by confession ; and these things are under your own hand . father garnet answered , whatsoever is under my hand is true ; and because he had not discovered to his majesty what he knew , sentence of death had justly been passed on him , and he begg'd pardon of his majesty for it . then said father garnet , i am come hither on this day which is the feast of the invention of the holy cross , to put an end to all the crosses which i have suffered in my life , you are not ignorant of the cause of my suffering ; i confess i have offended against the king , and am sorry for it , so far as i was guilty of the plot , viz. in concealing it , and for this i humbly beseech his majesty to forgive me . the plot against the king and kingdom was bloody , and such as if it had been executed , i should have detested with all my heart and soul . and truly i am very much grieved and troubled that catholicks should ever undertake so horrid and cruel a wickedness . then turning from the people to them that stood about him , he made an apology for the lady anne vaux ; and as concerning the pope's briefs , and edmund bainhem's going beyond sea ; and the powder-plot , he referred himself to his arraignment and his confessions , for whatsoever he had confest and given under his hand , was true . and then preparing himself for death , he kneeled down at the ladder's foot , by which he was to ascend the gallows , and asked if he might pray , and how long ? it was answered , that he might pray as long as he would , and that none should interrupt him . when he had risen up again ; the recorder observing by his gesture , that he was discomposed by earnest expectation of a pardon , bid him not to deceive himself , and his own soul , for he was brought thither to die , and die he must ; withal requiring him that he would not equivocate now with his last breath , but if he knew any thing that might be prejudicial to the king or kingdom , that he would declare it . father garnet answered , this is no time to equivocate ; how far forth it 's lawful to equivocate , and when , i have already declared my opinion elsewhere : but now i do not equivocate , and i know no more than i have confessed . being now upon the gallows , he used these words ; i recommend my self to all good catholicks ; and i pray god to protect the king's majesty , the queen , the royal issue , and the lords of the privy council ; whom i salute most officiously , and with whom i am sorry that i should dissemble . but i did not think they had had those proofs against me which they had , until they produced them : for then i thought it a greater honour to confess , than before to have accused my self . as for my brother tesmond , i wish that the truth may appear , for false rumours would fasten more upon him than he is guilty of : i had never accused him , had i not thought he had been got out of danger . i pray god the catholicks may not fare the worse for my sake ; and i exhort them all , that they never have any hand in such treasons and rebellions against the king. then signing himself with the sign of the cross , and commending himself to the holy trinity , and the blessed virgin , the ladder being turn'd , he ended his life . and all this ( most blessed father ) was transacted , not in secret hugger-mugger , but openly , and as it were upon the stage , partly at his publick tryal in the chamber of london , before five illustrious earls , who were commissioned to judge in the case , and who had for their assessers ( besides the lord mayor of london ) three chief judges of the kingdom , and in the presence of an almost infinite number of men , among whom many were roman catholicks ; partly at his execution in the midst of the city before the gate of st. pauls , to which also there was a great conflux of people assembled ; so that your holiness , if you should doubt of the truth of any thing here related , and will not give credit to so great a multitude of protestants , ( who , it 's no way likely , should speak falsly in a thing so publick , and concerning which they might easily be convinced of falshood ( if any were ) by so many roman catholicks who were present both at the tryal and execution ) yet by those roman catholicks themselves , who were not conspirators ; but are much grieved that those fathers should have an hand in so horrid a wickedness , because of the great detriment and scandals which from thence have befallen the catholick religion ; while they are yet alive , you may easily be informed of the very truth of the several particulars which i have related , which i my self have heard from catholicks themselves , who were present at the transactions . finis . england's ichabod, glory departed, discoursed by two christian men, zealous for the glory of god, and true lovers of their nation: the one called heraclitus junior, weeping for and lamenting the inevitable wo and desolation impending and approaching on his native country. and the other called democritus natu minimus, laughing at the ignorance, blindness, madness, and inexorable stupidity of his own nation, overwhelmed in folly, sin, and wickedness, insensible of its own ruine and misery. both of them paradoxically praising the jesuites, and their spurious seed, for their policie, activitie, and dexteritie, in promoting their factions and projects. / by heraclitus junior, and democritus natu minimus, for ri: fosterschism. heraclitus junior. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83968 of text r201930 in the english short title catalog (thomason e623_11). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 30 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83968 wing e2982 thomason e623_11 estc r201930 99862412 99862412 114571 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83968) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114571) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 96:e623[11]) england's ichabod, glory departed, discoursed by two christian men, zealous for the glory of god, and true lovers of their nation: the one called heraclitus junior, weeping for and lamenting the inevitable wo and desolation impending and approaching on his native country. and the other called democritus natu minimus, laughing at the ignorance, blindness, madness, and inexorable stupidity of his own nation, overwhelmed in folly, sin, and wickedness, insensible of its own ruine and misery. both of them paradoxically praising the jesuites, and their spurious seed, for their policie, activitie, and dexteritie, in promoting their factions and projects. / by heraclitus junior, and democritus natu minimus, for ri: fosterschism. heraclitus junior. democritus natu minimus. [2], 12, [2] p. printed for edw. blackmore, london : 1650 [i.e. 1651] annotation on thomason copy: "feb: 11th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng jesuits -england -controversial literature -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a83968 r201930 (thomason e623_11). civilwar no england's ichabod, glory departed,: discoursed by two christian men, zealous for the glory of god, and true lovers of their nation: the one heraclitus junior. 1651 5328 11 10 0 0 0 0 39 d the rate of 39 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion england's ichabod , glory departed , discoursed by two christian men , zealous for the glory of god , and true lovers of their nation : the one called heraclitvs junior , weeping for and lamenting the inevitable wo and desolation impending and approaching on his native country . and the other called democritvs natu minimus , laughing at the ignorance , blindness , madness , and inexorable stupidity of his own nation , overwhelmed in folly , sin , and wickedness , insensible of its own ruine and misery . both of them paradoxically praising the jesuites , and their spurious seed , for their policie , activitie , and dexteritie , in promoting their factions and projects . by heraclitus junior , and democritus natu minimus , for ri : fosterschism . isa. 31. 1. wo to them that go down to egypt for help , and stay on horses , and trust in chariots , because they are many , and in horse-men , because they are very strong : but they look not to the holy one of israel , neither seek the lord . matth. 12. 25. every kingdom divided against it self , is brought to desolation ; and every citie or house divided against it self , shall not stand . london , printed for edw. blackmore . 1650. england's ichabod , &c. democritus . my love and affection to you , most dear heraclitus , hath induced me to visit you , that you and i may discourse a little touching these woful and doleful days wherein we live . heraclitus . welcome , my most cordial and most constant friend ; i rejoyce in your presence so gladsome to me , that , if any thing would asswage my mournful tears ▪ your chearful society would do it . but , sir , it is too late : i rather wish to be dissolved into tears , then to be revived with mirth ; for the glory of england is departed . where is the glory of our cities , of our academies , of trade , and merchandise , either domestick , or with forrein nations ; of equity , law , and justice ; of the liberty of the people ; of the freedom and priviledges of the nation in the whole common-wealth ? nay , ( which is the greatest wo of all ) where is the glory of religion and sincerity ? religion is nothing but opus operatum , a formal , out-side preaching and hearing , like the fig-tree cursed by our lord christ , bearing no fruits of charity , humility , obedience , justice and mercy . it is by some made a meer stalking-horse and a servant to pride , ambition , covetousness ; whose entire and endeared companions and confederates , gilded hypocrisie , and execrable villany , merciless cruelty , bloody and horrid treason , must be sometimes assistant , to effect impious lawless designes . and where will the glory of one of the most famous cities of the world , of london , be , if the citizens lose exportation of cloth and stuffs , and importation of forrein merchandises , as they have lost themselves in their covenant made with god , whereof there is a table and copie , for memorial , fixed and hanged up in most temples in the city ? and then where will the glory of clothiers , artificers , and others , whose trades and livelihoods depend upon manufacture of cloth and stuffs , appear ? and where will the glory of the nobility and gentry , whose revenues depend upon sheep and wool , soon after be ? last of all , where will the glory of our army and souldiery be , if they conquer not all europe , or at least quit themselves against the power and forces thereof ? for it appeareth manifestly , that they have provoked most part thereof to be enemies to our nation . woful will our lamentations be : i shall not be able to weep enough : i shall even wish to be a niobe , that i might be dissolved into tears . tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum ? as the poet . simon , john , eleazar ; prelate , independent , presbyter . scarce three men meet accidentally together of one minde : men are so transported with fiery zeal for one of the three , and so void of meekness of spirit , that they become as fierce as bellarmine , and cry down all arguments on the behalf of the other two , although they be newly rouzed from the pillow of bacchus , and be inscient of the validity of what was or can be said . why hath opinion , distracted about rule and government , brought these later evils upon us , since the just shall live by faith alone , and not by government ? democritus . i my self making the same observations which you do , and being apprehensive of the calamities and desolation neer approaching , and attending our nation , could , as i am subject to natural passions , mourn and lament also : but since i am fully satisfied , by consulting with the sacred prophets , that there is an inevitable divine decree in this vengeance of the sword , fore-appointed for the accomplishment and manifestation of god's infinite power and glory in purging his church , and bringing in a better people , and in restauration of mercy and justice in the common-wealth ; that grief , which would otherwise possess me , is turned into mirth . yet , if it may be asked by prayer , let not , o god , the parable and curse of jotham ( mentioned in the ninth chapter of judges ) be fulfilled , and fall upon our abimelechs and shechemites of england ! hearken , ye men of shechem , famous citizens , that god may hearken unto you , and not send an evil spirit amongst ye , to stir ye up to destroy one another , as abimele●h did the shechemites , when they had raised him , and made him their king , after the bloody murder of his brethren , the legitimate sons of gedeon , about seventy men . like noble bereans , read the chapter , and apply it . and take notice of a few words uttered and predicted against our nation , and some famous citie thereof , above 1100 yeers since , in the reign of vortiger , printed at frankfurt about 50 yeers since : viz. vae perjuriae genti , qua urbs inclyta propter eam ruet : festinat namque dies qua cives ob scelera perjurii peribunt . if that astrologer who uttered these words , amongst others , ( whereof we have seen the completion in a great part , and could , if without controulment permitted , fully demonstrate ) did now live , he would laugh profusely at some modern astrologers , who gainsay them , or speak slightly or dubiously of them , although completed . heraclitus . if there be a divine vengeance in this scourge of division , faction , rapine , and bloodshedding ; why have the people severally murmured , railed , and clamoured , some against the beheaded king , some against the parliament , some against the city of london , some against the scots , as the several sole causes of our unnatural and bloody civil war ? democritus . because they ignorantly and falsly conjecture that all things come to pass by chance , without divine providence and governance ; many being so peremptory and stiff in opinion , and so puffed up with their own transcendencie of piety , and singularity of spirit , that they explode all opinions but their own , and all reasons and arguments against the same , although valid and forcible ; as is evident , in that , that though they despise government and all dominion , yet none more eagerly aspire to , and hunt after high places of domination , both ecclesiastical and temporal : and when they are invested in them , none so rigid as themselves , who so much censured and condemned the government of others to be oppressive and tyrannical : and then they make ostentation , and buz like the fly upon the wheel , this have i done ; whenas the coach-wheels and horses heels stirred the dust : so , by the help of insinuation , and subtil faction , ambitious , covetous , proud boasters , and singular self-lovers are exalted to trample on their brethren . plurimis famam {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , avidè magis ambientibus quàm fervidè , & sincerè {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} annunciantibus . one would be paul , another cephas , and the third apollo : and the itching-eared people love to have it so : but what will they do in the end ? these men consider not that their own particular sins , and the general sins of the nation , have drawn down god's wrath and indignation against us ; some daring to call our covenant made with god , filed of record in our temples an old almanack , which may be thrown in the fire at yeers end . heraclitus . how might their understandings be better informed , and their judgements rectified ? democritus . by none other means but , first , by reading the scriptures , and principally the prophet isaiah , chap. 45. vers. 7. and amos , chap. 3. v. 6. and jerem. chap. 25 , v. 15 , 16 , 26 , 27 , 29 , 31 , 32. and chap. 3. v. 6. and chap. 30. v. 24. and chap. 34. v. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. and chap. 5. the whole scope of which two last-recited chapters plainly parallel with our times and nation , and matth. 24 ▪ with divers other scriptures , as well touching the neerness of the end of the world , in confutation of the millenary schism , much availing for the romane party , and now boldly and busily broached by some of the prime dissenting brethren , igodown , oglethorp , and others ; as also , touching national churches , in confutation of independencie and singularity ; as rev. 20. 4. and 21. 24 , 26. and isai. 60. 3 , 5 10 , 11 , 16. and rev. 11. 15. and secondly , by comparing the last occurrences of tumults and insurrections when we had a king , he then having no councel nor army ; and our present home-divisions and naumachies , with the beginnings of our civil wars , when we had a king , he then having an host of men , and councel . but now , since we have no king , who can be said to be the cause of our present broils , rapine , and spoils , by sea and land , but our own sins ; cùm anglia laborat saevire in semetipsam ? even as when there was no king in israel , every man did that which was good in his own eyes : as judg. 17. 6. and ch. 19. more at large . heraclitus . the evidence thereof aggravateth my sorrow , and increaseth my tears ; and much more , when i read the fourth verse of the third chapter of hosea , threatning judgement against the israelites , that they should be many days without a king or prince , &c. was it a judgement in the days of israel , and is it none in our days ? our laws have depended upon monarchy , although enacted ( which was our happiness , if we had well considered it ) not by monarchy alone , but by aristocracie , and democracie : therefore , without all three , our laws are dissolved , and we fall into anarchy . is peace ever to be looked for without law ? if the sword be our law-giver , shall we not become assassinates and heathens ? where will truth and religion be ? without them , farewel peace . we feel with sorrow and smart , that inter arma silent leges . and if there be neither king , law , nor religion , what will become of parliaments ? our case will be the same with the israelites , when they had no king : every desperate man will dare to say to a parliament-man , as an injurious hebrew said to moses , who made thee a man of authority , or judge over us ? but is there go balm left in gilead ? is there not one man left , who by grave and seasonable counsel might discover the incendiaries of our divisions , and the contrivers of our factions and distractions ; and so divert the deluge of confusion and slaughter ready to overwhelm our nation ? democritus . it is daily done by zealous preachers of god's word in the pulpit , and by them and others in printed papers , with solid and weighty motives ; but with little effect : for most mens hearts are hardened , and their understandings stupified : god hath stricken us , but we have not sorrowed ; he hath consumed us , but we have refused to receive correction : we have made our faces harder then a stone , and have refused to return . we may now , with jeremiah the prophet , in his fifth chapter , run to and fro in the streets of our english jerusalem , and behold now , and know , and enquire in the open places thereof , if we can finde a man , or if there be any that spontaneously executeth judgement , and seeketh the truth ; and then hope that the lord will spare the land . where is the man , who payeth his vows to god ? where is the patriot of his country , fearing god and hating covetousness ? where is the justiciary ? do we not see almost every mans self to be his own country ? many great men say , they know the way of the lord , and the judgement of their god ; but these have altogether broken the yoke , and burst the bonds . the sins for which most often and most severely god punished the israelites , were idolatry , breach of covenant , and perjury . did god punish them for those sins , and can other nations , now in being , hope to be quit , and go free ? we expected an issue of our miseries by the sword ; but they are augmented , and aggravated : our hopes fail us . what will become of that people in the end , which repose confidence in their own strength of charets , horse-men , and horses ? jeremiah ( in his 31 chap. vers. 1. ) telleth them what attendeth them . god is the god of order , and not of confusion . will not the lord visit for these things ? shall he not be avenged on such a nation ? heraclitus . the consideration of these things , draweth a flood of tears from me . for it is most manifest , that the english jesuites , by their secret and admirable policies , and subtil insinuations , under pretext of tender conscience their bugbear , work upon the easie mindes of the weaker sort of people , who , by how much they are more shallow in judgement , by so much are more obstinate and stiff in opinion , impenetrable , and inflexible with any arguments whatsoever , humane or divine . amidst my sad and doleful tears , i am the more astonished , when i revolve this verse predicted of england long since , viz. corruet anglorum gens fraude suorum ; which word suorum can have relation to , or dependance on no words in the whole series of the latine nouns but to one or two ending thus , viz. — ituum ▪ — itiorum . it irketh me very grievously , that it should be said to some of those , to whom belongeth the heading of those two imperfect words , whose hearts are right for church and country , against all obstructions , that exitus will be exitium : but as touching any amongst them , who are inveterate , rancorous , and deadly enemies to the tranquillity , peace , and splendor of our national church , and commonwealth ; i say , let god arise , and let his enemies be scattered ! how shall god's wrathful indignation be appeased , when through hardness of heart we are insensible of the national sin , as heinous as the sin of achan , and the bloody sin of saul against the gibeonites , committed under pretence of zeal to his nation , provoking god's wrath against the israelites to destroy them with famine ; which was not abated , until , through david's satisfaction given to the gibeonites , by the decollation and slaughter of saul's sons , god's wrath was appeased ? as 2 sam. 21. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 ▪ 9 , 14. hath not god visited our nation with the same punishment ? it hath been said of old , quos jupiter perdere vult , priùs dementat . what hope have we to evade and escape the snares of the politick jesuites , when we are already wrapped and involved in them , and when we neither do nor will discern their most exquisite , subtil , and close conveyances ? they having adopted , or rather begotten a bastard-breed of sons , and infused so much of their virulent vertue into them , that thereby they have not onely wrought weak judgements to pretended conscience of an independent church , but have also by state-policie benummed , blinded , besotted , and stupified some great and wise ones in our nation , inducing them to connive at their frauds and juglings , whereby more strenuously a toleration of schism and heresie is creeping in , then ever could have been brought in by themselves alone for their party . democritus . charitable and pitiful heraclitus , thy tears verily proceed from a tender conscience affected with the abominable sinfulness of thine own nation , and the blindness and stupidity thereof . but be thou not sollicitous and grieved , since god , for horrid and loud-crying sins , hath designed our nation to woful calamities : let us be rather comforted , and give glory to god , and rejoyce , that he hath given us the sight of those things in his holy word , which neither mighty men , nor noble , nor learned , nor politicians will take notice of ; but do rather wink with their eyes , and shut their understandings from being advertised thereof , and will deride both thee and me for our discourse , if they should hear it . heraclitus . nevertheless , dear democritus , let us not ●●…ist : a word spoken in its place is like apples of gold with pictures of silver , as solomon hath it in his proverbs . democritus . moses and the prophets speak plain enough to our nation : if we will not hear them , neither will we hear , though one rise from the dead again , unless he should beat wit into our heads with a maul : and some such dreadful judgement , i fear , doth attend us . were our words acceptable , or might they be profitable to our nation , i could be incessant and indefatigable : for , cuique probo patria sua est jucundissima . but our nation is become so barbarous and heathenish , that it laboureth with all its wisdom , wealth , and power to destroy it self . we do but scatter our words , we do but charm a deaf adder . i have lately read these words in a book published long before our distractions grew to this immense multiplicity ( as now they are ) and irreconciliable incomposedness , viz. [ be wise , o england , and discern the jesuitical romish frauds , and pernitious plots , and break and avoid their last arrow of independencie and aristocracie , ( for they have no more left to wound great britain withal ) and be happie : sin minus , caveto tibi , ne faciem tuam obfuscent tenebrae non nisi ex nova romana caligine illuminatae : ] and i well know that they came to the view of some both great and wise ; but they seemed to them ridiculous : yet now they may see , that darkness must give light , or we must have no light . the unwarrantable predictions of uncertain astrologie promising security , were and are pleasing , and embraced ; which to confide in , is as to consult with the witch of endor : but the warrantable presages couched in the infallible prophecies of god's holy seers , contained in his sacred word , contemned , slighted , and rejected , even of mighty men , much more of men of inferiour order . railing , lying , futile , scurrilous , seditious , libellous , traiterous pamphlets , spread abroad with all advantage by nimble winged mercuries , have been , and are ( a time very unfit for such fopperies and iniquities , when our nation is bleeding , languishing , and at the point to be extinct ) embraced by most men , according to their several fancies and affections , very few men having ●●…rned the catechism of that most pious and venerable doctor joshua hall sometimes bishop of exceter , since bishop of norwich , where they may learn how god doth and will do all things in this world , and as few having compunction of heart for the destruction and desolation of their own country . heraclitus . how cometh it to pass that the jesuites have such influence upon our nation now at this time , since their manifold , bloody , and traiterous practices thorowout the whole reign of queen elizabeth , of king james , of our late king charles , are fresh in memory , being to be read in histories , rehearsed in almanacks , and brought to our ears by publike thanksgivings to god yeerly for our deliverances from them ? democritus . thou knowest , heraclitus , that a ship at sea is in the power of its pilot , and that he , if out of treachery he intend it , can betray it to an enemy at his pleasure . the politick practices and treasons of the jesuites against queen elizabeth ▪ by commotions , rebellions , pistols , poisons , poniards , the spanish armado , were so exquisite and admirable , carried on with such secrecie , that had any of them prevailed , england must have gone to rome again for the popes pardon . but what were all those their devices to that transcendent hyperbolical gunpowder-treason , which with one sulphureous blast had destroyed king james , and all his royal issue male ; all the nobility , and a great part of the gentry , and had subverted religion , and our laws , and had subjugated our nation again to the yoke and tyranny of the popedom ? since then , far more transcendent , exact politick , never to be parallelled have their stratagems been to undermine our church and state , by insinuating , creeping , and serewing themselves into eminent places and employments in both , under pretext of patriarchacie and sanctimony ; and they have so hood-winked many of the wisemen in our nation , that they suspect them not at all , much less that they have now any plot upon our nation and church , or are at the rudder ; but suppose that they sit still and quiet , neither acting nor plotting any thing . it it is evident to all honest intelligent men , that our late civile bellum episcopale was plotted and contrived by their ingenuous and profound policies ; and it will shortly be as evident , that our civile bellum populare is driven on by their close conveyances , and ambodexter-juglings , by misleading the people under pretence of new lights , and divine raptures , and christian liberty , and liberty of chiveril conscience . heraclitus . we know well in former times the bishops days , when all functions ecclesiastical and civil were transacted and conferred at a price ( for quid mihi dabis ? ) it was an easie thing , they being so exquisite and secret in their plots and contrivements , and they having at that time ducem venerii castri , the buck with the gilded horns for their patron and advocate , to step into ▪ nestle , and rivet themselves as well into high and eminent places in the court , as also into subordinate judicatory-administrations , and into the clergie and prelacie without controulment , especially after the eagles chicken had nested himself in the highest rochet in the realm . but by what means now do they possess themselves of publike places either ecclesiastical or civil , sance there hath usually been such a wide and opposite antipathy between them , and all manner of protestants , though sectaries and separatists ? democritus . first , know , heraclitus , that the range and rabble of those gleeds which the eagles prime chicken brought in , are not outed of the clergie , academies , and other publike societies , nor , as the case now standeth , can be , but rather more are gotten into them . and next know , that the jesuites are the most subtil expert , and artificial impostors in the world , instructed by art and exercise , to put on proteus shapes , and to personate all degrees and qualities of men , and neatly , closely , and dexterously to act in all manner of societies , councels , and factions . and all moderate men know , and of that part yeeld , that in the late wars many of them became commanders and prime officers in the field and forts against the parliament . and if after their surrenders , and yeelding up of forts and forces , they have been entertained , and ma●● commanders in the present army , have they not obtained their ends to agitate their designes of poisoning the army , and consequently the whole nation with schism and heresie , so to hinder the settlement of peace , and to embroil the nation in future war ? and further , know , heraclitus that the pope , and his emissaries and ministers have of late yeers had private oathes for secrecie , fidelity , and activity in their catholike cause , to minister to all their party both abroad and at home , with dispensation to repair to our temples , whereby they might seem protestants , so to gain popular esteem in their country . and since many men have been presented to the parliament from counties and boroughs by the power of the souldiery , might not such men , having taken such oath , by insinuation with the souldiery by the assistance of their party in the army , make themselves of the number of legislatores , that they might without the least jealousie or suspect become legisviolatores ? anglicano italianotto , diabolo incarnatto . an english man italianate , a devil incarnate . heraclitus . what is thine expectation , democritus ? dost thou conclude that these foxes , wolves , and wilde boars shall still prevail against the unity of the church , and tranquillity of the realm ? democritus . though i know well , that hoc rupti foederis deaurabit aquila , that his holiness is better pleased with the device and plot of his dearest sons the jesuites for democracie , then apes with nuts : if their plot take full effect , he will write both in red letters in his kalendar . yet i make no such conclusion ; but i conclude them to be the servants of god , as nebuchadnezzar and pharaoh were , and as the devil sometimes is , that is , instruments to execute his vengeance , to bring inevitable wo upon our nation , and for his glory to gather wholesom hellebore out of the orcades , therewith to purge our nation of phrenzie and hypocrisie , and the church of schism , heresie , and idolatry ; and thence and thereout also to gather a lusty new green besom , that shall sweep themselves , and all their spurious seed , and bastard-sons out of the realm against their wills . and i conclude the jesuites to be those unclean spirits , like frogs ●oming out of the mouth of the dragon , and out of the mouth of the beast , and out of the mouth of the false prophet : for they are the spirits of devils working miracles , to go unto the kings of the earth , and of the whole world , to gather them to the battel of the great day of god almighty , mentioned in rev. 16. 13 , 14. let honest men therefore , with david , tarry the lord's leasure , be strong , and trust in the lord , and their hearts shall be comforted . and as lot was in sodom , if they be captivated , let them hope that god will send an abraham to deliver them . and let them resolve with david , that whose dwelleth under the defence of the most high , shall abide in the shadow of the almighty . to england , an anagram on england . england , lament , repent ; bitter ennd-gal , thine anagram portends thy fatal fal : like samson , grinding with thine eyes put out , thou drivest jesuites designes about : thou mak'st them sport ; they make thee dearly pay for thine own downfal , ruine , and decay . no help remains , but to retort their darts upon themselves , shot at good men and arts . wisely discern ; be not blinde , stupid , dull , in suff'ring them with shadows thee to gull , under pretence christ's gospel to advance , to advance heresie , schism , ignorance ; by false pretext beasts language to drive hence , to gain beast far more sway then peter-pence . hadst thou in time impos'd th' abjuring oath , they had not poison'd thee with deadly broath : but now they have enjoyn'd thee such a diet will gar thee pine , it 's vain to be unquiet . no joy remains , but by gods word to know , he will at last his rod in fier throw . finis . the rat-trap, or, the jesuites taken in their owne net &c. discovered in this yeare of jubilee or deliverance from the romish faction, 1641. heywood, thomas, d. 1641. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a58087 of text r25043 in the english short title catalog (wing r294). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 34 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a58087 wing r294 estc r25043 08726998 ocm 08726998 41686 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58087) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41686) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1267:20) the rat-trap, or, the jesuites taken in their owne net &c. discovered in this yeare of jubilee or deliverance from the romish faction, 1641. heywood, thomas, d. 1641. 30 p. : ill. s.n., [london? : 1641] attributed to thomas heywood--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the british library. eng jesuits -england. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a58087 r25043 (wing r294). civilwar no the rat--trap: or, the iesuites taken in their owne net, &c. discovered in this yeare of jubilee, or deliverance from the romish faction; 16 heywood, thomas 1641 5798 5 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-07 kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the rat — trap : or , the iesvites taken in their owne net , &c. discovered in this yeare of jubilee , or deliverance from the romish faction ; 1641. imprinted 1641. the rat-trap : or , the iesuites taken in their owne net , &c. the first institution of the jesuiticall order , was by the father of that sect ignatius loyola , not granted at the beginning thereof without great pretence of sanctity , and religious piety , as professing and protesting to imitate jesus himselfe ( whose cognizance they seeme to carry ) both in his life and doctrine : but these wolves having crept into the church in sheeps cloathing , and admitted into the flocke , not able to bridle or restraine their bloody and savage natures , have not onely preyd upon them whom they pretended to protect , but also by insinuating into the humours and dispositions of the most powerfull potentates , have insidiated both their lives and fortunes , as by divers pregnent , ( but prodigious ) demonstrations may appeare : being growne to bee the most cunning engineers , politick underminers , subtile supplanters , and dangerous incendiaries of any order , quality , or condition , or any faction spirituall or temporall whatsoever . of whom to make a more generall discovery : they first , skrew themselves into the hearts and thoughts of princes , villifying unto them all other sects and orders , the better to preferre and dignifie their owne ; by which crafty meanes they have inpatronized themselves into the best abbyes , monasteries , and other cloystered and sequestred places of religion ; and by the supplantation of others interessed , and inherited themselves : by which meanes growing rich and eminent , they may the better mannage all their politick proceedings ; the manner whereof followeth . in rome lives their father generall , to whom the inferiour sort ( cald his assistance ) tender due obedience , and these are imployd through all the parts of christendome , and beare the names of the places in which they recide , as the assistance of spain , of france , of italy , england , &c. who by meanes of their correspondents , who disperse themselves into the principall cities of that province , first informe themselves of the state , condition , and quality of that kingdome , and informe the assistants of all passages and occurrants , of which they give notice to the father generall at rome , who curiously examining them , and conferring them together , at last conclude to favour the affaires of one prince , and depresse the designes of another , as shall best correspond with their owne pleasure ; and profit , being most preposterous and almost against reason , that these pure professors , should onely intend , and interesse themselves in matters of state , for raine from their oath and order , and in the meane time carelessely neglect both the saving of their owne soules , and others committed to their charge , for which the foundation of their society , and brother-hood , was at the first authorised . it is apparent to all men , that they are confessors to the greatest part of the nobility through all the roman catholike estates , not without great prejudice to the princes themselves ) to which office they were also to them admitted , by which they penetrate into every designe and purpose , of which they give intelligence to their further generall ; and as secrefie is the sole preservation of a state , without which it is not able to subsist ; and that princes themselves punish with the greatest vigour such as discover their counsells ( as the greatest enemies both to their owne principality , and the safety of their kingdome ) yet the jesuites by their confessions , and consultations , which their correspondents have , being planted in the chiefe cities of the christian world , are sincerely , and punctually advertised of all determinations concluded in their most secret cabinets and closets ; so that they better know the power , possessions , expences , and private projects of princes , than themselves , suppressing or advancing their affaires at their pleasures ; which they may easily do , by reason that by their auricular confessions , they penetrate even to the very secrets of their soules ; by which meanes the secrets of state being discovered , breeds sometimes a jealousie in princes of , their best and most faithfull servants , and officers , not without the great prejudice both of the king and subject , and indangering the whole state of the kingdome . and to continue their stratagems , the better these jesuiticall machiavells distinguish themselves into foure rankes or degrees : the first consists of secular or lay-persons , who are joyned to their fraternity , and submit themselves wholly to their power and patronage ; and these are for the most part of the prime gentry , of both sexes , wealthy widdowes , citizens , and merchants ; from whom by their flattery and insinuations they draw rich donatives , perswading from some annuall pensions ; and others to forsake the world , and leave all their revenues , moveables , coyne , and jewels , to enrich their ingurgitating monasteries , perswading them that it will prove meritorious for the health of their soules , whilst they with these profits ; feast , and fat their owne bodyes . a second sort consists of men onely , and these as well of priests , as lay-men ; such as professe a sequestred , life and retired , capable of church preferments , but with a vow to take upon them the habit , whensoever it shall please the father general to call them unto it ; and such are called jesuites in voto . the third are those that live in cloysters and monasteries , and these are either priests , clarkes , or converts , who because they were not originall of that profession , may by the authority of the father generall , be deprived and degraded ( though they before have ty'd themselves to keep it by oath ) and these not being as yet called to office , are subject in all things to the superintendents command . the fourth , are the prime politicke jesuites , through whose hands passeth all the government of religion , who labour to reduce their society to an absolute monarchy , and to plant and settle the head thereof in rome , ( where all the affaires of the christian world meet together ) as in a center , that being also the seat of the father generall , and divers of his agents , who are dayly admitted into the houses of embissadors and courts of cardinals ; by which meanes they preoccupate the affaires of forraine princes ; that notwithstanding the importunity of their embassadors and agents , nothing can be there determined , or concluded of , which stands not with their pleasure , and redounds not to their profit ; by which they are grown to that pride and arrogancie , that they have publikely boasted , that they can make cardinals , nuntioes ; and in temporall affaires , lieutenants , praefects , and governors ; that their generall in these times have more power than the pope himselfe ; adding , that it is better , and much more noble to make cardinals , than to be a cardinall . and for their avarice , and greedy accumulating of wealth and riches , they are so farre from obeying the cannon which enjoynes them to humility , integrity , and austerity of life : but they ingage themselves into all temporall affaires , to the great distaste and detriment of most of the romish kings and princes ; and further , make merchandize of pearles , rubies , emeralds , diamonds , and all stones of estimation and value , which they trade in from the indies , and else where , that there is an opinion through italie , that the greatest part of them that are sold in venice are the proper goods and commodities of those jesuites , the ground of which opinion hath beene received from their owne brokers , who have had the sale of them . but to rip up all their juglings , legerdemaines , stratagemeticall plots , and combustions in state , which would aske a voluminous tract , i shall intreate the reader to satisfie himselfe for the present with this compendious and briefe preface : onely my purpose being in the next place to discover them not onely for bloody butchers , but most rigorous regicides ; their damnable plots and practises , ( deserving the hatred and detestation of all men ) which i shall strive to doe by some few examples ; and if the tree may be judged of by the fruit , wee shall easily see what these iesuites are . to begin with france , henry the third of that name , after he had for their many murthers , and massacres of the protestants , and withall their insufferable insolence to him , caused the two brother guizes , the duke and cardinall to be slaine at chartres ; after being reconciled to the protestant king of navarr , and marching to beleaguer his rebellious subjects in paris , being at a place called st. clawds , hee was most traiterously stabbed with a knife in the bottome of the belly , by a fryer of the order of iacobin , set on by the iesuites , of which wound he dyed the next day following in the midst of his army . and his successor , first king of navarre , and after of france , for his many noble victories stiled henry the great , having subdued champaigne , and all picardie , in his returne to paris was stab'd in the face with a knife also , by a yong desperate student , whose name was iohn chastell , instigated and set on by the former faction ; for which preditorious fact he was deservedly torne to pieces with wild horses , the twenty ninth of december , but the king by gods preservation was recovered of that hurt : for which hee instituted knights of the order of the holy ghost , in ianuary , being the yeare of grace one thousand five hundred ninety five : but this trayterous violence offered him was but the presage of a future , but more fatall disaster . for this potent king , the next day after hee had seene his queene most magnificently crowned at st. denis , upon friday being the foureteenth of may , and in the yeare 1610. about foure of clocke in the afternoone , was murthered in his coach by two stabs with a knife , passing the street called ferroneny ( by one francis ravillack born in angolisme ) which happened after hee had lived sixe and fifty yeares , and one and thirty dayes , having reigned in navarre thirty seven yeares and eleven moneths , or thereabouts , and in france twenty yeares , nine moneths , and thirteene dayes : but the traytors death , because it was so remarkable give mee leave a little to insist . he was by profession a lawyer ; and by the conjecture of all men , was spurred on to perpetrate this horrible act by the iesuites : though all which hee openly confest was , that what hee did was by the instigation of the devill ; and his reason , because the king tollerated within his kingdome two religions ; the manner of his death was as followeth , after being rackt , and enduring severall sorts of torments in prison , he was brought thence in his shirt , with a torch of two pound weight lighted in his one hand , and the knife with which he had murthered the king chain'd to the other , and then set upright in a dung-cart , the people ready to teare him in peeces , had not the officers restrayned them ; thence he was brought to the scaffold , where he crost himselfe , to shew he dyed a papist : he was next bound to a st. andrewes crosse , and his hand chained to the knife burnt in a furnace of fire and brimstone , yet would confesse nothing , onely lamentably roared , but by none pittied . then was his flesh pulled off with hot burning pincers , and oyle , rosin , pitch and brimstone powred into his wounds , and on his navell clapt a roundle of clay , into which was powered molten lead ; at the last his body was torne in peeces with foure strong horses , which were not able to plucke his sinewy limbs asunder , till the flesh under his armes and thighs was cut , and then was hee totally dis-membred , then were his limbs burnt to ashes , and cast into the wind , his goods confiscate to the king , the house in which hee was borne utterly demolished , and made even with the earth , never any structure to be built there after , and his father and mother to depart the realme , never more to returne upon the penaltie of being hanged , and that his brethren , sisters , unckles , and all of the name , should upon the same forthwith change their names to some other , so that ravillack should not be so much as spoken thorow the realm . and so much of this iesuiticall arch-traytor to the terrifying of others . the like ( in the low countries ) was attempted and committed upon the person of that renowned protestant prince william of nassaw prince of orange , where a bloudy villaine , thorow his owne cloake a wainscot doore , with a pistoll double charged , shot to death in his owne palace , confessing at his most torturous death , in the middest of torments , that ( saving ravillacks ) wanted example ; that he was animated and encited to that bloudy facinorous enterprise by the continuall instigation of the iesuiticall faction . the iesuites plots discovered , which they have been about this ten or eleven years , worse than that of the gun-powder treason . in the yeare of grace , one thousand six hundred twenty nine , at salamanca an vniversity in spaine ( by the consent of their father generall at rome ) there was an assembly of the iesuiticall society , ( who called themselves the holy synod ) in which one grave seignior , who was the prolocutor , began as followeth : deare brothers of the most sacred order , wee being here convented this day ( being the birth day of our father and founder ( of ever-living memory ) ignatius loyalla ) it is fit that we consult and determine of some affaires , that may tend to the strengthening of our power , the advance of our reputations , and the enriching of our coffers , ( at which there was a generall hum thorow the table ) when hee proceeded : but as i have proposed you a thing fit to bee done , so there ought meanes to be devised and found , how it may bee accomplished : the course it selfe , of which i have maturely deliberated , and in which i crave the assistance of your counsell , is by setting england and scotland ( nations that have too long lived in fraternall love and amity ) at odds , or to use the scottish phrase , at deadly feud : which best how to bring to passe , i sollicite you to deliver you sundry censures . all of them unanimously applauding the matter , now began singly to speake their opinions of the manner : saith one , i thinke it may be done by some new plot & practice of treason : saith another , i suppose rather by sowing some seditious libels amongst them , to make one nation jealous of the other : a third replyed , to invade one of the kingdomes by sea , to which purpose they would sollicite the catholike princes to joyne in a solemn combination : but a fourth cut him off and said , i like not these attempts by sea , since the bad successe and utter overthrow of the great armado in eighty eight , though it had the popes blessing along , and was by his holinesse stiled invincible . o but , said the prolocutour , the reason of that may be easily given , for the sinnes of the land were not then ripe , which since are growne to full maturity : but had it then prevailed , with our pistols and ponyards , steeletto's and knives , whips , fire , and faggots , we would have made them taste of that purgatory here on earth , which they will not beleeve to have place in any corner of hell . but to leave others , let mee now acquaint you with a project of mine owne , that i think wants president ; for policie hath prevailed , where puissance hath been repulst , and fraud hath entred , where force could not : for vlysses did more in his tent , then ajax did in the field . at this all their eares were prickt up in attention , when he spake on as followeth ; the king of spaine is stiled the most catholike , the king of france the most christian king , and the king of england is titled , defender of the faith , having under his dominion three kingdomes , england , scotland , and ireland ; the first protestants , the second puritans , the third papists . now in this distraction of religions , how easie is it to raise troubles and tumults ? now wee have iesuites in voto , ingenious and active , and fit to be employed in these deep and mysticall designes . now if you ask me the manner how ? they are to bee sent over , and disperst into the courts and families of noble-men , and places bought them , or offices in which they may gaine the best intelligence , by screwing themselves into the bosomes , as well of the noble as ignoble rank : now if you object and say , this cannot bee without charge , and great disbursments of money ? i answer , have we not collectors , receivers , and treasurers to that purpose , employed in severall parts of christendom : as m. l. the goldsmith in fleet-street for the parts of flaunders ; m. & d. for france ; mr. borrowes for spaine , and others elsewhere ? ( these of the english nation only ) and them our penetrating and insinuating agents and ministers , being so planted and placed neare about the prince , and principall persons of those three kingdomes , they may take their opportunity , and catching occasion by the fore-lock , find severall tooles and engines to work with , as to incense the papists ( with whom our society is most embraced ) against the puritans , and set them and other separatists against the papists , and both against the protestants , to bring in new innovations into the churches of england and scotland , such as wee know the most distaste , and can worst digest ; to alter their ancient liturgy , by inserting new additions into their books of common prayer , and by admitting into church livings , none but such as can conforme themselves to all such tenents as shake hands with the romish traditions and doctrines ; and to thrust out of their benefices , all such as stand stiffe for the reformed religion , but especially to thrust in ceremonies ( such as they call superstitions ) altars , and the like , into the scottish kirk , which nation we know to be perverse , obstinate , and impatient of any innovation or change , especially in their religion . thus wanting power to conquer their countries , let it be our practice to undermine and blow up their consciences , ruinating them in their distraction about religion ; for what will not men or women hazard , even goods , lands , nay life it selfe too for their religion ; for what is more deare or nearer to a christian than his god and his religion ? what will cause more dissension , than not to have freedome of their religion ? nay , the very turke himselfe will not feare to dye , though a pseudo-martyr , even by torments or tortures , ere hee can bee compelled to forsake his mahomet . now we knowing the protestant so constant in his religion , that hee will suffer no alteration , the papist so selfe-will'd he will brook no reformation , and the puritan so obstinate hee will endure no innovation , and all these spurr'd on by our subtill agents animation : what seditions , what suspitions , what commotions , what combustions are probable to ensue thereof ; but by this incendiary kindled in their kingdomes , ireland may grow tumultuous , scotland combustions , and take armes , and englands peace bee altogether disturbed and disquieted at least , to the exhausting of their treasure , if not their blouds , to their great detriment , if not their generall desolation : and in these jealousies and troubles , to bring in forraine forces , there would be some hope to attaine our ends . which speech being gravely delivered , was by the rest greatly applauded , and the assembly dissolved , with a determinate resolution to put all the former projects in speedy practice with an et caetera . but to come neare to our owne country , what miraculous deliverances had queene el●zabeth ( of ever blessed memory ) from the plots and underminings of those arch iesuiticall regecides ? during her minority , in the reigne of her sister , what projects and stratagems were devised to insidiate her life ; her sundry commitments and impris●nments ? nay , a warrant for her death 〈◊〉 by the queene , at the animation of 〈…〉 clergy ? her damage by water , when her barge at a low ebbe grated upon the arches of the bridge , when shee was sent a prisoner to the tower ? by fire , when her lodgings were burnt over her head , during her confinement at woodstock . in the beginning of her reigne , what complotting by the iesuites of spaine , france , and italy , to supplant her from her true and lawfull inheritance , by discharging her subjects from their loyalty and obedience ? troubles also were raised in her kingdom of ireland by one nicolas saunders , a pestilent traytour , and one of that seditious order , whose pen and tongue spared not only malitiously to calumniate the queene her selfe , but the lady anne bulleine her mother , who having purchased a consecrated banner with power legantine , landed amongst the rebels , whither was sent also s. iosephus with an army of italians and spanyards , to joyne with the revolted earle of desmond , his brother fitz morris , and others : but their army was soone distrest , the earle dyed wretchedly , and saunders fell mad , and dyes starved in the cliffes of an almost unaccessible mountaine . the like machinations were devised against her by cardinall allen , englefield , and rosse , as also by doctor parry , by travell hispanisied , italionated , and fully iesuitified , who after his returne , when the queenes majysty vouchsafe him her gracious presence in her garden , came arm'd with a pistoll to have taken away her life , had he not beene miraculiously prevented , for which horrible treason he was soone after drawne hang'd and quartered . the horrible treason of the fourteene traytors began in one savage a bastard ; but instigate thereunto by two priests , gilbert gifford and one hudson , and the rest of the conspirators drawne in by ballard the priest and iesuit who with the other guilty of the same treason against her majesties owne person , the twentieth of september in lincolnes inn fields vpon a publick scaffold were hang'd and quartered ; divers others suffered at tiburne ; the prime of which and of most note , were father campion , and master soothwell who during his imprisonment in the tower writ two excellent poems ; the on 〈…〉 led saint peters complaint , the other magdalens teares , for seducing her majesties subjects and denying the supremacy . i will conclude all the iesuitical treasons against her ( and those by her own subjects , ) which that as edward squire are belonging to the queenes stable , who beeing in spaine was perswaded and seduced from his allegeance by one walpoole a revolted runnagate , and entred into the iesuiticall order ( one of these before named invato , ) who gave a mortiserous confection in a bladder , to poyson the pummell of her saddle , who after his return into england attending his opportunity , one day when her majesty was to take horse , came openly with a smiling countenance in the presence of many , and having prickt the bladder , and wearing a thick tand glove for his owne security , chapt his hand vpon the pummell of the saddle , and with a lowd and cheerefull voyce sayd god save the queene : but it pleased god out of his mercifull providence , to take his word not his meaning ; for neither mounting , nor alighting , nor all the way shee roade , ( wearing a thinne glove ) shee once layd her hand vpon the pummell ? but the treason beeing after discovered , he by his owne conviction was convicted and condemned . to come nearer to the dayes of royall king iames her successour , whose coronation by reason of the great sicknesse in and about london then raigning , beeing deferrd , in this interim two italionated jesuite priests whose names were watson and clark , layes a plot to surprize the person of king iames and prince henry , and to compell them to subscribe two things to their owne puposticall ends , and further had drawne into this conspiracy henry brook , lord cobham , and lord warden of the cinque ports . thomas lord gray of wilton , sir walter raliegh lord warden of the staneries . sir griffin markham , sir edward parham , george brooke brother to the lord cobham and bartlemew brooksby : whom these iesuits had perswaded by their sophisticall arguments that the attempt could be no treason , beeing done before the kings coronation , alleadging that saul was not king till he was chosen in mispeh , though he had bin maintayned in ramah by samuell the prophet , neither ieroboam , who in the dayes of samuell had been confirmed by the prophet to raigne over israel til the people made him king vpon the foolish answer of rehoboam , but yet notwithstanding all their syllogisticall flourishers , it was proved vnto them ( to their costs , ) that in england there is no interregum , because the king never dyeth , and that the coronation is but a ceremony to shew the prince to the people , for which onely there dyed ( which was the kings great mercy ) the two iesnits watson and clarke , the twenty ninth of november , and george brookes , vpon the first of december next ensuing . but that damnable and diabollicall plot of the gunpowder arch-treason , exceedeth all president or example , the like from the beginning of time not read or heard : hatcht in the iesuiticall nest of that most bloudy brotherhood , which because it is yearely remembred in every pulpet almost thorow the kingdome , i spare further to aggravate , only to put the reader in minde that no such execrable act could be put in agitation without a iesuit to prompt and further it : witnes father garnet an arch provinciall priest of that murder , who as the rest of those conspiratours in that satannical conjuration dyed the death of a traytour being drawn , hangd , and quartered . these are but a few amongst many , and ere i proceed any further , i must intreate the indifferent and unpartiall reader , to take some things necessary into his consideration . first how the adversaries spare not both in their words and writings bitterly to asperse and condemne the severity of the lawes , for the cutting of such pestilent and preditorious malefactors , as if they alone were all conscience and christianity , libellously traducing them , as if they were like braccoas ( the legislator amongst the athenians ) writ in blood , pretending ours to bee a meere usurped power , no better than tyranny , whom their bloody and mercilesse persecutions , they strive to mittigate and extenuat by the countenance and authoritie of the church , and apostolicall iurisdiction , when christ himselfe left as his last legacy upon earth , his peace amongst them ; when the apostles never assumed to themselves any pontificall state and habite , but were preachers and teachers of the word : when all their successors in the primitive church were so far from being persecutors , that themselves patiently suffered persecution and martyrdome for the gospell sake : when the papisticall prelates of these times ; instigated and spurd on by their iesuiticall engineeres , instead of prayer , fasting , exhortation , admonition , and pious instruction , deale altogether in fire and faggot daggers , pistolls , powder-plots , and the like , excluding all mercy and charity , so they can but adde the least mite to their papall monarchy . when on the contrary our lawes stretch no further than to punish runnagates and revolters of our owne nation ; such as being borne naturall subjects renounce their allegiance to their lawfull prince and soveraigne , transplanting themselves into other countries , acknowledging forraigne supreams , denying that supremacy of their owne naturall liege , refusing to subscribe to the oath of allegiance ; and not herewith contented , they most traiterously seeke to seduce and alienate the hearts of the subjects from their religion , faith , and obedience , in contempt of the lawes , which in duty and conscience by the lawes of nations , they are bound to observe . nor are these just punishments inflicted upon their capitoll delinquencies , without giving them warning to flie and abandon the realme : but upon their peremptory and willfull returne in despight of proclamation , and meere contempt both of prerogative and parlamentall authority they as it were dare justice , and in their selfe-wild obstinacy thrust themselves into the hands of the hangman , as if they were borne hereditary to the halter . for instance , ( and which is now at this present in agitation ) one iohn goodman , a priest and iesuite , notwithstanding all former caveats and premonitions , having the libery of the whole world to retire and solace himselfe , only he was banished and debar'd this land nine yeares since , the entrance into wch he knew no lesse than the forfeiture of his life , with a shamefull death annexed , & knowing withall , how hateful the nama of a romish , priest , was to all the true and faithfull subjects of the kingdome , yet maugre all interdiction & proclamations forbidding the contrary , desperately , ( if not madly ) exposed himselfe unto all the penalty and dangers of the law , and being taken , and in the * rat-trap held by the leg , for feare of slipping away , and brought unto his tryall , having all the favour that could be shewne to a malefactor in that kind , by his owne free and voluntary confession accused and condemn'd himself , and when judgment must of necessity ( as in all such cases ) be , and was pronounced against him , yet the kings majesty out of his great and unbounded clemency & mercy , when he was ready to be drawn to execution , sent him a reprieve for his life : and since being delivered up unto the high court of parlament , they , in hope of his reformation , and recantation , have not as yet proceeded against his life ; unto whose mercy i leave him , & with whom i conclude this briefe tractate : desiring with all the reader to take further into his consideration the lenity of our lawes , and the milde proceedings therein to spare christian blood : when on the contrary , our adversaries with their corrigidoes and catchpooles , thirst nothing more after : when no lay protestant traveller in rome or spain , dares so much as hold argument of his owne faith , or shew a booke in his owne language , but he shall be hurried into the bloudy inquisition ; to endure more tortures and paines than in their owne devised purgatory , the miseries and torments whereof , if any would be further satisfied , let them but read the lamentable sufferings of mr. lythgow , amply set downe in the booke of his travells . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a58087e-100 * new-gate : and iron shackle on hi● leg the papists new-fashion'd allegiance a letter lately seiz'd in the house of an eminent roman catholick in hereford-shire, and produced at the late assizes there held / written by father harcourt. barrow, william, 1610-1679. 1679 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45528 wing h696 estc r25409 08951468 ocm 08951468 42071 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45528) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42071) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1286:9) the papists new-fashion'd allegiance a letter lately seiz'd in the house of an eminent roman catholick in hereford-shire, and produced at the late assizes there held / written by father harcourt. barrow, william, 1610-1679. 4 p. s.n., [london : 1679] caption title. signed: w.h. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -england. popish plot, 1678. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the papists new fashion'd allegiance : a letter lately seiz'd in the house of an eminent roman catholick in hereford-shire , and produced at the late assizes there held : written by father harcovrt the jesuit , lately executed ; concerning taking the oaths of supremacy and allegiance . upon a late search in herefordshire , the ensuing letter was found by a justice of the peace in a papist's house , very choicely laid up amongst a parcel of crucifixes , reliques , and popish trinkets : it was written as from a woman , as some expressions would make one believe ; but both the matter , style and character , evidently shew'd it to be in truth from some jesuit or popish priest , who now commonly maintain their correspondencies in the names , and by the mediation of their female-disciples . for as that sex is by nature ignorant , superstitious , and pertinacious in their opinions ; so these crafty seducers imitating their father , the original deceiver , make special use of these weaker vessels , to imbibe and propagate their false doctrines . the author of this epistle therefore , is generally reported , and on good grounds believ'd to be no other than that late executed traitor , father w. harcourt , the jesuit , as well because the letters of the name subscribed , agree with his , and that 't is certain he was intimately familiar in that family , and at that time sculking up and down the countrey ; as also , because some acquainted with his hand-writing conclude it to be of the same character . and though the matter thereof seem to be good and commendable , as persuading , or if you please , giving leave to papists , to do that which in it self is most lawful , and no more than their duty , yet the manner and grounds on which this is here advised , evidently demonstrate , that 't is done meerly to serve a present turn , and elude the law by swearing in such an abstruse equivocating sence , as renders the government never the more secure : the necessary preservation whereof , was the grand end for which these oaths were originally enjoyn'd , and still impos'd . — the letter follows . dear cousin , i am glad to hear you continue so well after your hard bargain , for i was afraid all our friends had been quite lost , they have been so disturbed and letters are so uncertain , that one dares not trust any but by a special messenger , and scarce so . i might have been as happy as you , but the sudden frights of searchers , which i fear'd might have plunder'd in all , and hurried my good gentleman to london , caused a miscarriage , which went harder with me than child-bearing . the times are sad at present , but we ought not to despond , a little patience may mend all . my privacy affords but little news , and how the great wheel turns , i am not certain , but hope and pray for the best . we are all well as yet , at our little pathmos , and after serious examination and advice , which we think fit to communicate to you , and the rest of our friends , approve of it as requisite for a catholick man to express his true loyalty in such circumstances to his king by taking the oaths , when necessitated thereunto . for though there be much harshness in the words , as to exclude our acknowledgment and adherence by faith and obedience unto our purely spiritual head ; yet since we be admitted to make our own sence , as indeed , whoever swears cannot be hindred by any words impos'd from swearing , in such sense as is agreeable to his own understanding ; so that here we only swear within such bounds as the catholick church and our duty allows , that is , only acknowledging a temporal power over spirituals , as in contentious courts due to the temporal sword , and not in foro conscientiae , as by the proviso in the statute quinto elizabethae may be seen . therefore to take off this ignominious censure of denying our allegiance , and let the world know , that we may give to caesar what is his due , we may not refuse the oaths when legally tendered , especially at such a time when catholicks lye under so many suspicions and scandals , in point of loyalty , which 't is an indispensable duty , incumbent upon us all , to prevent to the utmost of our power , and this especially when we are not compelled to the rigour of the words , as formerly ; but only to allow his majesty a supream , temporal power in spiritual things , and not a purely spiritual power , which is due only to the supream spiritual pastor of our souls . without denying god his right , we may attribute in a sound sence to the king , that spiritual coercive power , which he or his ancestors gave to the church . now he claims it to himself , and with more justice than the first framer of one of these oaths that began it by pillaging the church , and usurping its power : for he now quietly possesses the church livings , and had not he the authority in the spiritual courts , upon every disagreeing , the obstinately contentious or best monied litigants would appeal to rome , which would be as inconvenient to our peace , as those harsh words , which some devout catholicks now scruple at , though without reason , when their ghostly instructors have signified their concurrence , &c. for when the sweet lenitive is admitted , by owning the king hath such a temporal coercive power over spirituals , we do not deny the purely spiritual power of our supream pastor . as for example , the pope creates a bishop , and gives him power to administer sacraments ; this was the power of the keys given to st. peter by our saviour : but 't was constantine gave st. sylvester his temporal command , and had constantius his son , reassum'd it again , he had but destroy'd his father's gift . now then when all the lands be in the crown , we may acknowledge the king the supream head , and as they be called spiritual livings , because they belonged to the church ; so he may not improperly be styled a spiritual head , that has command of them ; which at his pleasure he may again bestow upon spiritual persons . this is what i thought fit to signifie to you at present on this matter , wherein you desired directions , and might have been more plain , would the times have born it . i should be heartily glad to hear from you as often as you can , but you know the necessary cautions . pray present my duty to my aunt ; and so with my prayers to almighty god for you all , and most cordial love remembred , i ever am april the 12th . 1679. your most affectionate cousin w. h. though this letter be written in so strange and affected cloudy style , and those words , miscarriage , child-bearing , husband , &c. cast in to make it the better pass for a woman 's penning , which yet possibly may have some other determinate meaning , well known by confederacy amongst the correspondents ; yet the main drift of it seems plain enough to be the signification of some dispensation lately granted to english papists , to take the oaths ; and this merely suited to the present juncture of affairs , to avoid the penalties of the laws , prevent scandal , and possess protestants with a good opinion of their loyalty : the better to dispose zealous and scrupulous roman catholicks thereunto , here is the use of equivocation recommended , and such an unaccountable distinction framed about temporal power in spirituals , and that so warily laid down , that the jesuits may at any time give a different or clean contrary interpretation , whenever opportunity and their interest shall require it . by these , and the like dealings of these men , we may evidently perceive that they make use of religion only as a politick engin , which they manage variously at their pleasure , as it may be most serviceable to their designs : and that there is no oath , test , or obligation , which by the help of an equivocation and a distinction they cannot accept , and presently evade or break through . finis . a short narrative of the discovery of a college of jesuits at a place called the come in the county of hereford which was sent up unto the right honorable the lords assembled in parliament at the end of the last sessions / by the right reverend father in god herbert, lord bishop of hereford ... ; to which is added a true relation of the knavery of father lewis, the pretended bishop of landaffe, now a prisoner in monmouth gaol. croft, herbert, 1603-1691. 1679 approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35032 wing c6977 estc r31314 11887388 ocm 11887388 50390 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35032) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50390) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1000:8) a short narrative of the discovery of a college of jesuits at a place called the come in the county of hereford which was sent up unto the right honorable the lords assembled in parliament at the end of the last sessions / by the right reverend father in god herbert, lord bishop of hereford ... ; to which is added a true relation of the knavery of father lewis, the pretended bishop of landaffe, now a prisoner in monmouth gaol. croft, herbert, 1603-1691. [2], 18 p. printed by t.n. for charles harper ..., london : 1679. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short narrative of the discovery of a college of jesuits , at a place called the come , in the county of hereford : which was sent up unto the right honorable , the lords assembled in parliament , at the end of the last sessions , by the right reverend father in god herbert , lord bishop of hereford , according to an order sent unto him by the said lords , to make diligent search , and return an account thereof . to which is added a true relation of the knavery of father lewis , the pretended bishop of landaffe ; now a prisoner in monmouth gaol . london , printed by t. n. for charles harper , at the flower-de-luce against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . 1679. a short narrative of the discovery of a college of iesuits , at a place called the come , in the county of hereford . together with an account of the knavery of father lewis , the pretended bishop of landaffe , &c. in the parish of llanro●hall in the county of hereford , there are two houses , called , the upper and lower comes , or middle and lower comes , with a walled court before each of them , having lands belonging to them worth about threescore pounds per annum , ( they pay taxes at eight and fifty pounds per annum . ) this estate did formerly belong to edward lord marquis of worcester , who by his lease dated novemb. 10. in the twelfth year of king charles the i. did lett it for fourscore and nineteen years to one william morton , who dying , left it to one robert hutton living in st. giles's in the fields , london , stiled merchant ; which hutton hath by his lease dated the second day of february 1677. and sealed and delivered in the presence of william ireland , iohn fenwick , i. groves , set the lower come to one william williams , for one and twenty years , at forty pounds per annum : and he hath likewise m de a letter of attorney to one peter pullen a servant , intrusting him with the management of the profits of both the comes , which is dated the 27th day of april 1678. and the witnesses to it are w. ireland , io. fenwick , and william cornelius . one of these houses is a fair gentile house , wherein there are six lodging chambers ; each one a convenient study to it , with a standish left in them , besides several other lodging rooms . the other house is also a good countrey house , with several chambers , and studies to some of them , all in very good repair : but the furniture now removed , we cannot yet find whither . the remaining dwellers in the house , who were but under-servants , will not confess : they are apparently perjured ; for they flatly denied , upon oath , several things , which were made out by others , and then they confessed them . there are one and twenty chimnies in both houses , and a great many doors to go in and out at ; and likewise many private passages from one room to the other . these houses are seated at the bottom of a thick woody and rocky hill , with several hollow places in the rocks , wherein men may conceal themselves ; and there is a very private passage from one of the houses , into this wood. in one of these houses there was a study found , the door thereof very hardly to be discovered , being placed behind a bed , and plaistred over like the wall adjoining , in which was found great store of divinity books , and others , in folio and quarto , and many other lesser books , several horse-loads , ( but they are not yet brought to me , it being christmas holy-days , but they remain in a safe hand ) many whereof are written by the principal learned jesuits . and there were found two paper books in folio , in the front of one written , ordinationes variae pro collegio sancti xaverii . ( xaverius was the co-founder with ignatius of the jesuits order , and his picture was there set up . ) ordinationes , doth not here signifie ordination , as we commonly understand it ; but orders and rules sent from the generals of the jesuits carassa and paulus oliva , to the jesuits here inhabiting ; as also instructions from the provincials of the jesuits living in london , unto those here . the other paper book contains the great benefactors , being queens , princes , nobles , and several others of this and divers other nations , who have contributed towards the foundation of iesuit colleges , or the maintenance of them ; and likewise the number of masses appointed to be said for their souls . there was also found a latin book in folio , declaring , that there is in london a college dedicated to s t ignatius , with revenues belonging to it , for the iesuit novices in the time of probation . one in wales ( which i suppose are these two houses ) dedicated to s t xaverius . a third is ( the book saith ) in staffordshire , or lancashire , dedicated to s t aloysius , another prime iesuit : which colleges , when england shall be reduced to the obedience of the pope , shall never be altered , as this book directs . this printed book , and the other two paper books in folio , i have . there are about fifteen or sixteen several printed books , containing the decrees of the several congregations of that society at rome , that contain onely the rules of the society of iesus . there are several books lately written and printed against the protestant religion , and many small popish catechisms printed and tyed up in a bundle ; and some welsh popish books lately printed , and some popish manuscripts fairly and lately written . likewise there is a picture of ignatius loiola , the founder of the society , and the most remarkable actions and pretended miracles of his life , not only written in printed books , but in pictures in several sheets , which pictures refer to ribadeneira's book of loiola's life . there is a loose paper dated the first day of march 1652. ( it seems this was then founded a college ) in which directions were given , that an account of the revenue and disbursments should be sent yearly to the college in rome : it is there also mentioned , that the same year there were baptized 34 ; reconciled to the church of rome 155 ( a great number ; ) of those that were fallen from the church and regained 15 , and other matters . one letter seems written by the provincial to them of this house , wherein complaint is made , that there was not care enough taken to send young men to rome , to be there bred up in the english college ; and for which , he saith , the pope was much displeased , and threatned to take away their college there , and fill it up with scholars of some other nation and order . in one of these houses lived a mean servant , called peter pullen , ( a papist ) yet entrusted with the management of these houses and estates for eight years past , as he confesseth ; and was entrusted to receive a rent of 30 l. per annum , from an estate called amberley in the parish of monmouth , and another rent of 18 l. per annum , from an estate called langunuill in the parish of dixton in the county of monmouth , and to manage them also : part whereof defrayed the expences of the college , as appears in part by an account book , where there are many leaves cut o●t , ( i suppose they had timely notice given them , before the order was sent me by the house of lords , and did thereupon do this , and remove what they could before hand ) and part paid in money to such iesuit priests as were a●pointed to receive it : but for these eight years that he hath been servant there , he never hath made any account unto , nor held any correspondence with the said hutton , who carrieth the name of this estate . this pullen names seven several iesuit priests , viz. prichard , archer , harris , lewis , price , humfreys , and draicot , who were used to resort thither , and say mass there : but the altar , with all the ornaments thereof , was taken down , and conveyed away , only the altar stone remaining with five crosses cut in it one at each corner , and one in the middle . two vestments , with some other small matters , were found in two boxes hid in the wood above-specifi'd ( it seems the other things were but newly removed ; and they had begun also to remove the library , for they had carried out and hid in a pigs-cot adjoining , about two horse-loads of books . ) there were found many bottles of oyl , a box of white wafers stamped , several popish pictures and crucifixes , some reliques , a little saints bell , and an incense pot. it doth appear by several examinations , that on sundayes and holydayes many papists did resort to these comes , and the greater part of mr. milburn ' s family near unto them , but i do not find that ever he himself frequented it . a relation of the knavery of father lewis , the pretended bishop of landaffe . amongst other things which fell out in the examination of the jesuits college at come in herefordshire , there is fully proved by several witnesses , this true story following ; which being matter of fact , cannot be denied . there is , amongst the foxes of this kennel , one lewis , one of the established number of jesuits of the college ; who is reported to be the titular bishop of landaffe , and who is now prisoner in monmouth . there was a poor woman , to whom this lewis was a confessor ; her father was a vicious liver , and dyed about half a year ago this poor woman having been taught the doctrine of purgatory , and being ( it seems ) of a very tender nature , and reflecting upon the condition of her father● soul , which she apprehended , by their doctrine , was in great torment in purgatory : s●e thereupon fell into a great grief and sorrow ; and , with tears in her eyes , address'd her self to this father . lewis , and told him , she was inform'd , that he could use means to fetch her fathers soul immediately out of purgatory into heaven ; and that she would give him all she had in the world to have it done with speed , though she did not leave her self one penny to live on to this , father lewis , after a long pause , told her , thus : daughter , i am glad to see so much grace in you , as to believe the holy doctrine of purgatory , so firmly as to be so truly sensible of the torture of your fathers soul therein : true it is , i can ( with the assistance of our most holy father the pope ) bring your fathers soul out of purgatory into heaven ; but it will cost a great deal of money : for i must send over to rome , to have power herein , and several masses must be celebrated both in rome , and all other colledges of iesuits , and other offices perform'd to do the work ; which , father lewis said , would cost a great deal of money . the poor woman answer'd , she did not care what it cost her ; so dear , so precious was her fathers soul to her , that she would give all she had to have it done . and then she ask'd him , how much it would cost to have it done ? who , after a pause , and reckoning upon his fingers-ends , told her , it would cost one hundred pound to have it well done . with that the woman cry'd bitterly , and said , she was not worth half so much money in the world . then father lewis told her , he would do it for fourscore pounds . the woman reply'd , she was not worth half fourscore . then father lewis ask'd her , what she was worth in the whole world ? to which she answer'd very honestly and truly , that she was worth but thirty five pound . then father lewis told her , because she was poor , that he would take but thirty pound : and thereupon they agreed . but when father lewis understood after from the woman , that she had no ready money , he began to storm , and to be in a great passion ; yet at last he was contented to take her own bond for the thirty pound : but took the bond in a friends name , and caus'd the woman to give a warrant to an attorney to confess judgment upon the bond , which was done accordingly ; and the money was to be paid within six weeks , within which time father lewis undertook peremptorily to have the man's soul out of purgatory into heaven , and so they parted , and the woman hereby much comforted . afterwards , as soon as ever the six weeks were over , and the money became due , father lewis sent to the poor woman , to come to him again , and as soon as ever she came , he produc'd unto her a book with gilded leaves , and red letters ; and after he had tumbled the leaves of the book backward and forward , he clapt the book to his car , and then said thus , looking into the book , here it is , i am sure now your business is done ; this i tell you to your comfort that your father's soul is as surely in heaven at this very time , as i am here in this chair . and then after a little time that the woman had express'd her joy at these good tydings , father lewis ask'd her , whether she had brought him his money , the thirty pound she was engaged for ? she answer'd , she had not brought him all , because her money was out in other mens hands , and could not get it in so soon ; but she had brought him ten pound , and humbly intreated him to receive that at present , and he should have the residue as soon as possibly she could get it in . but at this father lewis was startled , that she had not brought the whole sum , and fell into a violent fury with the poor woman , reviled her , gave her many harsh and bitter words , threaten'd the poor woman to send bayliffs to take her in execution upon her judgment , and cast her body into prison ; and not only so , but threaten'd to excommunicate her also , for the breach of her faith , in not paying the thirty pound , according to her engagement . but , upon second thoughts , father lewis took the ten pound , and he came to this farther agreement with her , which was , that she should pay five pound more forthwith , and the other fifteen pound within a quarter of a year after ; and if she failed , then to render her body to prison , and suffer excommunication . after this , the poor woman made hard shift to pay father lewis the five pound , but before the other fifteen was due , a man of the protestant religion , sollicited the poor woman for marriage . the poor woman ingenuously and conscientiously confess'd unto him , that she was worth nothing , but was in debt to her ghostly father lewis fifteen pound : and acquainted him how , and for what she came to be so indebted . this man , notwithstanding , marries her , and afterwards , by degrees , drew her from the roman church , to the church of england ; and then brought her before a justice of peace , to whom she discover'd all this upon oath . and this woman knowing where her holy confessor lewis us'd to hide himself , under ground , under a clay floor , cunningly contriv'd in a poor despicable cottage ; and being now exasperated at the holy cheat and desirous , as is most just , to catch his person , as he would have catched hers ; and endeavouring to have satisfaction from him for the money he ( with so much uncharitableness ) cheated her of , did conduct a justice of peace to the place , where they found and unkennel'd the fox , and from thence the justice of peace sent father lewis to monmouth gaol , where he now continues . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35032-e200 s●e the examination . of mr. bo●thby . lord of the 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 peter pullen ' s examination . the articles which were propounded to the iesuites to subscribe them in the parliament, on sunday the 14. of march, &c. 1626 by reason of a hurtfull and detestable booke, which is published vnder the name of anthonius santarellus. the sentence which the court of parliament hath giuen against the iesuites of the colledge of clemont on the 17. of march, &c. 1626. the censure which the diuines of the vniuersitie of paris haue made against a booke, which is instiled, antonij santarelli ex societate iesu tractatus de hæresi, schismate, apostasia, sollicitatione in sacramento pœnitentiæ, & de potestate summi pontificis in his dilectis puniendis. ad serenissimum principem mauritium à sabaudia. roma, apud hœredem bartholomæi zannetti, 1625. superiorum permissu. france. parlement (paris) 1626 approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04407 stc 14526 estc s103346 99839103 99839103 3499 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04407) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 3499) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1245:03) the articles which were propounded to the iesuites to subscribe them in the parliament, on sunday the 14. of march, &c. 1626 by reason of a hurtfull and detestable booke, which is published vnder the name of anthonius santarellus. the sentence which the court of parliament hath giuen against the iesuites of the colledge of clemont on the 17. of march, &c. 1626. the censure which the diuines of the vniuersitie of paris haue made against a booke, which is instiled, antonij santarelli ex societate iesu tractatus de hæresi, schismate, apostasia, sollicitatione in sacramento pœnitentiæ, & de potestate summi pontificis in his dilectis puniendis. ad serenissimum principem mauritium à sabaudia. roma, apud hœredem bartholomæi zannetti, 1625. superiorum permissu. france. parlement (paris) université de paris. faculté de théologie. aut [2], 6 p. by iacques besonge, [i.e. b. alsop and t. fawcet] dwelling within the court of the palace, printed at rouan [i.e. london] : m.dc.xxvi. [1626] at foot of title page: with license. actual place of publication and printers' names from stc. the french version may have been printed by m. flesher--stc. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng santarelli, antonio, 1569-1649. -tractatus de haeresi. jesuits -france -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the articles which were propounded to the jesuites to subscribe them in the parliament , on sunday the 14. of march , &c. 1626. by reason of a hurtfull and detestable booke , which is published vnder the name of anthonius santarellus . the sentence which the court of parliament hath giuen against the iesuites of the colledge of clemont on the 17. of march , &c. 1626. the censure which the diuines of the vniuersitie of paris haue made against a booke , which is instiled , antonij santarelli ex societate iesu tractatus de haeresi , schismate , apostasia , sollicitatione in sacramento poenitentiae , & de potestate summi pontificis in his dilictis puniendis . ad serenissimum principem mauritium à sabaudia . romae , apud haeredem bartholomaei zannettj , 1625. superiorum permissu . printed at rovan , by jacques besonge , dwelling within the court of the palace . m.dc.xxvi . with licence . the articles which were propounded to the iesuites to subscribe them in the parliament , on sunday the 14. of march , anno 1626 by reason of a hurtfull and detestable booke , which is published vnder the name of anthonius santarellus . 1. that the king holdeth his state onely from god , and his sword. 2. that the king acknowledged none in his kingdome aboue him , but god onely . 4. that the pope hath no power to excommunicate or execrate , either the king or his kingdome , nor discharge his subiects from their oath of aleagiance which they owe vnto him , be it for whatsoeuer cause , or occasion . 4. that the pope hath no power ouer the king , neither direct nor indirect , mediate nor immediate , compulsiue nor coercitiue , be it for whatsoeuer cause or occasion . here followeth a sentence giuen by the court of parliament of paris on the 30 ▪ of march , anno 1626. by which the booke which hath beene printed at rome ( in the yeare 1926. instiled anthony santarelli de societate iesu tractatus de haresi , &c. that is to say , the treatie of heresie , &c. written by antonius santarellus of the secietie of iesus , containing in the 30. and 31. chapter , many propositions which are preiudicious both to the soueraigne powers of kings , which are ordained , and established by god , and to the rest , and tranquilitie of their states ) hath beene condemned to bee burned by the hand of the hangman before the palace . it is ordained that the provinciall , three ▪ rectors , and three of the ancients of the iesuits shall bee sent for to come the next day into the court for to be heard . on the 17. of march 1625. haue the courts of the great chamber of tournelle , and of the edicts compelled the iesuites by a sentence giuen the same day , to make the following disadvow . wee of the company of iesus , which haue subscribed this writing , declare that wee disadvow , and detest the wicked doctrine contained in the booke of santarellus , concerning the persons , authoritie , & states of kings , which we acknowledge that their maiesties hold immediately from god , and wee are readie to shed our blood , and venture our liues in all occasions , for the confirmation of this truth . wee are likewise ready to subscribe the censure , which may be made against pernicious and wicked doctrine , by the clergie or sorbonne , and promise to professe neuer any opinions or doctrine , which shall be contrary to the same which shall bee held by the aforementioned clergie , the vniuersities of this kingdome , or the sorbonne . actum in paris the 16. day of march 1626. signed by piere cotton , ignoce armand , charles de la tour , iean suffren , françois garassus , françois gaudillon , dionisius petavius , iean fillean , iean brossaut , estlienne guerry , ludovicus mairat , iean sirmond , piere royer , stienne bauny . the sentence which the court of parliament hath giuen against the jesuites of the colledge of clemont on the 17. of march , anno 1626. on this day hath the procurator ( or kings sollicitor ) generall shewne to the court , that the deputies of the priests and schollers of the colledge of clemont , hauing beene heard in the court , it was found necessarie for the good of the kings seruice , and his royall authoritie and rites of the french church , to looke to the matter which is taken in deliberation . the court , the great chamber , and that which is called tournelle , and the said assembly haue ordained , and ordaine , that the prouinciall of the aforementioned priests ▪ and schollers of the colledge of clermont within the space of three dayes shall assemble the said priests of the colledges of the three houses which are in this town , and shall make them to subscribe the censure which the diuines of the sorbonne haue made on the 1. day of december 1625. against a booke which is instiled admonitio ad regem , that is to say , a warning giuen to the king , and that they shall by deed disavow , and detest the booke of santarellus , containing many propositions and maximes which are scandalous , seditious , and to draw the subuersions of states , and to drawe the subiects of kings , and soueraigne princes from their obeisance , and to induce them to attempt against their annoynted persons : and that they shall bring thereof act in the greffie ( or secretarie ) within the space of 3. dayes after their foresaid assembly : they are likewise to bring the like actes of all the chiefe rectors , and of the sixe ancients of the colledges of their companie which are in france , containing the approbation of the afore-mentioned censure of the sorbonne , and the disprouing of the aforemencioned booke of santarellus , which they are to bring into the said secretarie or greffie , within the space of two moneths afterwards . they ordaine that the prouinciall and priests of the said colledge shall appoint two out of them for to write in the name of their company within the space of eight dayes , and to bring in to the secretarie the same writing within the afore-mencioned time . for otherwise if they shall faile to doe it in the time , and it shall bee expired , there shall be proceeded against them , as being guiltie of crimen lesae maiestatis , and perturbators of the common rest , and tranquilitie . and this sentence is to bee signified by the aforementioned procurator generall the king , to the prouinciall of this citie of paris , to the intent that he may carrie himselfe accordingly and giue satisfaction . the 17. of march. 1626. s the censure which the diuines of the vniuersitie of paris have made against a booke which is instiled , antonij santarelliex societate iesu tractatus de haeresi , schismate , apostatia , solicitatione in sacramento poenitentiae , & de potestate summi pontificis in his dilictis puniendis . ad serenissimum principem mauritium à sabaudia . romae , apud haeredem bartholomaei zannetti 1626. superiorum permissu . if there is any one that doubted that wee are not come neere to the end of the world as the apostle speaketh , let him consider a little these latter times , and compare them with the former , and he shall easily perceiue , that the enemie of mankinde hath not left any thing behinde which might serue not onely to offend , but also to ruine effectually all policies , as well ciuill as ecclesiasticall . there haue bin found some vngodly persons , which being so bold as to speake blasphemie against heauen , haue employed their pens and swords against the church which is the bride of iesus christ . but some wicked men considering that the secular powers are not without reason armed with the sword , haue by an other manner of way set vpon the policie , and haue tryed to extirpe , and annullate it by the meanes of execrable bookes , executing their wicked designes more couertly by the meanes of such embuscados . the marke which saint iudas proposeth vnto vs to know such persons is , that they contemne the soueraigne powers , and blaspheme against the maiestie . it were to bee wished , that they rested themselues with their contemning andspeaking ill ; but it is so farre from it , that to the contrary these damnable writers , vnder the pretext to establish in the church a certaine temporall power , they teach and affirme , that it is in the power of those which gouerne ecclesiasticall matters , to put kings out of their thrones , yea , euen for small and ridiculous matters , and to substitute in their places , either soueraigne or annuall , yea , euen daily magistrates , as they shall thinke fit . therefore the diuines of the vniuersitieof paris , considering that they intend by such meanes to ruine the ciuill policies , and especially the french monarchie which is gouerned by our most christian , most gracious , and most iust king ; they to follow the steps of their predecessors haue to shew their affection which they beare to his maiestie and all this kingdome , and to satisfie the generall desire of all good persons chosen amongst other a booke which is newly come to light , vnder the title of antonij sanctarelli iesuitae , de haeresi , schismate apostasia , &c. in the generall congregation which hath extraordinarily beene kept on the sixt day of the moneth of march which is last past , appointed some doctors which they haue particularly named to reade , and examine the same booke . but seeing that it treateth of many things which concerne not the matter which is now principally questioned , and haue resolued that but two chapters of the same booke should be examined , namely , the 30. and 31. of the treatie of heresie . so it is that on the first day of the moneth of aprill , in the yeare 1626. after the masse of the holy-ghost , the assembly being made according to custome in the hall of the colledge of the sorbonne , there was heard the report of the doctors which were appointed by the diuines , and delared that in the two chapters which were shewn vnto them , are contayned the following propositions , namely , that the pope may punish the kings and princes with temporall paines , and that he hath power to depose and bereaue them of their kingdomes and states for crime of heresie , and to discharge their subiects , of their obeisance : and that such hath alwayes bin the custome of the church : and that not onely for heresie , but likewise for other causes , viz. for their sinnes , if it be fitting : if the princes be negligent : if they be incapable , and vnprofitable : moreouer , that the pope hath power , both ouer spirituall and temporall powers : and that hee hath such power by gods law . that man must belieue that there is giuen power to the church and her soueraigne pastor to punish ( the princes ) which offend against the diuine and humane lawes , with temporall paines : and that especially if their crime be heresie . they haue likewise said , that the author of this booke affirmeth , that the apostles although they were in effect subiect to the secular princes , were not by right their subiects , as likewise that as soone as the maiestie of the soueraigne bishop hath beene established all princes haue beene subiect vnto him . to be briefe , they haue reported that this man explicated these words of iesus christ , all that whatsoeuer you shall binde vpon earth , &c. are not onely to be vnderstood of the spirituall power , but also of the temporall : and that he hath corrupted the text of st. powell in cutting off of a deniall , and that he maketh many authors to speake such things which they haue neuer imagined or conceiued : and concluding thereupon , that both these and other things deserued very well the correction and censure of this facultie of diuinitie : the deane hauing thereupon taken the matter in deliberation , and all the opinions of the doctors being heard , and their voyces gathered , this facultie hath reproued and condemned the doctrine which is contained in these propositions , and conclusions of the said chapters , as being new , false , erronious , and contrary to the word of god ; alleaging that it maketh odious the dignitie of the soueraigne bishop , and opened the way to schisme ; that it tendeth to the preiudice of the soueraigne authoritie of princes , which dependeth onely from god , and that it hindereth the conuersion of vnfaithfull and hereticall princes ; that it troubleth the publike peace , and hindereth the welfare of kingdomes , states , and common-wealths ; and to be short , that it draweth and distracteth the subiects from the obeysance which they owe to their soueraignes , and prouoked them to factions , rebellions , and seditions , and induceth them to attempt against the liues of their princes . done in the sorbonne on the day and yeare as aboue , and viewed ouer againe on the fourth of aprill , anno , 1626. by the command of the deane . and doctors of the vniuersitie of paris . p h. bovvot notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a04407-e730 1 corinth . 10. camiltons discoverie of the devilish designes and killing projects of the society of jesuites of late years projected and by them hitherto acted in germany : intended but graciously prevented in england / translated out of the latine copie ... by w. f. x. b. ... de studiis jesuitarum abstrusioribus. english camilton, john. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32856 of text r11407 in the english short title catalog (wing c388a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 49 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32856 wing c388a estc r11407 12832384 ocm 12832384 94330 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32856) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94330) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 254:e167, no 2) camiltons discoverie of the devilish designes and killing projects of the society of jesuites of late years projected and by them hitherto acted in germany : intended but graciously prevented in england / translated out of the latine copie ... by w. f. x. b. ... de studiis jesuitarum abstrusioribus. english camilton, john. w. f. x. b. [8], 27 p. printed by t. favvcet ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng jesuits -germany. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a32856 r11407 (wing c388a). civilwar no camiltons discoverie, of the devilish designes and killing projects of the society of jesuites of late yeares, projected and by them hithert camilton, john 1641 9034 19 0 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-07 kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion camiltons discoverie , of the devilish designes and killing projects of the society of jesuites of late yeares , projected and by them hitherto acted in germany , intended , but graciously prevented in england ; translated out of the latine copie ; dedicated to the high court of parliament , by w. f. x. b. minister of christs gospell . from all sedition and privie conspiracie , from all false doctrine and heresie . good lord deliver us . london , printed by t. favvcet , dwelling in grubstreet . 1641. to the high and honourable the lords and house of commons of england in parliament assembled . my lords and gentlemen , about twelve yeares agoe there came to my hand a little tract written in latine by one who stiled himselfe johannes camiltonus , and professed himselfe to have been sometimes a probationer in that colledge of iesuites in germany , whereof jacocus del rio , at that time provinciall was the visitor : this booke , in the yeare 1607 was by him written and dedicated to the protestant electors of germany , as a discovery before-hand of those most damnable 〈…〉 society then had in agitation against the people of germany . the title of this booke was , de studiis iesuitarum abstrusioribus , concerning the more secret and reserved practises of the iesuites : whereunto had those princes , to whom this booke was dedicated , given such timely ●are and beliefe as they might have done , they had in all probability prevented the greatest part of those unparallel'd miseries , which since the beginning of the warres there ( and that was not till eleven yeares after the publication of this booke ) these jncendiaries of christendome , have brought upon the germaine nation , to the astonishment of all the world . but wee see what hath since beene permitted to these fellowes to doe , and what the neglect of a timely taking heed to a seasonable warning hath brought upon those then flourishing princes and states . that we therefore might learne by other mens harmes to re 〈…〉 e our owne particular , i have endeavoured the publication of this translation under your honours protection ; having taught this discoverer to speake our language , for the publique benefit of our english nation , against them , i dare boldly say , even your selves being my judges when you shall have read this small tract , that the same course hath beene taken by these common incendiaries for breeding a disturbance , and bringing all things into a confusion both in our church and state , that was then projected , and since then acted upon germany . nor doe i thinke , but it is sufficiently knowne to your honours and grave wisedomes , that the same wheele of mischiefe , that wrought all the woes of germany since the yeare 1618. hath for some yeares last past , bin set also at worke in england , scotland , and ireland : witnesse all the factions and fractions in church and state , the disturbances and discontents betweene the prince and the people , the fearefull divisions betwixt the clergie and the clergie , betwixt the court and city , and betwixt the king and his commons , yea , even betwixt the two crownes of england and scotland , all which have received their birth and breeding from the devilish designes of those sonnes of division , the society of jesuites , and beene fomented almost to a perfect flame by their agents , and adherents , their deluded disciples of this nation , and had undoubtedly broken out , and produced in short time , the like effects among us , that they have done in germany , had not almighty god in meere mercy to this nation , and in his divine compassion to his poore church in england thus ready to perish , stept in to our rescue , by his blessed hand of providence stirring up the spirits of our noble peeres to represent to his sacred majestie the eminent danger , and gratiously inclining his royall heart to hearken thereto , and so that we may say with the psalmist , ps. 118. 23. this was the lords doing , and it is marvailous in our eyes . and the same god , if it be his blessed will , in his owne time , by his owne meanes , perfect that good worke of mercy , which he hath so gracioussy begun for us of this land and nation , by rooting out from amongst us that disloyall brood of inigo loiola , that our eyes may see it , and we may say , the lord hath beene megni●●ed upon the borders of england . for assuredly , though the romish factors , may now justly say , as edom did in the prophecye of malachy , 1 : 4. we are impovverished , but we will retur●e , and build up our desolate places , ( for they cannot but be sensible of their owne 〈…〉 ets defeated both by sea and land , by water in the yeare 1588 , by f●●e , 1605 , and it is not to be doubted that they apprehend a feare of the miscarriage of their great and long intended plot of 〈◊〉 begun to ●eake out this yeare 1641 , all which notwithstanding , they still retaine a resolution 〈…〉 and build up their desola●e places ) yet i desire them , to read and take notice of the words following in the place before-cited , yet , thus saith the lord of hosts , they shall build up , but i will destroy , and men shall call them the border of wickednesse , and the people with whom the lord is angry for ever : and your eyes shall see it , and men shall say the lords name hath beene magnified upon the borders of england . and to speake truly what i thinke , i must confesse that i have conceived an hope of a long time , that this yeare 1641. which compleateth the century since that society had their bull from the pope , under protection whereof they have wrought so much mischiefe , would shew unto the world an apparant alteration in the body of that monster , the society of jesuites . a point which i am the rather induced to beleeve , because i have been certified as much in effect from a couple of their owne men of eminent note for learning , the one , pavlus flor●nius an italian , the other christianus franken a german , the former whereof was divinity reader , the other philosophy reader in the imperiall colledge of iesuites at vienna , both which , above threescore yeares agoe , upon just grounds exprest in a booke by them published , forsooke that religion , and became protestants . that booke also is to be seene , and if it please this honourable house to command it , shall be published also in english , for i find it written in latine . and , if their prediction faile not more in the conclusion then it hath done in the progresse hitherto . i am confident that this mayprove a very fatall yeare to that society but i feare i hold you too long from the booke it selfe humbly therefore commending you all to almighty god in my due and daily prayers . i leave this discovery to your consideration , and rest yours in all the duty of a minister of christs gospell . w. f. x. b. camilton's discoverie , of the devilish designes and killing projects of the society of jesvites of late yeares . what marcus cato sometimes spoke concerning the roman● south-sayers ; that hee wondred how they could forbeare to smile upon each other , so often as they met , may not unfitly be applyed to the iesuites : it is a wonder that one iesuite when he looketh upon another doth not straight way burst forth into a laughing outright , they being amongst themselves privie to such impostures practised upon the people . i speake not touching your simpler sort of iesuites , from whom these more reserved and closer practises of the society are altogether concealed , either in respect they are not held wise enough ( for sooth ) to be acquainted with them , or that they are thought too devout to entertaine them , or else in regard of their short continuance in that society : for all such are so kept short through severity of discipline , that not one of them , except he be wondrous quicke of sent , can ever smell out in the least measure what knavery is therein practised under a shew of holinesse . my discourse onely toucheth the prime and principall fellowes of that society , their regents , fathers , provincials , and generals ; all which , are so universally and joyntly tainted with all manner of wickednesse , but especially with whoredome , covetousnesse , and magicke , that indeed any reasonable man may thinke it little lesse then a miracle , if a iesuite of this ranke meeting such another upon a sudden , and beholding , as it were , another picture or lively representation of himselfe , should have power to abstaine from laughing outright . i therefore thought it not amisse , considering the premisses , to lay open unto the world some particular passages , and practises of that society , of the greatest part whereof my selfe have beene an eye-witnesse , and some part whereof hath beene related unto me by iesuites , whom i am able to name , and will undoubtedly nominate , if they shall but dare in the least manner to lift up their tongues against mee , or to contradict what i have written . and howsoever at this time i passe over things briefly , and doe onely ( as it were ) give you a first draught thereof , i doe purpose in due time ( god assisting me ) to doe it more largely and compleatly , with expression of all and singular circumstances thereunto appertaining . first of all then , at your entrance into any colledge of iesuites ; especially , if it be scituated in or neere unto any large , and populous , and rich place . but alas , why doe i say , if it be built there ( seeing they have no colledges in any poore , meane , or obscure place ) at your first entry i say into such a place or colledge , take principall notice of the porter of their gate , and him you shall find to looke like unto the picture of a very charon , or rather a cerberus ; for the most part you shall observe him to be a man of very great yeares , or if hee bee younger , he is a fellow of most approved trust and secrecy . and this is the man , if any such there be , who is well skilled in all the mysteries of the iesuites caball , or reserved divinity . in this fellowes keeping is great store of apparell both for men and women of every degree and calling . and with this apparell doe the iesuites habit themselves according to the quality that every one findeth himselfe ablest to personate , and so practice wonderfull impostures in the world . for at sometimes being habited like souldiers very gallant , they walke in the streets and highwayes whoring and swaggering in the publike stewes . at other times in the civill habites of citizens , professing themselves to be of the reformed religion , they pry up and downe and listen in innes , in play-houses , in tavernes , upon the exchanges and in all places of publike meetings , wheresoever ●here is any frequent resort , what the people speak up and downe concerning them , what consultations are abroad , what matter of action is set a soot in any part . another while , like doctors of physicke , or of the civill law , with great rings on their fingers , avowing and purposely professing themselves to be papists ; wheresoever they know any of the common sort that is wealthy and hath sons , they devise some cause of businesse with them , and insinuate themselves into their acquaintance by strange fetches , and in conclusion doe advise them to bring up their sonnes in some schoole or colledge of iesuites , affirming that themselves have beene educated by them , and that they have so profited under them , that ( god be thanked ) they never had cause to repent thereof : and sometimes againe apparelled like noblemen , and compleatly attended , they cause coaches to be provided abroad , and frequent the courts of princes , as giving attendance upon ambassadours of forraigne states , and serve as intelligencers to vnlocke the cabinets of great potentates . nay further , i have knowne them to make shew of being banished persons , and to crave collections amongst protestant divines , purposely to learne under-hand what such men write against them : yea such were those men for the most part , who so miserably deluded so many reverend men in many places by sinister waies under that habit , furthering the designes of their society , and breeding disturbances in the reformed congregations : of whom , to the end that all honest-hearted ministers may be more wary , i shall tell you hereafter , what projects at this day the iesuites have a foot to this purpose . but in the meane while perhaps you will say unto me , whereto , i pray you , serveth so much womens apparell , or what is their end in depositing so much in the keeping of the porter of their gate ? attend , and j will tell you : no pander , that ever terence or plautus mentioned in their comedies , was so nimble at the trade of winning pretty wenches , as are the iesuites at this day , but especially that porter of their gate , whom i mentioned but now . for , that which the confessors themselves are not able to wring out of them by auricular confession in their churches and chappels , this fellow knoweth how to winne from them by flattering speeches , with wonderfull pleasing and delightfull toyes , especially if he meet with a poore widdow , or any such silly woman which sendeth her child to the colledge now and then for an almes ; or with some laundresse , or spinster ; for be she lotrix , or netrix , hee will make her a me●etrix . whom so soone as this base pander hath once but allured to come to his net , although her apparell be never so old and tattered , yet he hath gay gownes enough in store , with accoutrements suitable , wherewith he can make her both tricke & trimme , which when he hath done , he knoweth how to convey her through many secret passages and by-waies to his venerable masters , the fathers of the society . and yet he never doth this in the day time , but neere upon the shutting in of the evening , and then they make away the whole night in ryot and luxury , with revelling and dancing , the younger sort and novices of the society being kept farre enough from discovery thereof . for they have for the purpose certaine vaults framed like chambers , and roomes under ground as had those ancient romanes , who first devised their stewes in vaults , whose inclination to all carnall lasciviousnesse was so great , and so bruitish ; that the senate of rome , fearing the just anger of their gods for the same , utterly suppressed those lupanaria or publike stewes . and thus much for the iesuites porter of their gate : onely i must not forget to tell you this one thing , that if any party who by chance shall come to the sight of such and so great a wardrobe , doe demand with admiration , what is the end or use of it , answer is made unto them , that it is the wardrobe , reserved purposely for acting of playes : but that is the least part of their intention to my knowledge . moreover , when thou entrest into any of their churches , make account that thou walkest under an heaven of iron : bloody mars is over thine head , not that prince of peace ; below thee is tho very pit of hell , and a shop of tormenters . j now doe relate in good earnest , what mine own eyes have seene ; at prague in bohemia upon the roofe of their churches are thousands of iron bullets , whips , and fire-bals , such as the bohemians use , upon the sides are placed pieces of ordnance , vvith a great number of musquets and harquebushes , with pikes and halberts . in the middest , where the arches meet , are great heapes of huge bullets of stone . and the like preparation have they also made at cracovia . nor doe i make question , but that upon due search their colledges in other places , would appeare as well provided . but some man may perhaps make question . to what end religious men should make such preparation , or what need there can be so to doe ? i confesse , the matter at the first sight astonished me , and my best understanding was exceeding strange : but thus standeth the case . the iesuites know well enough , that the courses which they have taken formerly , and now every day doe take , are so indirect and turbulent , as m●keth them odious , to all such as they live amongst ; yea , to very papists themselves , at least to the wiser sort of them , in respect of many things which they have done both tumultuously , and wickedly , wheresoever they have got footing in the least manner . for they have no regard of any , they spare not to roote up the very catholiques themselves , so that they may pleasure the popes holinesse therein , though it were with the betraying of their countries , and setting the whole christian world in a combustion . and therefore because they are in daily feare to be massacred by those among whom they live , they make this provident and timely prevention by warre-like preparation . for indeed , they are afraid ( as j my selfe have heard them confesse ) lest it might befall unto them as unto the knights templers , who notwithstanding they were forward enough to serve the pope at all times , and as good catholiques as could be wished in the matter of religion ; yet , for their too much ambition and covetousnesse , whereby they became insupportable , they were by consent of all christian princes , and not without approbation from the pope himselfe , put to the sword all at an instant , and utterly rooted out almost in a moment ; as sometimes were the pythagorians , those very iesuites in effect , among the heathen , served throughout italy , and the provinces adjoyning . now the reason , wherefore they doe make choice to lay up their armes and munition in their churches , is onely this : for if when any insurrection or rebellious tumult ariseth in a province , the papists come thither to helpe and assist them , by this meanes they have armes for them in a readinesse upon a suddain : but if any who are of contrary religion come thither to doe them wrong , or to steale any thing from them , they have munition & stones above head , to destroy them withall before they be aware . and is not this ( i pray you ) the ready way to make the house of prayer , a den of theeves ? and yet by your patience , if you will but attend , j shall relate things more strange and horrible then these , in respect whereof , the things i have related hitherto , may well seeme tolerable , i may almost say innocencie . under the pavement of their church at gratz , and else-where , to my knowledge , are vaults and buildings under ground ; whereunto , there is no way but by staires , and steps ; here have they hoorded up ( like to that cacus whom virgil speaketh of ) all their prey and treasure , and doe obscurely conceale a world of wealth : so professing poverty , not onely with publike consent , but also with incredible pleasure , suffering the same with admirable patience , and cursing to the pit of hell , all such as are poore against their wils , as unworthy of so blessed a crosse . but as for this their treasure , for the most part it is so contrived , that it is buried directly and perpendicularly under their greatest and chiefest or most eminent and highest altar , and so they shall be sure that when they chant masse , they shall sacrifice to mars above head , and to mammon below . now furthermore , in their vaults under ground they maintaine a very strange library , of cords , halters , rackes , swords , axes , iron-pincers , stockes , torches , pillories , and severall instruments of torture , wherewith and whereunto poore wretches being tyed fast , are joynt by joynt torne a sunder , as many as fall into the hands of these tyrants , who are farre more cruell in this kind , then mezentius or phalaris ever were . nor are they without a divels coate , and a long steeple-crown'd hat , with blacke feathers , a jagged doublet cut and flashed , breeches puffed out and bagged like bellowes , downe to their anckles , such as would even make a man affrighted to looke upon them . but perhaps , he that readeth this relation , will wonder to what end religious persons , who professe themselves the disciples and followers ( as they would have all men to beleeve ) of our most meeke saviour jesus , should make such provision . i will resolue you this question also , if you please to attend . with such instruments as these , doth the societie captivate the understanding of their disciples , unto jesuiticall obedience . for if in the least matter , they get any hint of suspition , against any of their novices , that he will not be constant , or that he desireth to escape from them , and that he is likely to betray the secrets of their society , they clap up such a fellow , in a faire paire of stocks , and having macerated him a long time with hunger , and cold , and want of all bodily comforts ; at the last , they make an end of him , with some exquisite tortures , and killing torments . i doe not belye them . i write nothing but a truth . there was at gratz , about three yeares agoe , a young man named jacobvs clvssevs , a youth of an excellent and pregnant wit ; this man did they lay hands upon , and miserably tormented him , by whipping and scourging , for a matter of no moment , and because he told them plainly , that he would renounce their society , and complaine publikely ( if ever he got liberty ) for this and other such wicked dealing towards wards him , they clapped him up into such a prison , under ground , as aforesaid , from whence hee was never seene to come out againe alive . nor did any of us that were novices , make question , but that he was made an end of , with most exquisite torments . which unparallel'd piece of tyranny , i purpose in due time to divulge to the whole world , with relation of all circumstances , being the thing which the poore wretched clussaeus , had a purpose to have done himselfe , if he had not been hindered and prevented by death . i shall withall make publike unto the world , another such piece of villany , committed by the iesuites of fulda in germany , upon the body of one martinus , whom they stole away most basely from his parents , who are yet living at miltenberg or milberg . and how many women thinke you , have beene devoured and eaten up in the same gulfe ? how many young children slaine ? how many young men , that have beene sole heyres of very large and ample patrimonies , have beene made away by them ? i doe not say , j thinke , but j beleeve , and am firmely perswaded , so often as shrikes , and cryes , sighings , and most woefull lamentations , were heard in the night season , the hearing whereof ; would put a man into a cold sweat all over , and make his hayre stand on end , though our simpler novices , beleeved them to bee the soules of some lately departed , it was nothing but the shrikes and mone of children lately murthered , or then a murthering . moreover , that the extreame and divelish malice of iesuites , may be in nothing defective , they are accustomed divers times , in those their vaults under ground , to make the divell very sine sport : putting on terrible disguises , they cause some of their novices to be called downe to behold their tragedy , upon whom they will rush suddainly with an horrible yelling noyse , to make tryall , ( forsooth ) of their courage and constancy . for if they find any to be timorous and fearefull , they admit not such a man to the secrets of magicke , as accounting them cowardly and degenerate , but appoint them to some of the inferiour arts : but such as appeare to be of bold and undanted spirits , they take especiall notice of them , and reserve them for serious imployments . and yet they are not alwaies successefull for all this , as appeared by that which happened at prague in the yeare 1602. for whereas there were five principall iesuites , who being habited as devils made sport with their youth . if so fell out , that there was found to be a sixth in their company , before they were aware , and he questionlesse was a divell indeed , who catching up one of the personated divels in his armes , gave him such a kindly unkind embrace , that within three dayes after , he dyed of it . the fact was common talke at bake-houses , and barbershops , and at every table discoursed upon , all over prague . and yet for all that , the rest of them , as nothing amazed with this tragicall event , dare still in an height of obstinacy , proceed in that most ungodly and divelish study of magicke . now amongst that whole society , the prime man for a magician , is a french iesuite , whom the king of france himselfe , had in so high estimation , that he admitted him not onely to his princely table , but also to familiar conferences in private ; concerning whom , the iesuites themselves did make their boast , that he had a glasse made by art-magicke , wherein he could plainly represent unto the king , whatsoever his majesty desired to see : insomuch , that there was nothing so secretly done or consulted upon in the most private roome of any cloyster or nunneric of other orders , which he could not easily and instantly discover , and disclose , by helpe of this his inchanted , or rather divelish glasse . and indeed it was by the art and meanes of this magitian iesuite , that their society was confident , that they should be able to draw on their side , one of the most potent princes of the empire , albeit a protestant : for asmuch , as he was observed to be somewhat delighted in the study of magicke . now , as for those whom they take in as novices to be instructed in this way , they expound unto them those nine hundred propositions , which picus , earle of mirandula published at rome : as also the booke of iohannes tritemius , together with a tract or treatise touching abstruse or hidden philosophy , written by cornelius agris pa : likewise theophrastus , concerning the constellations and seales of the planets , with the steganographia of i know not what abbot , and the art of paul to procure revelations : meaning saint paul , whom they affirme to have beene instructed in the art magicke , and thereby to have understood such high revelations and profound mysteries . yea , they blush not to affirme , that st. iohn was an excellent magician : nor doe they sticke to say , that even our blessed saviour christ iesvs himselfe , was a most absolute and perfect magician , as mine owne eares have heard it oftner than once or twice related by some of that societie , and such as i am able to nominate . and thus much for the iesuites church : onely , take this direction along with you ; those vaults and roomes under ground , which i mentioned even now , those secret conveyances and circean dennes , are for the most part contrived to be under the quire or cloister , not where the people doe walke or stand . and now when thou shalt passe from their temple into their study ( for i will say nothing touching their parlour , or chambers , refectories , or places of recreation , instruction of novices who are newly admitted , and the trayning up of other schollers committed to the iesuites tuition ; nor yet touching the methode and order of their studies , but will reserve that for another discour●e ; seeing those passages are for the most part knowne abroad● already , being discovered by another . ) when , i say , thou shalt enter into their publike 〈◊〉 thou shalt finde a most exquisite choyse of authors of all sorts , all of them most curiously bound up in leather or parchment with fillets of silver or gold : and as for such whereof there is daily use , they are layd in order upon deskes , fastened with chaines upon a long table . but as for the inner library , that is onely reserved for the fathers of the society : it is free for none but them to goe in thither , and to borrow thence what bookes they thinke good . those ordinary bookes , are onely free for the iuniors of the societie , nor may they take a sentence out of the rest without speciall leave obtained from the regent . moreover , in this first library , are no heriticall bookes ( as they call them ) but onely the writings of most approved authors and catholickes all : for they hold any other unworthy to be placed amongst them , as fearing perhaps they should infect the rest . looke therefore upon thy left hand , and there thou shalt see the wretched bookes of heretickes , ( as they tearme them ) standing all in mourning for the faults of their authors , bound up in blacke leather , or parchment blacked over , with the very leaves thereof dyed in blacke . of these , not one of the fathers themselves may make choyse or use , without leave obtained from the regent before-hand : but your inferiour , iesuits and younger novices , may not be so bold , as to desire the sight of any one of them , except he will 〈…〉 fore-hand , with all virulencie and bitternesse , raile upon , and disgrace the author , whom he desireth to see , by some infamous libell , and scurrilous satyricall verse , or writing . in the middest of these severall libraries , is placed a study , being divided into many seates distinct , and separate one from another , with a blew covering : on the right side whereof , sit the fathers ; on the left , the under-graduates ; who have already taken some degrees upon them . the other novices , or fresh-men ( as wee call them ) sit mixt with the fellow-commoners , that they may take notice of them , and every man in his turne , beate into them by continuall discourses , the sweetnesse and excellency of the order of iesuites ; especially , into such as are of the richer sort , or wealthy heires . i will say no more at this time , as touching their studies , but i will describe briefly , the manner of the visitation , which every provinciall maketh ; because it is a point , which as i thinke , and for any thing that i ever read or heard , hath beene never hitherto divulged by any . now every provinciall taketh his denomination from the province , or kingdome rather , which is committed to his charge , and oversight . his place is to visit the severall colledges , to take an account of their revenues , and over-see their expences , exactly and punctually : to take notice , what noble personages commit their sonnes to the tuition of the society , and how many they are in number ? whether there be not yearely an increase of schollers , as also of their meanes and revenewes ? whether there be any converted from lutheranisme , and how many such ? if there be no such thing , or if the popish religion have lost ground , or if there be any decrease of their wealth , he sharpely reproveth their sloath and neglect , and chargeth strictly , that they make an amends for the wrong they have done , and losse they have received in this case . but if they have bestirred themselves bravely , and converted ( as they call it ) or rather perverted many soules to popery , if they have beene frugall , and scraped wealth together , he praiseth them very highly , and extolleth them to the skyes . moreover , he demandeth what is the opinion of the neighbouring hereticks concerning them ? what be the projects of the nobles ? what meetings they have ? how many ? and where ? what they consult upon ? what they resolve to doe ? whether the hereticall princes ( as they tearme them ) delight to live at home or abroad ? to whom they resort most frequently ? what is the severall disposition of every one of them ? in what things he is observed to take most delight ? whether he take any care of his people or not ? whether he be a religious prince or not ? or rather , whether he be not a man , who delights to take his pleasure in drinking , wenching , or hunting ? whether he have any catholickes about him , or that are neere unto him ? what the people report abroad , concerning their owne princes ? whether the churches of the adversaries , be full of resort , or not ? whether the pasters of those churches , be learned and diligent men in their place and calling , or otherwife lazie lubbers , and unlettered ? whether the profession of divinitie thrive , in the neighbouring university of heretickes ? whether their divines maintaine frequent disputations , and against whom principally ? what bookes they have published of late , and upon what subject ? to these , and sundry such questions , if the regent , and the rest of the fathers doe answer punctually , he doth wonderfully commend their industry and vigilancy . if he find them defective in answering to these or any such demands , hee reprooveth them sharpely , saying : what meane you my masters , doe you purpose , like lazie companions , to undoe the church of rome ? how doe you suppose your slothfulnesse in these waighty affaires , can bee excused before his holinesse ? how is it , that you presume to take these places upon you , and to manage them no better ? what or whom are you affrayd of ? why doe not you buckle up your selves better to your businesse , and performe your places like men ? these things ( if you had beene such men as you ought to bee ) had not beene to doe now . these things should have beene done long before this time . doe you observe the incredible watchfulnesse of the heretickes , and can you be lazie ? and with these or the like speeches , hee whetteth them on to their duty . at the last , he enquireth as touching the schollers , fellow-commoners , novices , and the rest , how many they are in number ? how much every one hath profited ? to what study or delight each one is inclineable ? whether there be any one amongst them that is scrupulous , or untractable , or not a sit subject to be wrought upon ? for he adjudgeth every such an one sitting to be removed from the study of divinity ; except , he have bin very well exercised in the disputations in schooles , and have a very great and good conceit of their religion beaten into him . moreover , hee enquireth if they have any one in the colledge , who can be contented , for the advantage of the catholicke cause , to undertake any laudable attempt , and to spend his blood in the cause , if at any time necessity shall seeme to require it . and at last , he sendeth away all these informations being sealed up , unto the father generall at rome , by whom , they are immediately made knowne to the pope himselfe and his conclave of cardinals : and so by this meanes , an order is taken , that there is no matter of action set on foote , nothing almost consulted upon , throughout the whole christian world , which is not forthwith discovered unto the pope , by these traytors , that lurke in every state and kingdome . also , it is not to be omitted , that the iesuites are translated by their provinciall , from one colledge to another , and that for the most part once in three yeares , that so the provinciall out of their severall discoveries , may attaine to unlocke all the secretest cabinets of the prince and state , where he doth reside . in the last place , i will adde , in stead of a corollary , some strange and wonderfull devices of the iesuites , which being but of late newly hammered in the forge , they have carnestly endeavoured , yea , and at this day doe labour , tooth and nayle to put in practice by publike consent , for an jnnovation to be made both in the church and state throughout the whole romane empire . to this end , their chiefe and onely ayme is , how to set the princes of the empire together by the eares , and by taking off some of the principall doctors of the church , to bring the tyranny of the spaniard , and the primacy of the pope , into germany . concerning which very project i have heard the provinciall dhl-rio himselfe , discoursing sometimes , whose plots and machinations , were such as follow . in the first place ( saith he ) care and paines must be used , to estrange the affections of the princes of the empire , one from another . now the meanes ( said he ) to effect that , is to worke upon their contrariety of opinions , in matters of religion : and for this end let the emperor be incited to make a declaration , that he will not grant liberty of conscience in matters of religion , except there shall first be a restitution made of such goods , as were taken from the clergie upon the treaty at passa● : for this is a point whereat they will sticke assuredly , and deny it . let the emperour thereupon send his princes , and demand the same of the cities of the empire . they will either obey or deny : if they consent and obey , all is well : if they refuse , let him proclaime them rebels , and expose them to be seized upon by the next neighbouring princes , but still let the matter be so carried , that he be sure to oppose a lutheran and a calvinist , the one against the other . moreover , some device must be found out , that the duke of bavaria may fall foule either upon the elector palatine , or upon the duke of wittemberg , for then may the emperour be easily wonne to proclaime him traytor whom the duke of bavaria shall distaste , and all meanes taken away of making pacification either with papist or calvinist for them ; besides , thereby will be raised unreconcileable divisions in the empire , never to be quenched before an high-way be made for the accomplishment of our desires . for the further ripening of which designe , the iesuites unbethought themselves further of this stratagem . jt will follow ( say they ) necessarily , when any city of the empire shall be proclaimed rebellious , that every severall prince will be more ready and willing to serve his owne turne upon the spoyle thereof , then to admit any other that shall be emulous of the same booty to preveot him . this for the generality . more particularly yet , meanes must be sound out , to set the princes of saxony at difference , that their strength and power may bee broken , or at least weakened . now that may bee most conveniently effected thus : first , if the administration of the primacy of magdeburg , which now is vacant , be given to the bavarian elector of colen , neither the marquesse of brandenburg , nor the duke of saxonie , will easily grant their consents thereto . secondly , if that succeed not according to our desires , there must be some cause pretended , why the duke of saxony either doth seeme worthy , or ought to seeme worthy to be removed from the electorall dignity . for , if in times past , the princes of the empire cast downe wenceslaus , from the imperiall throne , because they had adjudged him a negligent prince : surely the emperor may take as just an occasion , to remove , from the electorall dignity , the duke of saxony , who is drunke every day . and in this respect , let his imperiall majesty restore and conferre that dignity , upon the house and family of the dukes of weymar . and because these princes are yet under age , let the administration of that electorship , be committed to henry of brunswicke , a learned and vigilant prince . this project being once set a foote , cannot chuse but beget insinite distractions , throughout all saxony , so shall it come to passe , that they shall wast and weary themselves one against another , and by that meanes , become utterly unable to withstand a common foe , when he shall come upon them . and as for the marquesse of brandenburg and them of pomerania , let meanes be used to move the king of poland , who is the emperours kinsman , to covenant with his vncle the king of swethland , that they two shall invade and divide prussia , and canton the same : which thing the marquesse of brandenburg will oppose with all his powers . now as concerning the landgrave of hessen he must be urged and solicited daily to divide the inheritance equally with his vncle lodowicke , and to resigne the government of hertsfield to the bishop of wirtzburg : if he refuse to doe so , let him be proclaimed rebell , and let his inheritance be assigned unto his uncle lodowicke . moreover , as for the duke of wittemberge , and the elector palatine , they two may with ease be set together by the eares , if the duke be commanded to make restitution of some religious houses , or otherwise upon his refusall be proclaimed rebell , and some neighbouring monasteries be assigned to the elector palatine , and amongst them one especially , which he hath bin observed to have aymed at long agoe . and these be those killing projects of the iesuites , which i have heard from their owne mouthes , not without admiration even to astonishment , and they have many more of like sort , all vvhich j doe not at this present remember . moreover , there hath beene a consultation among the iesuites to send abroad some bold assassinates , who by poyson or by the pistoll , may cut off the principall doctors of the reformed churches , fellowes who are so absolute masters in that trade of poysoning , that they are able so to infect platters , saltsellers , basons , kettles , pots , and caldrons , and such like vessels of ordinary use ; that albeit they shall be ten times over washed and wiped , yet shall they retaine the power and infection of most deadly and speeding poyson . wherefore , i humbly advise all godly and religious governours and ministers of the church , that hereafter they be wary , and cautelous how they trust any , but such as of whose fidelity they have had sufficient tryall . and these things could never have fallen within compasse of mine understanding , nor ever did , before such time as i heard them from the principals and heads of the society of iesuites , together with many other particulars , which i held my selfe bound in conscience to reveale to the world , for the good of my country , and of the church of christ : which although j have for the present onely given you as in a rude and first draught ; yet i purpose ( god willing ) in due time , to expresse the same at large , painting them out in their colours , with circumstances of time , place and persons . a post-script to the reader . courteous reader ( if so thou art pleased to shew thy selfe by taking an impartiall view of this short but well-intended translation ) i doubt not but by this time thou art able to discerne the face of the times , and of thy selfe to make a true parallel betwixt germany and us , and dost see evidently the foot-stops of that mystery of iniquity , which , by the contrivements of the pragmaticall society of jesuites , hath for many yeares beene set at worke amongst us . as there the foundation of their worke was laid in working upon their diversities in opinions , and seconded by advantage taken upon the severall humors of the princes , propounding to each one some such ends as his nature most affected : so may i truely say they have done here also . to what other end was the pestilent doctrine of arminius introduced , whereby to make a party that might prove strong enough in time to oppose the puritan faction , as they stiled it ? why was so great care and paines taken to leven all considerable sorts of people of what degree soever , with those erronious points , but to the same end ? and can we chuse but thinke that sosinianisme crept in after arminianisme purposely to make the breach the wider , that it might be large enough to 〈◊〉 in popery at the full in conclusion ? doubtlesse , as our saviour sometimes said to his disciples , in another case , john 4. 35. say not ye , there are yet 4. moneths , and then commeth harvest ? behold , i say unto you , lift up your eyes , and looke on the regions , for they are white already unto harvest : so may i say 〈◊〉 ; most men thought it might yet be 4. moneths , or some good distance of time before the iesuite could attaine to reape the harvest of his desire among vs . but i say unto you , lift up your eyes , and looke on the regions , they are white already unto harvest : or , if i may not say they are , because gods gracious hand of providence hath disappointed their hopes , yet i assure my selfe that any man of ordinary understanding will confesse , that within the space of this yeare last past , our land was already white to their harvest , the kings majestie was wrought to an evill opinion of his people , the commons were grown discontented with the present government , two adverse armies were lodged in our land , and all this with a new whole army of evill consequents brought on by the secret contrivements of our adversaries , and on all hands the way was so prepared , altars set up and priests enough in readinesse , is that nothing was wanting to ripen their harvest for the sickle , but a proclamation for setting up publique masse in all our churches : which things when i seriously considered , and now of late looking againe upon the regions , i discerne what an alteration god hath begun to worke amongst us by the pious endeavors of this happy parliament , i cannot but take up that saying of the psalmist , ps. 124. 1 , 2 , 3. if the lord had not beene on our side , may england now say ; if the lord had not beene on our side , when men rose up against us , they had then swallowed us up quick , when their wrath was kindled against us , then the water had drowned us , and the streame had gone over our soule ; if the plots of the pacificant arminians had once set up the bridge of reconciliation , whereon the protestant and papist should have met , and the trap doore had taken effect , then the swelling waves had gone over our soules indeed : but praised be the lord vvhich hath not given us as a prey unto their teeth ; our soule is escaped even as a bird out of the snare of the fowler , the snare is broken and we are delivered , so that we may truly say as the psalmist there concludeth , our helpe standeth in the name of the lord which made both heaven and earth . and now what remaineth for us to doe but this ? by daily & earnest prayer , to begge a blessing upon our gracious soveraigne , the kings majestie , and upon the high and honourable court of parliament , that god will be graciously pleased to finish , by their happy consultations and pious endeavours , that good worke of mercy which he hath so graciously begun for this land and nation , to make a totall and intire reformation in church & state , and particularly to roote out this disloyall brood of inigo loiola from amongst us , preventing their plots , and turning the wisdome of their achitophels into foolishnesse , that the gospell of jesus christ may have free passage amongst us , untill his returne to judge the quick and dead . this is and shall be the daily prayer of thy well-wishing friend and servant in the duties of a minister of christs gospell w. f. x. b. finis . a letter of a catholike man beyond the seas, written to his friend in england including another of peter coton priest, of the society of iesus, to the queene regent of france / translated out of french into english ; touching the imputation of the death of henry the iiii, late k. of france, to priests, iesuites, or catholicke doctrine. owen, thomas, 1557-1618. 1610 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08697 stc 19000 estc s1326 22122544 ocm 22122544 25107 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08697) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25107) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1732:28) a letter of a catholike man beyond the seas, written to his friend in england including another of peter coton priest, of the society of iesus, to the queene regent of france / translated out of french into english ; touching the imputation of the death of henry the iiii, late k. of france, to priests, iesuites, or catholicke doctrine. owen, thomas, 1557-1618. coton, pierre, 1564-1626. 47 p. english college press], [st. omer : m.dc.x [1610] signed at end: t.a. [i.e. adonenus or owen]. signatures: a-c⁸. marginal notes. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry -iv, -king of france, 1553-1610. jesuits -france -apologetic works. catholic church -apologetic works. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-08 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter of a catholike man beyond the seas , written to his friend in england : inclvding another of peter coton priest , of the society of iesus , to the queene regent of france . translated out of french into english. tovching the imputation of the death of henry the iiii , late k. of france , to priests , iesuites , or catholicke doctrine . cypr. epist . 55. ad cornel. haec est vera dementia , non cogitare , & scire , quòd mendacia non diu fallant . this indeed is madnes , not to thinke and know that lyes do not long deceaue . permissu superiorum : m. dc . x. deare syr , hauing vnderstood by one of yours , that both you & other of our friendes there , haue byn much astonished of late with the suddaine newes of the execrable slaughter of the great and potent monarch henry the iiii. king of france : i nothing meruailed , the same astonishment being common to vs heere , and i thinke to all the christiā world . but hauing further vnderstood by the reading of yours , that there with you , the same so detestable a parricide was imputed commōly to priests , or iesuites , and by some to the pope himself , but by the most part to catholick doctrine : for answere of yours , i sent you first the copy of a letter of a principall man , no lesse then a counseller of france , namely monsieur du wick the gouernour of cales his brother , writtē by his own hand to a friend of his in italy , which i my selfe turned into english , word for word , as it was set downe by him in french ; where he writeth , that the miserable wretch that killed the sayd king , affirmed that neuer any man perswaded him to that enterprize of his : the which ( sayth he ) we all belieued , because in all his examinations , & interrogations , euen vntill he was put to death , he perscuered still cōstant in the same assertion . besides i certified you of a certayne booke which was written heere in italy in answer of our kings booke about the oath , which being presented to his holines , as it is sayd , was not permitted to be printed , because of a rash assertion therin contayned about the question of killing of kings . for which cause the authour therof seeking to print his sayd booke in germany , was through the prudency ( as i vnderstād ) chiefly of an english gentlemā remaining in those parts , forbidden likewise there to print it . but things which since haue hapned , haue made me lesse to meruaile , that there with you such things were spread : when as in frāce , yea in paris it selfe in the middest of so noble and catholike a citty , in the eyes & eares of thē that knew the contrary , and in the cleare shining light of the truth it selfe , the cōmon enemy of truth hath had so much power , as to find some impudent instrumēts , to affirme & publickly to preach the same calumnie . but truly was it sayd , fortior est omniū veritas , & vincit : truth is strongest of all things , and will ouercome at length : although for a while by some violence it may remaine oppressed , or disguised . for so euen now in france , in the sayd citty of paris , it is come to passe , that iesuites which were in part , although far of , calūniated about that matter , being afterwards heard , and the truth knowne , not only haue byn iustified & deliuered frō such a false & iniurious slaūder : but also honoured & esteemed more thē before , as most louing & loyall subiects to that noble monarch , which had beene in his life time alwaies so louing & affectionat towards thē , as all the world knoweth : and who at the very instāt of so vnworthy a calumniation , imployed thēselues to honour the same king , as their most deare father , in trāsporting with great solēnity his own hart , bequeathed to thē by himself in his life time , & deliuered thē after his death by cōmandmēt of the q. mother , regent of frāce , to the noble vniuersity de la flesche , built for thēselues of late years by the said king of glorious memory . and because i haue by good hap gottē the fight of a little treatise writen in the frēch tongue , expresly in cōfutatiō of the falsity , begō to be spread in paris , against the iesuits , the w ch also doth fully answere to the like calūnious oppositiōs , & false obiectiōs spread abroad by the treachery of the common enemy of truth there in your parts : i thought it necessary to turne it into the english tōgue , that so the truth may there also be known to the honor & glory of the author of all truth , & cōfort , not only of the īnocēt , but also of al thē , that with true charity desire to know the truth , & maintaine the same . a letter declaratory of the common doctrine of the fathers of the society of iesus , conforme to the decrees of the coūcell of constance : vvritten to the queene , mother of the king , regent in france . by father peter coton of the same society , his maiesties ordinary preacher at paris . 1610. madame , god ordained in the old testament that the kidd should not be boiled in the milke of his damme , to signify , as philo the iew doth expound it , that one which is already afflicted , is no more to be oppressed with new affliction . according to the which rule , deriued from nature it selfe , those of our society did hope , that with this dolefull accident , the terrour wherof hath shaken the two poles of the christian world , they might haue had at least their breath free to sigh , after their incōparable losse : a losse , which is as particuler to them , as generall and cōmon to all . but it hath happened to them as to men which find themselues vnder the ruine of a house , where one stone doth not expect the other to couer and ouerwhelme them , vpon whome it falleth . we were both in mind & body occupied about the transporting of that precious gage , and remarkable pledge , which it hath pleased your maiestie by the hands of the prince of conty , to giue consigned vnto vs , and to the which the chiefe lords of france rendred the last honours : when some no welwillers of the catholike religion , and of thē of our profession , to purchase vs in famy , and to make their gaine of our absence , spread abroad certaine rumors , so farre from all likelihood and probability , that a man would neuer haue thought , that such ca-iumnies could euer , euen in any mad mood , enter into the thought of a resonable soule . all this began by the occasion of a naughty booke , the doctrine wherof hath byn rightfully condemned by the court of parliament ; some maintayning , that the doctrine of the booke was the common doctrine of all iesuits ; others , that the doctrine was so proper to his author , that many of the same society had written the contrary , and altogeather had condemned it some yeares agoe in the body of a prouinciall congregation : the which controuersy men without passion did straight determine , cōcluding that this would be knowne by disauowing therof , and therefore that it was to be expected what we would say therin . wherupon i my selfe hauing beene named particulerly , haue taken occasion at this present to take pen in hand , briefly to represent vnto you ( madame ) as to her , who is singulerly affectioned to the true religion , most interessed in the good of this whole state , and the most assured refuge that innocencie can haue , that which the doctors of our society haue written vpon this subiect . knowing that nether the greatnes of busines would easily permit you of your selfe to seeke them out , nor the small affection which backbiters do beare vnto vs , would permit them to make you the true report . and after that , i will shew with the same breuity , what is the common sense and opinion of our society , spread through the whole world , touching the matter wherof we speake : laying for a ground of all , such verity as cannot be called into doubt , no not by them which may be foūd most hatefull and enuious of this florishing crowne . i meane that the matter which was debated in the councell of constance , & which afterward hath beene declared more at large by the catholick doctors , touching the expulsion of tyrants , doth not at all touch the happy , renowned , and most honorable memory of him , of whome now we be waile the death ; his life hauing byn as farre from all blame of tyranny , as it hath beene , and shal be alwaies to all the monarches of the earth , a modell of piety , iustice , clemency , valour , benignity , and fatherly affection towards his subiects . first of al presenteth himselfe the most illustrious cardinall tolet , a man of rare learning , spanish by nation , and french by affection , who in the 5. booke and 6. chapter of his summe , teacheth in expresse tearmes , that , it is not lawful to attempt any thing against the life of a prince , allthough he abuse his princely power : adding therunto that to maintaine the contrarie , is an hereticall doctrine , condemned by the councell of constance . the most illustrious and most learned cardinall bellarmine , answering to the very same obiection in the thirteenth chapter of his apologie to a booke of the king of great britany , speaketh thus : i haue neuer read , nor heard it sayd , that euerlasting life hath beene promised to them that attempt against the life of kings : but rather to the contrary i haue read , that this proposition , euery tyrant may , and ought lawfully to be killed , was long since condēned in the fiftēth session of the councell of constance . true it is , that iohn vvickliffe an englishmā whome the protestantes doe so much esteeme , and haue put forth his prayses in the fore-front of their histories , taught , that no temporal , nor ecclesiasticall prince retayneth any longer his power and authority , after he is fallen into any mortall sin : the which error of his , the sayd councell condemned in the eight session . gregorie of valentia , a man of eminent learning , as is manifest by the publique testimony of italy , spayne , and germanie , writing vpon the sixtie foure question of the second part of s. thomas , and conforming himselfe therin to the doctrine of other schoole-deuines , determineth , in no wise to be lawfull to attempt against the life of the prince , although he abuse his authority . alsonsus salmeron in the thirteenth tome of his workes , expounding the thirteenth chapter of the epistle to the romans , affirmeth the same , citing the councell of constance , and referreth the fact of aöd , against eglon king of the moabites , to the expresse & manifest commandement of god , whereof of no man ought to be iudge in his owne cause . martin del-rio , a famous man likewise in all kind of learning , in his commentaries vpon hercules furens of seneca , the 920. number , sayth ; that , that saying of the poet is dangerous : and there alleageth to the contrary , the decree of the councell of cōstance , which decree vpon this subject cannot to often be inculcated , repeated and declared to the people . sebastian heissius in his apologeticall declaration of the aphorismes attributed to the doctrine of iesuites , sheweth by mariana's owne wordes , that he hath spoken out of his owne opinion . and he himselfe perceauing that he did exceed the iimits of the common doctrine , acknowledged his doctrine to be subiect to errour , and submitted himselfe to the censure of whome soeuer . and by and by after he setteth down his owne , and the common opinions of all deuines of our society , the which he opposeth against the opinion of the sayd mariana . martin becanus in the answere to the ninth aphorisme , remitteth the reader to the councell of constance , shewing that the lawfull princelooseth not his superiority , although he become a tyrant , iames gretser reader of deuinity at ingolstad , in his booke intituled vespertilio haretico-politic ꝰ , answering to the obiectiōs which were made him out of the opinion of mariana , saith with heissius , that the common opinion is to be followed , leauing that of mariana , which he himselfe submitteth to other men . leonard lessius reader of deuinity at louaine , in the ninth chapter & fourth doubt of his second booke de iustitia & iure , affirmeth likewise , according to the common sentence , that it is not lawfull to enterprize against the person of the prince , although he should abuse his authority , grounding his saying vpon that aduertisement of the prince of the apostles : seruants be subiect to your maisters , and not only to them which be good and modest , but also to the froward and ill conditioned . and after that he alledgeth the decree of the councell before mentioned . nicolas serarius writing vpon the thirteenth chapter of the booke of iudges , in his first question , doth shew that the fact of aod cannot , nor ought to serue the detestable assassines , parricides , and murtherers of their kings , for their defence or example . iohn azor in the second part of his morall institutions , the eleuenth booke , fifth c●apter , and tenth question , doth shew him self yet a more rigorous enemie of the bould and sacrilegious enterprizes of them who attempt against the 〈…〉 e of their princes : where he teacheth , that it is not lawful to go about to kil , no not thē who should haue vniultlie inuaded any state : grounding his doctrine chifely vpon this , that no man ought to be condēned before he be heard , & without discussiō of his cause , of the which noe particuler man can be a cōpetēt iudge . as for lewis richeome , his apologie makes perētory proofe of the irrecōciliable hatred which he beareth to the doctrine of them , that teach against the authoritie of kings : in so much that the l. pasquier himselfe a criticall censurer of his works , hauing repeated his wordes in his third booke , and fifth chapter , praiseth him , and sayth , he cannot but loue him , adding these words : yet i must needs honour thee seing thee so to paint the idaea of obedience of a subiect towards his king. a praise which he might haue giuen to many others of the same society , who hauing examined this matter with s. thomas , and all the schoole deuines , do all conclude conformably to the sorbones , and to the decree of the councell of constance . these then being the opinions and the determinations of these doctors , graue , and principall men of our society ; what preiudice can the particuler opinion of one mariana bring to the reputation of a whole order ? the which being , according to the institute , most carefull to maintaine all holy ordinances of the church , and bearing respect to the power and authority of kings , who for the temporal , depend on god only , hath long time since disauowed the lightnesse of this rouing pen : and namely in the prouincial congregation of france , held in the citty of paris the yeare 1606. where more then this , the reuerend father claudius aquauiua general of our society , was requested , that those who had written in preiudice of the crowne of france , should be repressed , and their bookes suppressed . which the sayd reuerend father did afterward very earnestly and exactly , being most sory that by ouer-sight , he being absent and knowing nothing , nor hauing seene the workes , one should vse therin his consent : the words which he vseth in his answere are these . vve haue approued your congregations iudgment , and carefulnes , and haue byn very sory , that no body perceaued the fault , vntill the bookes were printed : the which notwithstanding we haue presently commanded to be corrected , & will vse great care herafter , that such things happen no more . and so it is , that now you should scarce haue found so much as one copy of mariana , if it had not beene for the pernicious liberality of the heyres of vvechell , who are knowne to be of the pretended reformed religion , and haue printed the same booke at their owne costes and charges : moued not so much , as it is to be presumed , with desire to serue the publique , as to hurt in particuler our society . some haue thought that they haue added somewhat of their owne , others haue iudged that the bookes of the first impression were yet worse , but this controuersy serues to no purpose : for although it were so , and that no body had holpen the first so imprudent pen , yet is there no cause , why that one mans pen should more hurt the body of our society , then the writings of iohn petite , and others his like , should hurt the vniuersities and orders of which they were schollers , bachelers , maisters , and doctors . but , madame , seeing that i haue heere aboue promised to expound clearly and distinctly , what is our opinion touching the question we haue proposed : now i come to it , which shal be the second part or this discourse . 1. all the iesuites generally and particulerly will confirme , euen with their own bloud , that they haue not in this matter , or any other , any beliefe , doctrine , or opinion , then that of the catholike church . 2. that amongst all sorts of gouernement and publicke administration the monarchie is the best . 3. that such is the spirituall gouernmēt of the church , which is vnder the vicar of iesus christ successor of s. peter : such is the temporall gouernment of the state and realme of france , which dependeth of the person of the king our soueraigne lord and maister . 4. that the kinges are , as homer calleth them , the children and fosters of god , or rather his own liuely images as sayd menander : 5. that they are annointed , and therfore called the christs of our lord , to the end ( as sayth simeon the archbishop of thessalonica ) that euery one may vnderstand that they be inuiolable , and should be respected as holy and sacred things . 6. that it is a damnable heresy , as holy irenaeus noteth 1400. yeares agoe to thinke that kings are giuen to men casually : seeing that all power comes of god , and therfore sayth s. isidore of damieta , in the most ancient pictures we see a hand put out of heauen , which setteth the crowne vpō the head of kings . 7. that he which resisteth kinges or rebelleth against them , purchaseth to him selfe his owne damnation , according to the doctrine of the apostle . 8. that obedience is due vnto them , not for that they are vertuous , wise , potēt , or indued with any other laudable qualitie , but because they are kings , established by god himselfe . 9. that our kings of france are the eldest children of the church , enioying rare and singular priuiledges , aboue the common , of other kinges of the world . 10. that it is not lawfull to denie to thē obedience , & much lesse to reuolt against them , although they were vicious , froward , hard to suport , as the same apostle speaketh . 11. that being such , we ought to pray for them as the prophet would haue to be done for the prosperity of nabuchodonosor , and his sonne baltazar , & that the afflictions , losse of goodes , persecutions , and other in commodities which are endured patiently , not rebelling therefore against their superiours , are things very acceptable to god , & conforme to the praise which in like case s. paul giueth to the hebrews , and to that ordināce w ch he hath published in the church , saying : euery soule be subiect to the superiour powers . 12. and therfore that not onely it is not lawfull to lay hands vpon their persons , but that it is an execrable parricide , a prodigious trespasse , and a detestable sacriledge . 13. that the decree of the councell of constance in the 15. session ought to be receaued of all and maintayned inuiolably . 14. that the declaration of the sorbon of the year 1413. & that also of the 4. of iune of this presēt yeare is good , wholsome & holy . 15. that euery one should stand vpon his guard , and take heed of diuers bookes that are spread abroad , contrary to the lawes , the reading of the which is not onely in this matter very dangerous , but so much the more to be feared , by how much the authors of them being to our great griefe separated from the catholike church , make no accompt neyther of the councell of constance , nor of the catholike censures and doctors aboue mentioned , yea rather ( which is to be lamented ) they are the more obstinate in their opinions by opposing themselues , and thereby they thinke to get the greater praise and admiration from others . i would cite bookes , quote the places , and alleadge the words , were it not that it is farre better that such thinges remaine swallowed in the bottomlesse pit of forgetfulnes , and that it is more to the purpose to make knowne , that innocency is far stronger then recrimination . and for the same cause also i would haue abstained altogeather from this aduertisment , had it not beene to shew thereby , that the body of our society cannot be infected by the opinion of one only person , the which hath beene so authentically disauowed by the same : no more then those of the pretended reformed religion doe not hould themselues any whit interessed by the erroneous doctrine of some of theirs , whome they reiect , difauow , and condemne ; being willing to liue with vs vnder the lawes of our realme , and with the obedience and voluntary submission which we do render to the scepter of our kinges ; perswading my selfe , that if they had the pen in hand which i haue , they would speake with vs & thūder out anathema , with one common voice against those infamous authors . which being maturely and wisely considered , as well by the court of parliament , as by the sacred colledge of sorbon , they haue not made any mention in their arrest and decrees of the doctrine of iesuits , knowing very well as iust iudges and doctors , that faultes are personall , and that there would be no innocency in the world , if the fault of one were imputed to another : and that this hath beene a lamentable and incommunicable property of the sinne which the first man committed to haue byn extended vpon others , because his posterity was represented in his person , knowing also on the other side by the frequent deposition of the malefactor , that mariana had not in any thing holpen to this execrable parricide , nor could help , considering the malefactour had not sufficient knowledge of the tongue in which his booke was written . wherein is discouered the vncharitable intentiō of those which spread abroad that he knew all the booke by hart , thereby to cast the publique hatred of all this mischeefe vpon others , then vpon the guilty . this is it , madame , wherein we do most humbly beseech you to imploy your soueraigne authority , and to ordaine that all those writings , which are in their beginning matches to kindle rebellion and within few howers become fire brāds of seditiō , be taken away from before the eyes of the french : you are our soueraigne lady endowed of god with high vnderstanding , & with such vertue as you haue but few your equals , who doth see clearely of what importance it is , that we liue all vnited , if not in one faith ( such being these iniurious times ) at least in fidelity , obedience , and mutuall affection , to the conseruation of peace . we haue a king which doth represent vnto vs in his yong age , the wit & substance of the great henry his father your husband , and the which with the increase of yeares will haue ( if it please god to continue vpon him his benigne influences ) his valour , his prudence , his happines , & his experience : it pertayneth to vs to cherish this treasure ; to serue with al our harts this great & litle maister ; to obey willingly you his most worthy mother , our regent , & mistresse . and to the end that nothing do trouble the vnion which only after god can conserue this potent monarchie , and make it all wayes dreadfull to her enemies ; how much were it to be desired , madame , that none could perceiue amongst vs any backbytings , that the impostures were banished , and the impostors receyued their recompence due to their calumnie ; that hatreds were rooted out , and when any sinister report is made , that each one suspended his iudgement : and in a word , according to the coūsaile of the apostle , that all maintayne inuiolably the band of charity . the otacoustes & prosagogides of this time are greatly to be feared : men know also that your maiestie would willingly haue such tongues receiue their recompence , of the anciēt quadruplators : but if they receiue it not of mē , they must expect it of the incuitable iustice of him , that is the author , protector , & at length remunerator of innocency . our little society is amongst , and aboue all the religious families , the most exposed to the hatred and calumny of them that will not take the paine to know it : you know madame how often the late king our good maister hath fauourably defended it : & made it respected . you cā beare witnesse , and none better then you , that wheresoeuer was that great prince , there had we a king , a father , and a protector : but alas he is here no more , that great henry hath beene violently taken away from vs. oh france , the eye of christendome , the rose of empyres , the pearle of the world , how great is this thy losse ? how horrible is this thy ship wracke ? france the fauorite of heauen , the wellbeloued of god , who hath taken from thee the mantle of glorie , which did couer thee ? the crowne of honour which stood so high ouer thy head ? who hath so ( oh chosen of god ) who hath so afflicted thee ? but thou our poore society which didest not subsist but by the benefit of that monarch , who hath made thee so desolate ? who hath abased thee so lamentably ? who hath ouerwhelmed thee so miserably ? the mischiefe is cōmō to al , but it is in singuler manner proper to thee . the blow hath strooken the whole bodie of the kingdome , but it wounded thee almost to death : oh how true is it , & how sēsibly dost thou feele it , that the sorrow that can be expressed is not to be called sorrow , and i which write these things , how iust cause haue i , yea more then any other to let my selfe run into the accents of a doleful voyce , & to say , farewell the wonder of kings , farewel the ornament of the world , our ioy , our glory , our honour ; farwel the father of the cōmonwealth , the restorer of the state , the secōd foūder & chiefe benefactor of our society ; farewell my king , my prince , my defēder , you had giuē vs in this vale of miseries the repose that here could be had : rest you then in peace and remaine for euer amongst the lilies and the roses , free from the thornie care and solicitude of this monarchie : enioy happily not earth but heauen : here you haue beene the most eminent subiect of the fauour of god , be now there aboue , and for euer the obiect of his mercyes ; the lawrells of this base earth were to much subiect to withering , your head expected others more fresh and flourishing : the victories , the triumphes , the empyres , which pertained to you here beneth , were to be chāged into a glorie much more eminent ; liue then for euer enioying that possession so much desired : your happinesse will make vs breath , your absence wil make vs sigh , & the place where we esteeme you to be , will make vs seeke after you : for relying vpon the mercie of god , the wofull circumstances of your decease haue not depriued vs of the hope to see you againe in the shining splendor of one common day , where we shall find the principall himselfe and all the circumstances of this wofull diuorce of ours : and during the irckesomenes of this expectation , you , madame , with the king his liuely image wil wipe away some part of our teares , we will acknowledge his person in your persons , his crowne in your crownes , his kingly authority in yours ; and although all your subiects be obliged thereunto by all sort of dutie , our society being therto boūd extraordinarily hath giuē me charge to present before your maiesty the most sincere vowes of her fidelitie , and the most affectioned offers of her most humble seruice , the which ( madame ) i doe as willingly , as i can with singuler affection . your maiesties most humble seruant , most obedient , and most faithfull subiect , peter coton of the society of iesvs . by this letter is sufficiently layd open to the eyes of the whole world , the iniquity of all those , that now a dayes are so desirous to find some kind of fault or suspicion thereof in some one iesuite or freind of theirs , therby to traduce & calumniate the body of the whole order , although otherwise innocent and wholy detesting the same , as if the will of the whole order were represented in the person of each one of them , no lesse then , in the person of adam only , was represented all mākind . the absurdity whereof is so manifest that it requireth not any further explication : for so scarce any community , linage , or ancient familie should now be found in england , or france , or any countrey whatsoeuer , which hath not often beene ruined by one crime or other , of true or false imputation , to some one of their body , contrary to that indgement of god : filius non portabit iniquitatem patris ; & anima quae peccauerit ipsamorietur . this only was sufficient in that catholike countrey , not only to discouer the malignity and iniustice of such far-fetcht accusations , but also to obtayne for satisfaction of so publike an iniurie publike fauour of the prince , and loue of the people , with whose great applause the sayd iesuits are now by especial grace incorporated into the body of the vniuersitie of paris , and begin to open their schooles , which may be accoūted a very iust remuneration : seeing their first leauing of teaching came by a like fact of one mā imputed to their whole order ; although the same man was not so much as of their order , nor then , any of their schollers , but one that before in his life time had only frequented their schooles , chiefly because that it was found , that not only they deserued not any such imputation for any fact or fault of theirs ; but contrariwise for their great affectiō and seruice , which alwayes they shewed towards their king and countrey , deserued all contrary commendations and fauour for that also besides their house wherein they dwelt before , besides the colledg in which they began againe to teach , they haue begun to build the third house for their nouitiate , and that not only by the princes graunt , permitting the same , but also with his owne liberality allowing for the charges therof . this is the nature of vertue , the more to increase & flourish , the more it is resisted and kept downe . wherin it is to be obserued , that although for defence of the iesuites in paris , it sufficed ( as by the fore said letter only it appeareth ) that the opinion of mariana was not the opinion of the society : which , as by the place there quoted , and by experience through the whole world is euident , is , as much as any order or congregatiō may be , addicted to all due obedience towards magistrates , princes and kings ; & do instruct their schollers and hearers , and all that any wayes depend on them , in the same obedience , subiection , and reuerence towards all sortes of superiours , and especially towards their soueraignes . yet that , which either for modesties sake in defending thēselues , or els for breuity in such a letter semed best to thē to omit , as not so much needfull at that time ( they hauing all the reason on their side , ) i thought good not to neglect , seeing it maketh not a little more for the full answere to yours about iesuites and catholicke doctrine ; and this is : that mariana himselfe , who by the aduersaries was chosen amōgst al the iesuits , as only guilty of that great trespasse of killing of kings , saith nothing but by manner of probleme , examining the question pro & contra , bringing the proofes of both parts : which being done , as he inclineth more to the one side then to the other , so doth he not precisely determine any thing on either , as absolutely true & certayne , but as seeming to him more probable , & therfor perswadeth not any man to follow one or the other opinion , but contrariwise submitteth & offereth himselfe ready to follow other mens better iudgement , & to thanke them for it : his words being these , which euery mā may read in the author himself , haec nostra sentētia est , sincero animo certe profecta , in qua falli possum vt humanus : si quis meliora attulerit , gratias hab●am . and this opinion that there mariana doth propose as indifferent , to be proued or disproued by other men , what opinion is it ? is it of killing of kinges wherof now the question is ? nothing lesse , he handleth no such question ▪ there is no such doctrine in the catholicke church . wherof then speaketh he in that place ? of killing of tyrants : for the which question the king of spayne to whome the booke was dedicated , and by whome it is both praised and priuiledged , was neuer offended with the author : nor yet henry the iiii. late king of france , as if such thinges had beene written against them , they most worthily thinking themselues farre from any suspicion of tyranny : for the which cause also the emperor charles the fifth , was neuer angry with soto , his confessarius , nor any other kinges haue beene offended with other authors , who heretofore haue written an hundred times more , and more resolutely then mariana , in defence of the same opinion . neyther are they indeed to be esteemed eyther true subiects , or wise men that find any fault with such mens writings , as written against their kinges , thereby esteeming their owne kinges tyrants , or such as worthily may feare to be taken for such . finally wheras mariana about this matter affirming the least of all men , is yet most of all , yea only amongst all accused , and his writinges therefore condemned and burnt with such seuerity & rigour ; it is manifest they could not be cōdemned for the doctrine they did cōtayne , but for the authors sake that wrote them : nor the author himself so iniuriously vsed for his owne sake , but for the coate he weares , & for the badge of the name of iesus , which both he and his booke doth carrie . they are enemies of that holy name , that condemned mariana for any such doctrine . they are only the enemies of iesuites , that so calumniously deriued the crime from one mariana to all iesuites . they are enemyes to catholike religion that accuse the catholicke church of any such doctrine . and hereby we may easily come to find the first ofspring of all these calumnies : the first & only author and teacher of all calumniators , is satan the head calumniator himselfe . who knoweth not this ancient fraud & accustomed fetch of that cōmon enemy both of god , & all mankind , who hath no more potent meanes to resist the honour of god , to oppresse his seruants , and hinder the progresse of true vertue and religion , then to bring all good men , as opposite to him , and his endeauours , into suspicion with kings , and emperors , calling them in question for matters of state ? so did he vse aman in the old testament as an instrument to bring into disgrace with king assuerus the people of god , dispersed throughout his prouinces , slaundering them for seditious and contrary to the lawes of his realme . so daniel was cast into the lions den , because he had done against the lawes of the medes and persians , forsooth he serued and adored god almighty , whome they acknowledged not for god. likewise antiochus held all for traytors , and violators of his law , whosoeuer vnder his dominions kept & obserued the law of god. samuel therfore had good cause when he was sent of god to annoint for king , dauid the sonne of iesse , to be afraid that saul would kill him , as guilty of treason against his crowne , who already had the possession therof , and who afterward being possessed with a diuell sought continually to make away dauid , although a true seruant of god , and him , only vnder pretence of state . and in the new testament what other meanes had the diuell to batter the ghospell , and oppugne our sauiour him selfe , then by the iewes , as his instrumēts to accuse him before pontius pilate , to call him in question of state , as seditious , and forbidding to pay tribute to cesar , and calling himselfe king ; the which bare accusation without any proofe is of such nature , so potent , and soe odious amongst worldly men , that be the fact neuer so false , wherof a man is so accused it sufficeth to discredit and opresse him , be he neuer so innocent , as may appeare by that example of christ our sauiour , who was the most innocent of all men , yea innocency it selfe . for although pilate seeing him guiltlesse , endeauoured to deliuer him : yet the malicious redoubling that accusation , & therwith threatning pilate himselfe , saying if thou let him go , thou art not a friend to cesar , they so terrified him with the only name of cesar , that straight he let himselfe be carried away , to the greatest act of iniustice that was committed since the world began . wherin the diuell hauing had so good successe , as to haue condemned christ , and put to death the author of life ( but yet so , that in fine all fell vpon his owne head , our sauiour therby being exalted in glory , and all mankind deliuered from the diuells tyranny ) hath still continued by the same way , as most assured & effectuall to persecute all gods seruants , and true followers of christ . and therfore the apostles following straight after , were forced also against such calumnies opēly to teach and commād christians to obey their soueraigns , and magistrates , to pray for them , to render them tribute to whom tribute appertaineth , and honour to whome honour . after the apostles the ancient doctors of the church were also forced often to imploy their pennes , and shew that true christians were not enemies of emperours , but did offer sacrifices for their state and prosperitie : and yet because those emperours , as worldly and wicked men , preferred the least thought of their owne estate before the greatest reasons that might be alleaged for the defence of innocency , alwayes such calumnies haue preuailed , as first against the head himselfe , so after against his members and followers . although at length by the almighty power of god , truth hath alwayes had the victory , & the diuell togeather with his instruments haue byn confounded . as is notorious first in the old testamēt by aman , by the enemies of daniel , by saul , and antiochus their deathes : and in the new , by pilate who died in banishment , and by the whole nation of the iewes , who were first so miserably destroyed by titus and vespasians armie , & haue alwayes since remayned as vagabonds vpon the face of the earth . afterward what miserable deathes haue befallen all those emperours that by such vniust wayes haue persecuted the church of god , vnder colour of state , it were too lōg here to rehearse : it will shortly come to your view fully set down in the secōd part of a learned treatise cōcerning policy and religion . so that allwaies they haue byn inexcusable before god & mā , who haue concurred by power of princes , to the oppressing of good men , vnder the calumnious pretext of dealing in state matters . but most inexcusable in this our dayes , is this calumniation obiected by heretickes to the catholicks , and catholicke doctrine , it being on the contrary side proper to hereticks to impugne their princes , and to hereticall doctrine to maintaine it as lawfull , yea the only meanes wherby heresies haue sprong vp , & hereticks first entred into the world , haue beene their rebellions against their magistrates , their lawfull kings , and princes . the reason wherof is manifest ; heresie being of her owne nature a separation and diuision from the body of the catholicke religion , and therfore must needes begin with rebelling against the catholicke church , and consequently against their catholicke kings and soueraigne princes . but the experience hereof is much more manifest : for as luthers , zuinglius , caluins , and all other hereticks beginning of innouation , came by teaching all their followers , that princes may be restrayned by force , pursued , iudged , & punished by the people , excommunicated , depriued , deposed , and cast into hell by the ministers , condemned and put to death by inferiour magistrates , whensoeuer in their opinion , they become tyrants , and opposite to the ghospell , as writeth the author of the booke of dangerous positiōs , in his fourth and fifth chapter , and the author of the suruey of pretended discipline . their practice of the foresaid doctrine hath byn too too well knowne through the whole world . for first in germany , luthers followers incited by such doctrine of his , tooke armes and rebelled with such violent headines throughout all that countrey against their owne prince , that , as sl●ydan a protestant author affirmeth , at that only time besides the euersion of infinite numbers of fortresses , and castles , aboue an hundred and thirty thousand people were slaine . and afterwards the followers of luther deuiding themselues into different sects of luther anisme , zuinglianisme , caluinianisme , anabaptisme , new arianisme , and the like , with ech of them followed euery where new rebellions against their princes : as you may see , which way soeuer you looke , either towardes the north , where you shall find fresh memory of their rebellions in saxony , denmarke , sueueland , polonia , and transiluania : or towardes the south in zwitzerland , grisons , sauoy , and their confines , where zuinglius himselfe in the cantons of switzerland his owne countrey was the chiefe stirrer of rebellion , and was slayne himselfe in the field . and at geneua , caluin , beza and other ministers incited the subiects against the duke of sauoy , and other their naturall princes . towardes the east the heretikes ioyned their forces with the turke himselfe , against the emperour their soueraigne : and so boscaine that famous caluinian rebell , forced the said emperour to leaue him for his life tyme the princedome of transiluania . towards the west , to wit in france through the which i haue trauailed some time , and there haue spent some yeares of my age , i haue seene in all places where i haue beene , such pittifull ruines of townes , and fortresses , and haue heard recounted such barbarous , yea rather beast-like cruelties committed in their rebellions , that the only memory therof sufficeth euery where for a perpetuall infamy and confusion of those that are there of the pretended reformed religion . in flanders also , what part therof hath beene free from the like ruines , & massakcres effectuated by thē that there rebelled against their natural soueraigne , of whome as yet remayneth one part in holland and zeland ? in scotland what seditious rebellious were stirred vp first against the noble queene marie regent of scotland , grandmother to our soueraigne that now raigneth , by those stirring ministers , knox , goodman , dowglasse and others : & afterward against queene marie regnāt , mother of our soueraign by the lords of the cōgregation as they called themselues , indeed hereticall rebells , with direction of their ministers , assisting them in person and all according to the rules of their ghospel , that is of heresy , whose substance and nature is , as before is sayd , to be of it selfe a rebelliō against the catholike religiō , & catholike kings , & princes . and to cōclude with england , we haue seene that in fiue yeares time , or therabout of the catholike raigne of queene marie , were broached and set on foote more rebellions by proportiō , then in fortie yeares of her protestant sister queene elizabeth next following her . and this is the cause why in these coūtreys wise men discoursing of this matter , esteemed it a most ridiculous thing that lutherās or caluinists or any other hereticks should obiect to the catholike church the doctrine of rebellion , and killing of their kings and princes , which is a thing so contrary to al catholike religion , and so naturall to heresy it selfe as appeareth by the coūcell of constance sess . 15. where they are condemned for heretikes that doe obstinatly hould any such propositions : that euery tyrāt ought to be killed : and that he may be killed both lawfully and meritorously , by any vassell or subiect of his : and that by any deceiptfulnes , or subtilitie : notwithstanding any oath or agreement made to the contrary : & that without any sentence or iudgment . these were the propositiōs of wickliffe then cōdemned by that catholike councel : these are the propositiōs of the hereticks of our time , luther , caluin , beza , buchanan , & others their companions , & by thē most iniuriously restrained in particuler to the princes thē liuing , as namely to charles the 9. king of france , yea to the q. mother & al her whelpes , as they tearmed thē , that is , all her honorable childrē , the sayd king charles with al his brethren : likewise q. mary of englād , & other princes of germany : which doctrine , & practice of the hereticks of our time , is condemned by the doctrine and practice of the catholike church at this time : so that the hereticks obiecting to catholikes any such doctrine or practices , do but vse the way of preuention , like naughty womē who knowing what is to be obiected to them , will first of all in scoulding obiect it to others . and here comming to make an end of my letter , i haue thought good to ad one thing in steed of newes , and in few wordes let you vnderstand , what is the iudgement here about the oath that you cal of allegiāce , the rumor wherof is now spread through the whole world , & many books are abroad about that subiect : the wisest sort of men heere , leauing a fide their iudgements about the questions themselues set downe in that oath , to wit about the kinges lawfull right & title to the crowne , & of other forraine princes authoritie , as they say : leauing i say the discussing of them aside , they doe much disproue the only proposing therof to subiects , to be by them confirmed by oath . for say they , a king already in peaceable possessiō of his crown , should no more propose to his subiects the discussion of his rights and titles , for that no mā of any consciēce can sweare any such thing whithout perfect examination , triall , and knowledge therof , by the which he may be sure in conscience of swearing truly , and so the subiects are forced to enter into diuers considerations of many circūstances which were more cōuenient for thē to belieue , thē to examin , being such oftētimes that learned lawiers cōming to discusse thē , are so doubtful , that neither they , nor the princes thēselus wil be so bould to sweare them ; being content to remaine in lawfull possession against any pretender that shall oppose himselfe . yea if by any such occasion of questiō made about any such right , or title , warre should chance to be waged , the subiects are to belieue their princes and countreis cause to be iust , & may without any preiudice of their saluation , yea are bound to shed their bloud in such a cause : yet are not they bound , nor the prince himselfe , to take an oath , that his cause is iust ; and therfore it were great imprudency for a prince in such a cause , to tender such an oath to his souldiers : for so he should find his companies much diminished , and therof would follow that euident absurditie , that if the souldiers of ech side should sweare their owne kinges cause to be iust , all the souldiers of one side must needes be forsworne , it being as deuines do hold , impossible , that any warres should be iust on both sides , no more then in law that ech part should haue truth and iustice on his side , because that such questions that eyther by warre , or by law are to be decided , doe alwayes consist in a contradiction , by affirming , and denying one and the same thing : and by such oathes , as the one side must alwayes needes bee forsworne , so the other must needes do ill in swearing rashly such doubtfull things . much lesse is it thought conuenient to propose to subiects the examining of the power & right of any forraine king , or of the authoritie of the pope himselfe aboue kings and princes , not only for the same reasons , but also because therby many learned men which before were quiet , and without any question yealded obedience to the prince , are not only forced openly to refuse such an oath pertaining to faith , about the authority of christ his vicar vpon earth , but also openly to professe the contrary , both by word and writing . and such sort of oathes that are taken by force , with doubt of mind , and scruple of conscience , doe rather hurt then good , euen to that end to the which they are giuen . for whensoeuer any occasiō should happē of shewing their loue and affection towards their prince , they would allwayes be found most backward that haue beene so iniuriously forced to take such oaths against their wil , and peraduenture would dispense with themselues for the performance of them , as vniustly exacted , and rashly made : and they would alwaies be found most faithfully in keeping all loyalty towards their prince , who do offer themselues most ready to sweare the same , and do plainely refuse to sweare any more . for as this , they do refuse for their duty towards god : so that , they will performe for their duty towardes their king , and towards god that gaue them him : quia omnis potestas à deo est : and this is according to our sauiours prescript , reddere quae sunt caesaris caesari , & quae sunt dei deo. this only all wise men in these parts do agree vpon , wherin i assure my selfe no man with you of any wisdome , will any way contradict , that euery subiect is bound in conscience to obay his lawfull prince , and that also to promise by oath when it shal be exacted . and such an oath although in other realmes through the whole world is not wont to be exacted of all subiects , but only of the magistrates and gouernours of others ; yet such occasion may fall out , that it may stand with prudence to tender it to euery one in particuler : and such an oath of obedience towardes his prince and soueraigne , no good catholicke will refuse , nor catholicke doctrine doth disallow . yours euer t. a. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a08697-e140 the occation of writing this letter . the iesuits iniuriously slaundered . mariana his opinion cōdemned by all other writers of the society , and the court of parlament in frāce . the authors intentiō . tolet. bellarmine . valētia . salmer● del-rio . heissius . becanus . gretser . lessius . serarius azor. richeome . the opinion of mariana condemned in a cōgregatiō of the society in frāce and mis liked by the generall of the same order . malice of protestants . the generall opinion of iesuites touching kings . tren . l. 5. c. 24. rom. 13. 1. 3. pet. 2. baru . 1. 11. the pious intentiō of the authour . malicious dealing . the society most exposed to hatred . an apostrophe to frāce . god hath turned this slāder raised against the society to the best . the society in fact and doctrine as obsequious to kings as any other order . mariana not resolute in the opinion for which he is cōdemned by the aduersaries . mariana speaketh only of tyrāts . mariana his book and doctrine cōdemned for hatred to the society . sathan the author & father of all iyers & slanderers . an ancient deuise to draw matters of religion into crims of state. exāples in the new testament our sauiour called into questiō for matter of state against the emperour , & condemned for the same . gods seuere punishment vpon vniust iudges . heresies haue first sprōg vp in our dayes by rebellion . the practise of protestantes in matters of rebelliō . rebellious doctrine proper vnto protestants , and condēned by catholicks . what strangers doe iudge & speake of the oath of allegiāce and the proposing therof ▪ the discussing of the popes authority not conuenient . forced swearing more hurtfull then profitable . matt. 22 ▪ by the parliament a proclamation commanding all jesuits, seminary priests, and other romish priests, to depart out of this commonwealth. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83385 of text r211620 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[80]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83385 wing e2192 thomason 669.f.16[80] estc r211620 99870331 99870331 163233 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83385) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163233) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[80]) by the parliament a proclamation commanding all jesuits, seminary priests, and other romish priests, to depart out of this commonwealth. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by iohn field, printer to the parliament of england, london : 1652 [i.e. 1653] order to print dated: wednesday the fifth of ianuary, 1652. signed: hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. with parliamentary seal at head of text. eng catholics -england -legal status, laws, etc. -early works to 1800. jesuits -england -legal status, laws, etc. -early works to 1800. a83385 r211620 (thomason 669.f.16[80]). civilwar no by the parliament: a proclamation commanding all jesuits, seminary priests, and other romish priests, to depart out of this commonwealth. england and wales. parliament. 1653 742 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the parliament : a proclamation commanding all jesuits , seminary priests , and other romish priests , to depart out of this commonwealth . the parliament of england being informed , that many iesuits , seminary priests , and other romish priests are come into this nation , and do here with great boldness celebrate their idolatrous masses , exercise all offices of their profession , and seduce the people from the true religion , and from their duty and obedience to this common-wealth ; for which offences against the laws of this nation , some of those romish priests being found here , have lately been convicted and executed according to law ; and others of them being within the same danger , are liable to the same punishment , and their lives within the power of iustice : the parliament nevertheless being willing , that the like for the future , both the offence and the punishment may be avoided , and fit warning given for that purpose ; and for the prevention of the great mischiefs arising to the people of england , by such romish priests being among them ( whereby god is dishonored , and the peace of this commonwealth endangered ) have thought fit to publish and declare , and do hereby publish and declare , that all and every iesuit , seminary priest , and other priests , deacons , religious and ecclesiastical persons whatsoever , made , ordained or professed by any authority , power or iurisdiction derived , chalenged or pretended from the sea of rome , do , and shall be before the first day of march , one thousand six hundred fifty and two , depart forth out of england and wales , and town of berwick : and for that purpose , that it shall be lawful to all officers of ports , to suffer the said iesuits , seminaries and romish priests to ship themselves , and to depart thence into any foreign parts before the said first day of march : and that if any iesuit , seminary priest , or other romish or popish priests , after the said first day of march , shall be found or taken within england or wales , or the town of barwick ; or departing by force of this present act , shall hereafter return into this nation , or any the territories thereof , that they and every of them so found , taken , and returning , shall be liable unto , and undergo the penalty of the laws here in force concerning them or any of them , without hope of pardon or remission for their said offence or offences . and because there may be some romish priests and iesuits in restraint in divers parts of this nation , the parliament doth will and command all sheriffs , bayliffs , and all keepers of prisons , within twenty days after the publishing of this proclamation , to advertise the councel of state , appointed by authority of parliament , of the names of such iesuits , seminary priests , and other romish priests that are in their custody , and for what cause , and by whom they were committed ; to the end , that thereupon the councel of state may give order for their enlargement and transportation , if they see cause , which they are hereby authorized to do : and the parliament doth charge and command , all iustices of peace and other officers whatsoever , to be vigilant and careful to do their duties herein , and be diligent in discovering and apprehending of all iesuits , seminary priests , and other romish priests that shall remain here or come into this commonwealth , or any the territories thereof , contrary to this proclamation : and the commissioners of the great seal of england , are hereby authorized and required to affix the said great seal unto this proclamation , and to cause the same to be published and proclaimed in all counties of this common-wealth , according to the usual course . wednesday the fifth of ianuary , 1652. ordered by the parliament , that this proclamation be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by iohn field , printer to the parliament of england . 1652. the nevv heresie of the jesuits publickly maintain'd at paris in the colledge of clermont, by conclusions, printed 12 decemb., 1661, denounced to all the bishops of france / translated out of the french original. nouvelle hérésie des jésuites. english arnauld, antoine, 1612-1694. 1662 approx. 51 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a25853 wing a3730 estc r15927 12654438 ocm 12654438 65318 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25853) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65318) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 341:5) the nevv heresie of the jesuits publickly maintain'd at paris in the colledge of clermont, by conclusions, printed 12 decemb., 1661, denounced to all the bishops of france / translated out of the french original. nouvelle hérésie des jésuites. english arnauld, antoine, 1612-1694. 23 p. [s.n.], london : 1662. translation of: nouvelle hérésie des jésuites. attributed to antoine arnauld. cf. bm. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the nevv heresie of the jesuits : publickly maintain'd at paris in the colledge of clermont , by conclusions , printed 12. decemb. 1661. denounced to all the bishops of france . translated out of the french original . lucae 5. 39. nemo bibens vetus , statim vult novum : dicit enim , vetus melius est . london , printed in the year of our lord 1662. the new heresie of the jesuits ; publikely maintained at paris in the colledge of clermont , by conclusions , printed the 12 of december 1661. denounced to all the bishops of france . as it is the duty of bishops to cut off , whilst they are yet in the bud , the errors that tend to the ruine of faith ; so is it no less the part of divines , to make discovery of them , and stir up their pastoral vigilance by giving them a timely advice thereof . for which reason , my lords , you will not i am confident , disapprove the information given you of a new heresie publikely maintained by the jesuites in their colledge of paris , by conclusions , printed and defended the 12 of december past , which bear in front this title : assertiones catholicae de incarnatione contra saeculorum omnium ab incarnato verbo praecipuas haereses . catholike assertions of the incarnation , against the principal heresies of all ages since christ : whereby they sufficiently intimate , that excepting some subtleties of the schools , they would have us take for catholike truths , whatever else they advance in opposition to these heresies . they propose then for the heresie of the 10 th age , the schism of the grecians , and pretend by the following words to prescribe us what we ought to beleeve , that we fall not into this heresie . x. saeculum . romanae ecclesiae caput , contra graecos schismaticos . hoc tandem saeculo schisma phocii invalcscens , graecos , ab ecclesiae capite dis-junxit . christum nes ita caput agnoscimus , ut illius regimen dum in caelos abiit , primum petro tum d●inde successoribus commiserit , & eandem quam habebat ipse infallibilitatem concesserit , quoties ex cathedrâ loquerentur . datur ergo in ecclesia romana controversiarum fidei judex infallibilis , etiam extra concilium generale tam in questionibus juris , quam facti . vnde post innocentii x. & alexandri vii . constitutiones , fide divinâ credi potest , librum cui titulus est augustinus jansenii esse haereticum , & quinque propositiones exeo decerptas , esse jansenii , & in sensu jansenii damnatas . propugnabuntur deo duce , & auspice virgine in aula collegii claromontani societatis jesu , die 12 decembris , anno 1661. x. age . the head of the roman church against the schismatick grecians . it was in this age that the schism of photius growing strong , cut off the grecians from the head of the church ; for our parts we acknowledge jesus christ to be in such sort the head , that he hath left the government first to s. peter , and afterwards to his successors , and that he hath bequeathed unto them , as often as they shall speak out of their chair ; the same infallibility which he himself had . wherefore there is in the church of rome , an infallible judge of controversies of faith , even out of a general council , as well in questions of right , as matters of fact , for which reason , now after the constitutions of innocent x , and allexander vii , one may believe with divine faith , that the book of jansenius , intituled augustinus , is heretical : and that the five propositions extracted out of it , are of jansenius ; and condemned in his sense . this conclusion contains two parts ; one , the primacy of the pope ; in which all catholicks agree : the other the infallibility which the jesuits attribute to him . nor is the question , concerning that infallibility , which some divines maintain , and which regards only the judgements of popes touching the truths revealed by god in the holy scripture and tradition . it is well known what the opinions of the gallican church , and school of paris are upon this subject : and what is to be understood by their words sententia parisiensium , when one meets with them in the books , even of jesuits , upon this matter . it is also known , that those among some modern doctors , who would be most favourable to popes , as dr. du val ; were nevertheless of opinion , that it is not a point of faith , that the pope is infallible ; non est de fide summum pontificem esse infallibilem ; and that the contrary opinion , is neither erroneous nor rash ; non est erroneum neque temerarium temeritate opinionis dicere summum pontificem in decernendo errare posse . but these same divines how passionate soever they were , to exalt the authority of the sovereign bishops , do acknowledge , as a thing certain , unquestionable , and agreed on by all catholicks , that in matters of fact , they are not infallible , but may be deceived , and so really have been in sundry occasions . all catholicks are of agreement , sayes cardinal bellarmin , that the pope , acting as pope , with advice of his council , nay even of a general council , may be deceived in particular affairs , depending on the information and attestation of men. and , applying this general maxime to a particular fact , altogether conformable to that of jansenius , to wit , whether the heresie of the monothelites were contain'd in the letters of honorius , as the vi general council , confirmed by so many popes , had determined : a general council , sayes he , that is a lawful one , cannot erre in the definition of dogmatical points of faith , wherein the vi council likewise was free from error ; but it may erre in questions of fact. generale concilium legitimum non potest errare , ut neque erravit hoc sextum , in dogmatibus fidei definiendis : tamen errare potest in questionibus de facto , and cardinal baronius sayes the same , upon the same subject of the sixth oecumenical council . the condemnation , even of general councils , is not received with so much rigour , in what concerns mens persons , and their writings : for no man doubts , but that whoever he be , he may be deceived in matters of fact : in which occasion , the saying of st. paul is appliable , we can do nothing against truth , but for truth . in his enim quae facti sunt , unumquemque contingere posse falli , nemini dubium est . all other divines , even the more wedded to the interest of the court of rome , have hitherto contain'd themselves within these bounds . but the jesuits will neither admit bounds nor examples in their excesses and extravagancie● . it is not enough for them to make the pope infallible , in the manner as some other divines have done ; they must needs have it , that jesuus christ hath given him the same infallibility , which himself enjoyed here on earth : and as this infallibility of jesus christ reached to all things , and not only to matters revealed , but also to such , as till then had not been reveal'd , and which he revealed by uttering them ; so they will have the pope to become infallible , not only in proposing to the church the truths comprised in divine revelation , but also certain facts , which we are sure were never revealed by god : as , whether such propositions be found in a book compos'd in the 17 th . age . these are not consequences drawn by others out of their doctrine ; they themselves infer them , and make them passe for catholick assertions , according to the title of their conclusions . there is then in the church an infallible judge of controversies of faith , even out of a general council , as well for questions of right , as of fact . and that we may not doubt of their meaning by questions of fact , though the word it self of fact , taken in opposition to that of law or right , doth sufficiently clear it ; they alleage for an example , and a consequence of this new infallibility of jesus christ communicated to the pope ; that after the foresaid constitutions , one may beleive with divine faith that jansenius his book is heretical , and that the five propositions are truly this authors . vnde post innocentij x , & alexandri vii , constitutiones fide divina credi p●test , librum cui titulus est jansenij augustinus , esse haereticum , & quinque propositiones ex eo decerptas esse jansenii . behold the proposition which they publickly advance in the face of the greatest city of the world : nor will it be amisse to take notice of the origin and date thereof : for these same men that now so boldly maintain it , had for some time agoe laid the seeds of it in their other writings : and it was easily discernable that their whole conduct was to be built upon this error . they had severally exposed the inferences in one place , and the principles in an other ; but still with certain windings , and intricacy of words , that might as occasion served , be a cloak to them . it is now in fine that they discover to the church without any maske what they pretend to establish . let the whole church then hear and take notice , that the 12 of december in the year 1661. was the day , on which the jesuits brought to light this monstrous opinion , whereof they had been so long in labour : that this was the day , on which they proposed , as a catholick assertion , that the pope speaking out of his chair , hath the same infallibilitie with jesus christ , not only in questions of right , but also in those of fact ; and consequently that one may believe with divine faith , that the five propositions are the opinions of jansenius . it is not conceived needful , my lords , to use many words , to make appear , that there is not here a simple error , nor a simple heresie , but a source of errors , and as one may say , a general heresie , which overthrows all religion . for your lordships know , that the first and principal ground of christian religion , is this , that our faith doth not depend on the word of men , but on the word of god , who is truth it self : that this is it which makes it inconcussible and wholly divine ; whereas it would be purely humane , did it rely upon any authority lesse than that of god : or that we could not bear the like testimony to our selves , which st. paul did to the christians of thessalona●a , to have received the word which god was pleased to propose to us by his church , not as the word of men , but as the word of god , as it tr●ly is . non ut verbum hominum , sed sicut est vere , verbum dei. all whatsoever is comprehended under the notion of faith ( saith st. bernard ) is founded upon the solid truth , perswaded us by the oracles of god , confirmed by miracles , and consecrated by the child-bearing of a virgin , by the bloud of our redeemer , and the glory of jesus raised from the dead . totum quod in fide est certâ ac solidâ veritate subnixum , oraculis & miraculis divinitus persuasum , stabilitum , & consecratum partu virginis , sanguine redemptoris , gloriâ resurgentis . whoever then saith , a thing not revealed nor attested by god , ( as , that certain propositions are truly such an authors of these later ages ) is an object of divine faith , because the pope hath declared it ; either establishes for the ground of faith , an authority purely human , and the word of a man , which is as much as to overthrow faith ; or makes a god of the pope , and of his word , a divine word , and holy scripture ; which is not only an heresie , but a horrible impietie , and a kinde of idolatry . for idolatrie doth not consist onely in giving to man the name of god , but much more in ascribing to him the attributes proper to god , and the honour which is due only to him . now this submission of our understandings and intellective faculties , implied in each act of faith ; is nothing els than the adoration which we exhibite to the primary truth : and so whoever pays it to the word of man , what rank soever he holds in the church ; whoever professes he believes a thing with divine faith , on no other motive then because a man hath said it ; places a man in the throne of god , transferres the honour due only to the creator , to a creature , and , for as much as lies in him , makes a kinde of idol of the vicar of jesus christ . and that , my lords which will give you a greater horror of this impiety , is this , that the authors thereof imagin'd they should be able to foster it , under favour of the respect , which all the catholicks bear the pope ; and that no man would have the boldness to oppose it , for fear of incurring his displeasure ; whereas on the contrary , could any one commit a greater outrage against the first minister of jesus christ , then to imagine he could be honoured by a blasphemy so injurious to jesus christ ; that it could be pleasing to him to be made equall to his master , by sharing with him the same infallibility which he possesseth , and that men should yield to his words that supream worship of divine faith , which is due to god alone . s. paul and s. barnabe , perceiving the people went about to give them the same honours which they were wont to pay to their false gods , tore in pieces their garments , thereby to express the extream displeasure which they resented ; and cast themselves into the midst of the assembly to hinder it : and we may with reason believe , that the pope himself , were he truly advertised of this horrible excess , would not fail to imploy his whole authority to suppress these profane worshippers , and would abhor it as a crime able to cause the loss of himself in the sight of god , to give way to the least compliance in so detestable a flattery . he would with trembling reflect on the just vengeance of god , upon that last king of the jewes , for only suffering the tumultuary acclamations of a giddie brain'd people , who , hearing him speak , cryed out , it was the voice of a god , and not of a man ; dei voces & non hominis : for the scripture teacheth us that immediatly the angel of our lord stroke him , because he had not given to god the honor due unto him : confertim autem percussit cum , angelus domini , eo quod non dedisset honorem deo. and yet how much lesse criminal was the flattery of that people , then this of the jesuites ; theirs might have passed for a sudden transport of joy , not regulated by reason ; and sometimes the holy scripture it self gives the name of god to supream judges and princes : but here is given to the pope deliberately upon a laid defign , and by way of establishing a dogmatical assertion of theologie , not an empty and insignificant name , but one of the most glorious attributes of god , and most incommunicable to a creature , to wit , that his word should have entailed upon it such an infallibility , as to deserve that submission of divine faith , which cannot without idolatry be rendred to any but the first and soveraign verity . for the like cannot be said in this question , which those who maintain the popes infallibility in matters of faith , are wont to answer , that in beleeving the decisions of the pope , they do not build their faith on the word of a man ; because he doth but propose what hath been formerly revealed by god in holy scripture and tradition , and so their faith relies still on the word of god. nothing i say , like this can be applied to the matter in hand , in regard whereof the jesuites pretend , that the pope is as infallible as jesus christ , and that his decision is an object of divine faith. for when the pope shall propose a fact of the 17 th age ; as that certain heretical propositions were taught by an author of those times ; it cannot be pretended that he proposes a matter revealed in scripture or tradition : he may well say , i judge it to be thus ; but he cannot say , god hath revealed it . he may speak as from himself , but he cannot say , god hath spoken ; dominus locutus est : and , as it is a man that speaks , and not god , all they who hold that one may beleeve with divine faith , a decision of this nature , do most visibly commit the like abominable excess , which that blinded people did , by crying out with them , voces dei & non hominis . and albeit the popes piety be a sufficient antidote to preserve him from being poisoned with this sacrilegious opinion , nevertheless , they who present this poison unto him cannot excuse themselves from being as guilty towards him , as were those wretched sycophants towards their king , of whose death , they were the cause , by their impious flatteries . for a man is not then only esteemed a murderer either of the soul or body , when effectively he takes away the life of one or the other , but also when he lays a cause , which of its own nature is sufficient to work the death of either , though the effect do not follow . so s. cyprian calls those christians parricides , who through fear of persecution , offered up to the idols their sucking infants ; because although they could not really deprive them of the life of grace , which they had received in baptism , by this idolatry whereunto they were in no sort consenting , as s. austin remarks ; they did notwithstanding what lay in them , to bereave them of it . in illis quidem interfectionem non faciunt , sed quantum in ipsis est , interfectores fiunt . flatter not your selves , saith s. austin , speaking to those who give occasion to others of committing sin , upon account that your brother is not dead by the scandal you gave him ; it is true , he is not dead , and yet you are murderers : et ille vivit , & tu homicida es . one may say the same to the jesuites , in respect of the pope , whom they go about to poison with so pestiferous an opinion : non sibi blandiantur , quia ille non est mortuus , & ille vivit , & isti homicidae sunt . but it is not the pope only , before whose feet they cast this stumbling block , but even the generality of the faithful , by perswading them to build their belief on the word of a man , and to submit their judgements thereunto , as to the first verity , which as hath been shewed , cannot be done without a kinde of idolatry : insomuch that the jesuites are near upon the same impiety with those hereticks , who would have divine honours exhibited to the blessed virgin ; for , as the true respect and veneration due to her , as the most holy of creatures , took not any thing off from the crime of those hereticks and their followers ; even so the reverence which all the faithful ought to bear to the head of the church , will in no sort exempt them from a heavy sin before almighty god , if through the deceit of the jesuites , they give unto the words of a man how eminent soever he may be in the church , that soveraign difference of divine faith , which cannot without impiety be given to any thing but the word of god himself . worldly men make small accompt of these kind of sins , because , being wholy buried in flesh and blood , none but grosse and material objects make impression on them . deluded devotes permit themselves to be easily carried away with these excesses ; because they imagin it to be a part of their false piety , to imbrace blindly whatever contibutes to the honour and advantage of those things and persons , for which they ought to have a respect , and from this root are sprung all those opinions , which they call pious , without ever examining whether they be true or false : as if a falsity could be the object of piety , or that god , who is truth , could be honoured with the unclean sacrifice of a lie. but you , my lord , know that all those who have been nourished with the true spirit of christianity , make a far different judgement hereof : they equally hate a lie , to whose advantage soever it redound , whether of the pope , or the blessed virgin , or of jesus christ himself : which yet would a little startle a man to hear , had not st. austin expresly taught it : for this holy father fears not to maintain that , if a lye or calomny , which one makes use of to take away the temporal life of man , be a detestable crime ; that is yet a far greater , which tends to the destruction of his spiritual life ; as all manner of lyes in matter of religion , even though employed in giving false praises to jesus christ . for which reason , the same father says , that a christian would commit a notorious folly , who would not rather expose himself to all manner of indignities , even those that strike the greatest horror into pious souls ; then condescend to the insolence of a person , that would force him to corrupt the holy gospel , thereby to bestow false praises upon jesus christ . since then , according to the judgement of this great father , it would be a crime of abomination to give false honours to jesus christ himself , who being god , is above all our praise and honours ; how much more abominable is it , to give a mortal man , invironed with infirmities , as the scripture sayes , the honours that appertain to god alone ? but into what a labirinth of errors will not men run headlong , if one grant them the freedom to cloak their capricious fancies with the mantle of piety ? for if opinions must be born with , how false soever they be , because a false piety judges them pious ; and if this be a plausible reason to exempt popes from the common defects of humane nature , that one may piously believe , that god , having entrusted them with the government of his church , will have a care to preserve them from falling into defects prejudicial to the good thereof ; as the jesuits from this ground conceive they have a right to invest the pope in the same state of infallibility with jesus christ , even in matters of fact , when they propose them to the whole church : why may not others lay claim to the same right , of attributing to him the same impeccability which jesus christ had , in all such affairs as concern the government of the church , and the functions of his soveraign pontificate ? why shall this latter opinion be lesse pious , than the former ? doth it not appear more advantageous to the church , that the head thereof should be in this sort impeccable , then that he should be infallible in matters of fact ? and have not an infinity of souls , redeem'd with the sacred blood of jesus christ , received damages incomparably greater , by the evil government of some popes , then they can possibly receive by their want of understanding or due attention in the perusal of a particular author . some one that should have lived in the first ages of the church , catching hold of these seeming conveniences of mans weak understanding , would he not have thought himself well grounded to assert . that god would never permit the seat of st. peter to be possest , for the space of almost an age together , by persons most unworthy of that dignity ; as card. baronius acknowledges with grief to have hapened , during the far greater part of the tenth age , by the power of the marques of toscany , who tyranising , what with arms , what with mony , over the clergy and people of rome , caused them to enthrone in st. peters chair , men not only vicious in their own persons , but also notoriously dammageable to the church ; into which they brought most horrible disorders ; as that in particular of john the tenth , whereof baronius sadly complains , who made an infant of five years old archbishop of rheimes ; on which the cardinal makes this reflexion : tantum nefas , quo iura omnia ecclesiastica sauciantur , ejus pontificis authoritate introductum , quem infamis faeminae infami operâ in petri solium intrusisset . would he not have believed , that god almighty would never have suffered , the vicar of him , who made that solemn protestation , that his kingdom was not of this world ; to attempt the disposing of temporal kingdoms ; to take them from some , and confer them on others ; as julius the second did that of navarre , which , to the prejudice of our kings , the kings of spain possesse upon me no other title , than a pretended guift of the pope , in taking it from its lawful king ? would he not have thought , that god would never have permitted schisme to have crept even into the chair of unity ; in such sort , that the church for almost 40 years should not have been able to discern its true , from its false pastour ; groaning under the oppression of two mercenaries , strugling for the right title , and agreeing only in this joynt design , to keep the church in this dismal division ; as in effect it happened about the end of the 14 th . age , whilst one of these anti-popes kept his seat at avignon , the other at rome ? would he not have thought , that god would never have permitted , that he , whose principal charge it is to keep all christians in unity , should by rash and precipitate excommunications , be the cause , that whole kingdoms should fall off from the communion of the church ; whereby an infinite number of souls should miserably suffer shipwrack against the rocks of schisme and heresie ; as it happened to the kingdome of england , by the precipitancy of clement the seventh ; as cardinal peron most pregnantly represented to paul the fifth , to keep him from falling into a like oversight in the cause of the venetians ; adding the example of leo the tenth in regard of germany , and remonstrating to him , that he ought to consider , he was then in the same crisis , and at the same point , in which leo the tenth was the ruine of catholick religion in germany ; in which clement the seventh destroyed it in england , in which clement the eighth preserved it in france . it is certain , that , to confine our discourse to what may appear advantageous to the church , and to what we ( according to our weak understanding ) would be apt to judge fitting to be done ; had any of those that appear the wisest among men , been admitted in to the council of god , when he was casting the models of his church ; they would all have concurred in this judgement , that it would be in no sort expedient , to permit those who were to supply his place upon earth , to fall into disorders so opposite to the duty of their charge , and so prejudicial to the souls of men , committed to their conduct ▪ but the counsels of god are intirely different from those of men ; and he was pleased out of his inscrutable judgements by the succeeding events , quite to confound our pretended wisdome . for he permitted all that , which we would have conceiv'd he ought to have prevented : so that persons truly pious ought to be convinced , by so many deplorable examples , of this important verity , that god would not have the firm subsistance of his church depend on the saintity , wisdome , or clear-sightednesse of any one single person , though he were the head and soveraign pastor of it . this is the pious reflection which cardinal baronius makes upon the disorders of the 10 th . age : to the end , sayes he , that god might make appear that his church was not the contrivance of man , but an institute purely divine , it was necessary he should shew , that the vices of bad popes , should never be able to destroy it : as kingdomes often are overthrown by the vicious lives of their kings . vt enim deus significaret eandem suam ecclesiam nequaquam humanum esse figmentum , sed plane divinum inventum , oportuit ostendisse eam nequaquam pravorum antistititum operá perdi posse , & ad nihilum redigi ; sicut de aliis diversarum gentium regnis & bene statutis rebus-publicis fastum constat . it is the same case of this kind of infallibility , which by a new and unheard-of error the jesuits grant to the pope : which god hath permitted to be disproved by so many evident examples , that not any divine can give credit to it , without condemning himself of formal heresie ; for if all the decisions of popes , touching matters of fact , were as many articles of faith , there not being one able divine , that doth not impugne some one of them , there would not be one that did not impugne a point of faith. for example , who is there now a dayes that doth not esteem the letters imputed to the first popes , not only not to be theirs , but contrariwise , a rapsody collected by some forger and impostor . and notwithstanding both pope nicholas commanded the bishops of france to receive them , and his successors inserted them into the book of decretals , which by their apostolical authority they proposed to serve for a rule to the whole church , wherein they speak , at least , as much out of their chair , as in their ordinary bulls . how then can one , without impiety , believe , that these letters are suppositions , as now all the ablest church-men do , even the jesuits themselves , if there be an obligation to hold the same infallibilitie in the popes , as in jesus christ , even in matters of fact ? would the infallibility of christ permit that one should propose to the church false pieces instead of true ones ? there are scarce any matters of fact of more importance to the church , then to know whether a council be general or no , whether lawful or illegittimate . neverthelesse , did the kingdom of france become heretick , for not acknowledging the council of florence to be oecumenical , notwithstanding all the bulls of eugenius the fourth , and all his declarations prefixed at the head of this council , to oblige the whole world to receive it as a general one ? did the cardinal of lorraine fall into heresie , when he openly declared to pope pius the fourth , his , and the whole kingdome of france's opinion on this subject , in the following tearms : for as much as concerns the last of the titles to be given to our holy father , taken out of the council of florence ; i cannot deny but that i am a french man , bred up in the vniversity of paris , in which it is the common tenet , that the authority of a council is above the pope , and all that bold the contrary are censured as hereticks : that in france the council of constance is held oecumenical in all its parts : that they adhere to that of basile , and hold that of florence neither for a lawful nor a general one : and it were an easier work to kill all french men , then to draw them from their said perswasion . this letter which the cardinal of lorrain writ to his secretary at rome , to be communicated to pope pius the 4 th . is to be seen in the collection of memorials concerning the council of trent , published by the deceased mr. du puis , and printed by cramoisi . during the first disagreement betwixt pope eugenius the 4 th . and the council of basile , he put forth a most authentick bull , by which he declared that he transferr'd this council to bolognia , and that all those who should maintain this translation was just and lawful , were both out of the truth and catholick faith. fuit igitur a basiliensi civitate legitima pro tunc nostra concilii dissolutio , & asserentes contra sunt penitus ab omni veritate & fide catholica alieni . all which notwithstanding the fathers of the council of basile , maintaining that this translation was injust and invalid , eugenius was forced by another bull equally authentick , to acknowledg that the said translation was in effect null , and that the council had been duely held from its beginning to that very time . both these bulls are to be seen in raynald ; the first in the year 1433. the other in the year 1434. now , shall the one and the other of these bulls be articles of faith ? and shall we be obliged to believe that the same council was at the same time , an unlawful conventicle , and a lawful synod of the whole church , assembled in the name of the holy ghost . the same raynald makes mention of an other bull of eugenius the 4 th . against the cardinal of arles who presided over the council of basile ; where he is called iniquitatis alumnus , atque perditionis filius . if the voice of popes , in the judgements which they make of persons in their bulls , ought to be esteemed as infallible as that of jesus christ , we should be obliged to look upon this cardinal as a most wicked person : but what if god hath judged otherwise , and if , from obliging us to abhor him as a child of iniquity , and a son of perdition , he would have us bear respect and veneration to him , as one of the blessed , confirming his saintity by publick miracles , authorized by an other pope , to wit , clement the seventh , who by an authentick bull has enrolled him in the number of the blessed , declaring , not that he did penance after having been a son of iniquity , but that he had ever a celestial , chast , and immaculate life ; as it is to bee seen in the bull of his beatification , reported at length by ciaconius . these few examples may sufficiently shew the falsity of the jesuits pretension . but without seeking further , the very authors themselves , of this new doctrine , fall into heresie , by the undeniable sequele of their error . for in these very same conclusions , they maintain , that pope honorius , in his letters taught nothing but what was most consonant to the catholick faith , touching the two wills , and two operations in jesus christ . duas in christo voluntates & operationes fuisse profitemur ; nec aliud a nobis sensit honorius dum operationem christi unicam esse scripsit . now , if it be a point of faith , as the jesuits pretend , that the book of jansenius is heretical , and the five propositions are his , because two popes have affirmed it , and that one ought to consider what they say with the same regard as if jesus christ had said it ; with how much more reason may one say the same of the letters of pope honorius , which were both strictly examined , condemned and burnt by the authority of a general council of the whole church , in which the pope presided by his legats , and which in this very point was confirmed by two following general councils , and by a great number of popes ? for if ever popes speak out of their chair , it is then chiefly when they speak in general councils , and in the confirmation of them by their apostolical power . and so consequently one cannot doubt , but that leo the second spoke out of his chair , when in divers letters which he wrote in confirmation of the sixth oecumenical council , he in particular ratified the condemnation of honorius , pronouncing an anathema against him , because in stead of inlightning the church [ these are his words ] by the doctrine of apostolical tradition , he suffered it to be defiled by a profane corruption . qui hanc apostolicam ecclesiam non apostolicâ traditionis doctrinâ lustravit , sed profanâ traditione immaculari permisit . and consequently , if , when the popes speak out of their chair , of what matter soever they speak , whether of right , or of fact , they injoy the same infallibility with jesus christ , and that all they so pronounce is an article of faith ; it ought to be a point of faith that the letters of honorius are heretical , and he that denies it , especially after having asserted this general maxime , bears in his forehead the most notorious mark of an heretick , according to s. paul , which is , to be condemned by his own proper judgement . nor will it serve , to have recourse to the pretended falsifying of the acts of the sixth council , and of the letters of leo the second ; for as this pretension is both unsustainable , ridiculous and extravagant , ( as in the last assembly of the clergy , the bishops even most addicted to the jesuites did acknowledge ) if there were no other then this poor evasion to excuse men from beleeving with divine faith , that honorius was justly anathematiz'd , and his letters legally condemned , as full of heresies ; one must needs have renounced all common sense , to make any other judgement of this pope , or not to hold his letters for heretical . but , as it is the property of error to destroy it self , the same person , that by this new opinion of the jesuites should be ingaged of necessitie to maintain these letters of honorius to be heretical ; by the same principle would be obliged to acknowledge the falsity of his own opinion , for how could he beleeve that all the popes wer indued with this infallibility of jesus christ speaking out of their chair ; seeing honorius fell into an error , in a conjecture where it is hard to conceive how he should not speak out of his chair , since he spoke as judge of controversies of faith , for the adjusting the greatest variance that then raigned in the church , and which had divided all the patriarks of the east . and nevertheless , without insisting on the judgement of the sixth council , and supposing , which yet is most absurd , that the acts of it were corrupted ; how can any one pretend that honorius in this occasion , was assisted with the infallibility of jesus christ , since having by his letters approved the letter of sergius patriarch of constantinople , either he understood it rightly , and then he fell into an error of right , by approving an heretical opinion of one only will in jesus christ , which he must have acknowledged to have been contained in the letter of sergius : or else he mis-understood the said letter , taking in a catholike sence , that which sergius writ in an heretical one , in which case he must needs have erred at least in a matter of fact. so that the jesuites can in no sort avoid being heretikes , for if it be an heresie , as questionless it is , to ascribe to the popes , speaking out of their chair , the same infallibility which jesus christ hath , as well in matters of right , as of fact , in such sort that their decision even in matters of fact , may be believed by divine faith , then they must needs be hereticks , because they are engaged to maintain not an heresie only , but a blasphemy : and if they pretend this opinion is true , they are likewise heretikes , because they impugn faith , by impugning the decision of so many popes and general councels touching the condemnation of honorius , whom , according to their erroneous opinion , one is bound to beleeve by divine faith , to have been most justly condemned , since it was by the sentence of judges , as infallible , both in matters of right , and of fact , as jesus christ himself . my lords , i dwell too long upon the refutation of so visible a folly , but permit me to lay before you one other pernicious consequence thereof . your lordships have seen the design of their conclusions , and how glorious a title they prefix before them : assertiones catholicae contra saeculorum omnium praecipuas haereses . what can a man rationally conceive , when he sees what doctrines ( in pursuance of that title ) they oppose to these heresies , but that their meaning is to obtrude them upon us for catholick truths , maintained by the church against hereticks , and which we are bound to embrace under pain of heresie , and of falling off from the communion of the church . wherefore according to the jesuites , the catholike church can never receive the grecians back into communion , nor reunite its members cut off by so deplorable a schism , otherwise then by obliging them to confess that jesus christ hath given to the popes the same infallibility which he himself had , in all they propose to the whole church , even particular facts . and as all heretikes of these latter ages have embraced the error of the grecians , touching the primacy of the holy seat ; so likewise neither can we open the church doors to any of them , upon other terms then by extorting from them a profession of this new article of faith. but admitting the church should not tye them to such hard measure , yet what a world of obstacles are by this opinion cast in the way of their conversion ? what scandall doth it not give them ? what a fair pretext doth it afford their ministers , to decry the catholick church in their sermons to their abused flock , and render it odious and contemptible , and confirm them in their ancient reproach and calumny , so often cast upon catholicks of equalling the pope with god almighty ? it is well known that this was the principal engine to work so many people to a revolt from the church . is it possible , that even religious persons should concur with them in so pernitious a design , and furnish them with armes to fight against us , giving them a just occasion to look upon the submission which all faithful christians yield to the pope , as an insupportable yoak imposed on their consciences , even in matters that no ways concern the catholick faith , nor whereof the knowledg doth in any sort contribute to salvation . this is it , my lords , that hath chiefly forced us to speak in this ranconter : it was absolutely necessary that catholick divines should make all hast to cry out against this impiety , lest these uncircumcised should take occasion to insult over the hosts of the living god : we were obliged to prevent them , that it might appear to all the world , that these excesses were no lesse detested in the catholick church , out of the love of truth , then they seemed to detest them upon the accompt of justifying their guilty separation . but if , to have exposed their complaints to the publick , be enough to acquit divines of the duty incumbent on them ; it will not suffice for the honour of the church , and an entire reparation of this scandal , that they alone should speak in this occasion . 't is your part , my lords , who ought to be inflamed with a pious zeal for the purity of christian doctrine , whereof you are the depositaries ; for the safety of souls , whereof you are the spiritual fathers ; for the sanctity of the church , whereof you are the bridegrooms ; for the honour of jesus christ , whose chief ministers you are ; to consider before almighty god , what service you owe him , in an occasion of this importance , where the faith of the church is violated by a capital error that strikes at the very roots thereof , where the faithful are in danger to be poysoned by an opinion , that tends to change into idolatry the veneration which they owe to their soveraign pastor ; where the church is profaned by an impiety , that dishonours and exposes it to the outrages of its enemies ; and finally where jesus christ is horribly blasphemed by a sacrilegious parity , which they endeavour to establish betwixt his sacred words , and those of his minister , by making the one , as well as the other , the object of divine faith. some one 〈…〉 say , it is an extravagance , which deserves not to have such notice taken of it ; and this without question will be the pretext to move you to connive at such an excesse . but you ought to consider , my lords , that how extravagant soever the opinion may be , it is advanc'd by persons who may give a just occasion to apprehend strange consequences of it . for clearly , it is not by chance , or the blind passion of some one private person , that it now comes to light ; but of old there have been dispositions laid for the introducing it : nor was it ushered in with such pompe and ceremony , but just at that nick of time which they conceived most favourable to procure it a successeful acceptance , and in which they thought , not any one would have the boldnesse to hold up his hand in opposition to it . their pretensions perchance are not yet ripe enough to draw a formal approbation of it from the bishops ; but their hopes are , since we must speak the plain truth , that their credit , and the power , which of late they have got , of doing both good and bad offices , will at least be able to keep them in silence ; so that not one shall dare attempt the condemnation of it , for fear of drawing on his head the vengeance of so potent a society ; and that the sorbone , which now they think they have brought to their beck , will never have the confidence to censure it , what aversion soever it may have inwardly for it . they hope then , under the favour of this silence , and whilst the whole world shall seem buried in sleep , dum dormirent homines , this cockle , which they have sowed in the fields of the church , will take root and grow up by the advantage of the season ; in the mean time they will leave it to grow to maturity , according to their manner of expression , relinquent tempori maturandum ; and when it shall be fully ripe , they will extract the natural consequences ; that necessarily must spring from it . for the present , they tell us modestly , one may believe with divine faith such like particular facts ; but we shall shortly hear , that we are bound to believ them ; which grad●tion will be easie for them to establish , because it follows by a necessary consequence out of their principle ; it being certain that no man can believe with divine faith , but what is a matter of faith : and what is such , ought of necessity to be believed in that nature , when it shall be sufficiently proposed . it i● enough for their turns at present , that the bishops do not condemn this opinion : but we shall see them ere long inveagle them in , to be the approvers of it , according to an other of their maximes , which is ; that the church doth approve all such doctrines , as ●t suffers without making opposition . it highly concerns you , my lords , to reflect on the danger whereunto not only the church , but you your selves are also exposed ; lest one day the jesuits bring you in for abettors of their heresie , and god himself lay it to your charge . for though it be a most false error , that the church approvs all opinions which it doth not suppresse , it is notwithstanding a constant truth , confirmed by popes and councils , that god imputeth to pastors the approval of errors , which they did not in due time oppose . error cui non resistitur , approbatur qui non corrigit resecanda , committit . which made the second council of tours declare , that the shepheard seem'd to side with the woolf , as often as he did not hinder the slaughter of his flock , having the power to do it . and st. leo , speaking of those that were negligent in applying remedies to the grievances of the church , lays them all at their doors : qui multam saepe nutriunt pestilentiam , dum necessariam dissimulant adhibere medicinam . but these are reflexions altogether needlesse to be suggested to you , my lords , whose zeal and pastoral vigilance is of greater force to represent you what is expedient for the good of the church in these occasions , then all the discourses that can be made you . it is enough for private divines to lay before your eyes the emergent evils , and deep wounds inflicted on its doctrine , and only to say to each of you in particular the same which a prophet said to god , vide , domine , & considera . see and consider what doctrine is taught in the church , whereof you are the masters . their duty extends no further , and this done , they may take up their rest , and lament before almighty god in silence and humility . paris the 1st . of january 1662. finis . an ansvvere made by one of our brethren, a secular priest, now in prison, to a fraudulent letter of m. george blackwels, written to cardinall caietane, 1596, in commendation of the iesuits in england philalethes, andreas. 1602 approx. 61 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a09551 stc 19830 estc s120908 99856101 99856101 21623 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a09551) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21623) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1181:10) an ansvvere made by one of our brethren, a secular priest, now in prison, to a fraudulent letter of m. george blackwels, written to cardinall caietane, 1596, in commendation of the iesuits in england philalethes, andreas. copley, anthony, 1567-1607?, attributed name. charnock, robert, b. 1561, attributed name. blackwell, george, 1546 or 7-1613. [48] p. newly imprinted [by adam islip], [london] : 1602. signed at end "andreas philalethes", a pseudonym. sometimes attributed to anthony copley and to robert charnock. includes text of blackwell's letter. printer's name from stc. signatures: [par.]⁴ a-e⁴. the first leaf and the last leaf are blank. outer forme of quire [par.] in two settings: [par.]4v line 21 has (1) "arch" or (2) "arche". reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng blackwell, george, 1546 or 7-1613. jesuits -england -early works to 1800. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2004-12 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ansvvere made by one of ovr brethren , a secular priest , now in prison , to a fraudulent letter of m. george blackwels , written to cardinall caietane , 1596 , in commendation of the iesuits in england . newly imprinted . 1602. the preface . i here commend vnto you , ( good catholicke reader ) this treatise following , penned by a catholick priest , in answere of a letter written by m. blackwell , about fiue years since , to cardinall caietane . in which treatise , the authour amidst many of his greefes , a little to sollace himselfe , doth play with the said m. blackwel ; but vvith such modestie as well becommeth his calling , the vanitie and falshood of the partie he dealeth vvith , considered . which two qualities , together vvith his rude presumptuous epistolizing to graces , doe so anatomize the man , as i could not let him passe vncoated vvith a preface , agreeing to the treatise : as not knowing , neither hauing euer been taught , to call a tree by any other name than a tree ; a gull , a gull ; a coridon , a coridon , et sic per omnies casus cum stultorum plena sunt omnia . i can say no more , but that of iesuitisme there is too great plentie in england , the more is the pittie , and the greater is like to be our miserie . for as i hear say , tom long carier is comming on his iorney ( in the vvide vvay to perdition ) vvith antichrist : and it is further reported , that the iesuits , puritanes , iews , turks , mahometans , & others of that rable , striue for the supremacie , vvhich of them should first own him , to make him the great muster-maister vnder damp-sathanas , in his dismall march to make the conquest ouer the kingdom of iesus : which is the mark al these do shoot at . well , it is a strange case , that the iesuits should bee such fellowes ; but much more strange , that good m. blackwell is become so rude ruricall courtly , insalutatiue scribling to princes : or rather caesar-like take vpon him vvith vene , vide , vici , to send abrupt apostrophall congratulations to cardinals : but most strange of all , is this , that a condensed multitude of populorums , vvil not or cannot see vvood for trees ; but vvill still call chalke , cheese ; beasts , men ; moldhils , mountaines : and so backward againe , and all by contraries . but seeing it is so , pian piano , i haue here laid down before your eyes the crow black well suited in sables , set vpon a stake , in pale proper , pinyoned , as it vvere the vvhile , vntill you may blazon the cras croaking foule in her owne pure naturals . and to complie a little more formally with the text , you shall ( gentle reader ) vnderstand , that this black-wel-mand-statist in comporting of cardinals vvith vncourtly complements , was ( as it seemeth ) in such a sweuen vpon the suddain , of an odde cōceited monarchie , as he imagined himselfe to be monos ; though in very deed hee is but a iesuits spanified monopolos : that is in plain english ( abstract from all hyperboles and rhetoricall figures ) the extortionall tythes and imposts , or rather the very dregs , or a grosse chaos , rudis indigestaque moles , non bene iunctarum discordia semina rerum of all the iesuits machiauelian drifts , prothenian plots , and catelinian countermined conspiracies , for a conquest . which vaine conceit of that matter in these men , is now made so apparent , as a very ninnie cannot but perceiue it , and the blind tankerd-bearer , with helpe of his dogge and his bell , may smell it out at midnight . for otherwise why doe they of the spanish faction gape so much after newes out of ireland ? why doe they linger and dally off the time in the low countries , without comming to any serious parle , or consent to make satisfaction for their misdeeds , and restitution of priests and princes good names , and other wrongs done by them ? why doe they band it out with spanish souldiors at kinsale and other places , new fleets stil flocking afresh thither ? yea , and giue it out in plaine tearmes both by vvord and vvriting , that they vvill neuer come to anie agreement , peace , and concord , vntill they heare an end of the irish vvarres ? why should they bend all their vvits to these desperate traiterous courses , vnlesse their stratagemicall instigators , vnderstanding that m. george blackwell is of late summoned to appeare vvhere he vvould not ; they thereby saw their arche readie to fall , and their top-gallants in daunger to break their necks from off their loftie stand : the verie imaginarie opinion vvhereof , hath amated them with so desperat amazements ; on the one side , their guiltie conscience tormenting them , for banding a bad cause ; and on the other side an enuious feare of a happie successe to the secular cleargie , in their appeale to the supreme patriote of the apostolick see , and mother citie ; causing them in defence of the catholick roman church and common-wealth of christendome in generall , and of englands little church catholicke , and vveale publicke , in speciall : as that hereupon , and for and through their many other practises their heads are stuffed vvith so many quiddits , as they quarter and braue it out euery where ( but especially beyond the seas ) with the great hopes they haue of making england a iaponian island by conquest of ireland , according to the old prophecie , he that england will win , through ireland he must come in . what man , ireland ? yea , i say ireland . what , ireland woon from her maiestie ? yea , and from teron too ? tush man , it is a ieast . well , a ieast it may be tearmed , in respect of the iesuits fantasticall assurance : but they goe about it in such sad earnest , as all the vvorld may now discerne them to bee ranke traitours : and they so persuade their fautors , as all the iesuited faction stand so much vpon their puntoes , in hope of these lucian towers , that they vvill neuer yeeld to the appellants ( as some of thē haue alreadie blabd it abroad ) vntill ireland be vvholly theirs , or else all the poore spaniards haue an irish tricke plaied them in a triple turne betwixt their heads and their shoulders . but vvhat said i , will they be desperate ? yes verily , for they haue no other meanes in the vvorld to feed their faction with , but the hope of ireland onely , as their case now stands . o huge ! be these religious iesuits ? well , well , i see all is not gold that glisters , nor all pure saints that haue puritanes faces : but , &c. and there leauing these martiall iesuits to their pikes , let me returne my pen vpon good maister george his epistle to cardinall caietane ; vpon which , according to the ensuing commentarie , i haue made a preface as you see , from point to point vnlacing it in forme following . i haue deducted , or rather reducted , all the lines of this spruze black-well-beseene-oratours letter , gradatim ; not oblique , but direct , comformable to the epistle it selfe ▪ euen from the circumference thereof , to the centre : that by the exenterating of it , you may peruse and see ( as it were in hearing the anatomie lecture of this new legifer , read vnto you , brought forth to be vncased and bowelled before your eyes , in open sight ) from vvhat manner of braine and vaine the stately stile of this vvorthie vlisses dooth proceed ; as also the longum , latum , & profundum of this tropicall rhetoricians capacitie , and by consequent the quantum of the whole compositum , i meane good master blackwel the protonotorious arche of england . the longum doth consist in this , viz. that he thinketh it long , long , long , & euery minute a summers day long , vntill he be such another state , as to whom he writeth : the latum is limited to this , viz. that al must thinke him worthy of so princely a dignitie , far and neere ouer the whole latitude of albion : the profundum is the ditch that thales slid into by gazing too much vpō the stars : into this ditch his admirators are suncke downe dead like stones , by staring on medusaes head too too profoundly : and by consequent ( as a man might say by meere chance ) they there haue foūd out the quantum of the man , in , o quanta est inscitia viro. but will you know the quantum of the man indeed : or rather , his tantum by his quantum : or his tantillū by his quantillum : at a word , he is a quilibet to a iesuits quodlibet , vvherein he doth so quadrate with them , as tantum deest quantum est : and so shall you see the tantillum of his mind , in the tantum of his fellow-like tearmes to so great a magnificall mecaenas and princely prelate in the church , as is a cardinall . and by inference of corolaries , himselfe being no better than a pewterers son , and but the apostolick notarie or scriuener ( of matters from england to rome ; or els , where the great emperors , parsons , creswel , and other presbiter-iohns or great chams or mogors do soiourne & abide ) besides his priesthood , you shall onely find the iesuits sauors extended towards him , to consist in this , scil . in erecting to his function a goodly new glorious-seeming arche ; vpon which they meane to set a stately pyramis of pan , with a dedication , not to that paxium god ( as i imagine ) but to their owne popular societie with the ariopagians inscription , ignoto deo ; or vvith this imprese , sic pro iesuitis . and last of all , you may hereby see , the quantum of the iesuits pride ; the quantillum of the archpriests vvit ; and the quantunculum of both their drifts , practises , and deuises . now read on , and iesus blesse you from iesuits and arches . amen . reuerend sir , a letter of yours written 1596 , to cardinall caietane , came not long since to my hands . at the writing of it , you were not so great a person as now you account your selfe : a man might then haue ben acquainted with you vnder a couple of capons : fellow and fellow-like you were that yeare , with as meane a man as my selfe . and therefore hauing something to talke with you of , concerning the sayd letter ; i will deale with you , as then you were , maister george blackwell , a good ordinarie plaine priest , and an english man. as for that great monsignor , multarum literarum homo , georgius blackwellus archipresbiter angliae , & protonotarius apostolicus , borne in latium , i will admire his shadow : it were sacriledge no doubt , to inter-meddle with him , except it were to fall down before his footstoole , and to worship his excellencie . marry for you , my old acquaintance , and fellow priest , gentle maister george blackwell , if i may intreat you to forget your greatnes for a time , and to remember with me , what you writ to the sayd cardinall ; i shall be much indebted vnto you . may it please you therefore now , to heare your selfe what you writ then . b. let your amplitude pardon our iust greefe ; we confesse surely , that it is a regall thing to heare euill , when thou doest well . we know notwithstanding ( which is to be lamented ) that verie great detriment may come to our progresse in the businesse of religion , by the fayned calumniations of euill willers towards vs. let it be lawfull therefore vnto vs , to stirre the hornes of the false accusation made against vs. for if it be sufficient to accuse , who shal be innocent ? p. it seemed strange to me , when i saw so loftie a stile , to so great a cardinall , subscribed with your name . you and i might haue written our hartie commendations to our friends in england , for some releefe , and neuer troubled our heads with the cogitation of so worthie prelates . but i see , that euery man falleth out according to his owne mould . it should seeme , that my father was of kinred to some plummer , who dealt but with lead : that is a heauie mettall , and yeeldeth but little sound , which maketh me so heauie headed . but your father was indeed a pewterer by newgate in london , a man of an honest occupation , it is most true , but not the best neighbour to dwell by . now ( as it is commonly said ) that he is a loud speaker , who is brought vp in a mill ; so may it bee affirmed of you , that being nourished in such an vnpleasing dinne , no meruaile if remoter places ring of you . it may bee said , that this scornefull jeasting becommeth not a priest , and i would confesse it ( were it not for some circumstances ) to bee true . but wormes when they are troden on , will looke backe ; loosers ( we say ) may haue their words ; and it is not amisse to put sometimes a peacocke in minde of his feet . your letter soundeth better in latine , than as it is in english. i found it translated to my hands , and i ought you not so much seruice , as to amend it . i suppose the translatour tyed himselfe to your words , least you shold haue charged him to haue peruerted your meaning : for a verie small occasion , ( as the world goeth with you ) will put you into a chafe . you begin your letter with some maiestie : iusto dolori nostro : pardon our iust greefe . whose greefe i pray you ? yours and the iesuites ? or your owne alone ? or ours the secular priests , and yours together ? if you meant the first , you were partiall ; if the second , you shewed your arrogancie ; if the third , you did vs great injurie . for the reports you dislike of , they were made by some of our selues , and will be justified against you , or any iesuiticall proctor whosoeuer . it was but a bad , and a sawcie part of you , to make your selfe our proctor , before we entertained you : such dealing in westminster hall , deserueth sometimes the casting ouer barre . regium est : it is a regall thing or accident ( you say ) to heare euill when thou doest well . a platter for a pewterers son to talke of : must you be medling with kingly prouerbs ? was it not conuenient to tell you of your parentage ? how like a prince you proceede in your matters ? the saying we acknowledge to be true , and fit for kings , when they see cause : but if the iesuites may haue their willes , and shall be suffered to goe on forward as they haue begun , they will altogether turne it top-side-turuey . for the king that pleaseth them , and serueth their turnes , bee hee neuer so wicked , they will make him a saint ; whereas another , if he crosse them , let him bee as religious and sincere as the pope himselfe , they will make him a lutheran . so as alreadie , by the rules of iesuitisme ( which tend to blood , and confusion , wheresoeuer they come ) kings that doe worst in following their designements , must bee most commended ; and the rest are to bee slaundred , murthered , and assayled with violent hands by their owne subiects , for neglecting , or discountenancing of their right worshipfull maisterships . novimus , we know , quod est dolendum , which is lamentable . if you had here broken off your sentence , you had done well . it is great folly to put a sworde in a mad mans hand . better had it been , that you had neuer been borne , and so haue knowne nothing ; than to haue employed your wit , and pen , as you haue done . the reports made in rome against the iesuites are true , and no calumniations . no man liuing ( to speak for my selfe ) was more greened ( as i thinke ) with their insolencies amongst vs : and where should we haue complayned with lesse offence , than in rome ? if wee had been better regarded , when some of vs complayned there ; the great mischiefes which since haue ensued , had been preuented . the detriment therefore that you mention , is wholly to bee ascribed to you , and to such like parasites ; who in hope of preferment haue sould your selues , as bond slaues to the iesuites , and by fostering them in their follies , and applauding to their enterprizes ( be they neuer so vile , and vnpriest-like ) haue set them so agogge , as they are readie to burst with pride . it is true that you say : si accusare : if it be sufficient to accuse , who shall be innocent ? but by your leaue it is as true , that if all lewd persons ( such as our english iesuites are ) shall euer meet with such a consciencelesse proctor , as you your selfe haue been to them , what wicked men should be punished ? b. there are ( as i heare ) little aequall , or altogether ignorant esteemers of our matters , who haue not gently whetted the edge of their wit , and stile , and the sharpnesse of their voice against vs. p. sunt vt audio : there are ( as i heare . ) god blesse vs from all bugs . what man , as you heare ? why , durst any man report that , which might bee offensiue to your great eares ? alacke , alacke , i per se i , doe heare . there are ( as i heare . ) good sir , things will be whispered of ( as you know ) in any family , sometimes amongst the seruants , before they can come to their masters eares . they were much too blame , that did not acquaint you at home with their complaints : but that you should bee driuen to write to a cardinall vpon heare-say . and yet to see , how all things sort themselues for your reputation . for whence must this your intelligence come ? forsooth from rome . who doth not presently then admire the man , that is daily fed with occurrents from rome ? but yet master blackwell , out of question your phrase of speech was much too blunt . the world now adayes aboundeth with more italian , and courtly speeches than these are ( as i heare ) to so eminent a person in the court of rome . indeed , i am sorie to heare your simplicitie , i had almost sayd your folly . it might haue become wel inough a man of your state , then , to haue written after this , or such like a manner : it may please your excellencie to giue mee leaue , a poore simple priest to shew my smal discretion in presuming to signifie vnto one of your high place in the church , that there are news in england , of a report made in rome . sunt vt audio : there are as i heare . a style for king phillip ( while he liued ) to such a cardinall . but what is it that you heard ? forsooth : parum aequi , men of little equitie , or at the least ignorant of our affaires . name them sir , if it may stand with your good discretion : or if you will not , yet this i can say for them , that if you know them , you are not ignorant , that they are men euerie way as learned , and honest , as your selfe ; and at the time , when you writ this letter , by some degrees , in age , in paines , in sufferinges , and in many other respects , much your betters : and such as through their graue and great experience , both at home and abroad , did vnderstand the affaires amongest vs heere , much more throughly than you could possibly doe , liuing in such priuat sort , as then you did . you did them therefore great jniurie in writing so of them , as if they had been men void both of conscience and consideration . there is a certaine saying , auoyd it as you can : abominatio est domino , labia mendacia . but what did these simple light fellowes ? tell vs master blackwel , without any allusion to a whetstone , the fittest reward that i would afford you for this your letter . exacuerunt : they did throughly whet the edge of their wit , and style , and the sharpnesse of their voice against vs. well , by the way whilest you played in this sort like a iolly warriour , with your martiall metaphores , you remembred the instrument that men sharpen their tooles with . you are much beholding vnto me , master blackwell , that i am disposed to be merrie with you , but in this sort . for i could trace you by the hot sent of your bitter gall , and malice , or rather indeed of your folly , through a certaine psalme , where the spirit of god that cannot erre , ( speaking of the wicked , and of their hatred against the godly ) telleth vs , that they whet their tongues as if they were swords , and shoot bitter words for their arrowes . such translations , and insinuations , from a man of your corruptions , thereby to guird at your brethren , ( who i dare sweare for them , neuer thought vpon you , when they complained in rome of the iesuites ) become you not assuredly , good master blackwell . but still it sticketh in my teeth , that you say against vs : did any of vs that were secular priests write against our selues ? or will you seperat your selfe from vs , and become a iesuit ? if i could haue conceiued by your letter , that some heretiques had written to rome of purpose to haue slaundered vs all , whether priests , or iesuites ; your wordes had been verie well mustered together , and might haue marched on for me , like verie tall souldiers . but there being no such matter i would be right glad to vnderstand , how farre the word ( vs ) extendeth it selfe . b. they say ( but rashly ) that we priests in england are tossed with diuers dissentions amongst our selues , and with the fathers of the societie of iesus : and that more freely in lying they might wander , they report the sayd fathers to seeke no other thing almost amongest vs , than how by the contempt of the rest of the priests , greater authoritie & dominion in the cleargie might dayly grow vnto them . a heauie accusation , but most full of falshood , and therefore ( as i trust ) it will be silent , being ouercome with this my testimonie , although verie slender . i , hedged with the diuine mercie , haue now fulfilled more than 20 yeeres in the cure of soules amongst vs english men , and in preaching the catholike romane truth : and hetherto i remember not any dissention amongst vs , the breath wherof did at any time a little more grecuously mooue vs. men surely we are , compassed with many infirmities : but ( praise be to god ) in so great a course of most wicked time , we haue been so couered with diuine grace , that nothing ( that i know ) hath hapned which at any time hath cast vs from the state of mutuall peace , and brotherly concord . p. deinde expergiscebar . and then i awaked . a man might dreame as here you write master blackwell : because for the most part dreames goe ( as they say ) by contraries . but for a catholike priest broad-waking to write in this sort to a cardinal , & to rome , the citie of god , it is most abhominable . is all your whetting come to this ? if in so many materiall points as here you haue touched , any one had been true , i could haue borne with you more willingly : but all of them being so notoriously false , i blush on your behalfe to consider your impudencie . first therefore , whereas you say in such generall tearmes , that some of vs , that bee secular priests ( for i cannot see how you can meane any other ) men ignorant of the state of things here , haue affirmed ; that wee ( the secular priests in england ) are at warres amongst our selues : i dare be bold to say it , that you write therein vntruly . i am somewhat better acquainted with this matter , than many of my brethren , being peraduenture my selfe then in rome ; or knowing at the least , whom you did then ayme at . if any did so write or report , as here you affirme , hee was either a iesuit , or such another hyreling as your selfe , suborned by the iesuits to write in that maner , of purpose to work their designments , against our credits , vtterly to subuert vs. of which kind of persons , we hold this opinion , that they haue separated themselues from vs , and continuing in their iesuitisme , are no right secular priests , but mongrels betwixt both , and therefore to be no better esteemed , or beleeued in their speeches , than the veriest iesuit amongst vs. againe , if you meane by your words , sed temerè aiunt , they speake rashly &c ▪ that there was then no contention at all amongst sundry of vs , that were priests imprisoned then ; that is also most false . for you know the stirres that were then at wisbich ( few men better ) amongst the secular priests , for the setting vp of a certain geneua platforme , tearmed an agenage . so that , if any of vs about that time did write to rome , how the iesuits laboured to set some of vs together by the eares , amongest our selues for their aduantage ; hee writ therein most truly , and you haue not any sparke of grace left in you , if you denie it . furthermore , in that you denie , that wee the secular priests were then at a iarre with the iesuits , you are therein so false , as i want a fit word to taxe you for it . had not master garnet , and master weston attempted then to haue brought all our necks vnder their yoaks ? did they not tell vs plainly , that they saw no reason , why the iesuits in england , should not as well rule vs all here , as the iesuits in italy did rule the english seminarie in rome ? were there not most vntrue reports made by them against vs , of purpose to withdraw all the catholikes hearts from vs ? was ther not in this our contention , great partaking , some holding with vs , and some with the iesuits ? you know it full well , and thrust your selfe as a stickler amongest vs , with great hypocrisie god he knoweth . whereas therefore you further say , that the fathers sought not to bring vs seculer priests into contempt , whereby they might beare all the sway ouer vs , and that for 20 yeeres , you knew of no such contention amongest vs , priests with priests , or priests with iesuits , as tended to the breach either of peace , or concord : you are in danger to become one of his crue , who is tearmed by the apostle , to be the father of all lyes . homines sumus , we are men you say : but you might herein more truly say , daemones sumus , we are diuels ; vnderstanding your selfe and them that set you to this shamefull worke . i protest before god , that i was at the writing hereof , in a kind of agonie , to thinke that euer a catholike priest of my reputation , should dare to write in this impudent maner . why master blackwell , how commeth this to passe ? if men saw you not , yet god you know is not ignorant of this machiavelisme . shake hands therefore with iesuitisme , repent you of these courses , and returne againe vnto vs. you were not wont , ( when you and i were first acquainted ) to be so immodest . let me obteine of you for our old acquaintance , master blackwell , to tell me here this one thing : with what face durst you write , that you hoped the sayd accusation of the iesuits insolent pride , in seeking dominion ouer vs , would for euer be dashed hereafter , as conquered and suppressed , tuo valde exiguo testimonio , by your verie slender testimonie ? or if your face was hard inough : what said your conscience ? or if that were seared , where was your wit , learning , judgement & common sense , were they all gone a wooll gathering : you might haue remembred , that you your selfe did tax them , for seeking dominion ouer their brethren at wisbich . but a man puft vp with pride , hath no vnderstanding : but is become like a beast of the field . your testimony ? if the cardinall had knowne you indeed , as we doe , hee would not haue esteemed your testimonie worth two chips . b. as touching the other part of the accusation , which is built vp more iniuriously , against the reuerend fathers of the societie of iesus : that surely will most easily shrinke , being pressed with it own waight of falshood . nesse , & charitie than master parsons : and i warrant you , he will giue you a low beck , and with his eyes & hands lift vp to heauen , yeld by many degrees to that worthies perfection . and then remember i pray you , good master blackwell , the old saying ; caelum non animum mutant , qui trans mare currunt . if maister parsons bee the best of that crue , then assuredly bad is the best . and howsoeuer now you flourish for a time , through his good fauour , yet when hee shall know , what once you thought , and spake of him , since hee was a iesuit , downe you must as fast , if he himselfe can keepe his owne footing . although indeed he neuer preferred you to your high estate for any other true cause , than that knowing your weaknes , hee was sure you would bee at his commaundement : so as the preferring of you to your archpresbitership , was in effect , as if hee had preferred a iesuit . but yet downe you must . if the waight of your owne folly break not your own neck , by the insolent abusing of your place , yet the blasphemie , which you haue vsed against him , will neuer be forgiuen . b. surely we should bee verie vnthankfull , if wee should not prosecute them with honour , as our fathers ; embrace them with loue , as our friends ; worship them with dutie , as beneficiall ; imitate them by studie , as masters ; acknowledge them with affection of godlynesse , as the chiefe helpers , and most fierce defenders of the health of our countrey , and of the church tossed with vs by diuers tempests . p. mentiuntur multa cantores . if i had not knowne your parentage & bringing vp , i should haue gessed by this your letter , that you had ben apprentise with some of our common fidlers , that haue certain old & long songs in commendation of flodden field , and cutty musgraue ; what noble fellows were then in those dayes , and how they fought in blood vp to the knees . all shame to the diuell , maister blackwell , of proud wretches , you will make them mad men , and prooue your selfe no better in the end , if you hold on this course . our fathers ; our friends ; our benefactors ; our maisters ; louers of their countrey , and cheefe bulwarks of the catholike faith ? fathers of mischiefe , friends to themselues , benefactors to seditious persons , masters of machiauelisme , traitors to england , and to their prince : & the chiefe impediments , wherby i am persuaded , that both the common cause of religion , and of all that truly seeke the promoting of it , are so hatefull and odious to the present state. some of vs ( to say nothing of my selfe ) are all their ancients , and were spirituall fathers of many ghostly children , before their name was knowne in england : they thrust their sickles into our haruest , & haue reaped where they neuer sowed . and the brood which since they haue hatched , i feare will proue too monstrouse , if it proceed to a head . and for their friendship towards vs : we may say with the poet , that they loue vs so derely as they cannot endure vs. they haue sought to cast vs out of the dores , wheresoeuer they haue found vs placed : we haue nothing ( forsooth ) in vs , worthy to be accounted of ; the spirit of guiding of soules is gone from vs to them . they laugh vs to scorne , and doe set vp their puppets , to giue vs three farewels . call you this frendship , louing maister blackwell ? assure your selfe , if wee bee driuen to bid england farewell ( as they by their farewels to vs would haue it ) you may shortly after bid your country farewell , the catholike saith , and all your comfort farewell , farewell . of their bountie towards vs , you shall heare anone . but they are you saie , our masters . wherein master blackwell ? i praie you peruse master charles pagets booke against fa. parsons , & there you shall find the rules of their schoole : such ( i am sure ) as neuer came out of gods sanctuary . if dissimulation , lying , perjurie , disguised with equiuocations , deprauing of princes , instigations to rebellion , stirring vp of subiects against their soueraigns , extolling of the people to lewd purposes , oppositions against lawfull authoritie , and many such prodigious monsters be good diuinitie , and agreeable to the catholike saith : ( as they are wicked wretches that affirme it ) then honour them , worship them , imitate them , let them be your masters , & do what you will with them . but yet i tell you plainly master blackwell , if you bee one of their schollers , and seasoned with these documents ; i wish with all my heart , that you were honestly in your graue . and where you tell the cardinall of their loue to our country , except you meane such loue , as puttocks haue to their prey , wee vnderstand you not . haue those men loue to their countrey , that for many yeeres haue sought the vtter subuersion of it ? what rebellions , inuasions , secret complots of murther , and most barbarous crueltie , haue ben executed or attempted since her maiesties raign almost , whereof the iesuits haue not been the chiefe instigators ? their books and writings doe partly testifie it , the kingdome knoweth it , & we poore priests ( that doe most condemne all such iesuiticall designments ) doe most feele the smart of it . it is true that some of our iesuits are commendably learned , but name the man in england , and joine master parsons , and all the english iesuits , either in rome , or europe with them , and yet i dare be bold to match them with some of our number , that be no iesuits , nor any way iesuited . i will not thinke or say , but that they haue a good intent , to aduance the catholike sayth : but surely they take a wrong course ; nay a most prophane and heathenish course , or rather a more prophane and wicked course , than euer the heathen approoued or liked of . and therefore being persuaded that god will neuer blesse it , i wish they would leaue it ; & that you , master blackwel , should either professe yourselfe a iesuit , that wee might account of you accordingly : or else renounce iesuitisme ( as i sayd before ) and become in your doctrine , and practise , a right secular priest , that we may conceiue some little better hope of you . but perge mentiri , tell on your tale . b. they that discommend them , know neither themselues , nor them . for who are they amongst vs , which helpe priests comming from beyond the seas , but the fathers of the societie of iesus ? being cast without the dores , by them they are receiued : being in ragged apparell , by them they are cloathed commodiously , and trickly : wanting both meat , and drinke , and money , by them they are vpheld : and not knowing where to remaine , ( because they are strangers ) they haue from them horses , and other things necessarie for their iourney , most readily prepared , and places also most prudently appointed , where , in recouering the lapsed , in confirming of catholikes , and in spreading abroad the worship of god , they may labour laudably . p. as it is sayd in the schooles , that one absurditie graunted a number will follow ; so it falleth out with you , m. blackwell ; one vntruth begetteth another . that which is false , you affirme to be true : and that which is true , you say it is false . you might remember who pronounceth a woe against euerie one , that shall call good , euill ; and euill , good ; light , darknesse ; or darknesse , light . it is a great offence to slaunder any man , be he neuer so euill : and you know the flatterer , is likewise verie detestable in gods sight . vir impius lactat amicum suum , & ducit eum per viam non bonam . a wicked man doth flatter his friend , & draweth him along in the way that is not good . woe be to them ( sayth the prophet ) that sow pillowes vnder mens elbowes : which place st. gregorie applyeth vnto flatterers , and addeth this rule : nihil est quod tam facile corrumpit mentem , quam adulatio . there is nothing that doth so easilie corrupt a mans mind , as flatterie . and it is tearmed by another , the nurse of sathans children . i know you can say these , and many other sentences by heart : but you should not wilfully oppose your practise against them . for therein you hurt the iesuits , by increasing their pride . you abused the cardinall ; and your end ( for ought wee coniecture ) was either malice , or gaine , or both . that which you write of their liberalitie , is little truer than the rest , concerning their former vertues . you are not ignorant , that by our meanes these fellowes had their first credit here : and that now they haue so supplanted vs , as all contributions and almes commeth into their hands , to be distributed amongst vs at their discretions . now ( say you ) when any priests come from beyond the seas , who doe receiue them , cloath them , hyre them horses , prouide them places to remaine in , but the iesuits ? whereas indeed , they are but collectors ( as i may tearm them ) or deacons , that carie the purses of charitable catholikes , to our vses : and if they should not so dispose of these goods , they were no better than theeues and robbers . vnto the mercifull catholikes therefore , of right this commendation is to be ascribed . their almes maintaine vs : and we doubt not , but god will repay all into their bosomes againe , with a most joyfull increase , and blessed reward . you deale therefore with our true benefactors indeed , as if the bountie of a great house-keeper , should be attributed to his steward , who dispenseth his masters goods , but as he is directed . nay wee wish with all our hearts , that the iesuits dealt no worse with our sayd deere friends , or rather ( through their goodnes ) with vs. for besides that the bestowing of other mens almes , is made an argument of their singular liberality , & the contributors are neuer mentioned : the truth is , that they deceiue both them & vs. for notwithstanding all that here you say of them : that which they doe is performed verie beggerly , except it be to one of their owne societie , or vpon such a parasite , as you are , that is made an instrument to set forward some of their deuices . the chiefe part of the liberalitie and bountie , that is bestowed for our vses , is either sent beyond the seas , to make friends for the better maintenance of their tyrannie , and ambition here amongst vs : or spent vpon themselues , some one of them bestowing more vpon himselfe , and his seruants in one yeere , than would serue twentie of vs poore men , either in prison , or at libertie . and touching the placing of such as come ouer , they do therin but their duties , part of the said contribution being committed vnto them for that purpose . howbeit for ought i see , they rather trouble themselues with displacing of good men ( as it is before expressed ) than otherwise . for be he neuer so graue , honest , and religious a man ; placed alreadie with any catholike , yet if he will not depend vpon the iesuits , he must be gone , if they may haue their wils . some false accusation or other must be deuised against him ; either he wanteth pollicie , or zeale , or learning , or certaine illuminations , or something is amisse , that another ( peraduenture a verie silly man god knoweth ) must haue his place , and all is well , if he haue a relation ( as they tearme it ) to the holy fathers . you may knowe ( master blackwell ) by some circumstances , that i were able , if i were disposed , to giue you some examples hereof . and for your wise axiome following ( that justifieth master charles pagets report of the iesuits ) the vicar of saint fooles ( as the merrie saying is ) be your ghostly father . must you at vnawares bewray their secrets ? master paget telleth vs , that they labour chiefely , to beat this ground into the heads of their disciples , and such as will beleeue them , that whosoeuer disliketh , & opposeth himselfe to fa. parsons , and his societie , is to bee eschewed , as a man inclining to lutheranisme , and no sound catholike . and now it pleaseth you to say in effect , as much your selfe . qui illis detrahuut , nec seipsos , necillos norunt . hee that discommendeth them , doth neither know them , nor himselfe . if your rule will hold backward , what a man are you , m. blackwell ? we haue then the sage , and great wise person , that knoweth himselfe ; for you can well commend them . but in good sooth sir , are you persuaded that none , which haue blamed and reprooued the iesuits , did know them ? what say you by card. alane , and by the bishop of cassane ? did neither of these two worthy persons , know either them , or themselues ? surely the one was much grieued , that euer the iesuits came into england ; and the other ( as some of you say ) that euer they obtained the rectorship of the english seminarie in rome : & this was not for their vertues , as i suppose . to put you in mind of the vniuersitie of paris , will litle auaile , your own graue censure is able to ouer-weigh two or three such witnesses . surely you blest your selfe well that morning , and rise vp vpon your right side , when first you knew the iesuits : they haue made you now , so absolute a person . they know you , and you know them : you commend them , and they commend you : here is , claw me , and i will claw thee : virum vir : men confederate together , by facing and falshood , to aduance themselues , and oppresse their brethren . b. neither is their charitie concluded within these bounds : for we our selues ( who now for many yeeres , haue borne the waight of the day , and heat ) liberally professe , that wee haue had much ease and consolation out of their fountaines , in our necessitie . if your amplitude knew , how much money these fathers haue spent of their owne patrimonies ( for most little things those are , which come vnto them by almes ) in such and other offices of godlynesse ; and how promptly they alwaies run to refresh the saints that are kept in prison , & others inwrapped and oppressed with diuers difficulties of thinges , and times : i doubt not but the same would presently restraine the vnbridled boldnes of these men , who being tossed with the pricks of enuie , haue diminished any thing from the estimation and charitie of the fathers . p. qui semel verecundiae sines . hee that once exceedeth the limits of modestie , will easily grow to be impudent . i would i were in debt of a crowne , as poore a man as i am , ( m. blackwell ) that you would tell me truly , whether you shewed not this letter to fa. garnet , before it was sent to rome . i doe verily suppose , that he had first the perusing of it : & that thereupon the good prouinciall did stroake your wise head for your paines , you haue set them out so gloriously . if the iesuits had not this pollicie , to procure by their sleights , certain woodcocks from amongst our selues , that bee secular priests , to extoll and magnifie them in this manner ; that so by our credits their most intollerable insolencies , & machiauelian fetches , might bee the better cloaked ; it had not been possible in mine opinion , that their reputation should haue continued so long . but touching their charitie . to be liberall of another mans purse is no great matter , you know m. blackwell : marrie to be so exceeding bountifull , as to sell their owne patrimonies for our releefe , that are captiues , & in bonds for the catholike faith , i must needs admire it , and if there be any such , adore them with you . i know what iesuits of any name haue been yet in england , and i am much deceiued , if you can tell me of any one that had any great patrimonie left him . such a matter must needs haue been notorious . it was not your great master fa. m. parsons , as i suppose ; how say you was it ? if not he , who then ? let the man bee knowne , that gods name may bee thereby glorified . those great works would not bee concealed . i haue heard indeed of a certaine verie admirable excercise , which the iusuits haue , to cousen young gentlemen , and get from them that which their friends haue left them , & i could name the parties ; but you meane not them , m. blackwell , doe you ? surely except you haue the parties names on your fingers ends , you were much to blame to write thus to the cardinall . or otherwise m. garnet of likelihood told you such a tale , & you verie wisely beleeued him . but that will not serue the turne ; for you pretend to write the matter vpon your owne knowledge , and professe , that you your selfe haue receiued much ease , & consolation out of their fountaines ; and that many other saints in prison , haue been refreshed by them . it was surely well done of them . i , and some others , could say somewhat for the secular priests that haue ben long in prison , now here , now there ; and yet i do here avow it vnto you , m. blackwell , in the word of a priest , that i neuer heard of , or receiued any one penny , of any iesuits patrimonie vnder that name , or as giuen out of a iesuits owne purse , to me , or any other , for ought i know , or can remember : and ( i thank god ) i haue not hitherto forgotten in my praiers , my good benefactors . i , and others with me , haue oftentimes felt some want in prison , and were assuredly verie vnfortunate , sitam adsanctos refocillandos in carcere detentos occurrerint , if they were euer so readie to helpe vs ( as these your words import ) that they neuer came by our dores . out of question , if the iesuits haue been so liberall , as you informed the cardinall , you that were abroad still in the sunne-shine , deuoured it all ; we that were in the shadow of prisons receiued nothing . but in good sooth , m. blackwel , to commune a word or two with you , as concerning the great burthen of the day , and heat you speak of ; what hath your burthen beene , that you should thus brag of it ? about 20 yeeres since , to my remembrance , you were imprisoned in london : but your brother , being the bishop of londons register , by fauor procured your release verie shortly after . since which time , the greatest heat that ( for ought i know ) you haue endured , hath ben by the sunne in the heat of summer , in troubling your walkings ; and by the fire in winter , when you sat too neer it ; or by your soft bed , when you had too many cloaths vpon you : for many priests that way ( m. blackwell ) haue not had your good fortune : such hath been the liberalitie of a right good gentlewoman towards you . i write not this to diminish their merits , who haue had their measure of afflictions heaped vp vpon them , though they haue escaped imprisonment : but of all that number , none haue had lesse cause ( as i thinke ) to complaine , than your selfe . and therefore if you that had no greater need , did draw from the iesuits fountains such store of comfort : you did poorer men great injurie , and it was surely beneficium male collocatum : almes euill bestowed . but all you write hereof , are meet fictions , and shamelesse vntruths , such as few men but your selfe in england , would haue presumed to haue vttered , much lesse to haue written to rome : where many wise men could easily discerne your folly , or rather dishonestie , or at the least could not bee long deceiued by you . wee know you are a man , that if you bee clapped on the backe , and encouraged , you dare write anything ; but otherwise a checke doth daunt , and deject you . we doe therefore beshrew the iesuits , that haue put this lying spirit and this audaciousnesse into you . marrie , i doe much marvaile , that you should bee so grossely bewitched by them , as not to spare the catholikes generally throughout england , and involue them also within the compasse of your childish calumniations . it might haue been sufficient for you ( m. blackwell ) to haue defamed vs , and magnified the iesuits at your pleasure , though you had not pinched at them . alas , if they forsake vs , what shall we doe ? it seemeth , that the iesuits with their owne patrimonies will be good vnto you , but what will become of vs ? wee must sticke to the lay catholikes , and relie vpon their pitifull compassion of our necessities , or else we must perish . after you haue amplified the iesuits liberalitie in receiuing of priests from beyond the seas ; in feeding , cloathing , horsing , and placing them ; and therevpon doe further adde , how they releeue all sorts of distressed poore catholikes , both in prison , and out of prison : you doe by the way in a short parenthesis , preuent this obiection , which might haue been made to the no small blemishing of your ridiculous commendation of their said supposed liberalitie . for simple men might haue said , or thought , that by the exceeding bountie of the laie catholikes , there were dailie supplies of money for such godlie vses , and that all the iesuits commendation is , or can bee , that they deale faithfully in the distributing of it without anie partialitie , but as euerie mans necessitie doth require . all this you wisely foresaw , and therefore you prepared an answeare readie to meet with any such ignorant men of the affaires in england , and with their dull conceits , that should so much as dreame of anie such matter . tush it is a toy . nam minima sunt , quae ex eleemosynts illis obueniunt . for they are scarce mites , that by almes doth come to their hands : it is their owne patrimonies which they imploy to these good purposes . it is verie well saide of you ( good master blackwell ) and like a tall champion . and yet shall i be a little bold with you ? i knew one catholike , that delivered to the iesuits for such vses as is before expressed , 2200 pounds at the least , at one time ; set me such another iesuit by him , gentle master blackwell . there bee of our companie ( as i heare ) that would proceed in this course with you , to the value of ten thousand pounds almost , within few yeeres , which the godlie catholikes haue deliuered vnto them . and could you answere them , summe with summe , man with man , a iesuit for a catholike , to so great a rate ? it is wel known , that not long since , the iesuits sent for flanders 2200 pounds , which argueth , that if you say trulie , that they are but mites which they receiue of the laytie here ; & that besides all their said gifts in england , they are able to send so round a summe into flanders ; their patrimonies thus imploied , were exceeding great . i praie you sir , in what countries lay they ? but you are so hard harted , as i maie aske you what i will , for you will be sure to answere me nothing . these grosse lies serued in rome for the time , and that was all that your abettors expected : leauing you in the briers ( poore fellow ) to scamble out as you can . b. enuie is the companion of vertue : but as smoake , so shee preuaileth indeede in the beginning , and by and by vanisheth , the things being lightened , wherby she was enuied . therefore i am led into great hope , that it will come to passe , that the beames of your amplitude , will most willingly dissipate ( by the truth of things now opened ) those clouds which malitious men haue cast vpon the shining brightnes of our countrey . in explicating of these our iniuries , these my silly letters haue proceeded further thā i had determined , but not more sharply than i ought . i am made vnwise , but they that are accusers of their brethren haue compelled me , for we should rather haue been commended of them : but we goe not a birding for humane praise , he shall bee allowed whom god shall commend . that vvhich resteth , is , vve submit vvith the greatest humilitie of mind that vve can , the defence of our cause , against all assaults of men that thinke not vvell of vs , to your protection : hoping that your amplitude vvill 〈◊〉 , that the licence of slanderers , may not so freely run vp and dovvne vn punished , as hetherto it hath done , to our ignominie , the offence of good men , & the losse of the catholike faith ; whose immouable strength ( that i may vse s. cyprians words ) hath hether to rema●ned by gods grace amongst vs , and her stable and vnshaken vertue against all the incursions of b●●king floods against it . god preserue your amplitude most long in safetie and health . at london the tenth of ianuarie , 1596. the most humble seruant of your most illustrious lordship , george blackwell . p. vanitas vanitatum , & omnia vanitas . you are in great hope ( you say ) that by this your relation , the cardinall will rest satisfied , as well concerning the deserts of the iesuits , as also the aforesaid injurious reports , made by some against them . why ( maister blackwell ) who were you then , that you should once imagine , that your letter should bee of such credite with his excellencie ? if you had then been aduaunced to the archpriestdome , such a conceit had beene more tollerable . shall wee thinke so basely of the cardinals in rome , as that they will be led this way , and that way , vpon euerie simple priests letter ? it is certainely a verie shallow imagination , or rather ( if you were a man of any substance ) verie injurious and scandalous . hope , you know ( maister blackwell ) is fed with promises : either then you had no such hope , as you write of , or a vaine hope , or els you were told of some promise , that the cardinals mind was so vnderstood alreadie , that whatsoeuer you should write vnto him in commendation of the iesuits , hee would beleeue you . but that which followeth , passeth all the rest . consider with me , i pray you , how discreetly you allude to the apostles words . s. paule 2. cor. 12. after his painefull preaching amongst the corinthians , was in his absence greatly depraued by certaine false prophets , who blaming him and his doctrine in sundrie points , hee justifieth both , and thought it conuenient ( in respect principally of the weaker sort in that citie ) to enter into a discourse concerning some mercies of god , bestowed vpon him for their good . i know a man ( saith he ) that was taken vp into the third heauen , and into paradice , and heard secret words ; which are not lawfull to bee vttered : and thereupon , after some other speeches , hee commeth to these words , factus sum insipiens , vos me coegistis , ego enim a vobis debui commendari . and now let vs see ( maister blackwell ) how substantially you knit your matters together , that so you might bee countenanced a little with the apostles words . i am become vnwise , say you : and indeed ( to take away your allusion ) they are the truest words in all your letter . but you should rather haue said , i am become a mad man , or a dishonest man , or a man bewitched by the iesuits : and not to excuse your bad dealing , so grossely , to haue abused the apostles words . when saint paule vsed that speech , he did not taxe the spirit of god ( which was the authour of them ) but a little reproueth thereby the weakenesse of some , who by his former speeches hee foresaw might deeme amisse of him . now it might be demaunded , whether you ( maister blackwell ) ascribed the like weakenesse to the cardinall , as suspecting that hee might by your letter think you not the wisest man in the world , whereas all that you haue said , did proceed from the holy ghost : which were a great imputation , and to the cardinals discredite . and yet if you did not wilfully or foolishly abuse the apostles words , you could haue no other apt meaning . sed illi me coegerunt : but they compelled me . who ( maister blackwell ) dealt so roughly with you ? speake the truth man , was it not master garnet that vrged you to write this letter ? or did some other iesuit in his name , or by his procurement , so greatly misuse you ? if you mean that some of vs ( the secular priests ) had so written of the iesuits ; wee confesse it ( as i haue said before ) we did so , and that most truly . but then you doe vs great injurie to say , that we compelled you . for wee haue beene euer so farre from vrging you to commend the iesuits , as in truth , now that you haue done it so eagerly , we condemne you for it , as hauing lent your penne all the while to sathan , who is the authour of all those glauering vntruths , wherewith you meant to haue adorned them . but who they were that compelled you , it is a point wee care not for , and therefore wee will omit it . onely giue vs leaue to conjecture how it came to passe , that you amongst all the secular priests in england , should be compelled to take this office vpon you . there was nothing laid to your charge ( for ought wee know ) that might haue drawne you vnto it . you were not then ( in our opinions ) a man worth the whistling , and a little otherwise regarded of , than as of an ordinarie priest amongst vs. besides , you write nothing in your owne defence , as of your beeing in any supercoelestiall places , or of any such your diuine illuminations , wherewith your wise friend hath told you ( in his metaphisycall treatise of his three farewels ) that the iesuits are so fully replenished . againe , you were not then our apostle , nor any mans else ; the paines you haue taken for twentie yeares , hath been cheefely with a gentlewoman or two , which cannot demerit the name of an apostle . but peraduenture we haue found you . in turning ouer a chapter or two of saint paule , to find some vaile to couer your folly with , you did out of doubt , light on that place where hee saith , that the care of the whole church did lie vpon his shoulders : instancia mea quotidiana , solicitudo omnium ecclesiarum : and so you tooke vpon you ( as a most principall person , that stood in the gap against our enemies ) to commend the iesuits , euen for conscience sake . if still we misse your intent , then tell it vs plainly , to ease vs of further trouble , for we will haue it out before we leaue you . why should you bee compelled to this lying course , more than any other ? did either 〈◊〉 , or any for him , promise you for your paines the the place , that now you haue attained vnto ? well , to trouble you ( good man ) with no more questions at this time . out of doubt the iesuits finding you a fit man for their purpose , did put courage and spirit into you , assuring you , that they would by their priuate letters to the cardinall , so magnifie and extoll you , as that you should be iudged in rome , the onelie worthie priest in england to be had in principall estimation . and it stood them vpon at that time so to doe , for their credits then were greatly cracked , except they had gotten some singuler person of name , to haue written in their behalfe : such a man as they made the cardinall to beleeue that you were . whervpon it pleased your mastership to write to the cardinall , in so stately a manner , and with so high a stile : there are as i heare : i hope by my relation : factus sum insipiens sed illi me coegerunt : and most grauely : nos debuimus ab illis commendari . we ought to haue been commended by them . indeed saint paule deserued singular commendations ; therefore you m. blackwell ? he was compelled to speake for himselfe ; therfore you for the iesuits ? the apostle excused by those words , factus sum insipiens , the commending of himselfe , and the mercies of god towards him : but you by the same , the length of your lying and foolish letter ? and yet you shall not loose all by your apostolicall allusions : for i will giue you this commendation , and doe thinke indeed that you haue deserued it . if your wisedome and pollicie were answerable to your pride , boldnesse , and lying ; you were in mine opinion a verie fit man to be an ordinarie english iesuit . for the rest of your letter , when i find you harping still vpon one false string , non bene de nobis sentientium : not thinking well of vs : we submit our selues : the defence of our cause : ad nostram ignonimiam : to our dishonour . were i a man of a collericke or a queasie stomacke , had i not just cause to crie out , as it is in the proverbe , date mihi peluim ? we haue a saying in england , that when men speak to no purpose , at randon , and besids the matter , they talke ad ephesios . but i cannot say so of your letter , ( master blackwell ) you had counsell inough , ( i doubt not ) to prosecute your instructions , which were to abuse our names that were secular priests , for the iesuits aduantage , and our owne disgrace : as though we had spoken by your spirit , ( according to that which here you haue written ) these intollerable falshoods , which in our hearts wee abhorre . and therefore although i will not say , you write ad ephesios , yet i may justly call your letter , litteras ephesias , ephesian letters ; that is , a scroll of jugling , and incantations , a packe or fardell of fictions and vntruths . i told you in the beginning ( master blackwell ) that i would not know you in the answering of your letter , as now you are aduaunced , and frankely rewarded for your writing of it : but deale only , not with the latinus georgius , but with my old companion , plaine master george ( according to the scottish phrase ) and with those bad humours that raigned then in you . since that time it may be , that you are changed , and are become another man : honores mutant mores , sed raro tamen in meliores . and so i commit you to god , desiring his divine maiestie , from the bottome of my heart , that hee will pardon your course thus begun , and still continued by you , amongst vs poore priests , and other catholikes , our consorts in england . your ancient acquaintance and louing friend , andreas philalethes . finis . the character of a turbulent, pragmatical jesuit and factious romish priest care, henry, 1646-1688. 1678 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33763 wing c508 estc r5332 13687169 ocm 13687169 101352 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33763) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101352) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 841:7) the character of a turbulent, pragmatical jesuit and factious romish priest care, henry, 1646-1688. 8 p. printed for langley curtis ..., london : 1678. written by henry care. cf. nuc pre-1956. "licensed, october 15, 1678." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -england -early works to 1800. jesuits -controversial literature. catholic church -controversial literature. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-07 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the character of a turbulent , pragmatical jesuit and factious romish priest . licensed , october 15. 1678. london ▪ printed for langley curtis , in goat-court on ludgate-hill . 1678. the character of a turbulent pragmatical jesuite . a turbulent pragmatical jesuite , is the bell-weather of the roman shepherds flock ; a most trusty janizary to the triple-crown . a zealous hector for popery , that wherever he comes , plays the devil for gods-sake . an ecclesiastical granadier to scatter the wild●fire of contention ; or , a religious flambeau to put kingdomes into a combustion ; so through-pac'd a catholick , that he has left off to be a christian , and instead of the evangelical duties , peace , obedience , and love , recommends rebellion , treason and murder , as the best expedients to promote holy church . the distinguishing badge of other papists is superstition , but of him sedition and subtlety , not ignorance the mother of his devotion . he usurps the title of jesuite , just as their popes are observed to have chosen sirnames , exactly contrary to their tempers ; as , the most hatchet-fac'd formosus , the most prophane pius , the most cruel clemens , &c. for certainly , never did any more interfere with the steps of the blessed jesus , than those that blasphemously call themselves his companions or society . he disclaimed his kingdome to be of this world ; but their whole endeavors aim no farther . riches , dominion , pomp and glory , are the butts they shoot at ; and if ever they appear heavenly , by tampering with affairs of state , they mix heaven and earth together , to bring all into confusion . let them magnifie the travels of their saint xaverius , and boast the multitude of heathens they have converted ; look narrowly into that intrigue , and you 'll find it only an hucksterly charity of mercenary pedlars , rather than a free offer of glad tidings . they did but traffick to the indies , to barter religion for gold ; never car'd for preaching to beggarly nations , but always carried the sound of christianity to regions that had rich mines or precious quarries , to make advantagious returns . not to mention their cruelties , in baptizing far greater numbers in blood than water , and making the gospel odious to those dark souls , by their perfidious and traiterous practises ; for which , the king of japan long ago , and the emperor of china since , banisht them their territories , choosing rather to relapse into honest paganism , than entertain truth sullied by such knavish impostors . he owes his original to ignatius loyala a spanish souldier , about the year 1540. and though found out long since the invention of the cannon , has not done less mischief than that butchering engine . luther had now broke the ice , and the dawn of reviv'd learning having open'd mens eyes to see through the grosser cheats of ignorant monks ; the pope had no other play , but to cherish this society , who having devoted themselves by a particular vow to his interests , employ'd all their excellent parts and skill in the sciences , ( wherein their diligence soon rendred them famous ) to bolster up his tottering vsurpations . the better to effect this , laughing at the nasty austerities of their more melancholly religionists , they applied themselves to the politicks , and a sociable kind of life ; to understand not only languages and arts , but passions , humours , prejudices , and ( as they speak in courts ) blind-sides , in one word , persons . thus they became false keys , to open princes cabinets , and pry into their councels , by their oily tongues , and plyable behaviour ; insinuating themselves into the affections of the unwary , as gently , as malevolent stars dart their influence , or blasting mildews slide into the bosom of a flower . in his seminary , he acts the part of a fox ; abroad , a spaniel ; but in the inquisition , a lion rampant . the mask which in spain or italy he wears on his heart , in countreys he calls heretical he puts upon his face ; varying shapes oftner , than a strumpet shifts her lodgings ; now a courtier , to morrow a souldier , then a cobler , by and by a weaver ; a gallant amongst the ladies , an atheist with the wits , and a quaker when he assembles with friends at the bull-and-mouth . he regards the other duller litters of cloister'd cubbs , with an eye of contempt , and devours or eats them out of credit ( if planted neer them ) as fast as a pike does the smaller fry in a fish-pond . indeed his colledge is always furnisht with some one professor in every faculty , excellently accomplisht ; and the whole society consists of select persons , either of extraordinary natural and acquired parts , great birth , alliance , and interests abroad , or heirs to large fortunes ; and the former , ever govern the two latter , well knowing how to make use of such tools for their main designs , which are aggrandizing the court of rome , spreading popish doctrines , wheadling in of proselytes , destroying , weakning , or dividing protestants , and heaping up wealth to their own seminaries . hence not only the reformed , but the dominicans , franciscans , and other catholick brotherhoods , apprehending the growing greatness of this leviathan-order ; nay , his holiness himself , in the traverse of the business , is but their vassal , and apt ( like conjurers ) to dread these busie imps , which himself first raised to mischief others . nor has it been the least skill and prudence of the conclave , for the last age , to keep out any of this fraternity from mounting the infallible chair , left they should intail the popedome on its members , and rifle the nests of the monks , to enrich their own hives . and if their own tribe be thus jealous of them , what sentiments others ought to have for them , will not be difficult to determine by any that has read their detestable writings and positions , of deposing and murdering excommunicated princes , absolving subjects from their allegiance , faith not to be kept with hereticks , &c. as for the common popish priest , though oft he has not so much learning , yet he puts in hard for an equal share of malignity , being a ghostly factor to retail out his holiness's braided wares ; a kind of spiritual kidnapper for souls : one might take him for a conjurer ; for he uses an unknown tongue , transacts most of his business in hugger-mugger , comes in secretly , and crawls up and down in corners like a serpent , and with a few frightful words , as heresie , purgatory , catholick cause , infallibility , and the like , transforms people as he lists , and jilts them first of their wits , and next of their money : for though he pretends 't is in pure kindness to your soul , yet still the plot is upon your purse ; and therefore where he meets with a fat convert , he sticks to him as close as ivie to the oak ; and for the same reason too , viz. to suck out sap for his own support and maintainance . thus he switches and spurs an honest gentleman , or devout lady , through thick and thin , till the poor soul look as lean and wretchedly , as if ridden seven years by a night-mare . the reins he manages them with , are confession and absolution , whereby he becomes master of their secrets ; and if they will not pace as he would have them , on goes the snaffle of a severe penance , to make them more easily rul'd . he makes a perpetual din of true religion , and the catholick faith ; but 't is restitution of all the old abbey-lands that his fingers itch for ; and if ever he get into the saddle , 't is will if his quondam patrons may be admitted to hold the stirrop . in the mean time he sometimes makes use of them , as blind men of their staves , to thrust them into plashes and sloughs , before they 'll tread themselves ; and run them against posts , to save knocking their own heads . when any combustible matter is to be fired ; these cunning petardiers ram it into the hollow cranium of some zealous or desperate votary , and having enflam'd the fuzee of his tongue , shoot him against government , not caring though he breaks himself into a thousand pieces : for though the jesuite has out-done them in the theory of rebellion and treason , the monks preceded him long in the practical part . was it not a monk that poyson'd our king john ? was it not bernardinus a fryar mendicant , that anno 1313. poyson'd the emperour h. the 7th with the consecrated host ? a crime that might seem to dispute a shape of guilt with that of the proto-rebels , the faln angels : for surely for a priest ▪ to poyson his god ( as they hold it to be ) thereby to murder his prince , was such an exquisite piece of wickedness , that all the wit of hell could never scrue any to an higher pitch . was it not clement a jacobin fryar , that murdered henry the third of france with a sanctified knife , to whose praise pope sextus quintus dedicated a panegytical oraration ? and for us nearer home , hear what a reverend prelate asserts — this we may observe ( says he ) that no treason was ever attempted , without a romish priest . the treasons attempted in england , have that proper and peculiar mark , to have a priest in the practice . yet no doubt such kind of romish emissaries will still tell us they quit their seminaries , and come hither , hazarding their lives meerly for our souls health : that they love us intirely , and desire nothing but our salvation : and a thousand other endearing expressions . — but good words butter no parsueps . all these sugared complements will but put discreet men in mind of that fable of the birds and fowler : the fowler in a cold morning caught good store of them , and still nipt them on the head and put them up : his eyes in the mean time watering with the sharpness of the air ; see , said one of the fowls , how the good man pities us , he weeps to see us taken . ah , said the other , look not to his eyes , but to his hands , there you shall see what pity we finde from him . or at least may remember us of st. chrysostomes sure rule , to discern a wolf from a sheep : 't is possible ( says he ) for the wolf to clothe himself with the sheeps skin , so as that cannot descry him ; and to imitate the sheeps voice , so as that shall not betray him , but look to his chaps , and they cannot deceive you : for you shall not finde either grass in the wolfs mouth , nor blood in the sheeps . let us never be so rash , or fondly credulous , as to mistake one for the other . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33763-e100 dr. carlton , bishop of chichester , in his book i● itu●ed , a thankful remembrance of gods mercy . printed anno 1630. page 246. the jesuite countermin'd. or, an account of a new plot carrying on by the jesuites: manifested by their present endeavours (under all shapes) to raise commotions in the land, by aspersing his sacred majesties counsels and actions. also the reasonableness of modesty in subjects in judging the concerns of their prince. br., j. 1679 approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69620 wing b4087 estc r19773 99825055 99825055 29426 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69620) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29426) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 759:4 or 1755:17) the jesuite countermin'd. or, an account of a new plot carrying on by the jesuites: manifested by their present endeavours (under all shapes) to raise commotions in the land, by aspersing his sacred majesties counsels and actions. also the reasonableness of modesty in subjects in judging the concerns of their prince. br., j. bradshaw, john, 1602-1659, attributed name. [4], 35, [1] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the year 1679. "to the reader" signed: j. br. [i.e. j. br., i.e. john bradshaw?] cf. wood's athenae oxoniensis iv, 619. identified at reel 1755:17 as wing b4152b ("no entry" in wing 2nd ed., rev.) reproductions of the originals in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature -early works to 1800. jesuits -england -early works to 1800. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the jesuite countermind . or , an account of a new plot carrying on by the iesuites : manifested by their present endeavours ( under all shapes ) to raise commotions in the land , by aspersing his sacred majesties counsels and actions . also the reasonableness of modesty in subjects in judging the concerns of their prince . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . plato . odi profanum vulgus & arceo . horat . london , printed in the year 1679. to the reader . the jesuites by their undiscerned insinuations have bewitched the people into such a suspicious , turbulent , and disloyal vein , that the scenes of their labouring minds are nothing but the supposed tyrannous intrigues of his majesty , &c. their resolutions edg'd for a reformation , and all their discourse represents to the life their inward thoughts , for they will not speak a good word of his majesty , but talk altogether of his oblique and ugly proceedings ( as they tearm his royal prosecution of the publick good ) condemning him in every thing that he does , if the action be not commensurate to that narrow scheme of justice and policy which they embrace , as if forsooth the vast affairs of state must needs be couched in the module of every mechanick . a reflection on the unreasonableness of this immodesty and censoriousness in the vulgar , prompted me to write down in vacant hours my thoughts of it for my own private satisfaction : so that that must excuse me for publishing it in such a disorderly method and style , the confusedness of the former and the tenuity of the latter resulting from my being immerse in prosecution of my arguments , so that i could not take so much care of the rules of speech to please others , but let it go at random in those words that seemed to be most expressive of my thoughts , whether within the rules of modern english or no , 't was all one to me : for my end in publishing it , was to excite modesty in subjects , so that if any by perusing it shall learn to practice this vertue , i have my desire : so farewel , j. br. the jesuite covntermind : or , an account of a new plot . the romish polititians , in all the efforts of that zeal they discover in their endeavours to introduce the catholick religion into protestant nations , never so wholly lean on any particular means they use , as thereby to be either disabled , or discouraged from betaking themselves [ upon a defeat of the first stratagem ] to another that promises equal likelihood of success , but are ever active in secret ambuscade , absconding themselves in the dark vmbrages of cruel subtilty : and though their conspiracies may seem to the eyes of some , to be extinct , or at least dormient , through a languid faintness , and supine lassitude resulting from the frustration of their industrious vigilancy ; yet those that have made a more narrow inspection into their deportment and designs , do inform us , that no sooner is even one of their capital and prime plots unravell'd to the bottom , and devested of its closure with the event , but ( hydra like ) up springs another in the room : a pretty infant contrivance , which if carefully fomented by the tender fathers , the good honest jesuites , is like to prove a hopeful and useful instrument in time to promote the interest of the mother of witchcrafts . nor is that objection of any validity which may be taken from the disparity between the circumstances of ours and other nations laws . for , say they , indeed they may never be weary of carrying on designs in other nations , where there is no such care taken to root out the whole race of ignatius 's followers , though they find some of them tardy . but in ours , say they , it is impossible for them to succeed any more , since his majesty has so prosecuted the business home , that no papist can live in london , unless he take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy : and all those that dwell in the country are confined to an impossibility of meeting in consultation about any such thing : whereas the late plot was pursued with all industry , policy , and secrecy by potent confederates , for london abounded with papists incorporating almost whole streets into romish societies : and not only that city , but all england swarmed with jesuites and other ecclesiastical and secular orders . so that indeed they might have some probabilities of accomplishing their aims ; but now , the fore-mentioned alterations of these things , deprives them of any means of bringing in their religion here again . this may seem at first sight to have some shew of truth , but if searched into , is but a meer plausible flourish : for their sanctuaries at doway and s. omers , supersede all the crosses and obstructions they have met with hitherto ; especially if we consider what vast contributions have been made both by foreigners and natives toward the carrying on the plot : and they have had no occasion as yet , we may presume , to expend so great a summe of money ; and whether they be not yet aided in the same manner , and their treasury encreased , we have no assurance . this then , according to the account given by doctor oates , in several passages of his narrative , and the appendix thereto ; and as the event in some measure evinces , seems to be their second plot , to raise commotions and rebellions in the kingdom : by traducing his sacred majesty's counsels and actions , casting aspersions and calumnies on whatsoever he does or intends ; and so by consequence they would disaffect the kings subjects against his government , suggesting to them , that he is tyrannically dispos'd , purposing a monopoly of arbitrary rule : notwithstanding his majesty has in all his speeches , publick deportments and transactions , discover'd intentions diametrically opposite to such treacherous and uncharitable surmises . but here lies the ground of the jesuites hopes . they observe , that as in all alterations of state , in wars , sieges , rebellions , or any other signal popular calamities , the vulgar people are impregnate with a strange turbulency and heat in their spirits , which is apt to exert its self in various pranks , and sometimes in enormous prevarications . so it is now in this land : for being as it were nettled with the late horrid attempts of the papists , they cannot be quiet , but are harassed in their spirits by an unusual fervour , and this differs proportionately to their various tempers , educations , converse and interests : some swell'd by hypocondriack flatulencies , presume to foretel that these convulsions in our land are certain prodromes of the last period and dismal catastrophe of this lower world ; others provoked by peccant choler , and habitual self-conceit , are angry with every thing almost that occurs , if it have any reference to the publick : others act and speak after another manner , all as their fancy guides them : that faculty ( however tinctured with peculiar idea's , accommodate to the genius of each individual ) being generally regnant among the inferiour orders and ranks of men. but that which is of greatest subserviency to the jesuites ends , amongst the several humours of plebeians , is the common propension of their over-heated heads to be tampering too busily with the abstruse mysteries of religion , and the great affairs of state. but i had almost forgot that against this may the former objection be urged , and that the jesuites can make no use of these extravagancies in the english people , since , as hath been said , without taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , none can stay in london of their profession , nor can with any great probability be capacitated to make any disturbance in the country . i answer , that if some officers in ireland were dispensed with for taking those oaths , upon promise of delivering up their trusts upon demand from their contractors or their substitutes : it is as rational to conceive , that the jesuites may dispence with themselves , or their missioners now upon a parallel account , this being as well as that , subordinate to the grand design of introducing the romish religion . let it be granted then , that if they please they can allow ( according to their infallible way of reconciling contradictions ) perjury in this case to be no perjury , but sacramental perfidiousness to be holy faithfulness . and can we suppose they will be backward in sending their missioners , or coming themselves , and ( under a new disguise of sanctity and loyal obedience ) dwelling and passing for well-meaning persons in the nation . now this being granted , what hinders but that they make use of the two fore-mentioned propensions in the vulgar to religious and political enthusiasm , make use of them , i say , in order to the accomplishing their designs . for as to the first , the irregularity and fanatick fervour in matters of religion , it is sufficiently notorious , how easily the vulgar are elated into admiration of those of their sect and faction , who seem zealous in some trivial matters , as it were excited by a supernatural impulse , perhaps only the effervescency of predominant choler : i say , how natural it is for the lighter sort of the people , those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be moved into a venerable esteem of these blazing , and ( as likely ) s. judes wandering stars , so that whatsoever they dictate to them is embraced as an oracle , and being naturally desirous of , and propense to the advancement of that which they esteem religion , they may with great facility be wrought into a detestation of whatsoever may be presumed to be an obstacle in the way of its promotion . therefore here wants only a sly jesuite to step in , and putting on the vizard of holiness and zeal for the christian cause , to preach to them such doctrines as may tend to the removing all blocks and impediments , telling them , that it is lawful to kill kings that deprive them of their liberty of conscience : however if they proceed not to so high a pitch of audacious villany , yet to be sure these professed regicides will not stick to wound his reputation , insinuating strange jealousies into the minds of the people : and , that this has been the practice of the jesuits in scotland , and elsewhere ; i think there wants but opportunity of reading the narrative of the late plot published by doctor oates , to prove it . and why may we not suppose the same instruments to be stirring now , since we find such correspondency in the event ; every pedling mechanick , or ill-bred rustick presuming to descant on the actions and counsels of their prince , : censuring every thing either as ill intended , or weakly prosecuted , thus by an unavoidable dilemma reducing whatever he says or does , under the classis of tyranny or folly. this is the first sort of men whom the jesuites seduce : there are another kind of state fanaticks also whom they inveagle , and by puffing them up into self-conceit , cause them to speak great swelling words of vanity , doting on their own imposturous suggestions as the original patterns of policy ; whereas in truth they are but the delirious hallucinations of their own corrupted fancies . and here though i have seemed to be general in my accusation ▪ i would not be understood without due restrickions , neither do i think this malignant censoriousness is altogether so predominant at present as it hath been of late ; mistake not my design which is not to build a rant against men out of a moer angry , quarrelsome humour , but rather to prevent the danger which may be feared to result from the continuance of so horrible a vice as this civil blasphemy is , in the eyes of all sober men . so that i desire pardon if i have already , or may hereafter in the following pages of this treatise , let fall any passage tinctured with too much disdain and indignation : for i assure you , such reproachful terms proceed from my being so immerse in a vivid resentment of the odiousness of this crime , which also is exploded in the sacred lines with expressions of great detestation . to resume therefore the line of my discourse , it being conceded that it is no groundless panick fear , that the jesuites are the cherishers of these censures and calumnies which have been , and no doubt still are vomited forth , by the rash and heedless vulgar . the next thing i have to do is to shew the unreasonableness of this immodesty in subjects : and after that the danger of it to themselves and the whole nation , if not speedily amended . first therefore , as to the unreasonableness of immodest hastiness , and peremptory dogmatizing concerning princes actions : it may well be presumed , that the mysteries of government are far above the capacities of plebeians , who confining their disguisitions to the more sensible phoenomena in the state , their conceptions of the subtle cabbala's thereof , are like the rustick apprehensions of astronomy , rude and incongruous . indeed the necessities and contingencies appendant to their several respective callings and conditions in the world by ingulphing all their thoughts and projects reject them into a fatal inability to take notice of the collateral and private figurations , which providence in her constant inrotation makes on the stream of political affairs . 't is true , there are some ordinary and vulgar marks , by which mean understandings ( though they be already as it were absorpt by the inferiour objects of sense and domestick contrivance ) may yet trace the motions of that great master-wheel , that matchless engine of divine wisdom , so as not only to be able to govern their own affairs with discretion , but also to make some suitable conjectures of the publick interest : but when they once go beyond these , they have ventured out of their sphere , and are most commonly bewildered , and like children apt to be frighted with their own shadows , those dark stalking images in the phantasie ; for being not used to see the various springs which set a going the admirable harmony in humane affairs , they take every thing for a bugbear that makes a great noise in the world , and either heaven or hell they think must have an immediate hand in such exotick digressions ; whereas these discords do more enhance the melody to a judicious and contemplative mind , who knows that the greatest and loudest exorbitancies in state affairs are onely the periodical invariations of that nemesis that is by god interwoven in the very texture of the vniverse . such an one trusting only to the calmness and serenity of reason , not to the garish impostures of fancy ; is ( as a consequence of exquisite and curious observation ) very diffident in these matters , and indeed in most things else that are invested with such mutable circumstances and accidents : so that he does not so often expose himself to such gross mistakes as naturally result from the hasty and perfunctory glances of the vulgar shallow rhodomonts , but with wary yet as zealous industry , as those that keep a greater clatter , he traces the various minute rivulets that silently insinuate into the grand current of affairs : he traces them i say , as neer as he can to their spring-heads , and then returning again , narrowly observes their several intercourses , conjunctions , and progressive advancements ; and this nice scrutiny causes humility and meekness of conversation , so that he does not pass rash and immature censures on any thing , but mildly and rationally concludes that it is prudence to suspend his judgment , in cases not throughly condescending to his understanding , and such certainly are the abstruse mysteries of state , as his experience can witness : and not onely his , but others also who have been better capacitated , as one would think , to know the mysteries at court : and yet even these had not interest enough to discern the true secret of counsels , as appears from the frequent disparity and not unusual contrariety that is discovered in several narratives of the same state transaction made by persons highly , yet not equally , qualified for a commodious information in those matters : nay sometimes so well qualified , as even to have a concern in the business they profess to give an account of , and yet it seems one of them must be mistaken . and can we think that if the jesuites were glad to allow fifty pounds a year to a subtle critick , that so by his watchfulness and inquisitive diligence , they might have a true account but of some of the kings words and outward behaviour : can we think , i say , that the inferiour sort of the people can attain to any probable certainty of having a true account of such of his majesties concerns as neither are committed to the press , nor delivered in any authentick manuscript ? and if they can have a true account of them , yet how can they judge of them , since they so far transcend their capacities , by reason of the vast distance ( in situation and magnitude ) of their several respective spheres ; so great , that if they were supposed to be searched into with the greatest advantage the plebeians are capable of ; such as are acuteness of parts , the perusal of histories , good intelligence , and the like : i say , suppose the vulgar to be priviledged with all these helps , yet some have concluded they will be able to discover no more of the true byass , and secret tendency of these profound and recondite counsels , than a skilful astronomer assisted by all the writings of men famous in that science , by his own dexterous sagacity , and the most exquisite opticks , can discover the dark intrigues in the moon : though by the fore-mentioned helps he can sufficiently inform himself of the habitableness of that adjacent planet , and can discern the difference of land and water , nay and will perhaps venture at the proportion of her hills by their shadows : yet , i say , for all this he is not able to give any rational account of what is done by the inhabitants there ; but must needs by pretending to such knowledge , incur the just imputation of indiscreet folly , and come off as ridiculously as the virtuoso , that would delight himself with fine long harangues concerning the interest and actions of a certain monarch there , who by him was affirmed to be marching at the head of a great army . thus deluding himself with phantastick and imaginary scenes of war , pourtray'd ( 't is like ) on his flexile mind by a pencil dipt in the moist and lunatick illapses from that adjacent planet . and this is the case of the unstable and empty vulgar , who gaping after news , do commonly imbibe the droppings of the court , though very much sophisticated and imbitter'd with the cholerick exsudations of intermediate persons . thus puffing up his frantick mind with strange uneasie forms , cheating himfelf with a belief , that his anxious soul with labouring steps has gone through all the labyrinth of the state-councels , unravell'd the whole system of true policy ; whereas , poor man ! he has only been dragg'd through the phantasms of his heated brain . in a word , it was a waking dream which presented to his busie thoughts , the king and covncil acting thus and thus , involved in dark and tyrannous intrigues : when , alas ! were the man well awaked into a due pitch of sobriety , he would easily discern that his vast distance from the royal sphere , must needs engage him in as idiotick conceits of what 's done there , as the vulgar have of the moon , which they are apt to fancy to be a fine bright frame with the picture of a man in it , having a bundle of sticks on his shoulders . i say , as gross would be the fancy of plebeians , of what 's transacted at the council-boord , were they not priviledged with some broken adulterate narratives of those things ; which yet may in a parallel degree delude them , to what the above-nam'd virtuoso's opticks do him in gazing on the moon , insinuating false hypotheses into his frothy credulous soul. i would not by this seem to put a curb on mens understandings , and lead them by the nose into a supine acknowledgment , that whatever kings do is infallibly just and prudent ; this were to make civil popes of them : and yet here i must needs confess , that i think as their being men has subjected them to those frailties of lapsed humane nature , which by a divine nemesis are in different measures and degrees the lot of all men , according to the various obliquity of their fall : so also that high place they possess amongst men , and their great subserviency to the mysterious designs of providence , entitles them to more frequent and plentiful assistance from heaven : and the superiour orders in the universe , if not a special energy from the deity , makes good their claim by ennobling them with vast and comprehensive intellects , suitable to their noble emploiment , and the otherwise inextricable difficulties which attend on it , and these sublime acquisitions , may be discovered by a cautious observer in the greatest part of princes and other high ministers of state , if there be not some impediment in nature , or gross flaw in their practise , which last made the royal psalmist , after the retirement of the divine influence upon the commission of murder , implore the restauration of that celestial favour , that so his enervated understanding might recover strength , and ( to express it in the common translation of his own words ) that he might be established with a free and ( as one adds ) a princely spirit , a mind impregnate with illapses of eternal wisdom , and so capacitated to produce deep counsels and heroick actions befitting his royal dignity , and suitable to the vast and otherwise unalleviated pressures of the state. so that this great and pious king prayed but for what he had deprived himself of , his former illuminations from heaven . and truly it seems very congruous , that the mysterious whispers of the invisible world , are in a more intimate manner communicated to pious princes , whose immense minds cannot but by their ever active and strong vibrations ( like unisons in musick ) snatch into sympathy some courteous angel , who ( deo favente ) holding back the veil , must needs degurgitate upon them full and penetrant coruscations from the abyss of that otherwise inaccessible light : thus tincturing their counsels and actions with that wisdom that may render them weighty and unsophisticate . but lest i should incur the imputation of rosicrucian vanity , in thus pompously ascribing divine illumination to the ministery of angels ; i will crave leave to digress a word or two to prove my assertion : it will be easily granted i hope , that if many of the prophets were illuminated in this manner in the old testament , god has not innovated the circumstances of this favour in the new : but that in many cases , i do not say in all , divine light may be communicated to men by the hands of angels . that it was thus under the law , many of the hebrew masters do attest , maimonides is full to this purpose , both in his de fundamentis legis , and more nevochim : i will instance one place for all . but this is a digression , yet such an one as may well enough square with my intent in the foregoing considerations ; for in thus proving in what an illustrious manner the prophets were of old inspired , i do more then tacitely subindicate the excellent prerogative of princes also , the latter being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as the former , and that title onely belonged to those favourites of heaven , whose souls ( if not obnubilated with vice ) were permitted to bask under the more glorious irradiations of divine light : and this , i say , was , and upon the same tearms is still , the priviledge of kings as well as of priests and prophets . and consequently it is very irrational for ordinary ignorant plebeians , whose domestick mean imployments could never permit them to cultivate their understandings with any other knowledge , save what they have gained by experience , in their trivial converse with men of the same rank with themselves , and some few superficial observations concerning the publick : it is irrational , i say , and argues much self-conceit in them , when they take upon them so boldly and rashly to censure and condemn the actions of their prince , as 't is too common for them to do , when to better weighed men those very actions carried the appearance of sound policy and sedulous care for the publick : and if they did not seem so pleasing to them in that particular posture they behold them in , yet even an implicite recumbency in such cases were very commendable in the vulgar ; who , were it not for some few innate ideas and common notions floating up and down in their minds , surviving the shipwrack that was made of the rest of those precious jewels in their apostacy and fall , i say , were it not for a few sparks of reason left , they seem to verge exceeding near to the brutes in their sentiments of things , and therefore certainly it is very decorous , that in political matters whose scheme is very abstruse and curious , they should rely on the judgment of their supreme governours , whom for the most part , heaven , nature , education , and experience have bless'd with comprehensive , quick , and profound understandings . we may also take notice , that they are frequently endued with many other gifts and accomplishments , such as that which illustrates the majesty of our gracious sovereign ; viz. his power of curing by a touch that malignant and inveterate disease called the kings evil. all that i would intimate by what is said , is this , that by the laws and polity of the superiour invisible orders , or by what other indispensible conditions of the creation , we know not : there is a peculiar mark set on princes , they are signaliz'd with extraordinary advantages of mind , and by a more conspicuous residence of divinity in them , their persons are made sacred ; so that by arrogant or irreverent detractions to depretiate royalty , is but a lesser kind of profaneness , and a very suspicious prodrome of flat blasphemy and atheism . but i will not anticipate what is hereafter to be spoken concerning the religious obligation that lies on all subjects to be modest in this case ; to proceed therefore in the discovering the ineptitude of censoriousness . many and various topicks i might make use of , to illustrate and fortifie my assertions , and to prove that want of resigned understandings in the inferiour plebeians , when the object is any ways appertaining to policy ; as a princes management of affairs , is the most absurd , incongruous thing in the world : the ultimate vote in such matters , being not only by right the peculiar prerogative of the supreme powers , but also must at last of necessity be cast upon them , else the order of nature must needs be inverted , the oeconomy , happiness and safety of the civil world distorted and dwindled into confusion , irreconcileable enmity and endless contention : as to the confusion that will result from this epidemical censoriousness . it must be considered , that unless the king make himself a very proteus in his counsels , moulding them into as many shapes as there be several opinionists in his realms : he had as good do nothing , for every one will still be so conceited of those models of policy , that float up and down in his shallow brains , that he will very hardly be brought to yield an inch to any that shall contradict him : and 't is a thousand to one if there be a thousand in the whole kingdom , that agree in the same opinion exactly ; where then shall the business be decided ? i mean , who shall determine what form of policy is best , this mans , or that mans ? or whether the kings is not to be preferr'd before them all ? here is no tribunal , or infallible chair to resort to for satisfaction , for each person is so incrustate in his own conceit , that you had as good endeavour to break the adamant , as to expect any impartial condescention from his hardned soul : no! he scorns to be guilty of such base incurvation of his erect and sublime intellect , so as to cringe to anothers obtruded notions : the king himself shall not curb his free-born mind . this or something analogous to it would be the humour of all those , who are thus settled upon the lees and gross dregs of turbulent pride and darkness , whensoever they are a little stirr'd and troubled ; nothing can be drawn from them , but muddy , partial , and tenacious obstinacy , and contradictory inconsistences . what is to be done in this unhappy juncture ? where is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of true policy to be found ? why in this aenigmatical repository ; every where , and yet no where : every man would be judge , but no mans sentence shall be authentick with other men : here is a verbal anarchy , and ten to one but the next morning brings forth a real one . the most natural method therefore of reducing things to their proper order again in such cases , is to place the king in the seat of judgment , resolving all to stand to his verdict in political matters ; and though he should seem to them to deviate from wisdom and fidelity , yet modesty should take away their prosumption of the former , and charity should null their suspicion of the latter . and now i am fallen upon the mention of charity , methinks it is very congruous , that that sweet ingenuity , that benign candor in christians , which should put a check on their over-hasty judging their brother , should much more exert it self in this case ; where besides the obligation of natural affinity between all men , there is a supervening and more intimate tye of gratitude from subjects to their prince , to whose vigilancy they owe the security of their quiet and ease : and upon that account , should be very tender of his honour , by never daring to broach or countenance in others any aspersions , or contemptuous harsh reflections which may seem to touch his sacred person , and his management of affairs . and it is as much the duty of subjects , as it is an argument of generosity , thus to deport themselves in reference to their soveraign , for the supreme monarch of the world has joyned in one command , the due payment of his own and caesars tribute ; but certainly his own would not in his esteem be discharged , especially that part of it which consists in a reverent behaviour and usage of all things belonging to him , should men be continually grumbling and quarrelling at the inscrutable methods of his providence in governing the world ; and because they could not comprehend throughly its profound intrigues : therefore they should upon some seeming exotick digressions and uncouth meanders of divine wisdom , presently suspect and presumptuously divulge their jealousie that god was carrying on a design to gull all mankind into horrible servitude and misery : whereas these mistaken symptoms of such a plot , were only the reserved traces of the great council of heaven , in order to the good of the world ; only not condescending to the narrow researches of humane understandings : and sure it is but a lesser degree of that cloudy malicious surmise , when subjects so impudently presume to snort at the actions of their king , especially in a time of peril to the church and state , if he do not keep on the broad high-way , as these silly conceited plebeians are prone to esteem those models of policy they have familiariz'd : i say , if a prince does not obviate the imminent danger just in the same manner as those mighty polititians would have him , is it not notorious insolence in them to defame him , and so contemptuously to traverse his deep counsels ? though the supposed irregularities and extravagant deflections from the vulgar beaten-path , proceed but from a certain knowledge and fore-sight , that in such cases the proverb is true , which informs us , that sometimes the longest way about is the nighest way home : for in thus seeming to abandon , or negligently to manage the publick welfare , he indeed more closely , but more warily withal , prosecutes it : perhaps he may fetch a larger compass then these slow-pated gentlemen can tell how to trace him in ; but it is only to remove some foreseen obstacles , or anticipate a fly machination , perhaps he may a while stand still , when a more steddy and full prospect of his business may expedite the accomplishment of his well-intended aims : and yet these seeming statick and retrograde postures of princes may sometimes arise from a mistake somewhat analogous to theirs , who think the planets really go back and stand still , when that delusive phaenomenon arises only from the several stations of the earth in its annual motion . he that understands copernicus his scheme of the world , will best relish the comparison : for so these plebeians moving in a narrower sphere , cannot keep pace with the vast orb of polititians , and yet measuring their stately motions by the superficial ideas in their delirious fancies , will be apt to think the others stand still and go back , when the fault lies only in their inconstant skulls , and over-hasty propension to censoriousness . but however suppose these disparate motions of princes to be real , yet 't is idiotick to murmure all this while , as if the matter was in the suds , as they say : for these oblique transcursions and statick postures , do but help to resume his way more prosperously , now encouraged by the defeat of the prevised obstructions : in this not much unlike that glorious monarch of the day , the sun , who for all that heavenly labyrinth and learned perplexity he seems to be intangled in , when beheld in an astronomical scheme , yet nevertheless rejoyces as a giant to run his course , breaking through all those seeming difficulties , which are only the product of busie minds . such is the zodiack of policy wherein princes move , and their postures and motions , seem they never so oblique or obscure ; nay though they should ( like that great light ) seem to the vulgar to stand still , yet their course is steady and regular , ever tending toward the accomplishment of their scope , and he that should deny this , because by reason of several interposing hindrances , he could not precisely trace their footsteps , deserves to be counted as much a fool or mad-man , as he that should think the sun went not forward , because he could not at that time discern his progress when some clouds intercepted his sight , or suppose the air serene and clear , yet the vast distance of the solar sphere rejected all terrestrial gazers into an unavoidable inability to descry his seeming minute , though really prodigious , steps in the ecliptick , according to the ptolomaick hypothesis , which i may make use of here for the comparisons sake , though i discard that almost obsolete opinion , when i hearken to the dictates of severer reason . i would not by these more lax considerations of the vast distance between a prince and his subjects , seem to set up , as i said , a kind of state-pope , whose actions must not be questioned or scann'd as being infallibly excellent and without fault . all that i mean is this , 1. that all political transactions are in their own nature intricate , as it were essentially involving labyrinths and meanders in their very constitution , but acquire a greater inextricableness , by the numerous and assiduate contingencies that emerge from the various events of peace and war , &c. 2. that upon the account of these inseparable difficulties that attend the management of state affairs , none can be presumed fitter to conquer them , and dispatch the concernsof a nation with safety , honour , and immunity from subsequent disasters that may result from perfunctory attempts to cure present diseases : i say none can be supposed to be in a better capacity to do this , than he whose very birth entituled him to the priviledge of being initiated ( when adult ) into the rudiments of true policy , whose education made good his native-claim , and both were seconded with adventitious light and conduct from the celestial ministers of state ; and such an one is every pious prince . 3. that therefore the prince with his council ought to be esteemed the oracle of the state ; and he who over boldly pries into their consultations , or rashly censures their actions , forseits his modesty , gratitude , duty and reason , and discovers a mind intoxicated with self conceit , hardened with base unthankfulness , and sunk into gross folly , and irreligion : so that i might very well pass on to another part of this discourse , were i not invited to pursue my present theme more closely , and to reduce matters to particulars , for fear of the spreading contagiousness and regency of this disease . not to mention how cunningly the poyson is imbib'd when taken by men who in plain words own the preheminence of royalty , yet by their jesuitically oblique reflections on its proceedings , are taught to embrace and easily learn to give to others injurious and irreverent thoughts of it , and deprive it of the most suitable means to justifie it self , and disabuse them ; which means consists in its being handled with that due modesty and ingenuous reservedness , that its fore ▪ named app ndant circumstances require : and not only those , but others also , which i will enumerate immethodically , as they occur . it may be considered therefore , that one vast disadvantage accrues to the vulgar in judging of state. affairs from their unacquaintedness in a multitude of particulars relating to the alliances , leagues , correspondencies , and several other transactions between a king and the princes of foreign nations : not to mention his private concerns at home , whether at the court , or any other parts of his realms , between him and his nobles : all which perhaps may be extraneous to the main engrossing present affair of the publick , and yet he must be allowed to prosecute them with as much perhaps more vigour and alacrity , then at that time is requisite to the management of that other great affair : whence it will fall out , that now and then they will force him to make an eruption into some publick actions , whose coherence with , and dependance on those fore-mentioned private concerns not being understood , or so much as dream'd of among the vulgar ; it must needs follow , that if they take upon them to judge of those actions , they will still imagine they bear a respect to that part of the publick affairs which fall under their cognizance , and so will make a false construction of the scope and tendency of such actions , which probably may not have any affinity with the publick affair , but only are performed in order to the accomplishment of his own private . but here when i make a difference between a prince's publick actions and his private ; i mean only this , that the management of some of their concerns does not imply so immediate and direct a relation to the present great engrossing affair of the publick , though they may have a real aspect on it , as to their remote tendency , by an exquisite cadency of events falling in with the stream . sometimes also they act with a direct aspect on the publick , but yet their design is hid from the vulgar . as sometimes a prince may be negotiating with an ambassadour concerning the present great matter in publick quest , and yet his subjects may not dream of any such thing ▪ this private negotiation may cause the prince to run out into extraordinary actions , and such as to the vulgar who were ignorant of what pass'd between him and the ambassadour , may seem exotick , if not worse : so easie is it for the vulgar to commit gross errours , if they presume to descant on every unusual phaenomenon in the management of state affairs , when oftentimes they are raised from causes so remote from the knowledge of the vulgar , that unless we suppose them not only to be well skill'd in the histories of neighbour nations , and of their court proceedings , and in the histories of our own land ; but also versed in many unpublished narratives , or at least all those passages in them which relate the several alliances , leagues , titles , and other circumstances wherein our soveraign either upon his own or his ancestors account may be engaged : to some of which these unusual publick carriages of a prince may have reference ; i say , unless we will suppose the vulgar to know all this , which is all one as to suppose them of the kings cabinet-council ; it must needs follow , that they will be guilty of gross hallucinations , when ever they take upon them to censure such actions and publick deportments of a prince : their narrow thoughts not being able without those fore-mentioned helps , perhaps scarce with them , to pursue the vast and intricate designs of princes through all the elaborate tracts of policy . and this consideration will i presume carry greater force with it , if it be but considered how many of the ordinary passages and transactions between neighbours in the same town are not fully understood by others in the same corporation ( and perhaps men of competent judgment in such affairs ) onely by reason of their not being acquainted with the grounds of such transactions which cannot be known without a satisfactory information in several particular circumstances relating to the condition of the persons concerned and their kindred ; many of which circumstances , or all of them may be pointed at in such transactions : and if such dilucidations be necessary to make neighbours understand one anothers business , though its utmost aspect may perhaps be confined to persons dwelling in the same town , we must needs think that the greatest part of a princes affairs as to their scope and tendency , is lost to the vulgar , since they have oftentimes an intimate connexion with things done in very remote regions , some hundreds of years ago , amidst circumstances to many of which we are wholly strangers . 't is no wonder therefore that many actions of princes seem uncouth to the vulgar , and their abrupt transitions from the ordinary course of common policy , make the silly people start , their crazy understandings not being able to bear the sudden motion . indeed to make a man a competent judge in those phanomena , it were requisite that he be well versed in the whole system of the political affairs of such a realm , and that he be able with one compendious glance , to look on these extraordinary actions of princes , and the whole body of political concerns together , for they will never appear to their true advantage , but when they are looked on in their proportional conduciveness to advance the due symmetry of the whole ; and this cannot be done but by a full display of them altogether . he that shall then attentively survey the great current of state affairs , and the apt insinuations of these novel rivulets , and though they seem to proceed from by-corners , yet how naturally they glide along with the stream ▪ he that shall observe how the knowledge of somewhat done a hundred years ago , and a thousand miles off , does yet illustrate a present eruption of a prince into some seeming exotick discoveries of concernment and care ; such an one will discern the folly of being over hasty in censuring occurrencies so disadvantageously looked on , when irrelatively and sever'd from the coincidence they had with matters to them utterly unknown ; or with the whole stream of state affairs . hitherto the tenour of my arguments against censoriousness in subjects , and their immodest determinations concerning those methods of policy that are used by their prince , has not altogether excluded them from a possibility of having true narratives of their proceedings , but only upon a tacite concession of that priviledge to some of them does yet deny them any capacity of making a suitable conjecture concerning the re-cluse tendency of all their known transactions , or of defining whether such a supposed tendency of them be commensurate to the rules of true policy . but there are not wanting arguments to prove that it is very improbable at least , if not impossible for the vulgar to have so much as a true genuine account of their ordinary deportment and counsels in reference to the publick : and then these criticks will be inexcusable in their peremptory descants on transactions , which perhaps owe their birth to vulgar report : however they can have no ordinary assurance to the contrary , and therefore cannot escape s. judes censures , who calls those gnosticks in his time , filthy dreamers , and gives this character of them , that they despise government , speak evil of dignities , and of things they know not . and just so do our state-criticks , speak evil of things they know not , which i will endeavour to prove . it may be considered therefore , that a great disadvantage accrues to these mens knowledge of the profound mysteries of state , by reason of the many hands through which all narratives of princes councels and actions must necessarily pass ( supposing they be true at first ) before they can come under their cognizance ; and certainly they must lose much of those appendages which are requisite to dilucidate an entire true account , by being obnoxious to the additions , substractions , tinctures , glosses , and manglings of all those intermediate persons , whose various and severally peculiar interests , dispositions , affections , humours , and mistakes may conduce to the depriving a narrative of its native symmetry , extent , luster and scope , and this disadvantage is augmented according to the various descents of inferiority in the persons thus censuring , every lower step from the prince , exposing them to more egregious probability of being misinformed by reason their converse , and so the means of information in these matters , is confined to men of the same or a very little higher rank then themselves . now that a narration passing through so many hands must needs be maimed , and in many things come far short of the intire perfect original , scarce any indeed will imagine but he whose fortune in the world , and priviledges of nature , education , and converse , furnish him with the means of receiving such a story in its several gradual representations from noblemen and the common people , or any such like disparate ranks of men , so diversly qualified for a commodious information in these state mysteries . more particularly it may be considered , how great a prejudice devolves on the vulgar , from the satyrical glosses and biting reflections which by maliciously witty men may , and commonly are interwoven slily in written or traditional narratives of princes transactions : by these arts an ingenious person indeed may represent a transaction how he pleases , even so as shall make a deep impression on the prejudicate and unwary mind , though far enough from the truth . thus a very good cause may be being disfigured according to their petulant malice appear odious to the vulgar , who have not the brains to distinguish betwixt the true story and these subtle deductions , of pre-byass'd men , but swallow all down whole without mincing or chewing , and it goes down the easier in that oftentimes these by-blows are struck with a jerk ; i mean that common mode of satyr which the vulgar are daily used to , a blunt clownish kind of wit , which their ordinary repartees make them very pregnant in , and so the sooner taken with it in any discourse of others , whence it glides with the contents of the story into the very inmost recess of their pliable spirits , rooting its self there as deeply as the true narration , and by a close mixture of their idea's they become one : and the man is as firmly perswaded of the truth of the collateral gloss , as of the direct tenour of the story . one may easily guess what it is i aim at by this last consideration ; it is only to intimate , that it is not so often the real obliquity of princes actions , but a cunningly suborned representation of such obliquity that has such influence on the vulgar weak mind , as to make it sapinely reel into base censoriousness . i have spoken all this while of these narratives of princes transactions which have no certain ▪ way of being conveyed to the publick notice ; but being only traditional , or at best but privately transcrib'd , are obnoxious to various sophistications , so as 't is probable very few , if any of them are represented truly to the vulgar enquirer . but here i am sensible i have exposed my self to a shrewd objection , for i have seemed to make an instrument with two handles , that being taken hold of by one , may serve to defend the prince , but if by the other , may as desperately wound him : for say they , there being such lubricous uncertainty in all narratives of princes actions , many of their ill practises will escape the knowledge of the subjects , being painted over by interessed persons , in a fine plausible dress : to which , and to prevent another suspicion in the reader , i answer , that i aim not to prove that all the consultations and actions of princes are impeccable , and need no correction or amendment ; this were to deny them to be men , and to absolve them from subjection to the common frailties and impersections of our nature : and besides it would be a task so disproportionate to my power , considering at what a vast distance i behold their actions that i could not possibly in undertaking it , evade the just censure of the reader ; that i have unawares fallen into that self conceitedness and immodesty which i blame in others , in thinking my self capable of having a true account of what princes do , when the truth of it is , i am so far from thinking so , that i must confess the contrary thought in its full latitude , was the chiefest motive that induced me to venture on this essay . so that i do not pretend in the least that i have a particular knowledge of the congruity of princes actions , beyond what other men of the same rank with my self may have : for i must confess that many things i observe in their management of state affairs , do distress my reason to find a satisfactory account of , but when i consider how many of their actions , while ignorance and prejudice darkned my understanding , appeared unpleasing , in which yet i now think i discern a manifest discovery of care for the publick , at least of lawful and very allowable circumspection in reference to their personal concern , and those of the crown , which also are prosecuted in order to the publick welfare , when i reflect on my soveraign as a christian , and as signaliz'd with excellent endowments , and peculiar accomplishments ; when i vew the vast height and distance of his sphere : in short , when i remember all the fore-going considerations which set forth the great difficulty of making a true judgment of their deportment . i cannot but conclude , that common ingenuity , modesty , and discretion , besides the obligations of reverence , gratitude , and loyal obedience , make it highly rational for me to check my forward thoughts that would over-hastily venture out of their sphere , and peremptorily judge of the recluse affairs of kings , especially our own most gracious soveraign , who has given the most satisfactory evidence to the world the rational part thereof could think fit to require ; that he is most zealously devoted to the publick welfare both of church and state. to the objection therefore i answer more particularly , that 't is possible some faulty actions and counsels of princes , may by the plausible rhetorications and smooth glosses of their followers be represented to the vulgar as without crime : but then again , it should be considered , that unless it be apparent that all their actions are but painted over , whilst in the mean time they are really criminal , no man can escape the imputation of gross censoriousness that will be swayed by every slight insinuation either of his own suspicious humour , or of other mens malice , to infringe the sacred bond of charity which is in these cases required between christians , and should here be elevated into an extraordinary benignity and generosity of spirit , but would degenerate into diabolical baseness , should he without apparent and undeniable evidence of their truth , give credit to every report that is raised concerning the ill designs and practices of his soveraign , especially in this dangerous crisis of affairs , when it is so well known to all , and publickly declared by the discoverer of the plot , that the jesuites are the fathers and fomenters of these stories , hoping thereby to deprave the affections and minds of the people , and to conjure up the old spirit of rebellion , which is commonly usher'd in by an universal humour of muttering against the government , as it was in the late civil wars , for just before their breaking out , the jesuites had carried on as desperate a plot , and broughe it to almost as good maturity as they had done this last , 1678. only in the very nick of time it was discovered to his grace the archbishop of canterbury , who immediately communicated the business to the king , and both of them with admirable industry and secrecy ( as the case required ) set themselves to counter-plot that infernal society . now the jesuites finding themselves defeated in that horrid enterprise , would not lay down the cudgels so , but by a strange retort of machinations , they gained ground again , and defended themselves best with that which one would think should have destroyed them , that is their adversaries weapon ; for observing that the common people had got a trick of murmuring and barking at every little flirt of the robe and gown , though but the natural result of the graceful meen and deportment of their wearers . i say observing this , they made use of it to accomplish their designs , insiunating every where in all companies and upon all occasions , that the king was a tyrant , and that both he and the archbishop were little better then papists ; and that they connived at popery ; the one by not using his authority for its extirpation ; the other by sheltering himself under royal protection , and bringing in all manner of innovations into the church . thus did the jesuites delude the silly people , filling their mouths with complaints against the king , because he did not go their clownish way to work , and knock all papists on the head , and because squander'd away so much money to keep up the splendour and grandeur of the court , ( that is as much as to say , because he did not cashier sixteen of the blood royal , and their necessary retinue at the court ) which is the very glory of a kingdom , and the old established law of the land : many other complaints there were up and down the city and country among the common people ( the jesuites having envenom'd their tongues ) so that unless the king and the archbishop had pinched up the affairs of church and state to such an intolerable streightness , that nothing of civil splendor and hospitality might be discerned in one , or sacred majesty and venerable order in the other . nay , unless the two fore-mentioned illustrious and renowned persons in going about to stop some small pretended leaks in the great body of ecclesiastical and secular polity , had used the rustick and unartificial hammering of these gross mechanick sages , and so endangered an incurable rupture by stroaks so disproportionate to the exquisite touch of the civil law , and the more inviolable obligations of christian charity , they were still murmured at by the quarrelsom vulgar : for thus it was , that that malignant spirit in them had as it were dreined from all parts of the kingdom those peccant humours , which though but thinly dispersed , and easily purged out by the natural course of the law , yet by being united in a disadvantageous juncture of circumstances , seemed to the unskilful and rash plebeians to carry the symptoms of a mortal disease . thus flinging dirt on the face of affairs , and then perswading themselves it was its true complexion : a very clownish sophism , and which brought its reward along with it ; for the purblind fools that had taken such pains to bedaub the commonwealth , not long after fell over head and ears into the mire themselves . for this insolent humour was so cherished by the libels , flying reports , and daily insinuations of subtle jesuites , who every where had their instruments at work to raise a civil war , that at last it grew rampant , marriners and such kind of rude fellows , the very dregs of the nation , would strout up and down the city in tumults , exclaiming against the kings actions , representing him as a tyrant , and i know not what , till at length they fell to threats , and so by degrees involved this kingdom in a most cruentous civil war ; and he that shall peruse the records of other nations , will find that these mutterings and verbal attempts against the government , were a certain step to the overthrow of the people addicted to them . and it is as like to be so now as ever , if this epidemical vice be not amended , god always punishing rebellions with signal tokens of his displeasure , making the very basis and chief prop of their treacherous obstinacy ( like the ground whereon stood corah , dathan , and abiram ) the very entrance to their destruction . this i mention , that whom the vitiosity and turpitude of these proceedings will not disswade from persisting in them , their usual dangerous consequence may deter . and truly if men would but have the patience to search to the bottom of that common aphorism [ that the depraved practises of a people precede their own destruction . ] they would find it eminently true in that crime which is the subject of this treatise , and others of that nature ▪ not that they need presently be put to it so as upon every occasion of such sins in a nation , to invade the sabbatism of the deity , and conclude the necessity and actual certainty of his eruption into immediate personal execution of justice on the offending people , though sometime the outward letter of the scripture , to comply with the exigencies of laps'd humane understandings , seem to countenance such a supposition ; but they might discern all these things carried on in a silent natural concatenation of causes and events ; men ( by these as well as all other vicious courses ) not being more the meritorious then really and physically the instrumental causes of their own miseries in this life ; they by their follies laying such a train , as ( let but the natural course of the world alone ) will not fail in time ( often speedily ) to intangle them in inevitable punishment , thus becoming by a hidden fate their own executioners . so that though these kind of vices seem to their blind actors to have no influence either on their own private miseries , or on the calamities of the publick , yet the unprejudicate will soon grant that the contrary is true , and that such prevarications by a divine nemesis engage secret invisible strings in nature to draw those that are guilty of them , into an undiscerned labyrinth of difficulties and torments ; proportionately to the several degrees of their accumulated and repeated immoralities : and that this is not only certain in mens private troubles , but also in the calamities that befall the publick , there being as it were a dormient combination in mankind , or at least a latent conspiracy in nature , that by an eminently reciprocal cadency of events , each particular vice of every individual person , in inflicting punishment on himself , should also conduce to the sufferings of others , and in conducing to other mens calamities should again retort a share on himself : every member of a body politick containing some arcana and secret preparatives which once touched are presently spirited with a natural instinct of affecting the whole . so that none of these vices though never so minute can be committed , which will not in a proportionable measure , by an exquisite mechanism of providence , successively awaken certain occult aptitudes in humane converse , and through them impart its malign influence to the publick : though it must be confessed that some crimes ( whose perpetration necessarily engages a more prompt assistance of those hidden channels ▪ ) do more vigorously , suddenly , and with more apparent success of their dispersive noxiousness , infest the community . such are those prevarications which are the various abuses and violations of that contract , which by the law of nature and the positive obligations of christianity is made , and supposed to be actually in force for the common happiness of mankind ; and which is particularized into diverse explicitely limited and peculiarly circumstantiated leagues of this and that society of men between themselves , according to the several distinct exigencies of nations and commonwealths . i say , crimes that receive their specification from the infringement of this fundamental law and bond of justice , according to the proportion of the rupture do more manifestly damage the publick , then those which are of a more personal consideration , that is such whose direct aspect and essential termination seems to be confined to the persons that are guilty of them , as intemperance in its several latitudes , or the like ; though indeed most of them , if not all , do in some measure damage others , but not with so ▪ apparent conduciveness to the publick wrong , as those actions which necessarily include a more plain and apert relation to another , such are all those which have for their object the body , goods , or good name of another person . for in such transactions , he that prevaricates does immediately and directly injure some body else , and by a vibration of the stroke wherewith he hurt the other , he vuln●rat●s himself also , thus in thinking to jerk his neighbour , he has made a rod for his own back too , which the fore-mentioned nemesis which is interwoven in the very texture of the universe , will be sure to lay on in due season , whose subtle contrivance and unavoidable lassies in these instances may be somewhat faintly adumbrated in the usual pastime of school ▪ boys that they call hitting their next neighbour ; for one of them by smiting him that sits next , snatches him into consent to the play , and the stroke is carried on to the next , and so round , till the whole school be engaged in a posture of offence and sportive injuriousness , and the first striker receives his blow again , with the advantage that may perhaps arise from the attentive eagerness of his now alarm'd lascivient companion , besides the overplus of penance from his master , for being the ringleader in that ominous vanity . i need not stand to apply this childish comparison , the matter being plain enough , that transitive vices , acts of injustice among men , do not only wound some one member of a community , but by reason of emissions and circulations of a peccent humour resulting from neglect to cure the first incision , do most commonly corrupt and infect the whole body , and consequently the perpetrators themselves are involved in the general calamity , especially those acts of injustice which have kings for their object , carry in their aspect more eminent menaces of ruine to the people guilty of them ; and such an one is the crime i explode in this discourse , an imrenching on the sacred prerogative of prindes , robbing them of their honour , a kind of civil sacriledge . there are a multitude of aggravations might be reckoned up to display this vice in its proper colours , but i shall rather at present discover the danger of it : and if we look back into the records of former ages , we may easily be satisfied , that murmuring against governours , censuring their proceedings , speaking great swelling words of vanity , was always punished with signal tokens of heavens displeasure . without question it was with no languid sentiments of their own wisdom and skill in political affairs , that corab and his company ventured to check the supposed efforts of tyranny in moses their prince , ye take too much upon you , said they , seeing all the congregation is holy : behold here the insolence of these rebels , who would have introduced a kind of anarchy , a thing odious to god and man , every man should have been allowed as great a share of that sanctity which was requisite to a princes being invested with the supreme authority , as moses himself the elect of god , cull'd out and consecrated from his infancy , ( by preludious intimations from heaven ) to rule over that people : i say , these arrogant statists thought every man in as fit a condition to manage the publick affairs as moses himself ; and no doubt but that corah's followers would give themselves the liberty to descant upon this action of moses and that counsel , encouraging one another in their treasonable thoughts , till at length the earth open'd her mouth and overwhelm'd all the conspirators , that they might be an example to all generations , and an instance of gods severe displeasure against disloyal and mutinous pride . profane histories also give us an account of the dismal consequences of this vice , rome especially in its rise , growth , and several changeable postures , might furnish us with pregnant examples to this purpose , but this were to transcribe a great part of their writings , who have undertaken to deliver down to posterity true narratives of the affairs of that once flourishing commonwealth : i might moreover appeal to modern histories of our neighbour nations concerning this matter , but i think none can parallel our late civil wars for the horrible consequences that attended on it , and yet all this had its first original ( as i have above hinted ) ▪ from the sawcy complaints of a peace-pamper'd people who took their swinge in muttering at the late king of blessed memory , because of some peccadillo's in government , that are in one kind or other to be found in any commonwealth in the world , and are not always to be attributed to any voluntary car●lesness , or tyrannous propensions in the supream power , but to the insuperable necessities of state. much less would any ingenuous people have suspected any such vices in a prince , who by most unparallel'd concessions of princely grace , gave all the evidence of a faithful and peremptory adhaesion to the good of his subjects , that he could with honour in his circumstances discover , or any inhabitants of this land expect , witness his noble condescentions to his parliament in surrendring the tower , militia , and royal navy , and complying with them in every thing , to the sacrificing all those priviledges which are the chief props of the royal prerogative and highest advantages of the crown . and yet all these royal discoveries of an hearty desire to take away groundless jealousies and surmizes from his subjects , could not quell that virulent and implacable spirit which reign'd among the vulgar , who would not be satisfied with these concessions to the demands of the parliament , unless his majesty would also have fulfilled all the bruitish requests of the rabble , who in that dangerous juncture of time were very pregnant with ill shaped petitions to the houses , a kind of modest commands , hoping by these repeated insolencies to fright the king into a compliance with their sordid proposals : but alas ! they were exceedingly mistaken , for the king indeed had yielded in an honourable way to many and most of the requests put up by his parliament , yet he would not so far degrade himself as to let this arrogant carriage in the vulgar , extort from him any actions that were repugnant to that regular duct of reason and conscience , which he had always followed , and which used to facilitate his passage through the strangest threatning emergencies in his way : so that though the common people would make nothing to disgorge their foul cholerick sentiments in the very streets , and every publick opportunity , yet this could no ways tempt the generous and impassible mind of his majesty , to a deviation from his customary path , but trampling on these rudenesses with a noble scorn , he still went forward in the prosecutions of his councels for the good of the nation . and truly in my opinion , the vulgar had better use modesty and silence , making good constructions of whatever in the kings management of affairs seems doubtful , then by venturing to censure such arcana , incur the present probability of being in a gross uncharitable errour , besides the ineptitude of such presumptuous calumnies ; for in thus bespattering princes , they act as vainly and brutishly as dogs , that ( for i know not what currish humour in them ) bark at the moon , who nevertheless keeps on her progress and governs the night according to the established laws of the vniverse , not impeded or retarded in her course , by the quarrelsom exclamations of these petulant animals : even so , princes in their methods of policy , are as little concerned at the scurrilous , peevish , and unoccasioned descants and aspersions of their nettled subjects , but resolutely steer on as the compass guides them : therefore if these despisers of government would but listen to the dictates of common prudence , they would surely be reduced to greater sobriety ; for in thus railing at the supreme power , they either propose to themselves some end as perhaps the reducing the supreme power to condescend to their humours , which ( as i have just now proved ) is a very absurd and ridiculous hope , or else they act without any design at all , but only in obsequiousness to the edicts of a cholerick nature , and so they discover into what a vicinity of temper they are fallen with the beasts those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which act without reason , proposing to themselves nothing , but impetuously are hurried into a continual subjection to their passion , and the predominant heaving of the plastick power : so these railers seem to be driven on by a fortuitous impulse , never consulting with the sober dictates of reason . people have now got a habit of talking and prating about state affairs , and yet they can give no rational account why they do so , but only to gratifie their pride and other darling passions , whilst in the mean time the devil , and his ministers the jesuites , with no small complacency behold the success of their designs , laughing to see how easily receptive the people are of all reports , though never so groundless and ridiculous , so they any ways reflect upon the fidelity and care of the king , not considering how withal they imbibe the noxious extract and spirit of envy , malice , treason , and other diabolical vices that always in these cases envenoms the popular breath : i say , the people do not consider this , but still ( as if the old athenian humour were revived ) are inquisitive after news , though all the aiery volumes of fame are stuff'd with nothing but lies concerning his sacred majesty , and the slanderous style declares the authour to be a jesuite . certainly they who had the impudence enough to call his late majesty of blessed memory , a bastard , and to deny our royal soveraign to be his son : thus disanuulling his title to the crown , will not stick to make his subjects believe he is a tyrant , and to represent him in any other shape that may alienate their affections : they who had their missioners in holland to disaffect that people against the prince of orange , by raising stories concerning his tyrannous and unjust designs , are not destitute of as active agents in this kingdom to accomplish the same design ; for 't will be good fishing in troubled waters , since they can do no good in the clear , it will be easie for them to prepare their gins and tend their machinations undiscerned , when they have raised a dust to disturb the sight of the inhabitants , and when we are striving in an unnatural war to undermine , trappan , and destroy each other , protestant engaged against protestant , brother against brother , father against son ; their business will be to draw the net suddenly over us , and by the help of a foreign invasion and potent conspiracy at home to involve at all in one comprehensive ruine . have they not endeavoured already to exasperate the german emperour against his majesty ? by accusing his majesty of under-hand promoting the rebellion in hungary ? have they not gone about to incense the spaniard also ? as for the french king , they have him cock-sure already , and if they fail of the others , we are no ways beholding to them , for they have done what they could do . i insist the more on these things to confirm my rational hypothesis , if i may so tearm that which is almost proved to be matter of fact , i mean , that whatever slanders , occult aspersions and calumnies are cast on his majesty , in flying reports , and misrepresentations of his proceedings , are raised and encreased by the jesuites and their agents , who lurk up and down in the city , as is apparent , by the frequent attempts that have been made to fire the same ; as also by his majesties second proclamation , for the departure of all papists : wherein mention is made that the occasion of its being put forth , was , the contempt the papists shewed of the former , by still continuing in london , contrary to the tenour of that proclamation . and we need not question but that they made use of their time in sowing the seed of sedition and disloyalty in the hearts of the credulous citizens . what shall i say more to perswade my country-men that they are under an infatuation whilst they thus suffer themselves to be gull'd into their own destruction , under a pretence of redress ? i mean , whilst they so readily entertain jealousies , and vent their suspicions concerning the proceedings of his majesty , styling him a bad commonwealths-man that will not discover as great a credulity as they . one thing more i will offer to be considered before i conclude . it may be observed , that this discontented , insolent humour has infected the whole world in one measure or other , scarce a nation to be found wherein some do not find fault with the political method of their governours , and accordingly reports are scattered up and down [ 't is like by some cunning faction ] concerning his weakness in this counsel , his tyranny or perfidiousness in that ; so that let his consultations and actions be never so wise , and conducive to the publick good , yet his subjects shall have contrary thoughts of him , being seduced and deluded by these false rumours , the offspring of some trayterous cabal , such as the jesuites may be among us : nay we might produce instances in our own nation , and that lately , of this truth : that the supreme power has been under an vniversal odium among the vulgar , when afterwards it is known that he manag'd things well all that while ; so that it is not always a real fault in the prince that is the cause of such censures , but meerly the distemper'd minds of the vulgar . and this i presume will appear more probable , if it be considered that most generally it is only the baser and most ignorant sort of the people are guilty of this censeriousness , who have no gust of that sublimity that embellishes the actions and counsels of princes , but from their infancy imbibe fordid nations , if not a perfect hatred of what is tinctured with grandeur , or any ways favours of royal magnificence , imagining all things should be done in that mean simple way that they are used to in their domestick affairs , their phantasms of political exigencies are vitiated with the idea's of those trivial concerns that engross their care and inspection ; as if the intrigues of state must run parallel with those of a private house or corporation in all their appendages . this primitive , and as it were innate disrelish of the circumstances with which the crown and scepter are invested , is the basis of all those grudges , murmurings , and jealousies that arise among the vulgar ; for when any thing is suggested that reflects upon the supreme power , presently meeting with such a natural antipathy in men , it awakens and excites it into coactivity , which commonly produces a strong byass in the vulgar to jelousie , so that ever after , they are apt to be born down into a credulity of any thing that represents the supreme power in a posture of tyranny , and by the weight of their own abject minds are soon sunk into censoriousness and the depth of verbal disloyalty . but methinks this vile depression and submersion of the vulgar should ( like the alternate subsiding balance ) help to buoy up the generous mind : for if only the vulgar be the men that most generally censure and condemn the actions of their prince , a wise man will impute it to their clownish ignorance and morosity , and will follow the examples of the more acute and benign intelligences , who will not prostitute the mysteries of state to their own erroneous judgments , but deny themselves a liberty so constantly resulting from a servitude to the worst of passions , and so frequently introducing a slavery to the basest of rebels . 't is true , it may fall out sometimes , that persons of good quality and accomplishments may yet have very ill thoughts of a prince , who no ways deserves it , but this is but seldom , and then for the most part 't is their fortune and quality in the world has made them been thought fit judges of such matters rather than any real qualification of the mind ; for it has been experienced in other lands , that men who ( whilst they have lived privately and unconcerned ) have had no great vogue among those that knew them for any shrewdness of judgment , have yet acquired that commendation , by being publickly rebellious , their being really and notoriously depraved , rendring their wisdom conspicuous , but it was but only to them that had but a small share of it , or common honesty themselves ; for to knowing persons they appear'd only as usurpers of the title [ wise ] possessing it by no natural propriety , which is evidenced in that their judgments in all those matters which are requisite preparations to a capacity of being a critick in state affairs , have been found very deficient : there is required indeed a naturally active spirit , before a man , even to the shallow vulgar , can pretend with any colour of reason to judge of those high matters ; now this activity of spirit however otherwise uncultivated , yet if it can but discover its self in a sagacious management of domestick businesses , or the ordinary affairs between man and man ; 't is sufficient in the eye of the vulgar , who measure all accomplishments by their own , and think him a very valuable man who exceeds them in such ordinary trivial matters , though they slight and contemn persons of higher endowments , because they are above their narrow apprehensions ; but the other they will esteem fit for any thing , even to manage kingdoms if need be , and their estimation will be encreased if to their natural sagacity in some things there be added a confident deportment in reference to higher concerns : thus coblers by being sharp , active fellows , and by a little converse with history , have gained sometimes on the vulgar so as to be raised by such disorderly rabbles to high preferment , only on the account of their loud ratling out of hard names of places , and great men in foreign countries : such pedantick tricks have recommended many to the unskilful , as very able men , well versed in political affairs , and he could not be thought less than a states-man who would embellish his discourse with those lofty strains , wherein either some of the polish iskis , eskis , oskis or vskis made up each period . such sublime pedantry as this is often adopted by the amaz'd vulgar for sublime wisdom ; whereas in the truth it is but the garish display of a volatile fancy : and because that effeminate faculty is for the most part predominant among the lower orders of mankind , they are snatched into a consent and sympathetical adherence to any thing that is tinctured with it . thus the slight and unsolid rhetorications of an ordinary confident critick , dragg the supine vulgar into the filth of censoriousness and civil blasphemy of things they know not , making them to set their mouths against the heavens , and with a train of their impudent lyes , like lucifer the father of lyes , to dethrone the stars if it were possible . and these are somewhat a kin to those whom in the fifth page of this treatise i call by the name of state-fanaticks , a whimsical race of people that the jesuites seduce , by infusing into them an inchanting ferment , a hotch-potch of state-heresies drawn from casuists , civilians , and corrupted divines : not that i think every one that talks about these things to be vers'd in the whole system of such jesuitical doctrines , for as i have above said , many illiterate persons may gain the credit of being statesmen among the vulgar by some pedantick tricks , as voluble discourse , confident deportment , and the like , who yet may be altogether devoid of any smattering in that other learning ; but yet there are too too many whose fancies being parturient , verifie that in the civil law which my lord verulam observed of philosophy , a little of which will make a man an atheist : for these semi-civilians , like those philosophasters , sit down contented with that small discovery the first stage gives them in the law of nature and nations , and so make false conclusions , couching the most copious hypotheses and questions within the narrow limits of their inchoate knowledge , especially being blinded by their seducing guides , the jesuites , and falsly perswaded that all secular science was contained in that fragment they were acquainted with , ( like the rusticks who think the utmost limits of the world extend no farther then the margin of the visible horizon ) whereas if they had the patience to go on , and their understandings were not darkned , they would find that each step enlarged their prospect , till they had gone over the whole sphere of political wisdom , returning to the point whence they set forth , where they might recollect with themselves , that as in all orbs , so in this circle of humane learning , there was a vicissitude of superiority ; that is , they who have compleated their knowledge and finished their disquisitions in the truth , may yet remember how variously they have altered their opinions of things , according to the strength or weakness of arguments occurring in their way , and therefore ought not to be dazled into a hasty implicite assent to any thing by its vigour and flashy light , without examining or making a scrutiny , whence the ray proceeded , whether from heaven or hell , ( for that has its counterfeit beams also . ) to make my meaning more plain , it is well known that many mechanick persons of otherwise jejune intellects , will yet pretend to a smack in that spurious mixture of democratical policy that is pickt out of some heathen writers , some papists , and not a few protestants , and all incorporated into one mass , and informed by that soul of atheism and heresie , mr. hobbs : these mechanicks i say , will insist on the notions of natural liberty and supremacy in the people , and such like stuff , having imbib'd these principles either immediately from books , or from their converse with men who have read those books , which though they have gone incognito for good orthodox protestant writings , yet are oftentimes discovered , or at least may very reasonably be suspected to bethe product of a jesuites brain . however , it is certain such books are written and entertain'd by many seeming intelligent persons , and no question but the jesuites have seconded them with their personal insinuations among the gentry ; so that these heresies are grown almost epidemical , and therefore by consequence the whole land must needs incur the pestil ential infection : hence proceed all those heart-burnings , and their evil effects , such as bitter and unfavoury expressions , belch'd out against his majesty , and his proceedings , enough to make any other prince nauseate the unmannerly and ungrateful vulgar ; but our gracious soveraign has from his first inauguration to the throne , habituated himself to clemency , and unparallel'd benign candour to his subjects , never revenging himself for all the barbarous cruelty his father or himself have undergon . but i forget that it is an essay i am writing , and yet i have no reason to do so , the very immethodical style might put me in mind of that : and indeed were i not conscious of its being commensurate to an essay , i would beg the readers excuse for publishing so confused a collection of thoughts . however this i may say , that though it be void of symmetry , yet that deficiency is made up in the multitude and validity of its arguments , which though scattered without order in the discourse , may yet be reduced to it by the active and sagacious mind , the disjoynted parcels being by that penetrating vertue setled , and by intellectual ligaments united in their proper respects and uses to the design of the whole scheme . postscript . that the seeming extravagancies in the style of this essay , may be the more readily excused by the intelligent : the author thought himself concerned to add a word or two to what he had said in the preface to the reader , for he is bold to profess his hopes , that this short discourse though in never so odd and exotick a dress , may find acceptance with some , as others concerning the same subject , only digested into a different form , are entertained by their proper genius ▪ for there are certain occult attractives in all treatises which will captivate the minds of those men who are prepared with a correspondent gust ; and all this results from the various idiopathies in lapsed mankind , which are apt to incurvate the choice of right reason ▪ and to transport them in their choice , by impulses from peculiar springs in the inferlour partial faculties of the soul , whether there fixed by nature , education , providence , or chance : and since this is so , why should i be loth to venture this piece abroad , upon a misprision of it s being impolite or whimsical , and so unpalatable to the nice genius of this age , that loves to luxuriate in those delicious graces of speech , which the french call la cadence des periodes ; i say , why should the unsuitableness of my style by being reflected on hinder me from publishing this essay , since it is commonly experienced that the most ornate treatises and those of the sweetest relish to some , are found by experience to be nauseated by others . and what matter is it for the style , provided there be truth at the bottom . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69620-e430 maimon . more nev. part. 2. cap. 41. sci●o quod omnium eorum prophetar . qui pro ▪ betiam sibi factam esse dicunt , quidam eam angelo alicui , quidam vero deo opt. max. ascribant & attribuant licèt per angeli ministerium quoque ipsis ob●igerit . &c. vide smiths select discourses . see the notes on dr. more 's poems . the state-mysteries of the iesuites, by way of questions and answers. faithfully extracted out of their owne writings by themselues published. and a catalogue prefixed of the authors names which are cited in this booke. written for a premonition in these times both to the publike and particular. translated out of french mysteres des peres jesuites. english rivet, andré, 1572-1651. 1623 approx. 105 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01948 stc 12092 estc s120862 99856055 99856055 21571 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01948) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21571) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 959:3) the state-mysteries of the iesuites, by way of questions and answers. faithfully extracted out of their owne writings by themselues published. and a catalogue prefixed of the authors names which are cited in this booke. written for a premonition in these times both to the publike and particular. translated out of french mysteres des peres jesuites. english rivet, andré, 1572-1651. gosselin, peter. [8], 54, [2] p. printed by g[eorge] e[ld] for nicholas bourne, london : 1623. a translation of: rivet, andré. les mysteres des peres jesuites. translator's dedication signed: peter gosselin. printer's name from stc. running title reads: the mysteries of the iesuites. includes bibliography. the last leaf is blank. a variant of the edition with nathaniel butter named as publisher in the imprint. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature -early works to 1800. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-11 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the state-mysteries of the iesvites , by way of questions and answers . faithfully extracted out of their owne writings by themselues published . and a catalogue prefixed of the authors names which are cited in this booke . written for a premonition in these times both to the publike and particular . translated out of french. revel . 3. 24. 25. vnto you i say , who haue not knowne the depth of satans , that which you haue already hold fast till i come . london , printed by g. e. for nicholas bourne . 1623. to the right vvorthy , and euery way most accomplished , sr. thomas penystone knight and baronett , my euer-honored master . sir : although wee haue seene in these our later dayes , and may euery day more and more perceiue in the affliction of ioseph , and in the pitifull and lamentable estate of a great many of the reformed churches of the world , the fearefull effects of the cruell and bloudy doctrine of those , who vnder the sweet name of iesus , preach and teach little else then fire , murther , and sedition : yet because there are many , which eyther haue neuer heard of the damnable points these dangerous men doe teach and maintaine , or hauing heard of them , will not at any hand beleeue , that such holy-seeming fathers haue in such manner sharpned their tongues like serpents , & that the venome of aspes is hidden vnder their lips ; therefore this treatise ( by the prouidence of god ) fallen into my hands , discouering at large those secret and abhominable positions of theirs , which no rack , nor greatest torments could euer yet extort out of any of them , i thought good to learne it to speake the english tongue , both to instruct them , which are not yet acquainted with their inaccessible mysteries ; as also to informe them better , which are so caried away by the blind loue of these persons , as they will not be perswaded that euer they haue been the authors of those wofull and miserable tragedies , newly acted vpon the theaters of france and germany : to the end that the truth being knowne , it may appeare in the face of all the world , what they are , who in stead of the wholsome milke and meate of the word of god , doe feed them , which are committed to their charge , with the poyson of their detestable blasphemies , applying to their institutor many passages of the holy scriptures , which are onely proper and appertaining to the diuinity : with their impious and abhorred doctrine of deposing and killing kings , whereof there is in no other booke extant whatsoeuer , so much found briefly together ; with their perfidous and pestilent distinctions , for princes to violate their faiths giuen vnto others , vpon that wicked maxime of theirs , that faith is not to be kept with hereticks ; with their pernitious equiuocations , & most leud mentall reseruations . in all which , and the rest , the author hath not belyed the societie , for he hath cited all his affirmations out of their owne writings ( iudging them like wicked seruants out of their owne mouthes ) the quotations wherof , appearing in the margine , haue beene most punctually examined with the originals themselues , by three learned doctors of oxford , who haue both reported them for faithfull , and the booke in generall most vsefull , and to that purpose for which the author wrote it , which was , not so much for a discouery , as for a caueat to all such , who being not able to weigh their reasons , are the easier to be abused by their dissembling allurements : to which end also hauing now diuulged it , i present it in all humilitie vnto your noble patronage , as a testimony of my dutie and thankfulnesse for so many f●uours and benefits receiued , since it pleased you to take me into your protection and seruice , after the miserable dissipation of the most part of the reformed churches of normandy . so wishing you heauen vpon earth in this world , and eternall blisse in the life to come , i rest euer in all submission , your humble and truly-deuoted seruant , peter gosselin . to the reader . the bookes which are cited in this discourse , are for the most part common , and haue beene diuers times printed in sundry places : there is one cited in the beginning , which was first published in spanish , and since translated into latine and french , wherein are contained three very excellent sermons preached on the feast day of the beatification of the glorious patriarch blessed ignatius , founder of the society of iesus . by the reuerent doctor , petrus de valderama , an augustine frier . the reuerent doctor petrus deza of the order of the dominicans . the reuerent father iacobus rebuttosa , of the same oder . in this discourse i haue followed the edition of the french translation made by father francis solier a iesuite , imprinted at poitiers by anthony mesnier , printer to the king and the vniuersity , the yeare 1611. now although the said sermons were composed by such as were no iesuites ; yet by translating , publishing , and recommending them , they haue made them theirs ; and engaged their credits for all that is said in them concerning the founder and society of the iesuites . for the other bookes that are cited , here is a list of them . arturi de ecclesia libri . becanisumma theol. bellarmini controuersiae . idem contra barclayum . caniloci theologici . delrij disquisitiones magica . discipuli de tempore sermones . eudaem●●…-iohannes apol. pro garneto . eiusdem resp . ad anticot . ignatij epist. de virtute obed. maphau● de vitae ignatij loyolae . marian. de rege & regis iustitutione . possevini bibliotheca selecta . ribadeneira de vita ignatij loyolae . suare●ii defensio ●id . cathol . contrasectam anglicanam . eiusdem disp . in thomam . sa aphorismi confessariorum . scribanij amphitheatrum honoris . sanctius in isayam . toleti instructio sacerdotum . valentia in summam thoma . vasquez in tertiam partem thoma . page 49. line 17. for som any , reade so many . the mysteries of the iesvites , by questions and answers . where the nouice demandeth , and the professed iesuite answereth . novice. father , being resolued to vow my selfe to a religious life in your societie , i entreat you would be pleased to giue me leaue , for my instruction , to aske you some questions , to the end , that by your answers i may not onely be confirmed in my resolution my selfe , but also prepared to informe others , whereby they likewise may bee drawne to the same deuotion . iesvite . speake on boldly , my sonne , for no part of our mysteries shall be concealed from thee , prouided thou promise to receiue them at my hands vnder the seale of confession , and not to reueale any more thereof , then what we are contented to haue publike , reseruing in secret the theory of many things , whose practice cannot be hid , and yet it may not easily be perceiued from whence they procced . novie . i will carefully obserue the silence , which i am ready to vow , and will neuer speake word of any thing , but when you shall please to open my mouth , vnlesse it be now , that for to learne of you , i make some demands . and first of all i beseech you let me vnderstand the originall of our society : for some there be , and those too among other religious orders , that hold it to be but new . iesvite . it is true indeed that it hath been renewed in our time , wherein it was necessary to institute some new orders , a because that feruor which is found in the beginning of a new order , exciteth many men to pietie , which by little and little waxing cold , it is needfull that new should be raised , whereby that feruor may be entertained : but if wee regard the first originall of this societie , it will appeare to be very ancient . novice. i pray you shew me how ; for i should be glad to be furnished with meanes to stop their mouthes which termes vs new-men . iesvite . so farr is our society from being to be accounted new , that there is not any one so ancient ; for it was before the apostles time : and to proue it , the societie of b iesus was founded euen at the very point of his admirable conception , vniting in his diuine person his humanitie with his eternall nature : and that was the first societie which god had with men , and the first colledge thereof was the virginall womb of the virgin. novice. i should neuer haue dreamed of this colledge , nor of so authenticall an originall of our societie without your direction : but is it not spoken of in the gospell , or in the writings of the apostles ? iesvite . yes . for s. c paul speaketh of it in these words , in the first to the corinthians , god is faithfull , by whom yee haue beene called to the societie of his sonne iesus . and s. d iohn , to the end our societie may be with the father , and with his sonne iesus christ . by which words it followeth , saith father arturus , e that the societie of iesus hath beene euer since the time of the apostles , and is not new , as sadeel doth maliciously slander it . neither is any credit to be giuen to f melchior canus bishop of canary , saying , that that societie being the church of christ , they which doe attribute that title vnto themselues , are to consider whether like vnto the heretikes they doe not vainly boast , that the church is no where abiding but with them . for you must obserue my friend , that this canus was of the order of the preaching friers , of whom father g delrio writeth truly , that openly they carry themselues as enemies and opposites to our societie , and in secret by their deuices they traduce it , labouring all they can , both in italy , spaine , and throughout the whole world , to make it to be enuied , and seeke not onely by themselues , but by certaine lying historians their instruments , to blemish it in what they may ; and striue with all their might , either to cause their bookes to be prohibited , or the reading of them to be suspended , or at leastwise they charge them with some note of infamy : whereupon it may be reasonably concluded , that these men are not to be held eyther for competent iudges , or witnesses against them of our societie , nor against any of their writings whatsoeuer , but are to be ranked in the number of our accusers and aduersaries . novice. it is no maruell then if this spanish bishop hath snarled so at our societie : and without doubt from the same spirit proceedeth that which hee saith in another k place speaking of fabulous legends , wherewith he compareth certaine histories , which he calleth fables , published not long since by some that came from farre , vnto whom hee applyeth the spanish prouerbe , de luengas vias , luengas mentiras , great trauellers , great lyers . for i suspected that thereby he meant that which is read in the epistles of the fathers of the societie , sent from the east-indies . iesvite . thine opinion was not improbable . but to leaue these enuious fellowes , i will returne to the original of our societie , which though it be as ancient as i haue deliuered , yet that must be vnderstood onely of the first and farthest foundations thereof ; for else it cannot be denyed , but that in many things it is of a new institution ; and also it doth acknowledge for institutor an holy personage , that beganne his order not aboue fourescore yeares since ; for father bellarmine in his chronologie doth attribute the confirmation thereof to paul the third , in the yeare 1540. novice. who was the institutor of it ? iesvite . st. ignatius loyola borne in biscay , and a subiect of the kings of spaine . novice. what life had he lead before ? iesvite . why he had beene a debauched souldier , and borne armes at pampelune against the french , where hee was maymed , with an hurt that he receiued on both his knees , whereof hee halted euer after , but in such manner that it was hardly perceiued , as father maphaeus well obserueth in his life . novice. i feare that the heretickes will draw some bad consequence from thence , and say that he is the father of a societie , which halteth on both sides , as sometimes the l prophet elias obiected to the idolaters amongst the israelites . iesvite . i make no question but they will , but we must not regard what they say ; howsoeuer , though we halt on both sides , i am sure we runne fast enough to cut them out as much worke , as they can turne their hands vnto . but to returne to saint ignatius our institutor , it was he that enflamed with zeale , first thought vpon the enrolling of so holy a society . novice. it seemeth also that his name taketh its signification from fire . iesvite . thou art in the right , and thereupon i will discouer great mysteries vnto thee . first of all : m as the psalmist saith , according to thy name o lord , so is thy prayse throughout all the earth , thy right hand is full of iustice : as much thinke i may i say of father ignatius , which signifieth a saint composed of fire , and that is one of the names proper to god , our god is a consuming fire : and on the other side i perceiued , that in his right hand he carrieth the name of iesus , who was our sauiour and sanctification . novice. now i learne of you , that one may say as much of a man as of god without sinning , which is a deepe point . iesvite . thou sayest true , my sonne , and this i will adde further , n that in these last times god hath spoken vnto vs by his sonne ignatius , whom he hath constituted heyre of all things , and in whom nothing is wanting , but onely that word whereby he made all ages . novice. verily , though he did not make all ages by him , he hath renewed the world by him , and hath made another age of it : and as o the spirit of the lord moued vpon the waters , before the world was formed , as it were sitting vpon that confused masse , for to hatch it such as it was at last : euen so is it true , as father p valderama preached , that when saint ignatius plunged himselfe in the water vp to the very chin in the heart of winter , for to diuert a young man from certaine filthy desires , one might say , that spiritus domini ferebatur super aquas , the spirit of the lord was carried vpon the waters . iesvite . this indeed is a pretty obseruation , and there is no doubt , but that the coldnesse of the waters was well warmed by the touching of his body : for as the same q preacher saith , when he resolued to quit the souldiers life , the very house wherein he then was , moued , the wals shaked , the posts and beames trembled , and all that were in it betooke themselues to flight , and ranne out of doores as fast as their legges could carry them : euen as when some strange eruption of fire doth sodainly burst out with furious flames in some high mountaine ; so when this interior fire began to be discouered in him , who before ( young souldier ) was cold and frozen in the things of god , it lightned forth in such sort , that it caused a thousand feares , a thousand amazements , a thousand firings of houses &c. there was neuer any montgibel , or flaming mountaine that did the like . novice. i heard an hereticke not long since make strange glosses vpon this . heesaid vpon occasion of father bellarmins reason that it was needfull to haue new orders , because the feruor of the old by little and little grew cold , how we held a good course that the like should not arriue vnto ours : for besides the care we prouidently take , that the great pot may be alwayes boyling , which is a perpetuall meane to preserue the feruor of our mercinary religion , we exercise the trade of incendaries in all places ; and not contented with a thousand firings of houses , made by our institutor , we haue set all christendome on fire : neither is there any kingdome , common-wealth , city , or prouince , which we haue not enflamed with warres and seditions ; and therefore said he , was our father ignatius most properly compared to a montgibel , the very tunnell of hell. iesvite . for hearing these things , and repeating them againe , thou deseruest to be imprisoned in the chamber of meditations , there to fast with bread and water , and be disciplined twice a day , and after all that , be forced to haue recourse vnto his holinesse for an absolution , as of a case reserued . but because i find thee docible , i will proceed in instructing thee , and seeke to cleare thee of all such doubts , as these blasphemies may happely haue left in thee : and first of all , for answer vnto those which accuse vs for the care we take of our pot , i must remember vnto thee the worthy discourse which father deza made thereupon . the designe r saith he , of these good fathers , when as they seeke the commodity of their colledges , is like the aduice which ioseph gaue to pharaoh for the storing vp of corne into his garners against the time of necessity and famine . the maruell is how these fathers in such hard and peruerse times can possibly find the meanes to furnish themselues with all that they want . it is a miracle that men being so miserable and pinching , yet should not haue the power to deny these fathers ; a miracle like vnto that which god wrought vpon the egyptians , in fauour of his people , when they lent vnto the israelites whatsoeuer they asked , and god would haue them to carry it all away : such is euen right the case of these good fathers , for it is a signe that god hath a care of them , that they are his people , and that he tenderly loueth them , when they that are so neere and couetous take a pleasure to furnish them with all that they stand in need of . novice. i should feare that many good catholikes would be much offended with this speach , when in recompence of their liberality they shall see themselues compared to the egyptians , which may indanger their affection to our society . iesvite . neuer feare it : for good catholikes will not bee offended if any thing be derogated from them to magnifie so holy a society . now touching the other obiection of montgibell , and incendiaries , whereof they accuse vs , for answer i say , that those sophisters take that literally , which wee meane spiritually . novice. i submit my selfe in all humility to your exposition . but i intreat you to tell me why our father ignatius gaue the name of iesus to his society . iesvite . there be many reasons for it . and the first is , ſ that as our lord iesus , who being the sauiour of our soules , from the time of his natiuity into the world , vnto his death , neuer dealt in other businesse then that which concerned our saluation ; so the life of our ignatius was wholly bestowed about the sauing of soules . the life of iesus was manifested in his workes , and ignatius was transformed into him , whose name the societie beareth . novice. i thought there had beene none but saint francis , that had beene transformed in such manner into christ , that the one could not be knowne from the other , but by their difference of habit , as father t horace turcelin hath daintily expressed it in these foure verses . exue franciscum tunica laceroque cucullo , qui franciscus erat iam tibi christus erit : francisci exuvijs , si qua licet , indue christum , iam franciscus erit qui modo christus erat . that is to say , take the frocke and the gowne from saint francis , and he shall be christ : and put on the frocke and gowne on christ , and he shall be saint francis : but now i learne that the same also may be said of father ignatius ; take from him his cloake and his buckle , and he shall be iesus : or attire iesus like a iesuite , and he shall be ignatius , seeing ignatius is transformed into him . iesvite . no question but it may be said with as much reason , as that which father gaspar sanctius , dedicating a booke to st ▪ ignatius assureth , namely , that the iudgement of father ignatius , nihil omnino discrepat à diuine , is in nothing different from the iudgement of god. novice. is there no other reason why the name of iesus was giuen to our societie ? iesvite . yes ; and this it is , father ignatius going to rome for to obtaine the approbation of his order , and finding himselfe much perplexed about that which might befall him there , iesus appeared vnto him carrying a crosse , and in the same vision also god the father was seene recommending our society vnto his sonne , who promised him in good spanish termes , that he would be propitious and fauourable vnto him at rome , as father x maphaeus and ribadeneira relate . these speeches fortified him , and gaue him occasion to name his company the society of iesus . novice. the same hereticke of whom i spake before , obiected vnto me , that that iesus which spake to our father ignatius , was but an imaginary iesus , and that whereas the true iesus maketh intercession to his father for the faithfull , the imaginary father of our ignatius maketh intercession to his sonne for vs ; and whereas the true iesus promiseth to bee propitious vnto his in heauen , the imaginary promised to bee propitious to his at rome . but to leaue these scoffers with their blasphemies , did not iesus that appeared to father ignatius performe his promise ? iesvite . dost thou doubt of that ? certainly the apostles haue not more credit in heauen , then we haue vpon earth , especially at rome , where after this apparition , y the pope hauing well considered ignatius hands , he found them all printed ouer with the name of iesus , whereupon he said , digitus dei hic est , in these hands is the finger of god. novice. indeed i haue beene told that this good saint wrought great miracles as well as moses , of whom the magicians of egypt sayd that which the pope said of ignatius . iesvite . what sayest thou , as well as moyses ? z it was no maruell if moyses wrought such great miracles , for he did them by vertue of the ineffable name of god engraued in his rod : it was no maruell if the apostles wrought such miracles , seeing they also did them in the name of god : but that ignatius , with his name written in paper , should doe more miracles then moyses , and as many as the apostles , &c. is that which sheweth so wonderfull vnto vs. novice. what particular office hath father ignatius ? or what part is there commonly assigned vnto him for the succour of men ? for i make no doubt , but as god hath assigned to euery orher saint the cure of some one disease or other , as to st. roch the plague , to st. petronel the feuer , to st. main the itch , so st. ignatius hath some certaine one vnto which hee is maruellously assisting . iesvite . thou art in the right : a father ignatius doth assuredly and most readily assist all women that are in labor : for this vigilant pastor doth alwayes accompanie the sheepe that are great with young , for to helpe them to be deliuered , as it is written in esay , foetas ipse portabit , that is to say , he will looke to the ewes , for to haue their wooll and their lambes . novice. now here is a passage of esay most subtilely interpreted , and sure none of the ancients euer discerned that it was spoken of ignatius , and of the care which he hath of women with child . but it is not strange that ignatius should haue such a care of good women , for the holy virgin her selfe , accompanied with two angels , made it not squeamish to goe and visit a gentle abbesse , that had suffered her selfe to be gotten with child , and for the preseruation of her honor , commanded those two angels to deliuer her of her burthen , and to carry it to an hermit to bring it vp , which in time became a bishop , as it is at large related in the booke of the miracles of the virgin mary , printed certaine yeares since at b mentz . iesvite . father ignatius taketh not that course , nor hath any need of angels for the matter : c for doe but onely lay the blessed fathers signet vnto the patient , and she will soone be rid of her paine . the onely sight of his name hath giuen eyes to the blind , hands to the maimed , legs to the lame , hath consumed the stone in the kidneyes , and very easily brought women to bed . novice. why this indeed is the very finger of god. but doth he not cast out deuils ? iesvite . d it happened one night , that the deuill had almost strangled him , and twice or thrice he beat him cruelly : but since he had a full reuenge of him : for it hath beene often seene by experience , that after many prayers haue beene made , many saints inuoked , many and sundry relickes applied , the last remedy hath beene the image of blessed ignatius , laying it on the patient , or one of his signets , shewing it vnto him , and saying , permerita b. ignatii abi hinc spiritus maligne , and presently he departed . novice. is not this good saint dead ? iesvite . yes , that he is , and his body was laid in the earth , whence he is not yet risen againe : e but in his sepulcher was heard most melodious singing : his sepulcher seemed a new heauen , the angels made such musicke there , and for that effect they descended downe in squadrons from heauen . now though no angell euer appeared vnto him in his life time , yet the blessed virgin , saint peter , the eternall father , and his sonne carrying his crosse , appeared vnto him . novice. why did no angels appeare to him during his life ? iesvite . f it arriued vnto him at his death , as it arriueth vnto great potentates of the earth : as long as kings are in their palaces and houses of pleasure , the guard suffer none to enter but men of note , vnlesse it be some necessary attendants : but when the king is dead , and that hee is laid on an hearse in the great hall of the court , then euery one is admitted to come in . as long as ignatius liued , there was none but popes , as st. peter ; empresses , as the mother of god ; or some soueraigne monarch , as god the father , and his sonne , which had the fauour to behold him : but as soone as he was dead , euery courtier belonging to the eternall king was admitted , all the celestiall people ranne to see him , angels , archangels , thrones , &c. novice. this indeed was admirable , and verily i doe not thinke that the like can be said of any other institutor of an order . but tell me , i pray you , was hee author of any rule more austere then others that went before him ? iesvite . he desired , g that we should suffer our selues to be surmounted by other religious orders , in watching , fasting , and other austerities both in diet and habit , and hath exempted vs from singing day and night in the quire as others doe : and that for great reasons : he would not haue vs subiect to singing day and night , h because as the angell wrastling with iacob , said vnto him , let me goe , for behold the day appeareth ; to make him consider that he had many droues of sundry kindes of cattle , that he had children in his traine , and was to prouide meat for some , and drinke for others ; so that to a man which had such a charge vpon him , it was fit the night should be allowed free for contemplation : so it is not possible for vs to bestow the day in the quire , that are to furnish the flocke with pasture and cleare water . novice. here is a reason as cleare as water , and therefore i see that that was the cause , why he did not thinke it fit to charge vs with such austerity of watching , fasting , and diet , lest by too much weaknesse of body , we should be made vncapable of the guiding and gouernment of so many beasts , as are committed vnto vs. iesvite . it is right . but in one thing hee would haue vs not to suffer our selues to be surmounted , but rather that we should surmount all others , and that the true and lawfull posterity of our society should thereby be distinguished , as by their marke . novice. what marke is that i pray you ? for i very much desire to carry it , though the heretickes should hold it for a marke of the beast . iesvite . thou doest wisely not to regard their prattle , nor that neither of some politicians as bad as they , who hold that for sottishnesse , which we account the greatest vertue of all , and that is , i the renunciation of all will , and all iudgement , for to depend wholly vpon the iudgement and will of another . novice. if by that other you meane god , it is a great impietie to gainsay that we should not altogether subiect our will to his will , and our iudgement to his iudgement ; and i hold him for a manifest hereticke that denyeth it . iesvite . nay , now thou shewest that thou art but a nouice ; it is not that which we blame in the heretikes and politicians , for they confesse as much as thou sayest : but by another , wee meane our superiours , whose will our father k ignatius would haue vs hold to be diuine . and we are not to regard , l whether this superior hath wisdome , or goodnesse , or other gifts of god , that our obedience may not in any thing be diminished : or whether he be not capable of great counsell , or whether he be not prudent : because wee are to regard , that he holdeth the place of him which cannot be deceiued , who will supply any defect he may haue of prudence and probitie . and it is to be noted , m that your obedience shall be imperfect , if it mount not to that degree , not onely to execute the action , which hee commandeth you exteriourly , but also that you transforme your will into the will of your superiour , otherwise it will not merit the name of vertue . and therefore it is , that we reade how obedience is better then sacrifice : the reason whereof is deliuered by s. gregory , because in sacrifices the flesh of a thing was offered , and by obedience one offereth his owne will , which is an excellent part of the soule . novice. i had thought till now that sacrifice was not to be offered to any but onely vnto god , which was the cause why i beleeued that when you spake of renouncing all a mans will for to obey another , which is , as you teach me now , to sacrifice ones owne will , it was not to be done to any but vnto god alone . iesvite . therein thou wert mistaken , not to regard in the person of thy superiour , iesus christ himselfe , who is supreme wisedome , immense goodnes , infinite charitie , that cannot be deceiued , neyther will deceiue thee . and this we must doe according to the instruction of s. n ignatius , who would not haue vs question o whether he that commandeth vs , doth it well or ill , recténe , an secus : for then p by obedience wee render our freewill vnto him , from whom we receiued it . now , if ( as cardinal tollet teacheth ) a simple countriman , that beleeueth his bishop , propounding some hereticall doctrine vnto him in the articles of faith , meriteth in beleeuing it , although it be an error , because hee is bound to beleeue vntill he knoweth that it is repugnant to the church . why should not we yeeld as much to our superiours ; and why should not we hope to merit , if we doe that which they command vs , without farther inquiry , euen when they command euill ? it is they that shall answer for it . novice. i wholly submit my selfe to beleeue you , that i may not lose the fruit of obedience ; and renounce mine owne vnderstanding to approue this doctrine , which i would entreat you to declare me somewhat more particularly , in regard that therein consisteth our proprium quarto modo , our principall marke . iesvite . i will doe it in our father ignatius owne termes , who hath prescribed vnto vs , for an article of faith , q how wee are to hold for most infallible , that whatsoeuer our superiour commandeth , is the commandement and will of god , and by consequent , that with all our heart , & with all our consent , wee labor to do all that the superiour biddeth , out of a certaine blinde impetuositie of the will , desirous to obey , without any enquiry at all ; as wee imploy all our consent to beleeue the articles of our faith , and as abraham did , when god commanded him to offer his sonne isaac . novice. this being once granted , as needs it must , seeing the iudgement of our father ignatius is diuine , nothing shall be impossible to our societie : and as long as there are those which haue vowed this obedience , so long shall wee haue men capable to execute the most difficult and hazardous enterprises . but be pleased , i pray , to tell mee whom wee are to take for our superiours , which haue this power ouer vs. iesvite . blessed ignatius shall answer thee himselfe ; r that which i haue said of obedience , equally appertaineth to priuate persons towards their nearest superiours : as to rectors of colledges , and such as are ordained for presidents in each place towards their prouincials ; to prouincials , towards their generall : to the generall , towards him , whom god hath established ouer him , namely his vicar vpon earth . novice. what are wee to beleeue of this vicar , which is our holy father the pope ? iesvite . that he is the vniuersall monarch of the whole church ; her head , her spouse , and consequently aboue her . that hee is the fundamentall stone , of which esay speaketh , saying ; s i will send into sion a stone , a tryed stone , a pretious corner stone , a sure foundation , hee that beleeueth shall not make haste . for although the apostles t s. peter , and u s. paul haue applyed it to christ , yet so it is , that it is spoken there of a foundation after a foundation , of the second foundation , not of the first , as cardinall x bellarmine learnedly obserueth . novice. must it be vnderstood that the holy father is aboue the whole church , both in spirituall and temporall things ? iesvite . it must : howbeit with this moderation , whereof we make vse to content the scrupulous ; that temporall things depend on him , so farre forth as they serue to spirituall , and that for the good of them the pope y hath soueraigne power to dispose of the temporall estates of all christians : because z the ciuill power is subiect to the spirituall , and euery superiour may command his inferiour . novice. doe you apply this to kings and kingdomes ? iesvite . it is to that vse for which this doctrine chiefly serueth , and it needeth no further explication , seeing that so many effects haue sufficiently declared the application thereof . novice. i , but yet i would desire you to furnish me with some maximes for the ease of my memory , according as they haue beene registred by the most approued authors of our societie . iesvite . with all mine heart : and in the first place cardinall a bellarmine shall teach thee , that the spirituall power may depose princes , and place others in their steads , when as it cannot otherwise conserue its spirituall estate . and father suarez , b that the power of the pope extendeth to the repression of kings by temper all paines , and by priuation of their kingdomes when necessity requireth . also , c that the pope hath as much power ouer temporall princes , yea ouer such as are absolute and soueraigne , as ouer the other faithfull or baptised christians , not onely to represse them by censuring their faults , but also to punish them with temporall and corporall paines . further , that this power is much more necessary for the repression of princes , then of subiects . novice. this it may be is meant of hereticall princes . iesvite . indeed it is first meant of them . and if our catholikes in england , and other places , had as much power as they haue right , they would not endure hereticall princes , as they are constrained to doe , till such time as opportunitie shall serue to free themselues from them : for otherwise they are taught by vs , that e to suffer an hereticall or infidell prince , who laboureth to draw men vnto his sect , is to expose religion vnto euident perill , which christians ought not to doe . and father f suarez worthily proueth , that it appertaineth vnto the pope to defend the subiects of an hereticall prince , and that by his power he may depriue such a prince of his kingdome , chase him out of it , & absolue his subiects from their oath of allegeance . and herewith agreeth father gregory of valentia , writing g that temporall domination and superioritie ouer subiects , by the sentence of the pope may be taken away from heretikes : and the reason of it is , that if they may bee depriued of their liues , much more of their estates , and consequently of all superioritie ouer others ; and that they which are excommunicated for heresie , incurre de facto the depriuation of politicke power , and that their subiects are not onely absolued from their oath of allegeance , but are also forbidden to keep it : and that if the iudge hath not yet pronounced the sentence of excommunication , this paine is neuerthelesse incurred , if the crime of heresie be so notorious that it cannot be hid ; and then it is lawfull for the subiect to deny obedience to his hereticall lord , much lesse is he bound thereunto . novice. truly these are notable maximes , insomuch that although the pope hath not pronounced expresse sentence of excommunication against the kings of great britaine , of denmarke , and others such like , and though their subiects are not expresly forbidden to obey them , yet now i learne of you , for to teach them vpon occasion , that it is in their libertie , eyther to doe , or not to doe it , without scruple of conscience . iesvite . i haue giuen thee for it the very words of our masters . novice. but doe they extend this power also against catholike kings and princes . iesvite . they doe : for father suarez conioyneth him that is peruerse in his manners , with the hereticall prince . and cardinall bellarmine cleareth thee of all doubt , h the prince ( saith he ) when he is catholike in faith and beleefe , but of such euill manners , that he is hurtfull vnto religion , or to the church , may be remoued , and reduced to the ranke of other sheepe , by the pastor of the church . novice. may this be done in any other case ? iesvite . the i pope may also command kings to punish heretickes and schismatickes ; and if they doe it not , he may constraine them by excommunication . now i taught thee before the consequences of excommunication , which wee haue sufficiently demonstrated in the proceedings against henry the third king of france , concerning whom charles scribanius one of our principall fathers at antwerp , in his k amphitheater of honor , thus refuted those which found fault with the popes euill-entreating him . if ( saith he ) a denis , a machanidas , an aristotimus , monsters of ages , should oppresse france , shall there be no high bishop found so hardy as to animate a dion , a timolcon , a philopoemon , an helematus ? if more monsters held the commonwealth in captiuitie , shall no thrasibulus set to an helping hand ? the violence of tarquin in the bed of collatine gaue a iust cause , and shall there none be met withall to depose and abolish out of france , a tyrant king , that oppresseth the liberty , & c ? shall there not some sword-man at least rise vp against this beast ? no pope that will deliuer so noble a kingdome ? novice. it seemeth to me , that they of our society which answered anti-coton , deny charles scribanius to be the author of that booke : and albeit father l eudaemono-iohannes confesseth that our society is much indebted to the author , for defending it with so learned a volume , yet hee maintaineth , how anti-coton cannot proue his coniecture , that scribanius was the author of it , by any euidence . iesvite . therein he was deceiued : for by the index of the bookes of our societie , composed by father ribadeneira , hee shall finde that charles scribanius hath shewed what knowledge hee had in humane learning , by his bookes of the amphitheater of honor , against the accusations of the caluinists . novice. are wee the subiects of princes where wee were borne , or where we liue ? iesvite . of neyther : for wee are clerkes . novice. doth it necessarily follow , that if we be clerkes , then wee are not their subiects ? iesvite . yes , very clearly : for it cannot be proued ( saith our n bellarmine ) that the kings of this age are lawfull superiors and iudges of clerkes , if by the same meane it be not proued , that children are aboue their fathers , sheepe aboue their pastor , things temporall aboue spirituall . novice. but is it not to be vnderstood of spirituall things only , that clerks are not subiect to secular princes ? novice. not onely ( saith the same o author , ) in spirituall things , but also in temporall , is the priest to be gouerned by his ecclesiasticall superior : and it cannot bee , that in temporall things hee should acknowledge the secular prince , because no man can serue two masters . and as father p suarez writeth , the ciuill lawes of princes and magistrates doe not oblige clerks , neyther as touching the power of constraint , nor as touching the power of direction , by force of the laicall iurisdiction , onely they oblige them by force of reason : nor can kings oblige clerkes to those lawes particularly imposed . now wee vnderstand obligation by force of reason , when the authoritie of the canons or daineth , that such lawes are to be obserued by clerkes : but they are free from the vertue and proper obligation of such lawes . the same man q after hee hath proued that clerkes were committed to peter , draweth this necessary consequence from those words of our sauiour , no man can serue two masters , mat. 6. that clerkes are exempted from the temporall iurisdiction of princes , iure diuino : because the same morall impotence noted in those words , hee shall hate the one , and loue the other ; he shall cleaue to the one , & despise the other , would be found , if clerkes were subiects according to the body , both to the pope and to the king. whence he euidently concludeth , that clerkes are absolutely exempted from the temporall iurisdiction of princes , by reason that that iurisdiction is exercised towards subiects in regard of the body , and consequently in regard of all things which are ordained for a conuenient conseruation of the body : if clerkes then be exempted from the iurisdiction of princes as touching their bodies , certainly they are exempted from their temporall iurisdiction . novice. doth it not follow now of this , that so many ecclesiasticks as are made in a kingdome or common-wealth , so many subiects is the prince depriued of ? iesvite . cardinall r bellarmine teacheth , that as he which transferreth his dwelling into another towne , or prouince , ceaseth to be the subiect of that prince vnder whose domination he was before , without doing him wrong : so princes haue no reason to complaine , if they be depriued spite of their teeth , of the right which they had vpon clerkes , before they were clerkes , because he vseth but his owne right , that chooseth an estate , which he thinketh most conuenient for him , although by accident it followeth thereupon , that the prince be depriued of his subiect . novice. i would be loath that all princes should know this secret : for from thence i learne , that they haue a state within their state , no more depending on them , then that of france doth on that of england . and that their subiects without stirring out of their countryes , there enioying their estates , may exempt themselues from their subiection : and by other maximes , that they may also make themselues their superiours , euen in temporall things , though indirectly . iesvite . thou sayest right , and vnderstandest the case well . for iure ordinario , as father ſ suarez will teach thee , not onely the pope , but the bishop likewise is the kings superior , and euery king is subiect to his bishop in spirituall things , if he be not exempted from it by the pope , and immediatly receiued vnder his protection and iurisdiction . now temporall subiection necessarily followeth spirituall , as wee haue declared before . for as the same man teacheth , t if the church could not punish those that are spiritually subiect , with temporall paines , they would soone contemne the spirituall : and that would fall out which is spoken of in the prouerbs , chap. 29. vers . 15. the child which is left to his owne will confoundeth his mother . whence would ensue , that the state of christendome would not be well ordered , nor had beene sufficiently prouided for , if the church had not power to constraine such rebels , as will not obey her censures . and it must not be said , that the vengeance of crimes appertaineth to secular princes , and that it is enough that they haue this power , because they themselnes may offend , and haue need of correction . and further , because this vengeance doth not of it selfe appertaine to the ciuill magistrate , but so farre forth as the faults are contrary to ciuill ends , the peace of the common-wealth , and humane iustice : but to punish them as contrary to religion , and the saluation of soules , that of it selfe appertaineth to the ecclesiasticall power , vnto which principally appertaineth the faculty of vsing temporall paines for such corrections : which power is much more necessary for the repression of princes , then of their subiects . novice. you teach mee great mysteries , which i should not easily haue apprehended without your direction , and haue made mee to see , that they which will betake themselues to our order must subiect their vnderstanding by the vow of blind obedience . but declare vnto me , i pray you , the ground of the exemption of clerks from the subiection of princes in the states where they were borne . iesvite . why it is grounded vpon the very law of nature it selfe , u for the ecclesiasticall power , which is spirituall , is in consequence by nature aboue the secular , and therefore when need requireth , can direct , iudge , and correct it : but there is no reason that permitteth the secular to direct , iudge , or correct the spirituall . novice. i but if the election , which one may make of an ecclesiasticall estate , doth not exempt the seruant from the subiection of his lord , why should the same estate depriue the king , prince , or common-wealth of their subiects ? iesvite . the x tie which is betweene the lord and the seruant is all in all farre greater then that which is betweene the prince and the subiect : and that is the reason why clericature exempteth the subiect from the subiection of the prince , or from the ciuill power , yea though the superior opposeth it , but not the seruant from the power of his lord. cardinall bellarmin saith as much of the obligation betweene the debtor and the creditor . novice. if it bee so , may a clerke , whatsoeuer hee doth or vndertaketh , euen against the very persons of princes themselues , be guilty of humane treason ? iesvite . father y emanuel sa hath satisfied this question in few words : the rebellion , saith hee , of a clerke against his prince is not treason , because he is not his subiect . novice. i thinke those words were left out in the edition of paris . iesvite . they were indeed , because at that time this matter was much stirred in by certaine politicians , who a great coile about it ; howbeit they continue still in the editions of antwerp and cullen . but say hee had not written it , it followeth well enough from this maxime , whereof we are agreed , that clerkes are not the subiects of princes , nor princes , in regard of them , superior powers . and then z it is a generall rule , that ecclesiasticall persons are exempted from the secular iurisdiction , not onely in ecclesiasticall crimes , but also in ciuill , which cannot be denied , saith father suarez , without denying a principle of faith . and so generall , that it suffereth not , according to him , any exception of crime whatsoeuer . now if it be obiected , that in some kingdomes , certaine crimes of clerkes are excepted , which the ciuill magistrate may take knowledge of , as the crime of high treason , of coyning false money , &c. that is not by common right , but by a particular priuiledge , which kings haue receiued from the pope ; for there is no king nor secular prince that can giue it . novice. but the apostles , and the first ministers of the christian church , subiected themselues to kings and princes , payd them tribute , and neuer went about to depose them . iesvite . the times are to be distinguished : a for if the christians did not in times past depose nero , dioclesian , iulian the apostata , valens the arrian , and such like , it was because they wanted temporall forces ; for otherwise by right they might , seeing that the apostle in the 1. to the cor. chap. 6. commandeth that new iudges be established amongst the christian , to the end that the christians might not bee constrained to plead before a iudge that was a persecutor of christ , so would he haue commanded new kings and princes to haue beene made for the same reason , if they had had power enough in their hands . novice. but why did not they vse cunning where power wanted ? iesvite . it b was expedient then , that the foundations of the church should be laid in patience , and suffering of death ; with so much the more miracle , that it grew the greater being oppressed , and diminishing in number , yet euery day encreased . moreouer in those times it was not expedient to doe all , that law and right permitted . novice. what doe law and right permit according to the doctrine of our society ? iesvite . in all memory of men , such as haue vndertaken the killing of tyrants , haue euer beene held in high estimation . novice. whom meane you by tyrants that may be killed ? iesvite . the theologians , saith father c suarez , thus distinguish tyrants ; the first sort is of those , which by force & iniustly , without all title , occupy a kingdome , which truly are neither kings nor lords , but onely hold the place , and are as it were the shadowes of them . the other sort is of those , which though they be true lords , and possesse the kingdome with a iust title , yet as touching their cariage , and manner of gouernment , reigne tyrannically , namely , because that either neglecting the publike good , they conuert all to their owne particular commodity , or iniustly afflict their subiects with spoyling , killing , and peruerting , or iniuriously commit such things , or the like , publikly and frequently . novice. may one with a good conscience kill both the one and other of these tyrants ? iesvite . of the first sort no man doubteth : d for all theologians and philosophers agree that they may be killed , depriued of their liues , and principalities , by any one whosoeuer . for seeing that such a one rightly carrieth the name of a tyrant , and hath put on the humor of one , let him at any rate be taken away , and dispoiled of the power which he hath vsurped by violence . so by good right ahud hauing insinuated himselfe by presents into the fauour of eglon king of the moabites , he killed him with the stab of a ponyard in his belly , and deliuered his countrimen from a cruell seruitude . father suarez defendeth this opinion as the most common and receiued , e that such a tyrant may be killed by any priuate person whatsoeuer , that is a member of the state , which suffereth vnder the tyranny , if otherwise it cannot be deliuered from it . and to that which saint augustin saith in the first booke of the city of god , how it is not lawfull to kill any person without publike administration , he answereth learnedly ; that a priuate man , which killeth such a tyrant , doth it not without publike administration , because he doth it either by the authority of the common-wealth , tacitely consenting thereto ; or he doth it by the authority of god , who by the law of nature hath giuen vnto euery one power to defend himselfe and his commonwealth from the violence which is done them by such a tyrant . novice. but what say you of kings and princes that are lawfull , but yet administer tyrannically as touching their cariage ? iesvite . the * present question regardeth chiefly such a prince , and the king of england ( as suarez saith ) spake also of such princes , because we hold them in the ranke of lawfull princes . father mariana , hauing vsed all the ordinary precautions , wherewithall i will hereafter instruct thee , came at length to this , not to leaue that power of killing such a prince in the pleasure of any priuate man whatsoeuer , vnlesse the common voyce of the people be such , and that graue and vnderstanding men haue beene consulted with vpon it . for in that case he iudged , that it would bee good for humane affaires , if valiant and couragious men were found , that despising their owne proper safety and liues , would for the liberty of their country , and sauouring the publike wishes , deliuer it from the tyrant . novice. is this opinion approued ? iesvite . the stirre which our aduersaries made about it , especially in france , where they insisted vpon those words . as the causes of attempts vpon their kings , and affirmed , that mariana by graue and vnderstanding men consulted with vpon it ▪ meant confessors , and especially those of our society , giuing them all power ouer the liues of kings , hath beene the cause that wee were constrained to qualifie that saying a little : and although marianaes booke had passed for currant , and had beene published according to order by permission of the superiors , yet at the instance of the fathers of our society , which in france found themselues in trouble about it , the generall f aquauiua made a de●ree , whereby hee forbad , but without naming mariana , to teach eyther by word of mouth , or writing , that it was lawfull for any person whatsoeuer , vnder any praetext of tyranny that might be , to kill kings , or to plot their death . father eudaemono-iohannes writing against the g wolfe ( as he calleth him ) of chichester , hath refuted this opinion of mariana , howbeit with this excuse of him , that hee wrote it not as an oracle , but as a man that deliuered his opinion with doubt ; neuerthelesse hee saith , that all the rest of the iesuites disallowed it . novice. teach mee then , i pray you , what others say that speake best of it . iesvite . i cannot doe it better then by the doctrine of father suarez , who answering the king of england vpon this matter , spake the most correctedly hee could . hee h holdeth then this maxime for resolued , that the lawfull prince ruling tyrannically , or for any crime whatsoeuer , cannot be killed by any priuate authority . novice. doth he meane this in any case whatsoeuer ? iesvite . there are but three cases , which may be considered in it . eyther i the little of iust vengeance and punishment , or the title of iust defence of himselfe , or the title of iust defence of the common-wealth . the first title appertaineth to no priuate man. as touching the title of a iust publike or particular defence , distinction must be vsed , and consideration had , whether a man defendeth himselfe or the common-wealth : if himselfe , whether it be his life , his members , some grieuous mutilation of his body , or his goods . for it is not lawfull to kill his king doing violence for his goods . but if there be question of the defence of his owne life , which the king would take away from him by violence , then , ordinarily it is lawfull for the subiect to defend himselfe , although the death of the prince doth thereof ensue : because the right of the conseruation of a mans owne life is the greatest of all others ; and then the prince is not in any necessity that obligeth the subiect to lose his life for him , who voluntarily and iniustly thrusteth himselfe into that perill . novice. but may not one from thence draw that consequence , which mariana maketh ? if thou seest ( saith hee ) k thy mother , or thy-dearest wife vexed in thy presence , and dost not succour them being able , shalt thou not be cruell , and incurre the reproach of cowardise and impiety ? and wilt thou let thy countrey be vexed and tormented by a tyrant at his pleasure , vnto which we owe more then to our parents ? iesvite . the consequence is good in the like case . for ( saith father l suarez ) grant that the king doth actually set vpon the citie for to ruine it iniustly , or to kill the citizens , or some such like thing , then it shall be lawfull to resist the prince , euen in killing him , if the defence cannot otherwaies be made . for if it be lawfull to doe it for a mans owne life , much more for the publike good , because a city or common-wealth doth then make a iust defensiue warre against an iniust oppressor , though its owne proper king , and so euery citizen as a member of the common-wealth , and moued by it eyther expresly or tacitely , may defend the common-wealth in that conflict , in any manner that he can . but it is otherwise of a king that raigneth in peace , and that vexeth the common-wealth , and is hurtfull vnto it by other meanes , for then there is no place for defence by force , or for plots against the life of the king ; because the common-wealth doth not then suffer any actuall violence , which it were lawfull to repell with violence . novice. what must be done then in this case , where the prince otherwise lawfull , commeth to such a passe , that hee ruineth the common-wealth , spoyleth men of their goods , despiseth religion , and the publike lawes , maketh a vertue of pride , and holdeth impietie against god to be the greatest valor ? iesvite . thou knowest what father m mariana , from whom thou hadst this question , bringeth for answer thereunto , namely , that it is not to be dissembled , but the surest meane to remedy it , is the publike way of assemblies , wherein by a common consent may be deliberated what shall be done . the prince shall first be admonished , and if he reiect the medicine , and that there resteth no farther hope of amendment , the sentence being pronounced , it shall be lawfull for the common-wealth to deny him obedience : and because that warre will necessarily ensue thereupon , armes must be taken vp , money raised , and if otherwise it cannot be done , by the right of defence the common-wealth , by its owne proper authoritie , or by a greater , may kill the prince declared a publicke enemy . novice. but is not this a priuate opinion of that father , which is not to be followed . iesvite . no : for if hee had not proceeded farther , none of ours would euer haue contradicted him . father n suarez teacheth the same doctrine very amply , whereof behold here the first ground , which is , that if a lawfull king doth gouerne tyrannically , and that the king dome hath no other meane of defence , but by deposing and expelling the king , the whole common-wealth , by a common consent of the townes and principall persons of the kingdome , may depose the king , as well by vertue of the law of nature , whereby it is permitted to repell force with force , as because that necessary case of the proper conseruation of the common-wealth , is alwayes held to be excepted in that first accord , by which the common-wealth transferred its power to the king. novice. doth it follow hereupon that the common-wealth hath power to put this king to death ? iesvite . that o ground being laid , we must say , that after the sentence of condemnation , touching the depriuation of the kingdome , giuen by a lawfull power : or ( that which is all one ) after a declaratory sentence of the crime , which of right hath imposed such a paine , he which hath pronounced the sentence , or he vnto whom he hath giuen commission to execute it , may depriue the king of the kingdome , euen by putting him to death , if otherwise he cannot , or if the iust sentence doth also extend to that paine . howbeit the deposed king cannot be killed by any priuate person whatsoeuer , no nor be expelled by force , till he be commanded vnto it , or that the generall commission be declared by sentence , or of right . the first part euidently followeth vpon that precedent principle : for hee that may iustly condemne any one , may likewise execute the sentence eyther by himselfe , or by helps necessary thereunto : otherwise that power would be frustratory , in being able to decide the right , without the ability of an efficacious constraint . and as the minister of a king doth well to kill a man by the kings commandement , because that then he executeth the kings power rather then his owne : so when the common-wealth may iustly depose the king , the ministers thereof doe well to constraine the king , or to kill him , if it be necessary , because then they doe it no longer by priuate , but by publike authority . and therefore soto said well , that although it be not lawfull for any priuate man whatsoeuer to kill him that is a tyrant in his gouernment , yet when the sentence is giuen , one may establish for the minister of the execution thereof whomsoeuer one will. novice. but what meaneth mariana by that speach , where he saith , by the authoritie of the common-wealth , or of a greater : what is that greater ? iesvite . he meaneth that which we all hold for most certaine , namely , that that p power appertaineth to the pope , as to the superior , hauing iurisdiction to correct kings : yea such as are soueraigne as well as their subiects . now though the common-wealth or kingdome considered in its owne nature , and as it was amongst the gentiles , or as it is at this present amongst them , hath the power , as we haue said , to defend it selfe from a tyrant king , and for that effect to depose him , if it be necessary : yet christian kingdomes , as touching that point , haue some dependance on the soueraigne bishop . first , because the pope may forbid a kingdome to depose the king without his knowledge and aduice , and vnlesse he hath first beene informed of the cause , &c. wherupon we read in histories , that alwayes in such cases kingdomes haue consulted with the pope , or haue euen implored him to depose vnworthy or tyrant kings , as we haue declared of childeric king of france in the time of pope zacharie , &c. secondly , the christian kingdome dependeth also on the pope in this , that the pope may not onely counsell , or consent , that the kingdome may depose the king , which is pernicious to it , but may also command and constraine it to doe it , when he iudgeth it necessary for the spirituall safety of the kingdome , but especially to auoid heresies and schismes . novice. if the holy father ▪ hauing consented to the deposition of a king , or hauing ordained it , yet doth not declare himselfe for the execution thereof , shall it bee lawfull for the first prince , that will , to make warre vpon him , and inuade his kingdome ? iesvite . no. q but then his lawfull successor , if he be a catholike , hath that power ; or if he neglect it , or that there be none ; the cominalty of the kingdome shall succeed him , prouided they be catholikes , and if they craue assistance of other princes , they may assist them : howbeit if the pope giue other kings power to inuade the kingdome , they may iustly doe it , because then they shall neither want iust cause nor power . novice. what shal i answer vnto those , which alledge dauid that would not kill saul , but caused the amalekite to be put to death for vaunting that he had slain him : which obiect the mischiefes arriuing vnto the common-weath by such facts : which say that the reuerence of subiects towards their princes is in danger , if once they bee perswaded that they may punish their faults ; and that vnder such pretexts the publike peace shall often be disturbed by seditions and commotions , one part of the people arming themselues against the other , &c. iesvite . so they dispute which take the tyrants part , saith our r mariana , but the aduocates for the people produce as many , and as great reasons for them . for the common-wealth , from whom the royall power tooke its originall , may according to the necessity of the case call their king in question , and if he reiect the remedy , they may despoile him of his kingdome : for they haue not transferred their right in such manner to the prince , but that they haue reserued a greater power vnto themselues . cardinall ſ bellarmine teacheth the same , that in the kingdomes of men the power of the king commeth from the people , because the people made the king , which otherwise had beene a priuate man like another . and that if he degenerate into a tyrant , albeit he be the head of the kingdome , he may notwithstanding be deposed by the people , who may elect another . he commendeth t also that which nauarrus saith , how the people neuer make such a transport of their power to the king , that they doe not reserue it in habitude , to re-assume it in certaine cases . novice. what shall i answer vnto those , which alledge the decree of the councell of constance , condemning this proposition ; that the tyrant may and ought to be killed by any one of his subiects whatsoeuer , not onely by open force , but by secret practices and fraud . iesvite . there be answers enough , for as u mariana saith , i doe not find that pope martin the fifth approued that decree , nor eugenius or his successors . but father suarez , without wronging the councell , speaketh thus to the king of england , where doe you finde in the acts of the councell of constance , princes excommunicated by the pope , or degraded , or this other particle , by his subiects , or any other whatsoeuer ? seeing then that the addition of such particles to the proposition giueth it a diuerse sense , it is an illusory inference to attribute such a proposition vnto that councell . novice. and what shall i answer if that be obiected vnto me , which saint paul saith , let euery person be subiect to the higher powers ? iesvite . that saint paul x neuer added , that euery one should be subiect to powers excommunicated , or deposed by the pope ; and that the one cannot be inferred from the other , seeing they are diuers things , nay meere contraries ; for a deposed king is no longer an higher power . and as cardinall bellarmine y introduceth the pope answering the people , which would continue in the obedience of the deposed king ; i doe not free thee either from the naturall , or diuine commandement , when i absolue thee from the tye of obedience : for i doe not permit that thou shouldest ▪ not obey thy king , which were against the diuine law , but i make him that was thy king not to be so any longer : as he that setteth a seruant at liberty , doth not agree that the seruant should not be tyed to obey his lord , which would be against the diuine law , but he dealeth so , that he hath no lord any longer to obey . novice. it followeth then , that iaques clement , which killed henry the third king of france , did not kill his king , but onely a priuate man , seeing the pope had excommunicated him , and exposed his kingdome as a prey . iesvite . the consequence is necessary . also z mariana saith , that that young man of a simple spirit , and weake body , but in whom a greater vertue , vis maior , had confirmed strength and courage , got himselfe no small renowne by killing that king. that it was a memorable act : and he accuseth them of barbarousnesse and cruelty , feritatis & seuitiae , that thronging in gaue so many blowes to a man that was dead before : and he assureth , that in his face it might haue beene read , how ioyfull and glad he was , amidst his blowes and wounds , that with his bloud he had bought the liberty of his country . for hee had learned of diuines , with whom he had consulted , that the : tyrant might iustly be killed . novice. is it lawfull to kill the tyrant with poyson , or mortiferous hearbs ? iesvite . we a know that it hath beene often done , nor are we to thinke , that any man , which is assured to kill him , neglecting a meane so fairely offered to dispatch him , will stay the aduice of diuines , and rather make vse of steele , considering the danger that way is lesse , the hope of impunity more , and the publike ioy much increased , the enemy being killed , and the author and architect of the publike liberty preserued . novice. the question is not of that which men would do , but of that which may be iustly done . iesvite . there be arguments on eyther side : for what difference is there , whether thou killest him with poison or with steele ? there be many examples both ancient and moderne of enemies killed this way . indeed it is a difficult thing to poyson a prince , but if a fit occasion present it selfe , who is there , so sharp-witted , or clear-sighted , that can shew any difference betweene the one and the other death ? i do not deny but that these arguments are of great force , howbeit i deny that one may iustly kill him with poyson , whom , we haue said , may be killed by fraud . novice. why so ? iesvite . because christians haue thought it to be an inhumane thing in presenting men with poyson , eyther in meat or drinke , to make them the instruments of their owne death , as if one should constraine them to stab themselues with their owne hands . novice. is there no way to remedy this , and in the meane time to make vse of poyson without scruple of conscience ? iesvite . there is . and this is the moderation which i would bring vnto it . that he , whom we would haue killed , be not constrained to be the instrument himselfe of sending downe the poison into his owne bowels , but that it be applyed outwardly by another , without the help of him that is to be killed . which may be done when the force of the poyson is so great , that the robe , or seate whereupon one sitteth being infected with it , hath the power to kill him ; which i haue read hath beene vsed by some moore kings towards other princes . novice. i find my selfe sufficiently instructed herein . but calling to mind that which you decided heretofore , how the pope may constraine kings by excommunication to punish heretickes and schismaticks , i would pray you to tell me , whether it bee lawfull for a king to permit diuersity of religions in a kingdome , and if he hath permitted or tolerated it , whether he ought to continue it ? iesvite . the common-wealth cannot subsist , where the citizens doe not agree in religion . in one house the wife doth neuer agree with a concubine , and in a city or prouince it is not well done to tolerate a false religion with the true . for to what end serueth this profane liberty whereby the people are brought to shake off all feare ? vnlesse it be , that religion being violated , the order of priesthood abased , and churches spoyled , this fire gaining farther and farther , commeth at length to consume euen the very nobility it selfe . novice. what must be done then ? iesvite . princes b are to be admonished and exhorted , that if they desire to haue their affaires prosper , they must represse heresie at the beginning , and stifle the growing fury in the cradle , to the end they may not too late repent their passed negligence : let the prince feare , lest after the course of this life he be not condemned as culpable of for saking his charge , and so consequently of a most grieuous crime , and infinite mischiefes ; and that he be not very iustly punished for neglecting the publike and particular good . novice. this being well vrged to catholike princes , they whom we hold for heretickes , cannot thinke themselues safe in a kingdome , whose prince maketh account of such admonitions . iesvite . i will tell thee in few words what father c becan teacheth hereupon . first , that liberty of religion is altogether vnlawfull and repugnant to the law of god. secondly , that it is pernicious to the common-wealth . thirdly , that the prince ought not to command , approue , or introduce it , but rather by all meanes , if commodiously it may be done , impeach and extirpe it . fourthly , if commodiously it cannot be done , but with great preiudice to the common-wealth , he may tolerate it for a time . lastly , that if it be so tolerated , and that thereupon an accord be made , he must obserue it . novice. doth not this last clause make well for those , who haue their kings perpetuall and irreuocable edicts for it ? iesvite . first of all we say that this toleration ought not to be but for a time . secondly , that though in words we giue the lie to such as charge vs for saying , that faith is not to be kept with heretickes : yet in effect we haue alwayes reserued two meanes for catholike princes and common-wealths to break with them : because whatsoeuer they doe , or promise , wee say , that d they doe not grant ▪ security vnto hereticks , but onely against vniust violence , alwayes excepting iustice , and the execution of right : and by this meane was iohn hus and his companion caught : for whatsoeuer safe conduct was giuen him against vniust violence , that made nothing to saue him from the fire , which he had iustly merited . the other meane is , that we let princes know , e how when there are two princes , whose iudgements and tribunals are different , and that the one is inferior to the other ; the inferior , whatsoeuer he promiseth , cannot hinder the superior from the execution of his iurisdiction , and therefore he is quit of his promise , because he hath done all that he can . now the pope being the superior of all christian princes principally , he may , notwithstanding any promise of theirs , exercise his iurisdiction in their kingdomes . and forasmuch f as christian kings not onely as touching their persons , but also as touching their royall power ; not onely as men , but also as kings , are vnder his power . it is then in him to direct them in the vse of their power , and to command , forbid , or hinder them in any thing which he shall see conuenient for the spirituall good of the church . and so , he may amend and correct the ciuill lawes , when they are not agreeable to good manners , make others , or command princes to reuoke and reforme them . this being , there is no edict can hold good , when oportunity serueth , and that kings will obey the pope , as they ought . novice. it were an hard thing to draw this obedience from som any kings , that haue such seuerall and diuers interests , whereby they are gouerned in these matters ; wherefore me thinkes it were good for that purpose , there were one onely king , which might be the superiour of all the rest of the whole world , as there is one pope aboue all bishops . for those two agreeing , wee should haue a dainty harmonie , though not very pleasing to the eares of the heretickes . iesvite . cardinall bellarmine hath thus spoken of it , g me thinkes it were very expedient , if it could be effected without iniustice and warres , that all prouinces of the world were gouerned by one soueraigne king in politick matters : especially if this soueraigne monarch had vnder him , not deputies and vice-roys , but ▪ true princes , as the pope hath vnder him ▪ true bishops . we trauell with all our power to attaine hereunto . novice. if this could once be brought about , to whom should we giue our voyces for that vniuersall monarchy ? iesvite . nay , now thou touchest a shrewd point i tell thee , and which is not fit to be diuulged , for feare lest they , which shall see themselues excluded , do mainly oppose it ; and therefore it must be kept secret , as a most reserued article . howbeit for thine owne particular content , read the preface of our good friend henry doerhangk professor of the spanish , italian , and french tongues at cullen , vpon his spanish grammar , which will teach thee what hope thou art to haue in the matter : looke here is the booke printed by peter brachel , 1614. read this clause . novice. all the people of the earth doe see that the name of god is called vpon by the spaniards , that is to say , that god is in the middest of them , and is their protector , which is the reason why all men feare and tremble vnder them . and i doubt not , if they continue so constant and zealous to amplifie and defend true religion and pietie , to obserue both diuine and humane lawes so strictly , and to abstaine from the most enormous sinnes , but that by the blessing of god they shall possesse the monarchy of the whole world , and subiect all countries , people and nations vnder the most sweet and glorious yoake of christ , and then shall they accomplish that which our lord and sauiour said , and there shall be but one shepheard , and but one fold . iesvite . this is a mystery not to be published till the euent appeare , for which we labour so much . i haue many others besides to impart vnto thee ; but that shall be at another time : for now thou hast enough to employ thy meditation vpon yet a good while , that so thou maist be made capable of the practice of these good instructions . novice. i thanke you , good father : now i finde indeede that father deza did not mock , when in his sermon he said , that our father ignatius was that angell , of whom s. iohn speaketh in the apocalyps , chap. 10. vers . 1. and i saw a mighty angell come downe from heauen , clothed with a cloud , and a rainbow vpon his head , and his face was as the sunne , and his feet as pillars of fire , &c. for , by that which is said , how he was clothed with a cloud , is meant , that he couered his high and generous enterprises and designes : which also representeth the gouernment of our societie , that manifest their effects by concealing the rules and manner thereof . and as in times past , a cloud couered the tabernacle of the congregation , & the glory of the lord filled the tabernacle , exod. 40. 34. so god , who hath built this tabernacle of ours here vpon earth , to the end so holy a thing might be respected as it deserueth , hath ordained that its manner of gouernment should be so secret , as no man should be able to pierce into it . lo , that which is meant by , amictum nube . i shall neuer forget this dainty allegory , which will teach me to obserue secrecy , especially in confessions , though it should concerne the liues of kings , whatsoeuer the heretickes say of that same sentence of father binet . how it were better all kings should perish , then that the seale of confession should be violated . and that which our father h eudaemono-iohannes teacheth , how there can be no mischiefe so great , for the auoyding whereof a confession is to be disclosed . in some case , saith i suarez , it is not lawfull , no not for any end , were it euen to preserue a whole state from a great temporall or spirituall mischiefe . in like manner cardinall tolet , the obligation of the seale is so great , that for no cause , no not for to saue his owne life , nor for the safety of the whole state , may the confessor reueale the confession of the penitent . lib. 3. cap. 16. inst . sacer. iesvite . this i assure thee is a very good instruction , my sonne , and of great importance : but because it may happen sometimes that thou maist be called before a iudge , or a tyrant , who may demand of thee , whether thou knowest any thing of that which thou hast heard in confession , in which case thou maist boldly answer without lying , that thou knowest nothing , because his demand is vniust , and that to such a demand answer must be made , not to that which is demanded , but to that which ought to bee demanded . and then againe , thou knowest it as god , not as man. but if he should presse thee further , and demand of thee formally if thou hast heard it in confession , then thou canst not say thou hast not heard it , for so thou shouldest lye : neyther art thou likewise to answer that thou wilt not tell , nor to reprehend him that makes thee that demand , for thereby the confession may come to be suspected . what shalt thou doe then ? thou must deny that thou hast heard it in confession , but meaning in thy minde , for to tell you , or euer to speake of it : by which meanes thou maist escape . this is the doctrine of equiuocations and reseruations , whereof another day i will make thee a more ample discourse . onely i will aduertise thee , according to father k vasquez , from whom i haue drawne most of that aforesaid , how thou art not to be abashed if thou art told , that which indeed is true , namely that none of the ancient doctors euer thought of this answer , vpon occasion of such difficulties , and that they all beleeued , that if the matter be denyed , eyther before a iudge , or any other body , it is a lye : and they neuer found out any other meane but not to answer at all : which is no maruell , because in those times this doctrine was not knowne , but is come to light since by continuall disputations . novice. i will not faile to make vse of this instruction for the concealment of consessions . iesvite . thou maist also make vse of it in other things ▪ and teach it vnto others , according as father l tolet decideth it . it is lawfull somtimes to vse equiuocations , and deceiue him that heareth you ; not alwayes , but when the iudge calleth you to sweare contrary to iustice , then it is lawfull for you to sweare according to your owne meaning , against that of the iudge : as if he should ask you , did you that ? you may answer ▪ i did it not , meaning to your self , for to tell you , or at that time , or some such thing . and if the husband asketh his wife whether she haue committed adultery , she may answer , that she hath not , although she hath , meaning to reueale it vnto him . if any one be constrained to sweare that he will take such a woman to wife , he may sweare he will , meaning to himselfe , if afterwards he thinketh good so to doe . in like manner he that is in the hands of theeues , or he that is vniustly detained , may promise mony , but meaning to himselfe , that he will pay it , if it pleaseth him ; or promise to returne againe if he be let goe , and yet not performe though he haue sworne it , if first hee haue vsed equiuocation . novice. i will endeuor to make a commodious vse of these good precepts , and as a precious treasure will keepe what you haue taught me , attending till you thinke me capable of the rest , at such time as you shall see how i haue profited in this , wherein you haue instructed me already , vpon which i will goe and meditate very diligently . iesvite . doe so , and giuing vp thy selfe wholly to father ignatius , deuoutly pray him , m that being the least of his , and the most vnworthy of those which are the companions of iesus in this religious warfare , he wil be pleased to imbrace , entertaine , and assist thee , & that also he will often commend thee to iesus thy head , & standard-bearer , vnder whose colours thou fightest , and with whō he hath continuall familiarity & communication . novice. i humbly thanke you for this aduertisement , good father , and so god be with you . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01948-e750 a bellarm. de monach. l. 2. cap. 6. b serm. de valderama pag. 10. c 1 cor. 1. 9. d 1 ioh. 1. 3. e lib. 1. de ecclesia . f locor . theol. lib. 4. cap. 2. g praefat. ad lib. disquis . magic . k locor . theol. lib. 11. cap. 16. l 1 kings 18. 21 ▪ m serm. de valderama pag. 10. n serm. de ●e●a pag. 112. o gen. 1. v. 2. p pag. 74. q pag. 10. r 1 serm. de deza pag. 152. ſ valderama pag. 10. t horat. turcel . in iesuit . apud poss . x maphae . in vit . loyala lib. 2. et rib lib. 2. cap. 20. y serm. de valderama . pag. 48. z serm. de valderama pag. 11. a valderama . pag. 51. b cum sec . parte serm. discip . de tempore . apud ioh. albinum ▪ 1612. c valderama . ib. d valderama pag. 55. e idem pag. 89. f fol. id . ibid. g ignat. ep. de virtute obedien . sect. 3. h valderama pag. 30. & 31. i ignat. de obed . virtute , sect. 3 k ibid. sect. 1. l ibid. sect. 3. m ibid. sect. 5. n ibid. sect. 16. o sect. 12. p sect. 7. tollet . instruc . sacerd . l. 4. cap. 3. sect. 4. q ibid. sect. 18. r ibid. sect. 20. s esay 28. 16. t 1 pet. 2. 6. u rom. 9 33. x praesat in lib. de sum . pontif. item in eod . lib. per totum . & de concil . lib. 2. ● . 17 y bellar. de pontif . lib. 5. cap. 6. §. explicanda . z ibid. cap. 7. §. prima ratio . a desum . pont. lib. 5. cap. 7. sect. item potest b defen . ●id . cath lib. 3. cap. 23. §. 10. c ibid. §. 18. e bellar. de sum ▪ pont. lib. 5. cap. 7 sect. praeterea . f vbisupr . §. 21 g tom. 3. disp . in thom. disp . 1. ● . 12. punct . 2. h vbisup . sect. alterum . i bellar. lib. 5 cap. 7. sect. tertium . k amphith . honoris , cap. 12. l resp . ad antic . cap. 3. pag. 48. n de clericis . lib. 5. cap 30. sect. quarto obijciunt . o de clericis lib. 2. cap. 17. sect. ad primam p defens . contra ang. lib. 4. cap. 17. sect. 16. & 18. q ibid. lib. 4. cap. 9. sect. 17. & 18. r de clericis lib. 1. cap. 38. sect. quarto obijciunt . ſ defens fid . contra ang. lib. 3. cap. 17. t eiusdem lib. cap. 23. sect. 18. & 20. u bellarm. de clericis lib. 1. cap. 29. sect. alterum . x bellarm. de cleric . lib. 1. cap. 30. sect. quarto obijciunt . y aphoris confess . tit. clericus . z suarez . defens . fid . ●●b 4. cap. 15. sect. 1. 9. & 10. a bellarm. de pont lib. ● . cap. 7. sect. quod si . b mariana de reg. lib. 1. cap. 6. c def ▪ fid . lib. 6. cap. 3. sect. 1. d marian. de reg lib. 1. cap. 6. e defens cathol ▪ lib 6. cap. 4. sect. 7. * vbi ▪ sup . sect. 2 f apud eudaem . in res . ad antic . cap. 1. g ibid. pag. 32. h defens . fid . lib. 6. cap. 4. sect. 2. i ibid. sect. 5. k de reg. lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 51. l ibid. vbi supra lib. 6. cap. 4. sect. 6. m de reg. & re. inst . lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 59. & 6. n def. fid . lib. 6. cap. 4. sect. 15. o ibid. sect. 18. p ibid. sect. 17. q ibid. sect. 19. r de rege lib. 1. pag. 57. ſ de concil . lib 2 cap. 16. & 19. t recog . lib de la●cis §. addo . u vbi supra . pag. 62. x suarez . vbi supra sect. 20. y contra barclayum cap. 3. z de reg. lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 53. & 54. a mariana de reg lib. 1. cap. 7. per totum . b mariana lib. 1. cap. 2. de reg. in●●it . c theol schol. part . 2. tom. 2. tract . 1. cap. 16 ▪ q. 4. d becanus vbi supra . q. 6. e becan ibid. f suarez desen . fid . lib 4 ▪ cap. 22. g bellar. de pont. lib. 1. cap. 9. h apol. pro garneto cap. 13. i de paenit . disp . 33. sect. 1. k vasq . in 3. part . thom. tom. 4. quaest . 93. art . 4. l lib 4. de inst . sa●er . cap. 21. m gaspar sanc. epist . dedic ▪ ad ignat. loyol . comment . in esayam . a vindication of his majesties government and judicatures in scotland from some aspersions thrown on them by scandalous pamphlets and news-books, and especially with relation to the late earl of argiles process. mackenzie, george, sir, 1636-1691. 1683 approx. 88 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50897 wing m211 estc r31147 11780927 ocm 11780927 49047 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50897) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49047) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1487:3) a vindication of his majesties government and judicatures in scotland from some aspersions thrown on them by scandalous pamphlets and news-books, and especially with relation to the late earl of argiles process. mackenzie, george, sir, 1636-1691. 52 p. printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh : 1683. attributed to sir george mackenzie by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. "reflections on the earl of argil's process" begins on p. 18. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -scotland. church and state -great britain -17th century. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-05 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of his majesties government , & iudicatures , in scotland ; from some aspersions thrown on them by scandalous pamphlets , and news-books : and especially , with relation to the late earl of argiles process . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1683. a vindication of his majesties government , and judicatures , in scotland , &c. all wise and sober men in scotland , do with a just mixture of pity , and contempt , read those infamous pamphlets , wherein this kingdom is so maliciously traduced by some in our neighbour-nation ; and when they consider that the licentiousness of the press , does so much weaken all government , corrupt all intelligence , and blast so unavoidably the reputation of the best , and most innocent : they conclude justly , that to deny their king the necessary priviledge and prerogative of restraining the press , were to refuse to the master of a ship , the power to prevent its leaking : to deny the magistrat the power of punishing these , who corrupt the springs and fountains of a city : and to refuse to the master of a family , the power of chastising his servants when they rail at one another . i am very desirous also to be informed , how the king can by the priviledge and prerogative of his crown , have the absolute power of making peace and war ? calling and dissolving of parliaments , and a negative voice in them ? and yet should be denyed the far less priviledge of restraining the press : especially after so many proofs of its having been so dangerous , and seditious . how the magistrats of the meanest hanse-town should enjoy this priviledge , and yet that it should be deny'd to the king of great-britain . or how he should have the power to punish lybels , and yet should want the power of stopping them , it being both much safer , and easier , to prevent , then to punish . nor can i dissemble , that our nation has found the happy effects of discharging all printing without licence by an express statute , whereby we find the publick government , and every privat mans reputation most happily secured : whilst on the other hand , it is very observable , that that peer , who told it was not yet time to restrain the press in england , has liv'd to see a famous library of libels and pasquills against himself , for the conviction of this age , and the information of those who shall succeed us . we glory also in the justice of our law , that has by a special statute , ordained all such to be severely punished , who by word , or writ , devise , utter , or publish any false , slanderous , or reproachful speeches , or writs against the state , people or countrey of england , or to the dishonour of any privy councellour thereof : and therefore , we hope , that so wise and just a nation as england , which punishes those who injure a privat peer , will not suffer them to go unpunished , who rail at a nation , that is obliged to hazard their lives and fortuns for their preservation . unhappy liberty which consists in the priviledge of doing ill , and which serves for nothing , but to make the authors be contemn'd for want of breeding , and despis'd for want of sense : nor does this crime want a sufficient punishment , since it has convinced us , that the enemies of the monarchy are such liars , and so malicious , that they deserve neither to be believed , nor followed ; and how can any amongst us believe these in matters of right ? who every day lie so scandalously in matters of fact. upon this ground , i confidently believe , that no honest man , will think we in scotland have owned his royal highness , because england had an aversion for him , as a late pamphlet has maliciously asserted ; for as their worthy peers did wisely reject the bill of exclusion ; so our predecessours were obliged to this by so many oaths , and through a series of so many ages , and god had so severely punished us in the last age , for having joyned with our rebellious neighbours against our native prince , that we had been the greatest fools and rogues upon earth , to have relaps'd so soon into the fame errors ; and especially in following the example and advice of those very rebels , or their impenitent heirs , who had in ten years exercised that arbitrary government over us , against which themselves had exclaimed , and to a hight , that we had never known , and as it is very well known , that every honest man in scotland rejoyces , when they hear of the prosperity of the royal family in england , and esteem highly ▪ and love passionatly all such as have , or do contribute to it ( an union in principles , being stronger then that of the kingdoms ) so scotland being the less powerful nation , what can they gain in the contest ? or why should they envy that which is their greatest security , as well as honour . the delivering of the best of kings at newcastle was no more a national act in us , than the murdering him after a mock-tryal , was a national act in the kingdom of england rebels in both committed those crymes , whilst honest men suffer'd , with him , and for him ; and it is undenyable , that the honest party of scotland , were at that time fighting under the great montrose , against that pretended parliament , which voted his delivery , and that even our rebellious countrey-men delivered him only up to such of our neighbour nation , as did swear upon oath , that they should preserve him and his crowns , and when they found that these sectarians , neither regarded their oath nor their king : they rais'd an army immediatly , to expiat their cryme ; nor wanted ever our nation an army , even under the usurpers , to appear for the monarchy , and from us , and encourag'd by us , went that army that restor'd our present king : let then no honest man remember those national errors , except either in his prayers , when he interceeds with god , for diverting the curse which those crimes deserve ; or in judicatures , when such are to be punish'd , as would lead us back into those confusions . but why the authors of these pamphlets should condemn the very actions , which they so very faithfully copy , seems very wonderful , as it does how our fanatick countrey-men , should wish success to those who rail at their nation and their principles . open then your eyes , my dear countrey-men , and let not your own fanaticism , nor their cheats perswade you , that such as endeavour to lessen and asperse the monarchy in our neighbour . nation , will be ever faithful to you , who are sworn , even in your covenant , to maintain it in this , to you who opposed them in the last war , in their grand designs for a common-wealth , and the extirpation of the scottish race , to you who think that presbytery jure divino , which they laugh at , and never use it as an useful government in the church , though they do some times as an useful tool to rebellion in the state , and to you whom they cheated so far , and opprest so dreadfully in the late rebellion , that they know you cannot trust them . was it the church of england , or sectarians that sold you to be slaves in their plantations , that fill'd your pulpits with buff-coats , and your churches with horses ; and did not they turn all your own arguments against you , that you had us'd against episcopacy ; for as you said the bishops should not have revenues , so they said your ministers should not have stipends , as you contended , that lawn sleeves were popish ; they contended , that gowns were so too ; they in enimity to ceremony , would cover their heads at prayer , as you did in churches ; and by the same rule that you taught that subjects might reform kings , they concluded against you , that they might execute them . i shall likewise refer to your consideration , that it is the duty of every good subject , to obey the laws of that nation wherein he lives , since they must either obey the magistrate , or overturn him ; and a schism does breed so much un-christian heat , and so many civil wars , that no pious or reasonable man should engage in it , except he be necessarly obliged to separate from the the church , as absolutely anti-christian : but so it is , that the differences betwixt our episcopacy and presbytery , which have occasioned all these dangerous disorders , are founded upon no express text of scripture , else forraign churches would not acknowledge ours to be a true church , as they universally do ; nor had the fathers of the primitive church owned a government , which stood in direct opposition to the word of god. and it seems strange , that god almighty should have designed to express a thing in scripture , as necessary for salvation ; and yet we who are obliged to obey the same , should not be able to find it out . it is also very fit to be considered by you , that the reason why monarchy has always preferred episcopacy to presbyterian government , proceeds not only from an aversion to presbytery , as neither establisht by scripture , us'd in the primitive church , nor recommended by the holy fathers ; but because it has been observed , that your government being founded on equality amongst presbyters , resembles more a common-wealth ; and that you have always in this isle , reformed without the monarchs approbation , if not against it , and so have interwoven with your religion , principles opposit to monarchical government , resolving to ballance establisht authority , with pretences of religion , from which necessity has at last forced many of you to oppose all government . and it is still observable , that whatever opposes the government of the countrey where we live , must at last end in anarchy and confusion . those great idolizers of parliaments , in speaking so much against our last , shew that they care no more for parliaments , then they do for kings , and think them only infallible when they are such as themselves . for where was there ever a parliament so unanimous as ourswas in the matter of the succession , not one man having proponed any one argument against it . and what a villanous thing is it to assert , that the test is a popish contrivance , when in it we swear expresly to own the protestant religion , and breed up our children in it . and that without all mental reservations , or equivocations . and to shew how well contriv'd that oath is , in opposition to popery : not one papist in all our kingdom has taken the test. what more could his majesties commissioner have done , to show his willingness to have honest and loyal protestants enjoy their own religion . and who after this should believe these lying authors ? who would impose upon the world , that , as a mark of popery , which is the strongest bulwark imaginable against it . and though we make not the protestant religion , the instrument of cruelty , the stirrup of preferment , a cloak for all manner knavery , and a trumpet of rebellion : nor admire avowed atheists , nor pay salaries to such as deny the divinity of jesus christ , if they be usefull to other hypocritical designes , as some do ; yet our nation has reason to suspect such as will have them passe for popishly inclined , ( as if all duty , when it pleases not them were popery , ) for in our chief city , and it's suburbs , we have not 14 popish families , in the whole diocess of s. andrews , the far largest of scotland , we have not three , and there are not 60. upon a sworn report , to be found in the diocess of aberdeen , which is the most suspected of all others . these wise states-men , who think insolently , that they though privat men may reform our laws , as well as their own religion ; we appeal still to that parliamentary insallibility , which they here deny : and therefore we justly contemn these pamphlets , which inveigh against the 25 act of the third session of his majesties first parliament , whereby the estates of this kingdom oblidge themselves , to send 22000 men , into any part of his majesties dominions , wherever his authority , honour , or greatness may be concerned , which was certainly their duty ; for if they defend it only at home , their defense may prove useless , both to themselves and him , and since he is our king every where , we should assist him every where : and that the king may call his subjects , even without his own territory , is clear by all lawyers , and amongst whom ; i shall only cite , castallio de imperatore quest . 159. where the question is expresly treated , and this decided from the law of nations : nor need any honest subject fear our assisting their king , and traitors should be terrified . but in all this , we were much loyaler then that peer of england , who , when our rebellion rose , in 1679 , affirmed , that his majesty could not send down forces into scotland , without consent of parliament ; because , by the treaty of rippon , it was declar'd , that the subjects of one kingdom , should not in vade the other , without the consent of the parliaments of both kingdoms , which treaty is rescinded with us , and we believe england will not think that a mutual treaty can stand , when one side is free : nor consider we parliaments , as the arbiters of peace and war , that being the kings incommunicable prerogative , but this shews why our acts are rail'd at , and what loyal men they are who do it . as also , since all lawfull parliaments have ever since the reformation , both here , and in england , made very severe laws against non communicants , or schismaticks ; either no respect is to be had to those parliaments , or these laws are just , and fit : ard why the laws should have been so severe to them in queen elizabeths reign , before they had rebelled , and should now remit their severity , when by frequent rebellions , and extravagant sermons , books , and assemblies , they have incorporated so many dreadful principles , inconsistant with all government , into the bodie of their divinity : i see not , and shall be glad to be informed , and if it be pretended , that their numbers having infinitly increased since that time , should prevail with a wise magistrat to lessen his severity , we conclude just the contrary , especially , since we find , that an exact and firm , though moderat execution of the law , is abler to lessen their fury , then an indulgence , there being now very few , who go not to church , and almost all repenting , that they went not sooner , and i desire to know from these authors , if their partie in england thinks : that the true way of using papists or if the presbyterians allowed that way of arguing , when they prevail'd , and was it not that lenity , which drew on the last rebellion , and our slavery . a short view of our laws , made on that subject , with the occasion of them , will best clear this point . in the last rebellion , defensive armes , and that the people had power to depose , or suspend kings , were the great foundation , and in defence whereof , several books have been lately written , and therefore these were declared treason , and it is admir'd , how any can be called good subjects , who maintain them . the parliament did see ; that the not going to church , occasioned much atheism and ignorance : and that the hearing such as were not authorized , was a certain inlet to all sedition and herisie : since every man might preach what he pleased , and therefore they discharg'd house conventicles , and declar'd , that meetings in the fields were formall rebellion ; since rebellion is only a rising in armes , without , and contrary to the command of authority , and that sometimes there would be gathered together several thousands of people in armes , who might joyn when they pleased ; and from a conjunction , meerly of those , proceeded the rebellions 1666. and 1679. and they punished these with moderat fynes , far below the guilt . and how dare men be so dissingenuous , as to own themselves the only protestants , and yet to inveigh against statutes made to hinder jesuites , socinians , and others to pervert the people ; as we certainly know , they did for many years together , at those meetings , and how could this be prevented , since the poor commens know not what is orthodox . and since they were perswaded not to ask who was to preach , least they should be oblidged to witnesse against him , and as the dangers on the onehand were great , so on the other , they were desired to go to that church , which the greatest and soberest of their own ministers did , and do still frequent . some ministers fearing , that their hearers might be led as witnesses against them , infused in them , a dangerous and ridiculous principle , that no man was oblidged to depone , when he was called to be a witness , and that no man was oblig'd to depone , when the being at such illegal meetings , was referred to his oath : and this was called the accusing of ones self ; whereas all laws under heaven , oblige a man to be a witness , else no crime could be prov'd . and if this were allowed , we might have as many masses as we pleas'd ; and when any thing is referred to a mans oath , he does not accuse himself , for the fiskal accuses him ; and do not all nations prove injuries and misdemeanours by the oaths of the committers , if these are not to be capitally punished . and therefore the parliament was forced to make a statute , obliging them to depone as vvitnesses . i need not tell the dreadful equivocations lately invented to secure rebels , as when a witness depones he saw a hilt , and a scabbart , but yet knows not if there was a sword. the pia fraus of ignoramus iuries , and a hundreth other cheats , rather to be lamented , then related . and which tended to unhing all property , as well as religion , if god and zealous magistrates had not prevented it . and yet the opposing these , which is a duty , must be represented as a crime , for deluding ignorant people . the parliament then having for the necessary defense of the kingdom , by reiterated laws , commanded those things to be put to execution . laws which did not only at first seem to be just , but were thereafter upon experience , found to be so . are not they promoters of arbitrary government , who think , that the judges and magistrats of the nation , should dispense with such laws ? and whoever thinks he may dispense with the law , must certainly think , that he is ty'd by no law ; and that is to be truly arbitrary . and it is most observable , that these who are enemies to his majesties government , and his servants : are of all men alive , most guilty of that arbiltariness , which they would fix upon others . it cannot be imagin'd , that the king will contemn the laws , since they are his own creatures , as well as his support , whereas such as oppose him , or rebell against him , must first trample under foot , the laws by which the king is secur'd , and by which they are to be punish't , and it is not the masters , but robbers who break the fences . 2ly , are not these honest and good countrey-men , who think it cruelty to punish such as did take up arms twice in an open rebellion ? and who own all the cruelties that were committed in the late civil wars , who burn publickly the acts of parliament , and who joyn with murderers . 3ly . albeit those crymes be very attrocious , horrid in themselves , and dreadful in the preparative , inconsistent with humane society , and a scandal to religion . yet have not his majesties judicatures offered remissions to all such as have been accus'd , providing they would disown those rebellious principles ; so that such as dy , are the martyrs of their own crymes , and justifie their judges , even whilst they are exclaiming against them . and as no government under heaven , did ever shew so many instances of clemency , offering indemnities when there was no necessity for them , renewing and pressing those indemnities , when they were twice or thrice slighted ; and remissions , when all those gentle offers were contemn'd : so , has any man dy'd amongst us , by malicious juries , or false witnesses . 4ly , has not the privy council in their fyning such as were guilty , proceeded with such moderation , that albeit for many years , the laws were absolutely contemned , after many reiterations by the parliament , and proclamations from the council , pressing obedience to them : yet they have ordered execution to be suspended , as for bypast times , to all such as would obey for the future . and i must beg leave to observe , that it has been upon an exact review , found , that the rebellious parliament , 1647. did impose more by way of fyne in one day , than the privy council has done since his majesties happy restauration : such as differ'd from their government , intreated for those pardons , which are now refus'd . and it would have been then thought very ridiculous , to offer a man his life ; who had been in arms for the king , upon his offering to live peaceably . 5ly . if the differences amongst us , upon which all those rebellions were founded , were matterial and did proceed from conscience ; somewhat might be said to lessen , though not to justifie the guilt , for conscience should neither be a cryme , nor a defence for crymes . yet what can now be said ? when all men willingly go to church , which certainly they would not do , if their conscience did not allow them . and it being now clear , that the former contempt of the law , proceeded from humor , and not from conscience : who can blame magistrats for preferring the law of the kingdom , to the humor of particular persons . somewhat might be likewise said for those differences , if we did not find , that they necessarly , and naturally produced principles of rebellion , assassination , contempt of magistracy , and of masters , with a thousand other impieties , and immoralities : whilst it is very remarkable , that episcopacy never bred a rebel , nor inspir'd a murderer ; but gentle , like the christian religion which it professes , it preaches obedience under the pain of eternal damnation , and practises mercy to that height , that it is now become the temper of the men , as well as the doctrine of the church . 6ly , in matters of government , we must ballance the safety of the whole , with the punishment of a few . and in our case , we must consider that a civil war would be much more severe , then a few executions , or fynes can be . and we need only remember the vast subsidies , the extraordinary cruelties , and boundless arbitrariness of the last age to be convinc'd , that it is not severity ; but kindness in the present government , which forces them , as a physician , rather to draw a little bloud , than to suffer their patient to run into a frensie ; especially when they know the patient has been lately inclin'd to it : and when they see the usual symptoms that foretel the approaching fit , to grow very remarkably every hour . this may be further clear'd , by comparing a little the condition , wherein his royal highness found this kingdom ; with that state to which it is now brought , under his happy influence . it cannot be deny'd , but that before his royal highness came to scotland , the fields were every sabbath cover'd with arm'd-men , upon the pretext of hearing sermons : which sermons were so far from being a legal defense against rebellion , that they were most efficacious incentives to it . his majesties most undenyable prerogatives , were upon all occasions contraverted . masters were contemn'd by their servants , and heretors by their tennents . and it was very just , and consequential , that these masters should have been contemn'd by their servants , who did themselves learn them this lesson , by contemning the king their superiour , and master . the ministers of the gospel were invaded , wounded , and assassinated . churches were either left waste , or insolently perturb'd , when they were frequented . principles of assassination were preach'd and practis'd . all such as own'd , or serv'd the government were affronted , and menac'd . pasquils and defamatory libels , vvere publickly vented and prais'd . dreams , visions and prophesies , portending the ruine and overthrovv of the government vvere spread abroad to amuse the people , and fill the heads of the vveaker sort vvith fears and jealousies . lying vvas become all our wit , and hectoring of the government all our courage : whereas novv , people are gathered in from the fields to churches . god almighty is served with reverence ; and the king as his vicegerent with respect . the royal prerogative is neither streatch'd , nor basi'd . the privy council have learn'd by his royal highnesses sitting so long amongst them , to shevv as much clemency , as may consist vvith firmness : and to sustain their justice by their courage . all animosities and differences among our nobility are compos'd and forgot : and thefts and robberies in the highlands , vvhich vvere formerly so great a reproach to the government , and a ruine to the people ; are novv not only secur'd against , by present punishments , but prevented by suitable and proportional remedies , such as commissions of justiciary , security taken from the heretors and chiftains of clans ; setling of garisons in convenient places , and giving money for intelligence to spy's . ministers are so much protected and encourag'd , that one can hardly think , if he had not knovvn their former condition , that ever the people had had any unkindness for them : men do not novv lust after nevvs , nor conventicles : but employ those thoughts , and that time upon their privat affairs , vvhich they formerly mispent , in follovving expensive field preachers : securing themselves and their estates , by a pleasant peaceableness , from the fears , as vvell as the damnage , of fines and punishments . we have no pasquils , nor hear of no visions . men honour the lavvs by vvhich they are protected , and those magistrats , by whose ministry they enjoy this peace and quiet : whilst their magistrats on the other hand , remember that his majesty and his royal highness , hate the insolence of their servants , though they may for some time suffer it : and that the preparatives they make to the prejudice of the people , will be lasting snares and burdens on their posterity . magistrats should pity the frailties to which themselves are subject , and the misfortuns which themselves cannot shun , and should cover rather than punish escapes , which have more of mistake in them than of guilt . by which paralel , our countrey-men and neighbours , may judge , whether his royal highness be so undesirable a governour , that the law of god , of nature , and nations should be brok , to exclude him from his right of succession . whether we enjoy greater , and truer liberty , under his protection : than we did under our usurping parliaments . and whether those expressions of our thankfulness , proceed from flattery , or from gratitude . reflections on the earl of argil's process . next to our laws , our judges are arraigned , and though all nations presume , that judges understand , and that we should presume them just , being ordinarly men of integrity , who are ingadg'd upon oath , and have both soul and reputation at stake ; and who know their children are to be judg'd by the preparatives they make . yet our phamphleters , who neither understand matter of law , nor matter of fact , stick not most soveraignly to decyde , that our sentences , even in criminals ( in which men cannot err wilfully , without murdering deliberatly ) are absurd , ridiculous and inhumane ▪ and yet these same men ( the great patrons of iustice ) are the secretaries of that party , who after they had murdered strafford , made an act that none should dy by that preparative ; in imitation of which horrid injustice , our rebellous zealots did execute sir iohn gordon of haddo , upon a statute made by them , after they had condemn'd him as a traitor , for bearing arms against the three estates , tho he had a special commission from the king their soveraign . and hang'd the great marques of montrose , with his declaration , emited by his majesties authority about his neck , though they had treated and concluded with the king that gave it , by whom so many noble-men and gentle-men fell for doing their duty : and so many innocent cavaleers were massacr'd after they got quarters . then it was , that an oath was taken by our states-men , not to spare the lives of either kin , friend nor ally . that three hundred were expos'd on a rock to be starv'd , and as many murdered in cold bloud after quarter . and a scaffold being erected at the cross of edinburgh , on which in six weeks time , multitudes of generous gentle-men having dy'd , a zealous minister thanked god for that altar , on which so sweet smelling a sacrifice was offer'd . whereas our merciful king , having had his father martyr'd , and being himself banish'd ; pardon'd even his fathers murderers . and granted not only pardons , but indulgences after two inexcusable rebellions . and it was very wonderful , to see his royal brother ( this formidable tyrant in our pamphlets ) pleading for pardon even to such as owned a hatred against all the royal family . nor can it be deny'd , but there is a gentleness in the old cavalier party , which demonstrats that they are in the right . and which is infinitly preferable to that soure cruelty , and morose bitterness , which make the insolent republicans , and bigot fanaticks , humourous and dangerous . and as a monarch the true father of his subjects , thinks it generous to pardon , so republicans must be cruel , to shew a zeal for the rabble which they serve . nor do i ever hear that any of those publick spirited authors , do turn the edge of their zeal against ignoramus juries , false witnesses , lying scriblers against the government , assassinats , &c. i am now come to take notice of a late pamphlet , called the scots-mist , wherein , because the late earl of argyl's process is founded upon points in jure , and consequently not so obvious to the consideration of every unlearn'd man , the author takes pains to make it appear an unanswerable instance of the arbitrariness of our judges . but before i answer his weak reflections in law , i must take notice of some few particulars in fact : as first , his judges were not judges in a packt commission ; but the learn'd and ordinary iudges of the nation . 2ly , what temptation could the king , or any who served him have to streatch law in that case ▪ for that , as to his life there was no design , is clear from the express order his royal highness gave , not to keep him strictly after he was found guilty . though great presumptions were offered to that generous prince of a design'd escape . and himself ordour'd in council , that the most learned advocats in scotland , should be prest to appear for him . nor was ever a prisoner us'd , either by judges , or by the kings advocat , with so much discretion and respect . 3ly , his jurisdictions , nor estate could be no temptation , for the late advocat had represented such reasons against his right to these jurisdictions and superiorities , as no man under heaven could answer with any shadow of reason : and the king got not one farthing of his estate , for his royal highness by his generous interposition , procur'd more of it for his children , then belonged to the family , debts being payed . and the remainder was gifted by our gracious and inimitable king amongst the creditors . and the tithes possest by that earl , returned to the church . happy kingdom , wherein the greatest instance of arbitrary government , is a person , who having nothing to lose , save what the king gave , had a fair tryal by sworn judges and jurors : and lost upon the event , neither life nor fortune . and whose family after three capital sentences , two by parliaments , and one by a solemn iustice court , is left without envy in a better condition , then almost any who serv'd the king in his great extremities . 4ly , all these narratives and apologies are founded on great mistakes , as if the earl had been desired to take the test ; for we desire no man , but men in office desire it , because they cannot enjoy their offices till they take it : and that the council was once pleased with the explanation he gave , as if he had given in an explanation : and the council being pleased with it , allowed him to take it in these terms : whereas the true cas was , that the earl had assured both his royal highness , and many others , that he would not take the test. notwithstanding whereof , coming in abruptly to the council , he spoke something with so slow a voice , that none say they heard him , and then clapping down-on his knees , took the test ; but some copies being dispersed of what he said , all loyal men murmured at the preparative , as tending to destroy , not only the parliaments design in the test , but to unhing all government . and the greatest fanaticks in scotland , owned they would take it in that sense ; without prejudice to their principles : and so they might , being allowed not to bind up themselves from endeavouring any alteration they should think fit for the advantage of church and state : which made the oath no oath , and the test no test. and therefore the next day , when he offered to take the test , as a commissioner of the thesaury , he was desired first to give in his explanation , which when he gave it in , it was enquir'd , if any man had heard that explanation made in council : and no man did remember he heard or understood it so . and thereafter it was voted not satisfactory . and albeit his majesties advocat allowed the earl to prove that the council heard and approved it ; yet his lordship failed in the probation : and it is absurd to think the council would have allowed an explanation , which would have evacuated the whole act , and the design of the parliament in it : as shall fully hereafter be prov'd . whereas if the earl had only designed to exoner his conscience , he might either have abstained , for no man is obliged to take the test ; or if he had resolved to know if his meaning would have been acceptable , he might have given his sense , and petitioned to know if that was acceptable , which had been a fair and sure way , both for takers and rulers . whereas , first to take , and then give in his explanation , is a certain way to secure ones own employments , and a preparative to let in any , let their principles be what they please , if they have the wit to salve their principles by apposit explications : and the dispersing copies of that paper , before it was presented in council , cannot be said to have been done for exonering his own conscience , but is the ordinary way that men take , when they resolve to defame the government . nor is our government so unreasonable , as not to desire to satisfie such as scruple , without ill designs . and this they shew in satisfying some of the orthodox clergy , who offered modestly some scruples against the inconsistency of the confession of faith , with episcopacy : and which scruples being easily cleared , they all obeyed save nineteen or twenty , in the whole kingdom at most , some whereof had also inclinations however to the good old cause . nor can i pass by here a strange abuse put upon the world in that pamphlet , as if those scruples there set down , were only the scruples of the conform clergy , whereas many papers bearing that title , were drawn by the presbyterians , and found amongst their papers ; and the paper ascryb'd to them in that book , wants the chief objection they stuck at , viz. that the compylers of that confession of faith were enemies to episcopacy ; and in place thereof , it asperses our present episcopacy , the kings supremacy , and the act of the succession , which the conform clergy never did . for clearing this process , modestly and meerly in defense of our judges , i shal first set down the earls explanation , which runs thus , i have considered the test , and am very desirous to give obedience as far as i can — i am confident the parliament never intended to impose contradictory oaths , and therefore i think no body can explain it but for himself , and reconcile it , as it is genuine , and agrees in his own sense . i take it as far as it is consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . and i do declare , i mean not to bind up my self in my station , and in a lawful way to wish , and endeavour any alteration , i think to the advantage of church , and state. not repugnant to the protestant religion , and my loyalty , and this i understand as a part of my oath . the first cryme charged upon the earl from this paper , is , that albeit by the 107. act of parliament 7. i. 1. it be statute , that no man interpret the kings statutes , otherwise then the statutes bears , and to the intent and effect they were made for . and as the maker understood , and whosoever does the contrary , shall be punished at the kings will. yet the king and parliament having appointed an oath to be taken for securing the protestant religion , and the kings prerogatives . and having to evite the old fanatick juglings ; and evasions of the covenanters on the one hand ; and the equivocations and mental reservations of the papists on the other . the oath does expresly bear , these words : and finally i affirm and swear , that this my solemn oath is given in the plain and genuine sense and meaning of the words , without any equivocation , mental reservation , or any manner of evasion whatsoever . the said earl did , notwithstanding of that statute , and the foresaid clause in the oath it self , take the said oath in such a sense , as did not only evacuat his own taking of it , but did teach others how to swear to it , without being thereby obliged ; and path a way to posterity , for evacuating all the acts that ever can be made for security of religion , king and government , in so far as he declares , that he did take the oath with these qualifications only . first , i will give obedience as far as i ean . 2ly . i think no body can explain it but for himself , and reconcile it as it is genuine , and agrees in his own sense . 3ly , i mean not to bind up my himself in my station , from making any alteration , i think to the advantage of church or state , &c. which is not to take it in the imposers sense , but his own , which will the more easily appear from these reasons . first , that the design of all laws , but especially the making of oaths , is that the subjects should be bound thereby , according to the sense of the legislator . which is very clear from the express words of the former statute , and by the reason whereon it is founded , which is , that the legislator may be sure of obedience , and may know what to expect from those who are to obey . and who have taken the oaths prescrib'd . and in which , divines agree with lawyers , for they tell us , that verba ju ▪ ramenti intelliguntur secundum mentem & intentionem ejus cul sic juramentum , sande : pag : 173. but this sense in which the earl takes the oath , does evacuat all the designs of the oath : for , first , whereas the oath design'd that this act of parliament should be simply obey'd , as a sure foundation for the security of church and state ; the earl promises only to obey it as far as he can , without telling in what he will obey . 2ly , whereas the oath is to be taken in the plain genuine sense of the words ; the earl declares , that no body can explain it but for himself . and reconcile it as it is genuine , and as it agrees in his own sense . which implys , that it had no plain genuine sense , in which it could have been taken . 3ly , whereas the parliament design'd it as a security for the protestant religion ; he declares he takes it only in as far as it is consistent with the protestant religion . which implys , that in some things it is not consistent with the protestant religion . 4ly , it cannot be pretended , that the parliament design'd to make an act that had contradictions in it ; and yet the earl says , he takes the oath in so far as it is consistent with it self , which imports necessarly , that in some things it is not consistent with it self . 5ly , the design of this oath was , to preclude all the takers from reserving a liberty to rise in arms upon any pretext whatsoever ▪ but by this explication , the earl reserves to himself a power to make any alterations that he shall think , for the advantage of church and state. by all which , i conclude , that the earl has interpret this oath otherwise than it bears , and to the intent , and effect it was made for . and otherwise than the maker understood . and therefore this explication does clearly fall under the foresaid satute . 2ly . if this were allowable , no member of parliament needs hereafter propose any doubts in parliament , but let the parliament make what oath they please , the taker vvill reform , and alter it as he pleases . when he takes the oath . and i desire to knovv from any man of sense , if the earl would have obtained from the parliament at the passing of it , that every man should have been allowed to take it as far as it was consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . or if they would have suffered the other qualifications in that paper to have been adjected , as a part of the act. which does demonstrat ▪ that he did not only not take it in the legislators sense , as the former statute commands . but that he did not at all take the oath that they made , but made a new oath of his own . 3ly , if a man should oblige himself simply upon oath , to make me a right to such lands , could this sense be consistent with it , 〈◊〉 make it as far as i can . or would the making such a right , with that quality , satisfie the obligation . or could he who receives the obligation , be sure of a good right , if the person obliged were bound to no further than he could perform . 4ly , all oaths must be so taken , as that the taker may be pursued for perjury ; but so it is , that when it is not known what the taker is ty'd to , it cannot be known wherein he has fail'd . and consequently in how far he is perjur'd . 5ly , i would willingly know , if the covenanters would have allow'd any to have taken the covenant with a qualification that he should observe it as far as it was consistent with his loyalty . and do not generally the greatest enemies to the kings supremacy declare , that they are content to take the said oath , in as far as it is consistent with the word of god , and the protestant religion . 6ly , if this were allow'd , every man should take the oath in a particular sense , and upon his own terms , nay and upon contrary terms , according to mens contrary interests . so that it would not be the parliaments test , but every mans own test. and there should be as many different oaths , as there are different takers . 7ly , former statutes having discharged the leidges to convocat , or assemble , or to enter into bonds and leagues without the kings consent , the covenanters did protest , that their taking the covenant was not against these acts ; because these acts could not be mean'd against any leagues , or meetings holden for preservation of the king , religion , and laws . and yet the 4 : act par : 1 : ch : 2 : does positively declare , that all such glosses are false and disloyal , and contrair to the true and genuine meaning of these acts. and therefore this glosse must be so too , because this glosse is the very same , both in words , and design with those glosses . but though this poynt be very clear , and undenyable . yet mr. mist ( for so i must call the author for distinctions sake ) makes those three answers : first , that if the authority which is to administer the oath , do's accept the takers sense , the taker is only bound in the sense he gives , and no other . but so it is the council accepted his sense . and if they had refused , the earl had not taken the oath , nor had his refusal been a cryme . to which it is replyed , that first , if it be a cryme to interpret the kings laws otherwise than they bear , and to the effect for which they were design'd : then certainly it may be debated with very good reason , that though the council had conniv'd at the earls misinterpreting the law , neither their negligence , nor their mistake could have prejudg'd the king ; nor have been in place of a remission . for though the council be a more eminent judicature than others , yet they cannot pardon crymes , when committed . and consequently their allowance , cannot make that to be no crime which is a cryme . and we have a particular statute in scotland , that the negligence of the kings officers shall not prejudge him. nor is that statute so reasonable in any case as in this . for since this , and all other oaths are oft times administred by very ignorant persons , we should have them a thousand times cheated , and impos'd upon , by the adjecting of such qualifications as these ; if the adjecting of such qualifications as these were not punishable . because he who did administrat the oath , did once allow them . and i put the case , that if a man who had many friends in council , should have given in an explication that was uncontravertedly treasonable , by saying that he was content to take the oath , but that he design'd not by it to preclude himself from rysing in arms , when he thought fit , for the defense of the protestant religion . would it have been a sufficient defense , that the council did not challenge it in the mean time . and therefore it this was a cryme in it self , the councils allowing the explication , did not at all in strict law take off the cryme . but the judges ( resolv'd to do him all possible favour ) were more merciful then to straiten the earl upon this point . for if the earl had given in an explication to the council , and told that he subjected that paper to their consideration , and that he would take the oath upon these termes , and no otherwise , the judges would have interpos'd for the kings favour , if he had been so ensnared by the councils connivance , or mistake . nor would the king have pursued it . but the true matter of fact is , that the said paper was not given in , till the next day after the earl had sworn the test. and though the judges allowed him to prove that he had adjected these words at his first swearing of the said test , and that they were allow'd , yet he fail'd in the probation , and so the judicature is no way to be blam'd . the second defense is , that all that can be inferr'd from the above-cited law is , that no man should put a sense upon any law that should bind another , or be the publick sense of that law to all the subjects , which is most false , for the words of the law are general . that no man shall interpret the kings laws , but to the intent and effect for which they were made . and consequently this must be extended to all cases , where the law is abus'd , and the legislator disappointed by a misinterpretation . et ubi lex non distinguit , nec nos . and there is as great reason to punish such as take oaths under such wrested senses , contrair to the design of the legislator , as there is for punishing any cryme . and much more then for punishing such as misinterpret the law to others in other cases . since if this be allow'd every man may by misinterpreting the oath as to himself , evacuat all oaths , and make them ridiculous : and so not only enjoy employments contrair to the legislators design . but likewise cut down the greatest fence of government , such as oaths are now esteemed to be by all christians . the third answer made to this point is , that the legislator is surest of those who give explications of their oaths ; for they deal honestly : and it is impossible that any man can take an oath , but he must take it in his own sense . but neither is this of any moment ; for if this answer prove any thing , it will prove that no man can be challenged for adjecting any quality . and consequently the act of parliament could take effect in no case . and so not only were this act useless , but we would want an excellent remedy for curbing such as resolve to abuse the government , in rendring all oaths that are invented for its security , altogether ineffectual . and it is strange to see what absurd things men will run to , when they are put to defend an absurdity . and though every man must have a sense when he takes an oath , it does not therefore at all follow , that men must be allowed to adject senses that are inconsistent with the oath , or render the oath useless . and since this is not an oath , that all the subjects must take , it having no other penalty adjected to the not taking , but the loss of the employment , they possess by the kings meer favour . every good christian ought either to be satisfied of the design of the legislator , in the oath , or else to abstain from it . and though the mind of the legislator might secure the taker , yet that can only be when the sense is previously offered to , and accepted by him , which cannot at all be said in this case . and whatever favour may be pretended , where the taker of the oath condescends upon what he will oblige himself to ; yet that cannot be pretended in this case , where the earl does not condescend how far he can obey . and does not specifie how far he thinks it consistent with the protestant religion , or with it self . but only that he will obey it as far as he can ; and as far as it is consistent with it self and the protestant religion . so that the legislator is still unsecure , and the earl himself still the only judge . and i am desirous to know in what part of europe such qualities were ever allowed . it is also very absurd to contend , that the adjecting of these qualities can put the taker in no worse case , then if he had refused the test. and since that cannot amount to a crime , so neither can this . for it is contended , that these qualities do infer a misinterpreting of the kings laws , and a defaming of the parliament . and it is most absurd to think , that such things as these should be suffered , because they are thrown in into explications : for else under the pretence of explaining oaths , we should have virulent libels dayly against king and palliament . nor can i see why equivocations and mental reservations should be condemned if this be allowed , for such as take the test or any other oath , may at the taking of them , evacuat the obligation of the oath , by adjecting such qualities . and it is all one to the legislator , whether he be openly or secretly abas'd . only this i must observe , that the open abuse is the greater , because it adds publick contempt to the design'd cheat : and whereas it is pretended , that the magistrat may choose whether he will admit of the quality or not , which he cannot do in mental equivacations . to this it is answered , that that could only hold if the qualities adjected to the oath , were first offered by way of petition to the magistrat , that it might be known whether he would allow of them , which was not done in this case , wherein without ever applying to the king or council : the earl did by his own authority swear in his own terms . though the council and the reverend bishops took pains to satisfie some scrupulous ministers ( whose scruples were in favours of the government ) and got them the kings sense , and told them their own . and which indeed was the genuine sense of the parliament . yet that did not at all allow the earl , or any privat man to take it , in a sense inconsistent with the oath . and that too without previously offering his doubt to the king and council : and geting their approbation as said is . nor were they allowed to take it in such general terms , as did ●●●ecure the legislator , and admit the takers to be judges . the second cryme fixt'd upon the earl from this paper , is , that albeit by the 10 : act par : 10 : ia : 6 : it is satute , that none of his majesties subjects , presume nor take upon hand , publickly to declaim , or privatly to speak , or write any purpose of reproach , or slander of his majesties person , estate , or government ; or to deprave his laws , and acts of parliament ; or misconstruct his proceedings , whereby any misliking may be mov'd betwixt his highness and his nobility , and loving subjects , in time coming , under the pain of death . certifying them that do in the contrair , they shall be repute as seditious and wicked instruments , enemies to his highness , and the common well of the realm ; and the pain of death shall be execute against them with all rigour , in example of others . yet true it is , that the said earl did endeavour all that in him lay , to defame the king , and parliament , and test , in so far as he did declare , that he would give obedience to it as far as he could ; which imported that the parliament had made an oath which could not be absolutely obeyed . and though the parliament never intended to impose contradictory oaths , yet no body can explain it but for himself . which did clearly import , that though the parliament design'd not to make an oath that was contradictory : yet they had made one that was indeed contradictory . and could not be made sense without privat reconciliations , and explications . and by saying that he took this oath only as far as it was consistent with it self and the protestant religion ; he did clearly declare to all the world that he thought it in some things inconsistent with it self , and the protestant religion . and since there is nothing concerns governours more than to have themselves esteemed by the people , without which , or numerous armies , government cannot subsist . and therefore our parliaments , have in place of armies , consented in the former excellent statute , that whosoever shall endeavour to deprave the laws , or misconstruct the proceedings of king and parliament , shall be punished to the death . and what can be a greater reflection upon king and parliament , in the age wherein we live , than to have made laws which cannot be obeyed , and which are inconsistent with the protestant religion . and there was no man that ever hear'd that paper , except this author , but did conclude , that upon the matter , the people would from it entertain those scruples . nor are these the inferences of people that live far from the sun , as the undiscreet author does object against this nation . but men must be as disingenuous , as he , not to confess that these are most just and natural inferences . and the inferences are so much the stronger , that both this author , and all such as were enemies to the test , did take pains to make the people believe , that the contrivers of the test , were in so far , friends to popery , and consequently , there was nothing drawn from this paper by inferences , but that which was too publickly owned by all , who were in the same circumstances with him who gave it in . mr. mist in answer to this part of the accusation , does first cry out , that crymes must not be inferred by inferences , and insinuations , seing these may be unjustly drawn against the design of the party accus'd . and no man could be secure , if men could be made criminal upon insinuations , and inferences . and this paper having been given only for the exoneration of his conscience , it is not capable of any such misconstruction , nor ought any such construction be made , except where a malitious design can be proved , in the person accused . to which it is answered , that the parliament having been very jealous of the honour of the government , which ought to be sacred . they discharg'd in general , all such words , and papers , whereby any mislyking might be mov'd betwixt the king and his subjects . and therefore since the effect was the thing they lookt to , and that it is all one to the government , what the authors design was , if the effect was wrought , and the dislike moved . they therefore ordained the effect to be punished , without adding , as they do in other cases , that whosoever shall malitiously , or upon design , write , or speak , and it is very well known , that there are no papers so dangerous , nor no satyre so bitter as these , which are coloured with specious pretexts of conscience , respect and kindness . and upon this accompt it was , that by the 9 : act par : 20 : ia : 6 : all papers that tend to renew the remembrance of the former feeds betwixt the two nations , shall be punishable . and what can be more justly called insinuations , and inferences , then tendencies are . and if the people be abus'd , and inflam'd , what advantage is it to the government , that the author design'd it not . and therefore it is much safer for the government , as it is sufficiently safe for every subject , that men rather secure their own innocence , by not medling in publick matters of state , then that they should be encouraged to meddle , upon hopes , that they could not be reacht : since their design could not be prov'd . and which design and malice being latent acts of the mind , can never be otherwise prov'd , than by the nature of the action it self : and therefore , the dolus malus , or design , needs not in this case be otherwiseprov'd , than from the nature , and whole strain of the paper it self . which was so fit to inflame the people , and abuse the parliament ; that dole and premeditat malice , could not have done more prejudice . but if it were necessary to clear the earls design , further then from the paper it self . these circumstances might be conjoyn'd with what results from the paper . first , that the earls father and family , had owned eminently the principles against which this oath was taken , viz. the rising in armes , for reforming without the kings authority , and did still own the covenant . secondly , the earl himself had taken the covenant . thirdly , the , earl had all along opposed the test in parliament . fourthly , the earl had positively told his royal highness , he would not take the test. fifthly , neither the ministers , nor any other within his countrey , upon whom he could have influence , had taken the test. sixthly , i am affraid that the kindness shew'd to the earl by the fanaticks during his tryal , and the noise they have made for him since that time : may clear too convincingly , that he design'd in that paper to own that interest , for they never manifest any concern , save for those of their own perswasion . and where have we ever heard them resent the injustice done to any cavaleer , or shew more resentment than in this earls case ? so that this author do's himself prove that design , which he desiderats , and add to the guilt , which he designs to lessen . all which demonstrat , that he had an aversion for the test , and so what he did against it , was done dolo malo ; and whoever writes for him , writes against the test. 2ly , what juster measures could this judicature take , then by considering what the supream judicature of the nation , formerly did upon the like occasion . but so it is that the lord balmerino being accused for having misinterpreted the kings actions , in a petition given in to himself ; in which , against this statute , he endeavoured to raise jealousies in the peoples mind , of designs to bring in popery , and that by far remoter inferences than these now insisted on . he was found guilty , though his lawyers pleaded for many dayes together , that there could be no cryme , but where there was a design . and there could be no design of defaming the king , in a paper that was meerly a humble petition presented to himself , and accepted , and read once by him , without any show of displeasure ; and wherein nothing could be challenged , but by way of inserence , and implication . as also , this same earl of argyle being accused before the parliament , in anno 1662 : for leasing making , betwixt king and people , upon the acts mentioned in the earls inditement . he was found guilty upon that expression , viz. that that storm would blow over , and then the king would see their tricks . which words , he pretended did relate to privat persons formerly mentioned in the letter , and not to the parliament . and that every man should be allowed to interpret his own words , which interpretations being refus'd then , ought much less to be allow'd now , nam semel malus semper praesumitur malus , in eodem genere malitiae . in the next place , mr. mist endeavours to justifie the particular expressions , against the consequences drawn from them , by the lybel : and as to the first , he tells us , that in that expression , i will give obedience as far as i can . he did not at all imply , that the law was unjust , but only that he could notgiv obedience to it : which cannot be treason , since the refusing it absolutely would not be treason . to which it is answered , that the authors mistake is very grosse , for it was never design'd that treason should be inferred from these words : but that which was inferred from it was , that it was a gross evacuating of an oath , and a making it ineffectual , to say that a man should swear by way of quality , that he will obey as far as he can , and that he declares , this is a part of his oath . for there is no man , but will take any oath with that quality : and whatever he takes with that quality , is no oath , nor obligation at all , that can bind him in the legislators sense : and though we look upon it as no fault , nor cryme , not to take the test ; yet to take the test so , as not to remain bound by it ; and so as to teach others how to evacuat it , and so as to defame it , as this expression do's , is certainly an abusing , evacuating , and swearing to an oath in express contradiction to the act of parliament , and to the oath it self . and though it be no reproach , not to take the oath at all , for then a man expresses no opinion concerning it ; yet certainly , that with the subsequent expressions being dispersed among the people , could not but raise in them jealousies , and a contempt of the government . for having made oaths which men could not take , though they were desirous ; and for which afterwards he insinuats this reason , viz. that though the parliament designed not to make contradictory oaths , yet he thinks , that no man can take that oath , lut in his own sense . and whereas mr. mist pretends , that these words are no reflection upon the parliament , since he do's not formally say , that the parliament has made an oath that has contradictions in it ; but on the contrair , that the parliament did not designe to make contradictory oaths . to this it is answered , that the words are a very plain reflection upon the parliament ; for no man can hear one refuse to take an oath simply , because , though the legislator designed not to impose contradictory oaths ; yet de facto , the oath is such , as that no man can take it but in his own sense , and without a particular reconciliation of his own . but the hearer will certainly conclude , that the parliament has been so weak , malicious , or inadvertent , as to have contrived an oath , which has in it self contradictions . for else to what purpose was it said , that he believed the parliament designed not to impose contradictory oaths . and it is an extraordinary affront to a parliament , to have made contradictory oaths , though they did not design it ; and to have made made such an oath especially ; that no man could take it but in his own sense : whereby the whole security of the government is evacuted . for the security of the government , as well as the nature of oaths , requires that an oath should be taken in the legislators sense . and can there be a greater moving of the people to sedition , than to tell them that no man that takes that oath is bound by it farther , then he pleases , and further then his own sense leads him . and that the legislator is ridiculous in having made contradictory oaths , which without debating whether it be true or false , is a reflection upon the state ; and is unlawful for any privat subject . and if any such thing were suffered upon pretence that it were possible , or true . it should be lawful for every privat man to accuse the government . as to these words , i take it in so far as it is consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . do's so far openly import ; that in some things it is inconsistent with it self , and the protestant religion ; that whosoever would perswade us to the contrary , must think us fools and idiots . and i almost charge my self with folly , for taking pains to clear this . since , why should the earl have scrupled , to take this oath simply , and have thought it necessary to adject , that , he took it only in so far as it was consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . if he had not thought it inconsistent : and either he must say , he thought it consistent , or not . if he thought it consistent , why did he not take it simply : and if he thought it not consistent , then he owns that he thought the parliament made an oath which was inconsistent with it self , and the protestant religion . and this was to inflame the people , who are so reasonably jealous of any thing that is inconsistent with the protestant religion . beside that it is a great reflection upon their prudence , and conduct . and so every expression in this paper , do's clear up one another : and do's clear unanswerably , to all the world , that this paper is a defaming of the parliament , and a depraving of its laws , and a moving of the people to a dislike of it . which are the words of the above cited statute . and what can be a greater depraving of a law , then to make it pravam legem , a pernicious law. and what can be more pernicious , then that law which is inconsistent with the protestant religion ? and which tyes men to swear things which are contradictory ? and having affirmed all this upon oath , and having dispersed these his explications amongst the people , he did thereby shew a firm , and passionat design , to make the people believe all these ill things of the parliament . for no man uses to swear any thing to another , without a great design to have him believe it . nor do's any man disperse papers amongst the people , for the exoneration of his privat conscience . nor could he have any design in that , save to poison them with those jealousies against the test , to which he himself had shown such an aversion in the whole tract of the affair . i cannot but smyle at mr. mists critical learning , when he contends that the ' earles paper does only bear , that the earl did take the oath in so far as it was consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . but did not adject the word only , as the libel does . for he who takes it in so far as it is consistent , does take it only in so far . and certainly the author must confess , that either he designed to take it further then it was consistent with the protestant religion : or , as far only as it was consistent with the protestant religion , there being no midst betwixt these two : and so our critick may choose any of the two he pleases . the third cryme , is , treason , which is inferred from these words ; i do declare i mean not to b●●d up my self in my station , and in a lawful way , to wish , and endeavour any alteration , i think to the advantage of church , and state. no● repugnant to the proestant religion , and my 〈…〉 this i understand as a part of my oath . which treason may be founded upon many reasons ; yet to convince any reader , in a plain , familiar , and unanswerable way ; i lay down for a position which i hope no man will deny ; that all nations have made it treason , for any privat man to assume , or reserve to himself , the power of reforming church and state. for that is the highest point of government . which how soon any privat man arrogats to himself , he becomes presently governour of that kingdom , and superiour both in church and state , therein . and therefore by the 1 : act 2 : sess : par : 1 : ch. 2 : and 1 : act 2 : par : ch : 2 : the power of reforming is declared his majesties sole prerogative : and all the civilians agree with us in this . inter caeteras sollicitudines ( verba sunt theodosi ) & valentiniani in novel : de iudaeis sam : haer : & pag : ) quas amor publicus pervigili cogitatione nobis indixit , praecipuam majestatis curam esse perspicimus , veram religionis indaginem . cujus si cultum tenere potuerimus , iter prosperitatis humanis aperiemos inceptis . vid. ziegler : de jur : majest . cap : 13 : num : 1 : arnis : de jur : majest : cap : 6 : num : 15 : and which is most reasonable , for whoever pretends to have power of reforming , must be greater then he who is reformed . and we have found by woful experience , that such as have endeavoured to reform , have withdrawn themselves from the subjection of the supream power , under which they liv'd . and except they resolve to force the supream power as to this point , there is no necessity of reserving a power to themselves . from all which , i form this argument ; first , it is treason to any man to reserve to himself the power of reforming church or state , that being the priviledge and prerogative of the prince , both by the common law , and the above-cited statute : but so it is the earl does reserve to himself , in this explication , a power of reforming . and therefore he commits treason . the first proposition is founded upon the nature of the monarchy , and the reasons and citations above-mentioned . the second proposition is likewise very clear , because he who reserves to himself a power to make any alteration , reserves a power to make all alterations in church and state. and consequently reserves a power to reform , in matters of the greatest importance . for in all languages , any , comprehends all. as for instance , does not he who sayes he 'l do any thing for the king , say as much , as if he said , i will do all things for him . or does not he , who confesses he believes any thing that is in the scripture , imply that he believes all things that are in the scripture . and consequently , that proposition of the earls , viz. i întend not to bind up my self from endeavouring any alteration , i think to the advantage of church and state. resolves in , and is equivalent to this proposition . i intend not to bind my self up from making all alterations , that i shall think to the advantage of church or state. and if that be not treason , nothing can be treason . the second argument is , that all lawyers are clear , that it is treason to attempt against the security of the government , l 2. ff . ad l. iul. majest . but so it is , that he who reserves to himself a power to reform ; attempts against the security of the state. which is clear by all the civilians , amongst whom i shall only cite arniseus , ad securitatem majestatis & reipublicae quietem nihil excogitari potest efficacius quam si summa religionis inspectio majestati reservetur . my third argument in fortification of the statutes , formerly insisted on at the debate . and for farther clearing the extent of that alleadgance , that is required by the common law , is founded upon act 2. ses. 2. par. 1. ch. 1. the very words whereof are , therefore the kings majesty and estates of parliament , declare that these positions , that it is lawful to subjects , upon pretence of reformation , or other pretence whatsoever , to enter into leagues or covenants , or to take up arms against the king , or that it is lawful to subjects , pretending his majesties authority , to take up arms against his person , or these commissiona'ed by him : or to suspend him from the exercise of his royal government : or to put limitations on their due obedience , and alleadgance , are rebellions and treasonable . in which words it is observable , that it is not the doing of these deeds , but the very asserting of these positions , that it is treason . 2ly , that no pretence or caution adjected to these positions , can defend them from being treasonable . 3ly , that the parliament thought it not sufficient to acquiesce in the special enumeration ; but so jealous were they of such tricks , that they subjoyn this general clause , that it shall be treason to put limitations , on their due obedience , and alleadgance . from which words , i infer most clearly , that for a subject , to declare he is not tyed up , to wish or endeavour any alteration , is treason , whatever pretence it be done upon . for any alteration , comprehends all alterations : and what man of common sense , or ingenuity can deny , but this is a putting limitations upon his obedience , and alleadgance , which is here declared treason . for what is a greater limitation , than to reserve to himself to be judge how far he is tyed ? and what expression or limitation can be treason by this general clause , if this be not ? or of what use can this general clause be , if it secure not against such limitations as this ? nor do i think this limitation , wherein the earl still reserves to himself to be judge , a greater security to the king , or kingdom , than if a man should tell me , that he would lock my money in a secure place , but would keep the key of it himself , in which case . i am sure , he , and not i , were master of that ney . 2ly , it being then treason for any man to reserve to himself the power of making such alterations as he shall think for the advantage of church and state , viz. not repugnant to my loyalty , and the protestant religion . the adjecting these cautions cannot hinder this paper to be criminal ; else , 1. the covenant had not been criminal , for the very words of this caution are in covenant ; the very words of the covenant being , art. 1. that we shall endeavour in our several places and callings , the preservation of the reformed religion . and , art. 3. we shall with the same sincerity , reality , and constancy , endeavour to preserve and defend the kings majesties person ; and authority : in the preservation , and defense of the true protestant rèligion . that the world may bear witnesse with our consciences , of our loyalty , and that we have no thoughts , nor intentions to diminish his majesties just power , or greatness . here are the very same expressions , accompanied with many moe , in favours of the king. 2ly , that cannot be a sufficient caution against treason , which never hindred any man to commit treason ; but so it is , that notwithstanding of these words , all the covenanters own'd that they might lawfully rise in arms , hold parliaments , impose taxes , and oaths , enter into leagues with forraign princes , hang and head for serving the king , &c. ergo , these words are not a sufficient caution , when subjoyn'd as a caution to the power of reforming . which is uncontraverted treason in its self . and did the great protestations of loyalty annexed to the lord balmerino's petition , defend it from being condemn'd . 3ly , do we not see dayly , that these who rebelled in anno 1666 : and 1679 : did openly own , that they lov'd the king as well as their accusers did . but when he was in opposition to religion , it was lawful to rise in arms against him. so litle security has the king in flowrishing professions , when the prosessors are to be judges . 4ly , the adjecting of this protestation , is called by lawyers , protestatio contraria facto . which kind of protestation , all lawyers under heaven reject , as inconsistent with the thing , to which they are adjected . and thus the league of france , was treason , though they did assert under the deepest protestations , the sincerest loyalty . 5ly , by the foresaid 4. act par. 1. ch. 2d . all glosses put upon the laws of this nation , in the late rebellious parliaments , to the prejudice of their alleadgance , are declared to be false , and disloyal ; and contrary to the true , and genuine meaning of these acts. and particularly that gloss , or explanation , that what they did , was for the preservation of religion . which is the very explanation put by the earl upon this oath . and from which it clearly follows by a demonstrative consequence , that explanations and glosses put upon oaths , and acts of parliament , contrary to the meaning of the acts themselves , are not to be respected . and being in law holden and repute , as unlawful , they are so far from defending the contraveeners , that they are themselves lookt upon as new crymes . from all which , it clearly follows , that the earl having reserved to himself in this explanation , a power to endeavour what he should think to the advantage of church and state. he did thereby commit treason , and that this treason is not taken off by the cautions adjected , viz. the not repugnancy to the protestant religion , and his own loyalty . whereas it is pretended ; first , that treason requires a special law from , which it ought to be inferred , i deny this position , for our lybels are oftimes found relevant on the common law , and the laws and customs of nations , and the nature of the monarchy . there was treason before there was law , for how soon kings were elected , it was treason to rise in arms against them , or to murder or betray them ; and many of our laws being but lately made , declare oft times what has been treason , not for necessity , but for the better information of the leidges . and though we have laws declaring it treason , to seek benefices at rome ; yet we have none declaring it treason to assume the title , or power of the king in general , that being inherent in the nature of the monarchy it self , treason is the fense of the government , as murder is of privat mens lives ; and to rise in arms was treason before the statute , king ia. 1. nor have we yet any clear statute against murder : and if special statutes were requisit in every case of treason , the greatest treason should often escape unpunished . for law thought it unnecessary to provide against these , and every age produces new kinds of treasonable extravagancies ; and traitors would easily elude and cheat the express words of a statue , if that were all that were necessary . but who can deny that the justices condemned a man justly for treason , for saying , when he was askt if the king was a tyrant : let his coronation oath , and his actions , and particularly his usurping over the church of christ be compared : and that will be soon known . and yet here was no explicite assertion ; but yet what all men easily understood , and which reproacht , and mis-represented the king as much , as any open expression : and there was no statute condemning that expression , expresly . nor can there be a law for every expression : but yet the earls treason is founded upon the express statute abovementioned . and whereas it is pretended , 2ly , that the earl might have as a privy counsellor , propos'd any thing to the king : and so a reservation was necessar upon that account . to this it may be easily answered , that no oath does hinder a man from doing what is lawful ; and so there needed be no reservation nor exception upon that , or the like consideration . for an exception must be of some thing that could oppose the rule . but so it is the oath which is the rule in that case , did not exclude any lawful endeavours , at the desire , or command of the prince : and so there needed no exception as to these . but the former argument still recurs , viz. he that will not bind himself up , as to any thing , reserves a power as to all things , or at least it must be interpret of unlawful things : for lawful things need no exception . and if this were sufficient , then the parliament did unjustly , in declaring that it is treason , to put limitations on our alleadgance : and that notwithstanding of any pretence whatsoever . nor could any man commit treason , if that were allowed ; for he himself would be still judge . and whereas it is pretended , 3ly , that he disclaims the covenant , and rising in arms expresly in this oath ; and so he could not reserve any thing , as to these . it is answered , that this were undenyable , if he took the oath simply ; but having taken the oath only , in so far as it is consistent with it self , and the protestant religion . this oath does not tye him , if he think the protestant religion shall require rising in arms. and having taken the covenant , if he still thinks the covenant binds him , he renunces it not by his oath : for this oath tyes him only as far as he can ; that is to say as far as he is free : and no man is free who thinks himself bound . and taking it only , as far as it is consistent with it self , god only , and the earl knows how far that is ; for he has not told us , how far it is consistent with it self ; and very probably , such as have taken the covenant , think not that oath consistent with the protestant religion , in so far as it binds us not to take up arms , if the protestant religion be in danger : and the antitesters papers , printed by mr. mist , tell us plainly , that it is not consistent with it self , in so far as we swear to own the successor , though differing in religion from us . and yet we swear to the preservation of the laws , of which the coronation oath is one . but whatever might have been said in defense of such limitations , before we saw what dreadful effects they had produced , both in the last age , and this . and that parliaments had so severely condemned them as treason . it is the duty of judges to be severe to such as use them , and they have only themselves to blame , who split on a rock , when they see a beacon set up to them . and it is much safer for the common-wealth , that such papers be punished , then that it should be in danger by such reservations , as leave every man judge how far he is oblieged to obey . and as there is great danger to the state on the one hand , if it passe unpunished . so there is none on the other , seing men may be secure in abstaining from such expressions , and papers . and there was never any so unnecessary as this was . and might not strangers , and our own posterity , think all the miseries that should fall on us by rebellions , and civil wars , very just punishments of our senselesse security , if after we had not only seen , but felt the mischief of such glosses . we stood still unconcernedly , as men seing their own house set on fire , by the same hands which had help't to burn it formerly . if any by ignorance , or error , stumble into a legal ; tho undesign'd crime . the law allows not judges , by an insolent pity to justifie the guilt , but suffers the king by a judicious clemency , to mitigat , or remit the punishment . in which the subjects under monarchy , are much happier than these of a common-wealth , where , in many cases the law must be cruel , or judges must be arbitrary . this is that sure city of refuge , into which , no man who flees , perisheth . and if the earl of argile , had come in will during the debate , as use is . i am sure he had been securer there , than by his defenses . but why should i admire , that this author , and those of his principles , do not see that this paper is treason . since i dare say , they will not acknowledge that it is treason to oppose the succession , and to say that it can be altered by a parliament : and yet our parliament unanimously thought that to be treason . and in the last age , they thought it not treason , but duty to rise in arms against the king , and to call parliaments without him . though all the world abhorr'd us for it . so that the fault is not in our parliaments , and judges ; but in the depraved sense , and debauched intellectuals of such , as have ( by a long custom of hating authority ) bred in themselves also , a hatred of every person , and thing that can maintain it . since then god almighty amongst the other miracles which he has wrought for his darling , as well as representative charles the merciful , begins to open the eyes of the blind , and to make some who were crooked walk straight : let us who serve this gracious monarch , reason whilst his enemies rail ; and be just , whilst they are extravagant : but withal , let us be asham'd , that they dare do more for humour and errors , than we for duty and law ; and we may expect amongst other rewards , which the rabble has not to bestow ; that we will get also that applause which is alwise the slave of victory ; and which of late seem'd to fan them so pleasantly , meerly because they were like to prevail . and for which , too many of late sacrific'd their honour , and loyalty . vvithout remembring that tho just applause , is an elogie vvritten by the hand of vertue , and a monument built of solid merit . yet that applause which is unjust , is only a sweet poyson , a plausible cheat , and the dream of one who is drunk . finis . tvvo spare keyes to the iesuites cabinet· dropped accidentally by some father of that societie and fallen into the hands of a protestant. the first wherof, discovers their domestick doctrines for education of their novices. the second, openeth their atheisticall practises touching the present warres of germany. projected by them in the yeare 1608. and now so farre as their power could stretch, effected, till the comming of the most victorious king of sweden into germany. both serving as a most necessary warning for these present times. colloquium jesuiticum. english francke, christian, b. 1549. 1632 approx. 98 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01233 stc 11346.3 estc s102623 99838395 99838395 2771 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01233) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2771) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1549:7) tvvo spare keyes to the iesuites cabinet· dropped accidentally by some father of that societie and fallen into the hands of a protestant. the first wherof, discovers their domestick doctrines for education of their novices. the second, openeth their atheisticall practises touching the present warres of germany. projected by them in the yeare 1608. and now so farre as their power could stretch, effected, till the comming of the most victorious king of sweden into germany. both serving as a most necessary warning for these present times. colloquium jesuiticum. english francke, christian, b. 1549. freake, william. camilton, john. de studiis jesuitarum abstrusioribus. english. [2], 36, 39-62 p. printed by b[ernard] a[lsop] and t[homas] f[awcet] for george giebes, and are to be sold at his shop at the flower de luce, by the little south-doore of st. pauls church, london : 1632. the first part and possibly part of the second are translations from "colloquium jesuiticum" by christian francke. the second part, however, is a translation of "de studiis jesuitarum abstrusioribus", attributed to joannes cambilhon. translated by william freake. a reissue of "the doctrines and practises of the societie of jesuites", with the preliminaries of both books cancelled, and cancel general title page. printers' names from stc. identified as stc 14538 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-01 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tvvo spare keyes to the iesvites cabinet . dropped accidentally by some father of that societie and fallen into the hands of a protestant . the first wherof , discovers their domestick doctrines for education of their novices . the second , openeth their atheisticall practises touching the present warres of germany . projected by them in the yeare 1608. and now so farre as their power could stretch , effected , till the comming of the most victorious king of sweden into germany . both serving as a most necessary warning for these present times . london , printed by b. a. and t. f. for george gibbes , and are to be sold at his shop at the flower de luce , by the little south-doore of st. pauls church . 1632. the doctrine and practice of the iesvites . when the time was now at hand and almost accomplished , wherein that rare and heauenly man paulus florenius abandoned that perverse fraternitie of the iesuites , and returned from them to the publike societie of men , and we two were at that instant time walking together then thus spake paul vnto me . pavl . floren . me thinkes christianus ( saith hee ) when i consider all circumstances impartially , comparing them one with another , this our profession of iesuitisme wherein wee liue is wholly compacted of superstition , hypocrisie , and a great deale of dissembled and pretended sanctitie , being euen devised of the deuill himselfe in this elder and doating age of the world , purposely thereby to make sale vnto mankind of all the errors , toyes and superstitions of poperie , and ( to vse a homely phrase against my will , but that it is most proper and significant in this case ) to take the stinking excrements of papistrie so odious in their owne nature , and sauouring much more loathsomely at this time , especially wherein they are so often stirred in , by many curious and great schollers , and by compounding and tempering the same with pretences of holinesse , and wrapping them vp in a great number of obscurities and subtilties to vent them once more to the whole christian world for sweet drugs and spices of price , and that after such a manner , that they will compell men to bee theyr chapmen for them to buy whether they will or not . yea , and the matter is now carried in such sort , that nothing can be discouered in the religion of poperie , how base , false , and abhominable soever , which this societie presumeth not by some new deuise or other , eyther through blinding the eye of vnderstanding , or by craftie conueyances , couering the absurditie and falshood thereof , to make appeare both faire and true . wherefore i suppose , that it standeth vs much vpon to consider seriously in what a profession wee liue , least if wee shall neglect to take notice of the falshood thereof now , our blessed lord and sauiour himselfe neglect to acknowledge vs for his owne in the day of our generall accompt , and afterwards , wee may doe at that most excellent prophet ieremie commandeth , flie out of the middest of babel and deliuer euery man his owne soule . christian . franc●en . whereunto i replyed thus : and is it true paul ? can you admit a thought , that the most holy and learned profession in the world at this time , should bee false and hypocriticall ? i assure you , i hold this religion to bee the true religion , and so consequently that our selues are bound to continue in the same , as in our lawfull vocation , according to the doctrine of the holy apostle , and not to depart a jot therefrom , or else all religions in the world to be false , and by all meanes to be auoyded . pavl . i was of your mind christianus , said paul , before i entred into this profession , and therfore i burst violently out of the armes of this flattering world ( though shee was vnwilling to let me escape out of her clutches ) and came running as it were in hast to this societie of iesuites , as to the most holy of all professions of religion , and the most pleasing to god ( as i supposed ) and the most comfortable to mine owne soule . but now , whereas i expected to find true and vnfeigned holines therein , woe is mee , i meet with nothing but meere hypocrisie and dissimulation . and now euen thine owne selfe ( o christian ) shalt see apparently that what i haue spoken is not deuised of hatred , or euill will , but that i speake it as a man conuinced in conscience by the truth it selfe , and euen enforced thereunto against my will , if forthwith thou doest but search into the depth as i haue done , and into the very foundations of the societie , and relinquishing all voluntary or ( as our societie termeth it ) holy simplicity and blindnes of heart , thou be guided by the pure light of reason , and beholding the same with a sincere vnderstanding , no way for stalled with iesuiticall delusions , thou canst take a view of the cozenage and knauerie thereof : which if thou doest , ( as it is my hope that thou wilt ; ) i doubt not but that thou shalt quickly discerne , by those spirituall foundations which are layd in euery house of probationers amongst vs for the education of nouices , and instructing them according to the rule of that societie , that none at all is fitting to bee admitted into this profession , but such onely as haue a propense inclination , eyther by nature , or acquired by seruile education , and suddenly resolued vpon in some sit of astonishment , of heart to hypocrisie and superstition ; that is to say , some such man as is well skilled , by an app●●●●nt sanctitie of looke or demureness of count 〈…〉 nce , to make shew in publike of his deuotion ( as they tearme it , ) which our blessed sauiour hath commanded to reserue for our priuate closets , and such a one as praying in publike like a pharisie at a fast , can cunningly change the coppie of his countenance at pleasure , which manner of behauiour , howbeit indeed and in truth it bee nothing but hypocrisie , yet it is stiled by our societie , edification forsooth , and deuotion . verily christian , i doe euery day more and more plainely perceiue , and doe exceedingly bewaile to see , that this is the very foundation wherevpon our societie is built , nor will my conscience euer suffer me to bee at quiet , till i haue purged my selfe from these pollutions . but if so be , that your selfe hauing your vnderstanding forestalled with daily custome , which is a second nature , doe not yet perhaps perceiue thus much . i will vndoubtedly proue vnto you by infallible demonstrations , how you may be able to collect thus much by very touch and feeling , which though it bee the most stupid of all sences , yet it is the most infallible and hardest to bee deceiued . christian . indeed , sayd i , paul , i doe confesse that i doe not yet fully vnderstand thus much . wherefore if you suppose me to be inveloped in a myst of iesuitisme , be a meanes i beseech you that i may discerne , at the least by touching the meaning of these things , whereof you haue now begun to speake . pavl . well then , said hee , come hither vnto me yet a litle neerer , and by calling thy memory to an accompt , lay thy hand ( as it were ) vpon all that sanctity whereof thou hast had experience hitherto , partly in thy selfe , and partly in other iesuites , and weighing the same deliberately together , with the seuerall dispositions of the people , as they are italians , spaniards , french , or dutch , ingenuous or blockish , free-borne , or base , consider them apart seriously , so shalt thou at last bee resolued . i assure my selfe , that thou hast euer obserued , and tooke notice of more frequent and outward expressions of iesuiticall deuotion in spaniards , and italians , then in germans , french , or other nations , and most vsually in seruile and blockish companions , much more then in free-borne and ingenuous gentlemen . now as touching the spaniard himselfe , you shall find that this disposition in him , proceedeth meerely from his seruile education in the christian religion : for there is in spaine ( as your selfe know as well as i doe ) so strict a course taken for inquiry into euery particuler man , touching his profession , at the least of the romane religion , and the same is so narrowly watched for flying away , that except the very sonnes and children themselues shall bring a faggot to the burning of their fathers , ( if once they be adjudged heretickes ) and so become little lesse then the executioners of their parents , they are generally reputed heretickes , and worthy to fry with them in the same flame . whereby it is apparant enough , that the spaniards of necessitie must be superstitious , and very frequent in all outward acts of devotion , and both in life and death romane catholiques . yea , they had need to take heed , that they doe not so much as smell like an hereticke , when they are rotten in their graues , least if they haue fallen short in outward testimonies of religion , they happen to bee suspected touching the faith , and come to be most seuerely persecuted to the third and fourth generation . how then can it bee possiblely , that the spanish nation , being borne and bred , educated and instructed in such infinite slauerie of minde , being also by nature hot and chollericke , should chuse but be most violent , or ( if you please to tearme it so ) most devout in his religion ? yea , how could the deuill himselfe if hee were lyable to the spanish inquisition , how could hee avoyd it , but hee must be compelled at all times to transforme himselfe into an angell of light , and to acquire some habite , at the least to put on an outside of romish superstition and seeming sanctitie ? from this fountaine sprung that ignatius de loiola , who being a souldier , and by the valour of the french at the seidge of the castle at pampeloun , in the kingdome of navarre , spoyled for following that profession any longer , and outstripping all others in superstition , became the founder of the iesuiticall order , by whom hee might in time to come , not onely bee reuenged of the french , but also make a conquest of all the christian world besides . you shall also obserue in italians , that they are exceedingly frequent in those outward acts of religious deuotion , and that through a naturall inclination which they haue to hypocrisie and dissimulation , as a nation which euer hath bin ( as appeareth by all their antient monuments and records ) very superstitious , and are to this day inclinable to worship a multitude of deities , and marueilous prone to idolatrie ; insomuch , that it may easily be demonstrated , how out of this cup of fornication , that people hath powred out many things into christian religion , and infected it throughout with deadly poyson . wherewith the whole christian world being for the most part inticed and deceiued , by the sweetnesse , delitiousnesse , antiquity , and faire outside thereof ; is , in a manner quite inebriated , whiles day by day in the matter of saluation , they resort to a rabble of romish deities , and to a numberlesse number of saints forsooth , substituted by the popes of rome , in roome of the heathen gods , and propounded to be invocated and prayed vnto , and them multiplyed continually , though not in deed , yet in their names , as also to many goddesses feminine saints , amongst whom questionles the virgin mary was brought in as in the place of ceres , whom the roman matrons in the time of heathenisme , did most religiously adore with burning tapers , at such time of the yeare as the feast of candlemas or purification of the blessed virgin was enacted . which thing , i am the rather induced to beleeue seeing that for the increase of their idolatry , this very solemnity was purposely contriued to fall into the moneth of february , that being the selfe same time of the yeere the antient heathen romanes kept their feast called februa , offering vp sacrifices for all soules , and for the purging or expiating of the sinnes of the whole city . for indeed , all the people of rome , at that time of the yeare ( as their owne writers testifie ) was wholly taken vp with making oblations and sacrifices , with lighted torches and waxen candles about the sepulchers of the dead , for obtaining of rest to the soules of their friends departed . and finding the scriptures of god , vnwilling of themselues to consent to this idolatry , they haue forced and drawn them thereunto , ( as it were ) by the head and shoulders , and hauing by chance stumbled vpon one booke or other that seemeth to approue that opinion in some sort , they haue made that booke canonicall , that so their opinion might bee made altogether an article of our faith , in defence whereof , as well as of other points , all the doctors , ( or rather doddipoles ) of the romane church doe labour till they sweate againe , but all in vaine , till at the last perceiuing , that they nothing aduantage their cause , by all the new arguments they can deuise , and rake vp day by day , they retire in the end of all to the traditions of the church as to their short anchor and onely safe harbour in that case : when as neuerthelesse , that very tradition it selfe is for the most part ( i may safely say altogether ) vnderpropped by that great and principall idoll of rome , which with its greatnesse doth ( in a manner ) reach vp to heauen . yea maketh it selfe equall to that euer to bee adored and blessed trinity , by that triple crowne it weareth , and that threefold gemiculation which is expected from all such as dare to approach neere vnto him . neither indeed , can i suppose that the germaines and bohemians , being naturally and of themselues inclinable to true piety , did so easily fall off from the church of rome , for any other cause so much as for this ; to wit , because in regard of that honestie and grauitie of manners which is in them by nature , they haue euer abhorred & cannot away with to this day a multitude of idols and ceremonies , with all that leuity of minnick representations and superstitions , howbeit indeed they haue defiled themselues for many yeeres together with this idolatry and inconstancie , being ouerborne by the authority of that romane idoll , and that infallibility of spirit , which they so bragge that they hold in feesimple , or at the least haue an euerlasting lease thereof to themselues and their posterities for euer . and though it be so , that some men being caught by our iesuites , with the glorious names of hierome , ambrose , augustine , bernard , thomas aquinas , & other saints , do returne to their former abominations , surely they are none but illiterate , and vnexperienced youthes or none of the wisest and knowing men , but rather such as being distracted with an importunate and confused rumour , of learning and holinesse , are not able to vnderstand the mistery of this businesse , or to discerne aright of matters in question , nor doe perceiue , that forasmuch , as these fathers of our societie haue made the bishop of rome an earthly deity , by appropriating vnto him a soueraigne power , ouer all persons , and an infallibility of truth in doctrine , so in lieu of this their curtesie to him , this roman-god-almighty hath likewise conferred vpon them , and by a free donation entayled vpon them and their posterity the name of holy fathers , for euer and euer . and all this only for this purpose that so godly a peece of doctrine deuised by them , and tending so much to the vpholding of his fatherhood ( i had almost said falshood , ) might not seeme any humaine deuice , but rather as it were a divine constitution and an oracle from heauen : and that himselfe euermore relying thereupon , might by vertue of his diuine prerogatiue , haue power to create and ordaine for the whole christian world , what articles of faith hee pleased . last of all , who doth not see , that seruile and blockish companions ( for those onely remaine in our diuision ) doe for this very cause both more willingly fall into , and more obstinately maintaine this blockish and slauish religion , as more naturally agreeing to themselues and their inclinations . but this point i am sure , your selfe vnderstand perfectly , who haue but a few dayes agoe ( as you cannot chuse but remember ) expressed vnto mee your owne particular griefe , for the rude and blockish qualities of our collegiates , when you related vnto me not without indignation , that after you returned from italie into germany , you were exceedingly molested in mind with consideration thereof , and did many a time wish your selfe out of this world , rather then to liue to be constrained to doe any thing against your calling , with this thought , and the experience you had of the truth thereof , did wonderfully weaken and infringe : to wit , that in these parts , there were none obserued to enter into or at the least to continue in that society of iesuites , but the very dregs of mankind , such as were hardly capable of reason , much lesse of true piety and religion : vnto whom neuerthelesse , because they exceed in number , you must conforme your selfe in all things , if you desire to liue in peace abroad , and enioy any quiet or content at home . and thus i haue made knowne vnto you , the foundation of our society , let vs now proceed vnto the body thereof , the estate whereof is easily discouered from the originall , as it were , and causes therof . for inasmuch as our societie which most impudently arrogateth to it selfe the name of iesv , is composed of such a sincke of hypocrites and superstitious persons , it deserueth rather to bee tearmed a pharisaicall religion : howbeit ( as i haue said ) it bee clothed with the most glorious name of iesv , to the end that wretched mortals might henceforth haue the enemies and traitors of their owne salvation , not onely lurking vnder sheepes clothing , but also vnder the very ornament of divinity , that by this meanes the very elect ( if it could bee possibly ) suspecting no falshood to bee vnder so glorious a name of truth , might bee drawne into errour . now the whole body of our society , besides their father generall , who is the head and coriphaeus of this order , comprehendeth only these sixe sorts of persons . the first , those who haue professed 4. vowes . the second , suchas haue made profession of 3. vowes the third , are spirituall coadiutors . the fourth , are temporall coadiutors . the fifth schollers . the sixth , novices . the professors of 4. vowes are so called , because that ouer and aboue the 3. common vowes of poverty , chastity , & obedience , they make a peculiar vow of obedience to the pope of rome , and promise him , that they will disperse and publish the errors and superstitions of the romane religion throughout all the world , whensoeuer he shall command , non petito viatico , at their owne cost and charges . and againe , vnto the father generall they vow , ab negationem honorum , to renounce all honours , forsooth , because they will not be made cardinals out of the societie , and yet therein they are made very cardinals in the societie , as out of whom onely their father generall , who is in effect nothing else but the pope of that societie , must bee elected , and vpon whom as vpon hinges , the whole societie may depend and be turned euery way for aduantage . which men also may retaine a publique repute of being learned and holy men : and so this lying and foolish societie , whiles it supposeth that it auoydeth ambition , or would bee thought so to doe , falleth headlong into it , not much vnlike those foolish phylosophers , whom cicero mentioneth , who by setting their owne names vpon those bookes , which they had written touching the contempt of glory , haue therein foolishly fished for vaine glory to themselues . now those who haue professed three vowes , are as very byshops in the societie , and whereas in other orders this degree is not distinguished from simple priesthood , but as many as are ordained priests may also be professors . in this our societie there is a distinction betwixt those two , to the end ( forsooth ) that this degree may seeme the higher , and more eminent , if many yeares after a man hath beene made priest he may be admitted to profession , as vnto a byshopricke . by which distinctions they make it appeare vnto vs euidently enough , that they haue conuerted the base shew of ambition , into a most beautifull and glorious picture , or outside of vaine glory , which might moue all all men liuing with its beautie , and might allure and retaine vnto it selfe , a great number of persons of all estates , and degrees , and of both sexes . whereas , if men looking seriously into this outward forme , and formall outside ; and with the piercing eye of true vnderstanding should behold the inside thereof ; questionlesse , they might there discouer closely concealed vnder our societie , that second beast which maketh all the world to worship the first . apoc 13. 12. for by the first beast , i vnderstand the byshop of rome , who in regard of that secular power which he vsurpes , is indeed and in truth that antichrist whom our society now causeth to bee worshipped almost all the world ouer , and that it must continue to doe so euer lastingly , hath bound it selfe by that their fourth and more peculiar vow . now that which our blessed lord and saviour and his beloued disciple saint iohn , and the prophet danieli doe speake , touching the short time of antichrists raigne , is to bee vnderstood of the last persecution , which shall be , at such time as that first beast the pope , shall by that second beast our societie , in some part haue recouered germany , bohemia , and other kingdomes , lately taken out of their hands , and shall see many other realmes and principalities reduced to their obedience by the same . for then shall this society being growne rich , magnifie its owne heart , and rise vp against the king of kings , and be crushed to peeces without hands . spirituall coadjutors ( vnder which name are comprehended all priests and professors of diuinity or phylosophy , and all and singular teachers of the inferiour arts not yet hauing made profession ) hauing first vowed poverty , chastity , and obedience , doe assist this beast in peruerting and seducing of soules vnto the first beast . wherein as any one shall approue himselfe more apt and ingenious then his fellowes , so is he the more quickly admitted by profession to bee a member of this monster . now those who are called temporall coadjutors , haue charge to prouide for the backe and belly of this beast , purneying and prouiding for the same and intermedling with all domesticke businesse , lastly , schollers and novices are maintained at home , to this end onely , least at any time there might prooue a defect in the body of this monster . but that as old eaten limbes shall happen to decay , and fall off , so fresh and new supplies may be still made out of this storehouse or seminarie of young iesuites . moreouer , to the end this idolatry and superstition may be for euer concealed free from feare of discouerie , and that as it is preserued , so it may bee increased continually , this beast is accustomed to forestall the vnderstanding of her whelpes , if they haue any , and to bind vp their very sences , admonishing or rather commanding in good earnest , that all things which the superior shall command , be performed with blind obedience , and that whatsoeuer our superior shall doe , bee passed ouer with blind judgement , without so much as considering whether it be good and profitable , or hurtfull and damnable , which is enioyned or done , forasmuch as euery such thought taketh away the merit and valour of obedience . in which particuler , our societie followeth the steps of the canonists those most pernicious flatterers of the popes , and seducers of the whole christian world . for these were the onely men , who in times past perswaded all christian churches , that the byshop of rome was of such soueraigne power , and authoritie ; that albeit , hee should lead the whole world into damnation , no man had power to controle him , no man might be so bold as to demand of him a reason for so deuilish an act . and euen thus altogether , or rather a great deale worse , doth this societie of ours instruct her nouices , teaching that whatsoeuer our superiours inioyneth to bee done or doth himselfe , is not onely not to be questioned ( much lesse to be found fault withall ) out euer to bee presupposed as holy and good , to vse the very words of our father ignatius . and all this onely to this end ( forsooth ) that all their foolery , idolatry , and superstition , may at length obtaine the name of holinesse , and bee adored as ordinances of the societie . and now ( mee thinkes ( i haue brought thee about neere enough to the knowledge and sensible feeling ( as it were ) of the summe of our religion . neither doe i doubt , but that now at last , thou vnderstandest how extreamely wee haue deceiued our selues , and bin gulled in making choyce of this kinde of life , and how veniall a sinne wee shall commit , in withdrawing our selues from the same . wherevnto i replyed . christian : these are monstrous and horrible things indeed pavl , and truly in my minde i haue often seene such kind of monsters in italy , but i blinding my vnderstanding , as our own constitutions doe enioyne vs , did suppose these things to be nothing , but deuises of sathan , whereby to divert me out of my course , and hauing but once shouldered mee out of my calling , by the losse thereof , to cast mee headlong into euerlasting miserie . now you , for your part ( so farre as i discerne ) putting confidence in most abhominable prodigies , rather then the strongest arguments , endeauour to disgrace both our owne first calling , and the whole religion of rome : which thing , if i shall yeeld vnto you as lawfully done , seeing you are but one man in this kind , i see no reason why , the same libertie may not be granted to the particuler sects of all others that cauill at religion . forasmuch , as there is no opinion which may not seeme to bee proued out of holy scripture , being vnderstood and interpreted by euery man as shall best stand with his particular liking . but yet considering , that all thy relations touching these monsters are wonderfull probable , and the other things also most euident , and such as doe convince the sence and vnderstanding , i cannot herein dissent from you , nor indeed may i with safety , seeing i know you to bee as learned and ingenious as our societie affoordeth any . i will rather endeauour to rouze vp my selfe , and call to exact accompt my best vnderstanding in this case , which as you say , is ouerclouded with iesuitioall delusions , and vnfold the most implicite notions of my heart-touching the societie of iesuites , that afterwards you may expresse more at large , what is the very species , forme , and character of a iesuite , whom all the christian world so much honoureth and adoreth . and now to the end , that i may after your example fall out of hand vpon the fundamentall points of the societie , hearken and i will relate vnto you what strange things i haue seene and obserued in these stranger times . i did in my younger dayes ( i assure you ) suppose , that the foundation of this societie was altogether diuine , and me thought i was no longer conuersant on earth , so soone as i was admitted into this societie , as i thinke it is a vsuall thing with all our nouices , or the greatest part of them to be so affected . for so great is the power of our continued meditations touching diuine subiects , that a man seemeth euer to bee borne a new , not of naturall parents , but after a peculiar-manner borne a iesuite in the societie of iesvs , euen as christ our redeemer was incarnate by the holy ghost . and thus the whole nature of man being in a māner deified doth witnes , as which doth from that time forward , wherein it hath giuen it selfe to meditations of this nature altogether forbeare to pamper and feed the body , abandoneth all societie of the flesh , by whipping and other voluntary afflictions of the body , restraineth and suppresseth pleasure as a blot of infamy and dishonour , acknowledgeth in euery spirituall brother the image of the lord our god , as our eighteenth rule commandeth , and withall abjureth and dispiseth riches , honours and all such things , as by the vulgar are accounted most excellent and precious . and this was indeed ( without any dissimulation ) my firme and constant perswasion as touching the societie of iesuites , in the first yeere of my admission thereunto . but this other yeere , when by chance i met with our iapan-letters , and there amongst other things had read , not without astonishment , that among them of iapan being our antipodes , there are certaine religious men , whom they call iamam buxa , or souldiers of the vallies , who purposely to at taine an opinion of sanctimony , doe punish themselues grieuously , doe watch very much , doe fast exceeding long , and doe giue themselues wholly to certaine meditations composed of their owne heads , and that they preuaile so farre by these things , that they are beleeued many times , ( as inspired with an holy instinct ) to speake oracles , and are accounted by all to bee perfect and holy men ; then especially , when as they make no bones of it to kill themselues voluntarily for their idoll . when i had ( as i said ) vnderstood these and many other like passages out of letters , written not onely by men of our order , but also published in print , i assure you i was amazed , and did so shake as if i had newly fallen from heauen to earth . for vpon a sudden it came into my minde , to thinke that nothing could bee deuised more like to our religion ; and that therefore , it was vehemently to be suspected , least all this our spirituall course of life should not proue divine , but humaine onely and pharisaicall . forasmuch , as very idolators and heathens wanting the light of the gospel , doe attaine thereunto ; and indeed such heathens , as are said to be wondrous like both in nature , manners and disposition , to our most ingenious europians ; i meane our italians , and spaniards ; so that now it is apparant , that the like religions haue bin devised and established by men of like natures and inclinations . and what a strange thing is it , that among those ethnicks of iapan , not onely our profession of iesuitisme , but in a sort the very entire gouernment of the romane hierarchy may be seene apparantly , founded and established by an heathen spirit . for in the same letters , it is related , that one chiefe man throughout the whole empire of iapan , doth hold the chiefe place of a supreame iudge in matters ecclesiasticall , who is little lesse then worshipped as a god , and generally reputed so holy a man , that hee may not be suffered to tread on the ground , and cōmandeth farre & wide many times vpon occasion , euen contesting with those heathen princes : moreouer , this man hath the ordering and making of all the tundi among them , who are in effect the byshops of that nation ; albeit , the nomination of them ( as it is reported ) be in some places in the gouernours power ; which tundi are thereupon , in great and singular esteeme both with high and low , and doe conferre priesthoods , doe appoint fasting dayes , and grant licences for eating of flesh , to such as vpon holy dayes goe on pilgrimage to the chappels of theyr saints and idols . yea and further , the sects of the bontij which arise among them , and are nothing else but the monkes of iapan , haue no authority or estimation among the people ; vnlesse this great man haue approued him by his letters patents and testimonials : furthermore , these bontij are said to inhabite very large and spacious colledges , after the manner of our monkes , to liue a single life , to erect an altar in the middest of their chappell , wherevpon they place a woodden representation of amida sitting vpon a golden rose , very gallant to behold . also that they haue very great libraries , with places wherein they eate and drinke together after the manner of our refectories , and certaine copper workes which serue them insteed of bels to cal them vp to their houres of prayer . againe , euery euening their president or cheife man among them , propoundeth to euery one his particular subiect for his meditations that night : and presently after midnight they doe before the altar in their chappell dancing by turnes say ouer their deuotions out of the last booke of xaca . also , that euery morning each of them spendeth an houre in meditations ; that they build faire cloysters in their chappels for their fotoquij , who are a certaine sect of religious persons amongst them , that are shauen vpon their heades and chinnes , and doe obserue a great number of holy dayes in the yeere . and yet for all this they write that these bontij are most base fellowes , in their liues and conuersations and as coueteous as any men liuing vpon gods earth , and as well acquainted with all deuises how to rake vp money . that these bontij doe make sale vnto the people of many writings vnder their hands , by helpe whereof , the common people are perswaded that they are protected from the deuill . also , that these bontij haue a custome to borrow money in this world , which they promise to restore with large interest in the world to come , for which they giue the creditor bils of their hands as security , which he at the time of his death carrieth with him into the other world . and lastly , that these bontij are for the most part the sonnes of noblemen , in regard that the nobility of iapan , being full of children , do vsually take a course to procure these sonnes of theirs entered into the order of the bontij , for whom they are not able to prouide otherwise . you might stile these men christian monkes , or ( if you please ) hauing respect vnto their qualities clergy men and prelates of the church of rome , if euer the light of the gospell had in any measure shined vpon them before the comming of our men amongst them : or if euer any christian at all had gone so farre as vnto them , whereby they ▪ might haue heard of these things and haue imitated them . neither is prayer for their dead wanting among these iapanezes , howbeit in that they are a little more superstitious then wee . for in the moneth of august , they are obserued to set aside 2. whole daies for adoration of the spirits of the dead . and that a little before night , they set vp a great number of lampes and other lights about the doores of their houses , with much varieties of paintings and trimmings . that afterwards they walke round about the citie all night long , partly for deuotion sake , and partly to looke about them . also , that towards the euening , a great sort of people doe walke out of the citie to meet the spirits of their dead friends , now comming towards them ▪ as they ( forsooth ) imagine . when they are at a certaine set place , where they suppose that the ghosts of their deceased friends doe meet them ; first , they salute them kindly , euen as if they saw them ; saying you are heartily welcome , wee haue wanted your good companie long , i pray you sit downe a while and refresh your selues with some victuals , for wee know you cannot chuse but be wearie . then they set vpon tables ( as a banquet for the ghosts to feed vpon ) rice , fruits , and other viands , and when they haue demurred about an houres space , as if they thought it high time to make an end , they invite and intreat them to come home to theyr houses ; saying , wee will goe before and prouide some good cheere for you . also ▪ it is obserued , that assoone as these two dayes are ouer , they walke out of the citie againe both men and women with lighted torches , to conduct them ( forsooth ) who are now vpon departing , least they should stumble in the darke or hurt themselues against any thing . yet further it is obserued likewise , that when they returne into the citie againe , they make a diligent search about all their high roomes , and tylings of their houses , by casting vp stones thereon , least any of the spirits ( of whom they are in bodily feare ) should remaine behind in secret . moreouer , it is written from thence , that when those iaponezes were demanded by our men , why they did set to those spirits a banquet ; they made answere , that they are vpon their way towards their paradice , which say they , was ten thousand millions of miles , and was a journey that could not bee ended in lesse then three yeares time ; and therefore they tooke vp their resting place there for a while to refresh themselues , and to enable them the better to hold out to their journeys end . but in all these things it is obserued , that the bontij , the priests and bishops of iapan doe all in all , and that there is no family , though neuer so meane , but it must offer one guift or other to the bontij , for the peace of the soules of their deceased friends i omit for brevity sake , their holy water , their pots of sweet odours set ouer hot coales to make perfume , their many and large indulgences which these bontij doe tender vnto the people , who are frequent at their preachments , and enrich their cloysters . their beades to pray vpon , which a great number of the iapanezes doe daily runne ouer , not onely within their priuate houses , but publiquely also , carrying them about in their hands all ouer the citty praying to their amida , and to their xaca for riches , honours , prosperous health , and euerlasting comforts . all which things verily are so true , that they are both obserued and written by men of our owne order , and i haue in relating thereof made vse almost verbatim of that translation , which our father petrus maffaeus hath made out of the italian into latine . and this indeed was an opinion of mine , or rather ( as my confessor told me ) a temptation of the devill cast into my mind , touching the societie of iesuites and the whole church of rome , which , for all that i was hardly able in many dayes to thrust out of my thoughts , by opposing through ejaculations of heart ( as they terme them ) and through fastings with other afflictions of the body , a whole troupe of arguments of this nature , violently bursting in vpon my vnderstanding day and night . and now before this temptation was well disgested and ouercome , behold vpon a sudden there fell vpon me another of the same nature which so handled me , as scarcely it left any life in me ; for shortly after it so fell out , that we had the 18. chapter of the third booke of kings read vnto vs at dinner time , for our spirituall repast , wherein is contayned the story of the priests of baal , and how for the pleasing or appeasing of their idoll , they had a custome to cut themselues with kniues and launces till they bled amaine . which words when i heard our chaplaine read , for ( i confesse ) i was not then a diuine , neither had i euer as then read ouer the holy scriptures , verily i did tremble and shake all ouer , as if i had beene taken with a sudden fit of an ague , nor had i any further stomacke to my dinner at that time , as remembring ( to be true to you ) our owne whippings whereby as well as with kniues & launces we our selues are cruel to our own flesh , many times spilling not a little of our owne blood , and i cannot say , but as these iapaneze iesuites whom i told you of , that they haue named iamambuxae , some of vs at sometimes become guilty of our owne deaths , i am sure wee spoyle our healths by it . but i feare least these and fiue hundred more spirituall doubts , mentioned by me touching the societie , may bee triviall to bee propounded vnto so judicious and graue a divine , as your selfe , not being worth your taking notice of . wherefore letting other passages slip by vs ▪ i will be bold to describe vnto you onely two ; holy , and catholique , that is to say , italian monsters and idols , the maintenance whereof our society hath peculiarly taken vpon themselues , and concerning which , i am troubled and haue bin these ten yeares together , how i might make them holy in my estimation , as they are made catholique long since . out of which discourse of mine , you shall perceiue your opinion touching the society of iesuites and the romane church , wonderfully confirmed and established . the one of these idols ▪ i my selfe haue seene at rome in the chappell of st. peter , which idoll , men vsually call the vicar of christ . and i assure you , when first i saw it , i was of an opinion , that it was either christ himselfe , or surely something more esteemed of then christ ; forasmuch , as all the people which flocked thither for deuotion sake , so soone as euer they beheld it , set on high on a throne and supported by the hands of red men like seraphin-angels , ( least perhaps it might dash its foot against a stone ) fell downe instantly vpon their knees beating their brests , and performing such outward acts of devotion in that kind , as appertaineth to none but god onely . oh holy christ , ( did my soule then instantly cry out in priuate ) how long will it please thee to suffer this , that as low as thy selfe being true god , hast humbled thy selfe on earth , so high thy vicar being but a wretched and a sinfull man , shall extoll and aduance himselfe aboue all heauens ? that whereas thou hadst no kingdome heere ; yea , hast said , that thy kingdome was not of this world , neither woudlst take vpon thee any kingly maiesty . thy vicar neuerthelesse , should haue right and interest in all kingdomes , and should out strip all kings and potentates ; yea , euen thee , o king of kings , in wordly pompe and heauenly maiesty of state. that whereas thy disciple st. peter , who is said to haue bin created the first pope , would not permit cornelius the centurion so much as to fall downe at his feet , much lesse to kisse them ; but instantly tooke him vp , saying ; arise , for i also am a man : his successor for all that , forgetting himselfe to bee a man should sit on high , as a very god almighty , whose feet all men must fall downe at and kisse ? but yet i recalled my selfe by and by , and somewhat pacified my minde with this meditation : surely , ( said i ) it is altogether necessary , that the pope should retaine this his outward pompe and maiesty , the better by that meanes to draw vnto him the proud emperours , kings and princes of this world , and to retaine them in true obedience ; as also to dazell the eyes of the vulgar people , to the end that what cannot be done amongst such men by humilitie , may at least bee brought about by subtiltie and policie , that whereas hee is not able to preserue his reputation by testimonies of his owne holinesse and vertue , as christ and his apostles and other holy men haue done , hee may vphold it at least by the outward glory of another , least that whereas the auncient romanes were in times past lords of the whole world , if the power of the bishop of rome , should not extend it selfe fully both to heaven and hell , yea and purgatorie also , a place deuised for this purpose ; the pope might hap to seeme inferiour to them , or at the least not greater . that as iupiter optimus maximus , the prime god of all among the romans , is supposed to strike some persons to hell with his thunderbolt , so the romane bishop should haue in like manner , his terrible thunderbolt of excommunication , whereby he might make the hearts of all christians to shake , and might thrust down as many as should but dare to lift vp their tongues against this soueraigne power of his , lower then hell it selfe if it could be possibly . last of all , that whereas the ancient romanes being lords of all the world , had a most honourable and stately magistracie , cloathed in purple , whereof some were gouernours of the citie , others ruled as vice-royes in forraigne nations : euen so the pope of rome , should haue not onely his bishops as princes ; but also his cardinals as senators clad in purple , who should bee companions for the greatest kings , and out of whom alone the vicar of christ should bee chosen by the very instinct of the holy ghost . as if the holy ghost should not aswell be tyed to the cardinals , those base and beastly sinckes of lust and ambition , as the chaire of peter to the citie of rome . for indeed it is true , that the holy ghost hath sayd ; that by his goodwill , hee cannot indure to dwell in any but quiet , modest and humble persons , and yet ( forsooth ) of late , he is euen constrained by compulsion , and ( as it were ) halfe against his will to reside , wheresoeuer the church of rome shall be pleased to confine him . howbeit , i must confesse , in this case my conscience did often tell mee , that they of the church of rome haue not beene able to tye the holy ghost so close to themselues and their sea , but that twenty and seauen sundry times fayling of the presence thereof , they haue raised those xxvii . schismes which stand vpon record in the chronicles of their popes : a thing which surely giueth infallible euidence , against their holy spirit , and causeth all the priuiledges and power thereof , to incurre a just censure ; for alas ! what shall wee say ? is it possible , that the divine godhead can bee an author of errour and dissention ? but when they are held close to this argument , then they answer ; that the holy ghost departed not from the church of rome , at such or such a time , but onely through the mistake of some , and ambition of others , the church had gotten a monstrous head , hauing sometimes a double , sometimes a treble head , but that onely one of the rest was the true and lawfull head of the church . oh , what monstrous spirits haue you , ( the romanists ) what a monstrous church ? which can be compelled through errour and ambition , to subsist so often and with so many counterfeit heads ? to weare them so many yeares , and to inforce so many poore christian soules to accept and to beleeue them vpon paine of damnation for true heads of the church , to their owne mistake , the abhomination of all good men , and your owne and their most desperate ruine . well , now i perceiue plaingly enough , that this monster which hath so often had two heads , and sometimes three at once , may also through your monstrous lust and ambition , as easily acquire seauen heads at once . but this may be sufficient touching the first monster or idoll . the other idoll i haue seene at loretto , which the italians call their lady of loretto : and this is a picture carued ( as they would haue men beleeue ) by st. lvke the evangelist . and for that cause , it is reported to be a worker of wonderfull miracles . i am not able in words to expresse , in what infinite estimation this idoll is held , what a report there is all italy ouer , of the myracles that it worketh . this is the onely saint that all italians haue in their mouth presently , whether they bee amazed with any sudden feare of death , or taken sicke with any grieuous disease whatsoeuer . vnto this lady of loretto , doe all sorts of people in such cases make vowes , promise guifts , vndertake to goe on pilgrimage vnto her temple . and if it so fall out , that any man bee deliuered from any imminent danger , or disease , they presently then cry out a miracle , a miracle , and resolue to performe their promise , and straight wayes they vndertake a pilgrimage to loretto . vpon these occasions , there is great resort to loretto day by day out of all the parts of italy ; daily are innumerable offerings presented at her shrine , and painted tables hanged vp in her chappell expressing the whole manner of the miracles . and truely at the first sight thereof , the infinite multitude of tables did somewhat moue me , and i was of the mind that some divine essence ruled in that place . but when i came a little to my selfe , vpon serious consideration of all the passages together , i easily discerned , that it was nothing else but meerely the dotage of the blockish people , who being onely guided by outward sence , labour to haue a sensible god , i meane a deitie , which they might see and feele : for vpon the one hand i obserued , a man pictured vpon the racke , and valiantly induring all those torments by prayer made to the lady of loretto : hard by him was portrayed , a man falling from his horse , and escaping death by a sudden prayer made to the same lady : on the other hand , you might see a multitude of sicke people miraculously restored to health by calling vpon her name : not farre from them , diuers tables of people of all sorts in a storme at sea escaping the violence thereof , by a vow made to the same lady ; with many others of like nature not to be numbred . which follies , euen cicero himselfe , being a diligent obseruer of the roman superstitions ▪ did in his time seeme to deride in his booke de natura deorum , touching the nature of the gods of the romanes , wherein making mention of the philosopher diagoras deriding the roman deities ; hee thus writeth : that when diagoras vpon a time was come to samothrace , and that a friend of his had tooke ocasion to say vnto him ; you sir , who are of opinion , that our gods doe not heare the prayers of their suppliants , and order humaine affaires , doe not you obserue by this multitude of painted tables , how many men by prayer to the gods , haue escaped the violence of tempests and stormes at sea and come safe to land ? it is true indeed , said the philosopher , heere is a multitude of tables of them which haue escaped ; for they are no where painted that haue suffered shipwracke , notwithstanding , their prayers to these gods in this kinde , and haue perished at sea. which answere of his , was wittie and beseeming a philosopher ; for thereby hee did euidently enough declare , that such people had not bin preserued by the helpe or fauour of ivpiter , or ivno , or neptvne , or any other of their supposed deities , to whom they had directed their supplications in this case . forasmuch , as many others beside , and such as perhaps were honester , and better men then those who escaped , though they had made the same prayers had perished in the waues . but forasmuch , as all men generally were accustomed in any time of distresse to flye by prayer to one or other of those supposed deities , and that it often fell out , that naturall causes being violently prouoked , and threatning death , being eyther stopped in the middest of their course , or mittigated of themselues , doe vpon a sudden yeeld hopes of deliuerance . thence is it , that the effect thereof is without any good reason , ascribed to their fained and imaginary deities . and euen thus and no otherwise , standeth the case with our people of italy , in adoring and beleeuing on that idoll of loretto , and offering vnto it tables of deuotion ; because , inasmuch as all italy almost maketh prayers vnto her , and that of necessitie it must fall out , that by one meanes or other in so great a multitude of people , some few at the least shall obtaine what they haue prayed for , either through the especiall hand of god , or by the strength of nature ; and that nature at somtimes euen seemeth to worke a miracle ; all those things , are by these stupi'd and blockish people attributed to their lady of loretto ; except perhaps men would deny , that in the same manner , and for the same end , the image of ceres at a citie called enna in sicilia , as the same cicero witnesseth , hath made open declaration of her power and godhead ( to vse tullies owne phrase ) by many miracles and wonders many a time , and full often euen in the desperatest cases afforded vnto her suppliants present helpe and remedy . but these things ( as i haue formerly said vnto you ) almost none but the vulgar , and such as are like vnto them doe runne after and beleeue . for euen the more learned of their owne , phisicians , philosophers , and diuines also , as many as haue not their mouthes stopped with some ecclesiasticall preferment , do in their better judgements contemne and deride , not onely these miracles of loretto , but euen the very romane religion it selfe as false and fained , as i easily and apparantly discerned at my being at naples , where they had at that time obtained some restraint of the violence of the romane inquisition . yea and moreouer , these atheists euen to my face derided my name , because it was christianus , for in the italian dialect by the word christian they are wont to intimate a blockhead , or silly foolish fellow ; which thing ( as i conceiue ) they doe for this reason , because in their judgement they hold no man fit or inclinable to beleeue the popish chimaraes , but silly fooles and blockheads . and these are chiefly those things which came into my mind to speake and relate touching the societie of iesuites , & the idols which it more particularly beleeueth in and adoreth , beeing rowzed vp thereunto by your discourse , and beyond all expectation illuminated therewith . pavl . at this word , paulus looking stedfastly in my face , spoke thus vnto mee ; i will not ( saith hee ) henceforth any more enquire after the causes of so great blindnesse in the iesuites . i will admit no more excuses . if in thee so great a light of the truth could be depraued by iesuiticall education and almost quite extinct in thee , as i verily suppose it had beene in all likelihood , if god had not sent me hither ; what may i imagine they are not able to worke in the darke and infatuated vnderstanding of others ? when he had thus said , immediately the watch-word was giuen , that it was time to retire from our walke and recreation and both of vs in priuate retired to our priuate chambers . here endeth the first booke . finis . a discoverie of the secret designes and bloodie proiects of the societie of iesvites of later yeares . what marcvs cato sometimes spoke concerning the romane southsayers ; that hee wondred how they could forbeare to smile vpon each other , so often as they met , may not vnfitly be applyed to the iesuites : it is a wonder that one iesuite when hee looketh vpon another doth not straight way burst foorth into a laughing outright , they being amongst themselues priuie to such impostures practised vpon the people . i speake not touching your simpler sort of iesuites , from whom these more reserued and closer practises of the societie are altogether concealed , either in respect they are not held wise enough ( forsooth ) to bee acquainted with them , or that they are thought too deuout to entertaine them , or else in regard of their short continuance in that society : for all such are so kept short through seuerity of discipline , that not one of them , except hee bee wondrous quicke of sent , can euer smell out in the least measure what knauery is therein practised vnder a shew of holinesse . my discourse onely toucheth the prime and principall fellowes of that societie , their regents , fathers , provincials , and generals ; all which , are so vniuersally and joyntly tainted with all manner of wickednesse , but especially with whoredome , couerousnes , and magicke , that indeed any reasonable man may thinke it little lesse then a miracle , if a iesuite of this ranke meeting such another vpon a sudden , and beholding , as it were , another picture or liuely representation of himselfe , should haue power to abstaine from laughing outright . i therefore thought it not amisse , considering the premisse● , to lay open vnto the world some particuler passages , and practises of that society , of the greatest part whereof my selfe haue beene an eye-witnesse , and some part whereof hath been related vnto me by iesuites whom i am able to name , and will vndoubtedly nominate , if they shall but dare in the least manner to lift vp their tongues against mee , or to contradict what i haue written . and howsoeuer at this time i passe ouer things briefly , and doe onely ( as it were ) giue you a first draught thereof , i doe purpose in due time ( god assisting me ) to do it more largely and compleatly , with expression of all and singular circumstances thereunto appertaining . first of all then , at my entrance into my colledge of iesuites ; especially , if it be scituated in or neere vnto any large , and populous , and rich place . but alas , why doe i say , if it be built there ? ( seeing they haue no colledges in any poore , meane , or obscure place . ) at your first entry i say into such a place or colledge , take principall notice of the porter of their gate , and him you shall find to looke like vnto the very picture of a very charon , or rather a cerberus ; for the most part you shall obserue him to bee a man of very great yeares , or if he bee younger , hee is a fellow of most approued trust and secrecie . and this is the man , if any such there bee , who is well skilled in all the mysteries of the iesuites caball , or reserued diuinity . in this fellowes keeping is great store of apparell both for men and women of euery degree and calling . and with this apparell doe the iesuites habite themselues according to the quallity that euery one findeth himselfe ablest to personate , and so practise wonderfull impostures in the world . for at sometimes beeing habited like souldiers very gallant , then walke in the streets and highwayes whoring and swaggering in the publike stewes . at other times in the ciuill habites of citizens , professing themselues to bee of the reformed religion , they pry vp and downe and listen in innes , in play-houses , in tauernes , vpon the exchange , and in all places of publike meetings , wheresoeuer there is any frequent resort , what the people speake vp and downe concerning them , what consultations are abroad , what matter of action is set a foot in any part . another while , like doctors of physicke , or of the ciuill law , with great gold rings on their fingers , avowing and purposely professing themselues to be papists ; wheresoeuer they know any of the common sort that is wealthy and hath sonnes , they deuise some cause of businesse with them , and insinuate themselues into their acquaintance by strange fetches , and in conclusion doe advise them to bring vp their sonnes in some schoole or colledge of iesuites , affirming that themselues haue beene educated by them , and that they haue so profited vnder them , that ( god bee thanked ) they neuer had cause to repent thereof : and sometimes againe apparelled like noblemen , and compleatly attended , they cause coaches to bee prouided abroad , and frequent the courts of princes , as giuing attendance vpon ambassadors of forraigne states , and serue as intelligencers to vnlocke the cabinets of great potentates . nay further , i haue knowne them to make shew of being banished persons , and to craue collections amongst protestant divines , purposely to learne vnderhand what such men writ against them : yea such were those men for the most part , who so miserably deluded so many reverend men in many places by sinister wayes vnder that habit , furthering the designes of their societie , and breeding disturbances in the reformed congregations : of whom , to the end that all honest-hearted ministers may be more warie hereafter , i shall tell you hereafter , what proiects at this day the iesuites haue a foote to this purpose . but in the meane while perhaps you will say vnto me , whereto , i pray you , serueth so much womens apparell , or what is their end in depositing so much in the keeping of the porter of their gate . attend , and i will tell you : no pander , that euer tirence or plavtvs mentioned in their comedies , was so nimble at the trade of winning pretty wenches , at are the iesuites at this day , but especially that porter of their gate whom i mentioned but now . for , that which the confessors themselues are not able to wring out of them by auricular confession in their churches and chappels , this fellow knoweth how to winne from them by flattering speeches , with wonderfull pleasing and delightfull toyes , especially if he meete with a poore widdow , or any such silly woman which sendeth her child to the colledge now and then for an almes ; or with some laundresse , or spinster ; for bee shee lotrix , or petrix , hee will make her a meretrix . whom so soone as this base pander hath once but allured to come to his net , although her apparell bee neuer so old and tattered , yet hee hath gay gownes enough in store , with accoutrements suitable , wherewith hee can make her both tricke and trimme , which when hee hath so done , hee knoweth how to convey her through many secret passages and by-wayes to his venerable maisters , the fathers of the societie . and yet he neuer doth this in the day time , but neere vpon the shutting in of the euening , and then they make away the whole night in ryot and luxurie , with reuelling and dancing , the younger sort and nouices of the societie being kept farre enough from discouery thereof . for they haue for the purpose certaine vaults framed like chambers , and roomes vnder ground as had those ancient romanes , who first deuised there stewes in vaults , whose inclination to all carnall lasciuiousnes was so great , and so bruitish , that the senate of rome , fearing the iust anger of their gods for the same , vtterly suppressed those lupanaria or publike stewes . and thus much for the iesuites porter of their gate : onely i must not forget to tell you this one thing , that if any party who by chance shall come to the sight of such and so great a wardrobe , doe demand with admiration , what is the end or vse of it , answere is made vnto them , that it is the wardrobe , reserued purposely for acting of playes : but that is the least part of their intention to my knowledge . moreouer , when thou entrest into any of their churches , make account that thou walkest vnder an heauen of iron : bloody mars is ouer thine head , not that prince of peace ; below thee is the very pit of hell , and a shop of tormenters . i now doe relate in good earnest , what mine owne eyes haue seene ; at prague in bohemia vpon the roofe of their churches , are thousands of iron bullets , whips , and fire bals , such as the bohemians vse : vpon the sides are placed pieces of ordnance , with a great number of musquets and harquebushes , with pikes and halberts . in the middest , where the arches meete , are great heapes of huge bullets of stone ▪ and the like preparation haue they also made at craconia . nor doe i make question , but that vpon due search their colledges in other places , would appeare as well provided . but some man may perhaps make question , to what end religious men should make such preparation , or what need there can be so to doe . i confesse , the matter at the first sight astonished me , and to my best vnderstanding was exceeding strange : but thus standeth the case . the iesuites know well enough , that the courses which they haue taken formerly , and now euery day doe take , are so indirect and turbulent , as maketh them odious , to all such as they liue amongst ; yea , to very papists themselues , at least to the wiser sort of them , in respect of many things which they haue done both tumultuously , and wickedly , wheresoever they haue got footing in the least manner . for they haue no regard of any , they spare not to roote vp the very catholickes themselues , so that they may pleasure the popes holinesse therein , though it were with the betraying of their countries , and setting the whole christian world in a combustion . and therefore because they are in daily feare to bee massacred by those among whom they liue , they make this provident and timely prevention by warre-like preparation . for indeed , they are afraid ( as i my selfe haue heard them confesse ) least it might befall vnto them as vnto the knights templers , who notwithstanding they were forward enough to serue the pope at all times , and as good catholickes as could bee wished in the matter of religion ; yet , for theyr too much ambition and couetousnesse , whereby they became insupportable , they were by the consent of all christian princes , and not without approbation from the pope himselfe put to the sword all at an instant , and vtterly rooted out almost in a moment ; as sometimes were the pythagorians , those very iesuites in effect , among the heathen , serued throughout italy , and the provinces adioyning . now the reason , wherefore they doe make choise to lay vp their armes and munition in their churches ▪ is onely this : for if when any insurrection or rebellious tumult ariseth in a province , the papists come thither to helpe and assist them , by this meanes they haue armes for them in a readinesse vpon a suddaine : but if any who are of contrary religion come thither to doe them wrong ▪ or to steale any thing from them , they haue munition and stones aboue head , to destroy them withall before they be aware . and is not this ( i pray you ) he ready way to make the house of prayer , a den of theeues . and yet by your patience , if you will but attend , i shall relate things more strange and horrible then these , in respect whereof , the things i haue related hitherto ▪ may well see me tollerable , i may almost say innocencie , vnder the pauement of their church at gratz , and elsewhere ▪ to my knowledge , are vaults and buildings vnder ground ; whereunto , there is no way but by staires , and steps ; here haue they hoorded vp ( like to that cacus whom virgil speaketh of ) all theyr prey and treasure , and doe obscurely conceale a world of wealth : so professing pouertie , not onely with publike consent , but also with incredible pleasure , suffering the same with admirable patience , and cursing to the pit of hell , all such as are poore against their wils , as vnworthy of so blessed a crosse . but as for this their treasure , for the most part it is so contriued , that it is buried directly and perpendicularly vnder their greatest and chiefest or most eminent and highest altar , and so they shall be sure that when they chant masse , they shall sacrifice to mars aboue head , and to mammon below . now furthermore , in their vaults vnder ground they maintaine a very strange library , of cords , halters , rackes , swords , axes , iron-pincers , stockes , torches , pillories , and souerall instruments of torture , wherewith and whereunto poore wretches being tyed fast , are joynt by joynt torne a sunder as many as fall into the hands of these tyrants , who are farre more cruell in this kind , then mezentivs or phalaris ever were . nor are they without a divels coate , and a long steeple crown'd hat with blacke feathers , a jagged doublet cut and slashed , breeches puffed out and bagged like bellowes , downe to their anckles , such as would euen make a man affrighted to looke vpon them . but perhaps , he that readeth this relation , will wonder to what end religious persons , who professe themselues the disciples and followers ( as they would haue all men to beleeue ) of our most meeke saviour iesvs , should make such provision . i will resolue you this question also , if you please to attend . with such instruments as these , doth the societie captivate the vnderstanding of their disciples , vnto iesuiticall obedience . for if in the least matter , they get any hinte of suspition , against any of theyr novices , that he will not be constant , or that he desireth to escape from them , and that he is likely to betray the secrets of their societie , they clap vp such a fellow , in a faire paire of stockes , and having macerated him a long time with hunger , and cold , and want of all bodily comforts ; at the last , they make an end of him , with some exquisite tortures , and killing torments . i doe not belye them . i write nothing but a truth . there was at gratz , about three yeares agoe , a young man named iacobvs clvssevs , a youth of an excellent and pregnant wit ; this man did they lay hands vpon , and miserably tormented him , by whipping and scourging , for a matter of no moment , and because hee told them plainely , that hee would renounce their societie , and complaine publikely ( if ever hee got libertie ) for this and other such wicked dealings towards him , they clapped him vp into such a prison , vnder ground , as aforesayd , from whence hee was neuer seene to come out againe aliue . nor did any of vs that were novices , make question , but that hee was made an end of , with most exquisite torments . which vnparalell'd piece of tyranny , i purpose in due time to divulge to the whole world , with relation of all circumstances , beeing the thing which the poore wretched clussaeus , had a purpose to haue done himselfe , if hee had not beene hindered and preuented by death . i shall withall make publike vnto the world , another such piece of villanie , committed by the iesuites of fulda in germanie , vpon the body of one martinvs , whom they stole away most basely from his parents , who are yet liuing at miltenberg or milberg . and how many women thinke you , haue beene deuoured and eaten vp in the same gulfe ? how many young children slaine ? how many young men , that haue beene sole heyres of very large and ample patrimonies , haue beene made away by them ? i doe not say , i thinke , but i beleeue , and am firmely perswaded , so often as shrikes , and cryes , sighings , and most woefull lamentations , were heard in the night season , the hearing whereof ; would put a man into a cold sweat all over , and make his hayre stand on end , though our simpler novices , beleeued them to bee the soules of some lately departed , it was nothing but the shrikes and mone of children lately murthered , or then a murthering . moreover , that the extreame and diuelish malice of iesuites , may be in nothing defectiue , they are accustomed diuers times in those their vaults vnder ground to make the diuell very fine sport : putting on terrible disguises , they cause some of theyr novices to be called downe to behold theyr tragedie , vpon whom they will rush suddainely with an horrible yelling noyse , to make tryall , ( forsooth ) of theyr courage and constancie . for if they find any to bee timorous and fearefull , they admit not such a man to the secrets of magicke , as accounting them cowardly and degenerate , but appoint them to some of the inferiour arts : but such as appeare to bee of bold and vndaunted spirits , they take especiall notice of them , and reserue them for serious imployments . and yet they are not alwayes successefull for all this , as appeared by that which happened at prague in the yeare 1602. for whereas there were fiue principall iesuites , who being habited as devils made sport with their youth , it so fell out , that there was found to bee a sixth in their company , before they were aware , and hee questionlesse was a divell indeed , who catching vp one of the personated diuels in his armes , gaue him such a kindly vnkind embrace , that within three dayes after , hee dyed of it ▪ the fact was common talke at bake-houses , and barbershops , and at euery table discoursed vpon , all over prague . and yet for all that , the rest of them , as nothing amazed with this tragicall event , dare still in an height of obstinacio , proceed in that most vngodly and diuelish study of magicke . now amongst that whole societie , the prime man for a magician , a french iesuite , whom the king of france himselfe , had in so high estimation , that hee admitted him not onely to his princely table , but also to familiar conferences in priuate ; concerning whom , the iesuites themselues did make their boast , that he had a glasse made by art magicke , wherein hee could plainely represent vnto the king , whatsoeuer his maiestie desired to see : insomuch , that there was nothing so secretly done or consulted vpon in the most private roome of of any cloyster or nunnerie of other orders , which hee could not easily and instantly discouer , and disclose , by helpe of this his inchanted , or rather diuelish glasse . and indeed it was by the art and meanes of this magician iesuite , that their societie was confident , that they should bee able to draw on theyr side , one of the most potent princes of the empire , albeit a protestant : forasmuch , as hee was observed to bee somewhat delighted in the study of magicke . now , as for those whom they take in as nouices to be instructed in this way , they expound vnto thē those nine hundred propositions , which picvs , earle of mirandula published at rome : as also the booke of iohannes tritemius , together with a tract or treatise touching abstruse or hidden philosophy , written by cornelius agrippa : likewise theophrasius , concerning the constellations and seales of the planets , with the steganographia of i know not what abbot , and the art of pavl to procure revelations : meaning saint pavl , whom they affirme to haue beene instructed in the art magicke , and thereby to haue vnderstood such high revelations and profound mysteries . yea , they blush not to affirme , that saint iohn was an excellent magician : nor doe they sticke to say , that euen our blessed sauiour christ iesvs himselfe , was a most absolute and perfect magician , as mine owne eares haue heard it oftener then once or twice related by some of that societie , and such as i am able to nominate . and thus much for the iesuites church : onely , take this direction along with you ; those vaults and roomes vnder ground , which i mentioned euen now , those secret conueyances and circean dennes , are for the most part contriued to be vnder the quire or cloister , not where the people doe walke or stand . and now when thou shalt passe from their temple into theyr studie ( for i will say nothing touching theyr parlour , or chambers , refectories , or places of recreation , instruction of novices who are newly admitted , and the trayning vp of other schollers committed to the iesuites tuition ; nor yet touching the methode and order of their studies , but will reserue that for another discourse ; seeing those passages are for the most part knowne abroad already , being discovered by another . ) when , i say , thou shalt enter into their publike library , thou shalt finde a most exquisite choise of authors of all sorts , all of them most curiously bound vppe in leather or parchment with fillets of siluer or gold : and as for such whereof there is daily vse , they are layd in order vpon deskes , fastened with chaines vpon a long table . but as for the inner librarie , that is onely reserued for the fathers of the societie : it is free for none but them to goe in thither , and to borrow thence what bookes they thinke good . those ordinary bookes , are onely free for the iuniors of the societie , nor may they take a sentence out of the rest without speciall leaue obtained from the regent . moreouer , in this first librarie , are no hereticall bookes ( as they call them ) but onely the writings of most approued authors and catholickes all ▪ for they hold any other vnworthy to bee placed amongst them , as fearing perhaps they should infect the rest . looke therefore vpon thy left hand , and there thou shalt see the wretched bookes of heretickes , ( as they tearme them ) standing all in mourning for the faults of their authors , bound vp in blacke leather , or parchment blacked over , with the very leaues thereof dyed in blacke . of these , not one of the fathers themselues may make choyse or vse , without leaue obtained from the regent before hand : but your inferiour iesuites and younger novices , may not bee so bold , as to desire the sight of any one of them , except he will before hand , with all virulencie and bitternesse , raile vpon , and disgrace the author , whom hee desireth to see , by some infamous lybell , and scurrilous satyricall verse , or writing . in the middest of these seuerall libraries , is placed a study , beeing divided into many seates distinct , and separate one from another , with a blew covering : on the right side whereof , sit the fathers ; on the left , the vnder-graduates ; who haue already taken some degrees vpon them . the other novices , or ( fresh-men as wee call them ) sit mixt with the fellow-commoners , that they may take notice of them , and euery man in his turne , beating into them by continuall discourses ▪ the sweetnesse and excellencie of the order of iesuites ; especially , into such as are of the richer sort , or wealthy heyres . i will say no more at this time ▪ as touching theyr studies , but i will describe briefly , the manner of the visitation , which euery provinciall maketh ; because it is a point , which as i thinke , and for any thing that i euer read or heard , hath beene neuer hitherto divulged by any . now euery provinciall taketh his denomination from the prouince , or kingdome rather , which is committed to his charge , and oversight . his place is to visit the severall colledges , to take an account of theyr revenewes , and ouer-see their expences , exactly and punctually : to take notice , what noble personages doe commit their sons to the tuition of the societie , and how many they are in number ? whether there bee not yearely an increase of schollers , as also of their meanes and revenewes ? whether there bee any converted from lutheranisme , and how many such ? if there be no such thing , or if the popish religion haue lost ground , or if there be any decrease of theyr wealth , he sharpely reproveth their sloath and neglect , and chargeth strictly , that they make an amends for the wrong they haue done , and losse they haue receiued in this case . but if they haue bestirred themselues brauely , and conuerted ( as they call it ) or rather perverted many soules to popery , if they haue beene frugall , and scraped wealth together , he praiseth them very highly , and extolleth them to the skyes . moreover , he demandeth , what is the opinion of the neighbouring hereticks concerning them ? what bee the projects of the nobles ? what meetings they haue ? how many ? and where ? what they consult vpon ? what they resolue to doe ? whether the hereticall princes ( as they tearme them ) delight to liue at home or abroad ? to whom they resort most frequently ? what is the seuerall disposition of euery one of them ? in what things hee is obserued to take most delight ? whether hee take any care of his people or not ? whether hee bee a religious prince or not ? or rather , whether hee bee not a man , who delights to take his pleasure in drinking , wenching , or hunting ? whether hee haue any catholickes about him ▪ or that are neere vnto him ? what the people report abroad , concerning theyr owne princes ? whether the churches of the adversaries , bee full of resort , or not ? whether the pastors of those churches , bee learned and diligent men in theyr place and calling , or otherwise lazie lubbers , and vnlettered ? whether the profession of divinitie thriue , in the neighbouring vniversitie of heretickes ? whether theyr divines maintaine frequent disputations , and against whom principally ? what bookes they haue published of late , and vpon what subiect ? to these , and sundry such questions , if the regent , and the rest of the fathers doe answer punctually , hee doth wonderfully commend theyr industry and vigilancie . if hee finde them defectiue in answering to these or any such demaunds , hee reprooveth them sharpely , saying : what meane you my maisters , doe you purpose , like lazie companions , to vndoe the church of rome ? how doe you suppose your slothfulnesse in these waightie affaires , can bee excused before his holinesse ? how is it , that you presume to take these places vpon you , and to manage them no better ? what or whom are you affrayd of ? why doe not you buckle vp your selues better to your businesse , and performe your places like men ? these things ( if you had beene such men as you ought to bee ) had not beene to doe now . these things should haue beene done long before this time . doe you obserue the incredible watchfulnesse of the heretickes , and can you bee lazie ? and with these or the like speeches , hee whetteth them on to their dutie . at the last , he enquireth as touching the schollers , fellow-commoners , novices , and the rest , how many they are in number ? how much euery one hath profited ? to what study or delight each one is inclinable ? whether there bee any one amongst them that is scrupulous , or vntractable , or not a fit subiect to bewrought vpon . for he adiudgeth euery such an one fitting to bee remoued from the study of divinity ; except , he haue bin very well exercised in the disputations in schooles , and haue a very great and good conceit of theyr religion beaten into him . moreouer , hee enquireth if they haue any one in the colledge , who can be contented , for the advantage of the catholicke cause , to vndertake any laudable attempt , and to spend his blood in the cause , if at any time necessity shall seeme to require it . and at last , he sendeth away all these informations being sealed vp , vnto the father generall at rome , by whom , they are immediately made knowne to the pope himselfe , and his conclaue of cardinals : and so by this meanes , an order is taken , that there is no matter of action set on foote , nothing almost consulted vpon , throughout the whole christian world , which is not forthwith discouered vnto the pope , by these traytors , that lurke in euery state and kingdome . also , it is not to be omitted , that the iesuites are translated by theyr provinciall , from one colledge to another , and that for the most part once in three yeares , that so the provinciall out of theyr severall discoveries , may attaine to vnlocke all the secretest cabinets of the prince and state , where he doth reside . in the last place , i will adde in stead of a corallary , some strange and wonderfull ▪ devices of the iesuites , which beeing but of late newly hammered in the forge , they haue earnestly endeauoured ; yea , and at this day doe labour , tooth and nayle to put in practice by publike consent , for an innovation to be made both in the church and state throughout the whole romane empire . to this end , theyr chiefe and onely ayme is , how to set the princes of the empire together by the cares , and by taking off some of the principall doctors of the church , to bring the tyranny of the spaniard , and the primacie of the pope , into germanie . concerning which very project , i haue heard the provinciall del-rio himselfe , discoursing sometimes , whose plots and machinations , were such as follow . in the first place , ( saith hee ) care and paines must bee vsed , to estrange the effections of the princes of the empire , one from another . now the meanes ( sayd he ) to effect ▪ that is , to worke vpon theyr contrariety of opinions , in matters of religion : and for this end let the emperor be incited to make a declaration , that hee will not grant liberty of conscience in matters of religion , except there shall first be a restitution made of such goods , as were taken from the clergie vpon the treaty at passaw : for this is a point whereat they will sticke assuredly , and deny it . let the emperor thereupon send his princes , and demand the same of the cities of the empire ? they will either obey or deny : if they consent and obey , all is well : if they refuse , let him proclaime them rebels , and expose them to be seized vpon by the next neighbouring princes : but still let the matter be so caried , that he be sure to oppose a lutheran and a calvinist , the one against the other . moreouer , some deuise must bee found out , that the duke of bavaria may fall foule either vpon the elector palatine , or vpon the duke of wittemberg , for then may the emperor be easily wonne to proclaime him traytor whom the duke of bavaria shall distast , and all meanes taken away of making pacification either with papist or calvinist for thē ; besides , thereby will be raised vnreconcileable diuisions in the empire , neuer to be quenched before an highway bee made for the accomplishment of our desires . for the further ripening of which designe , the iesuites vnbethought themselues further of this stratagem . it will follow ( say they ) necessarily , when any citie of the empire shall be proclaimed rebellious , that euery seuerall prince will be more ready and willing to serue his owne turne vpon the spoyle thereof , then to admit any other that shall be emulous of the same bootie to preuent him . this for the generality . more particularly yet , meanes must be found out , to set the princes of saxony at difference , that their strength and power may be broken , or at least weakened . now that may bee most conueniently effected thus : first , if the administration of the primacie of magdeburg , which now is vacant , bee giuen to the bavarian elector of colen , neither the marquesse of brandenburg , nor the duke of saxonie , will easily grant theyr consents thereto . secondly , if that succeed not according to our desires , there must be some cause pretended , why the duke of saxony either doth seeme worthy , or ought to seeme worthy to be remoued from the electorall dignity . for , if in times past , the princes of the empire cast downe wenceslaus , from the imperiall throne , because they had adjudged him a negligent prince : surely the emperour may take as just an occasion , to remoue from the electorall dignity , the duke of saxony , who is drunke euery day . and in this respect , let his imperiall majestie restore and conferre that dignity , vpon the house and family of the dukes of weymar , and because these princes are yet vnder age , let the administration of that electorship , be committed to henry of brunswicke , a learned and vigilant prince . this project being once set a foote , cannot chuse but beget infinite distractions , throughout all saxony , so shall it come to passe , that they shall wast and weary themselues one against another , and by that meanes , become vtterly vnable to withstand a common foe when he shall come vpon them . and as for the marquesse of brandenburge and them of pomerania , let meanes be vsed to moue the king of poland who is the emperors kinsman to covenant with his vncle the king of swetheland , that they two shall invade and divide prussia , and canton the same : which thing the marquesse of brandenburge will oppose with all his powers . now as concerning the landgraue of hessen he must be vrged and sollicited daily to divide the inheritance equally with his vncle lodowicke and to resigne the gouernment of hertsfeild to the bishop of wirtzburg : if he refuse to doe so , let him bee proclaymed rebell , and let his inheritance bee assigned vnto his vncle lodowicke . moreouer , as for the duke of wittemberge , and the elector palatine , they two may with ease be set together by the cares , if the duke bee commanded to make restitution of some religious houses , or otherwise vpon his refusall be proclaimed rebell , and some neighbouring monasteries bee assigned to the elector palatine , and amongst them one especially , which hee hath bin obserued to haue aymed at long agoe . and these be those killing proiects of the iesuites , which i haue heard from their owne mouthes , not without admiration euen to astonishment , and they haue many more of like sort , all which i doe not at this present remember . moreouer , there hath beene a consultation among the iesuites to send abroad some bold assassinates , who by poyson or by the pistoll , may cut off the principall doctors of the reformed churches , fellowes who are so absolute masters in that trade of poysoning , that they are able so to infect platters , saltsellers , basons , kettles , pots , and caldrons , and such like vessels of ordinary vse ; that albeit , they shall be ten times ouer washed and wiped , yet shall they retaine the power and infection of most deadly and speeding poyson . wherefore , i humbly aduise all godly and religious gouernours and ministers of the church , that hereafter they bee warie , and cautelous how they trust any , but such as of whose fidelity they haue had sufficient triall . and these things could neuer haue fallen within compasse of mine vnderstanding , nor euer did , before such time as i heard them from the principals and heads of the societie of iesuites , together with many other particulars , which i held my selfe bound in conscience to reveale to the world , for the good of my countrey , and of the church of christ : which although i haue for the present onely giuen you as in a rude and first draught ; yet i purpose , ( god willing ) in due time , to expresse the same at large , painting them out in their colours , with circumstances of time , place and persons . ⸪ finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01233-e170 iere●● . 51. 6. va●ro . lib. 1. de pop. rom. vita . macrob. lib. 1. saturnal . ● . 13 ovid. fast . 2. 4. marke this . math. ●4 . 22. apocal. 13. 5. 12. 14. dan. 12. 7. ☞ dan. 8. 25. in the epistle of ignatius de loyola , who is read euery moneth at the table . distinct 40. cap. 51. papa . in the same epistle . john. 18. act. 10 ▪ a vindication of saint ignatius (founder of the society of jesus) from phanaticism ; and of the jesuites, from the calumnies laid to their charge in a late book, entitul'd, the enthusiasm of the church of rome by william darrel ... darrell, william, 1651-1721. 1688 approx. 110 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36956 wing d270 estc r8705 12711818 ocm 12711818 66115 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36956) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66115) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 687:10) a vindication of saint ignatius (founder of the society of jesus) from phanaticism ; and of the jesuites, from the calumnies laid to their charge in a late book, entitul'd, the enthusiasm of the church of rome by william darrel ... darrell, william, 1651-1721. [12], 40 p. printed for anthony boudet ..., london : 1688. errata: p. 40. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ignatius, -of loyola, saint, 1491-1556. wharton, henry, 1664-1695. -enthusiasm of the church of rome. jesuits. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-02 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of saint ignatius , ( founder of the society of jesus ) from phanaticism ; and of the jesuites , from the calumnies laid to their charge in a late book , entitul'd , the enthusiasm of the church of rome . by william darrel , priest , of the society of jesvs . london , printed for anthony boudet , over-against the may-pole in the strand , bookseller . 1688. the preface . the disease of gospelling first broke out in germany ; and from thence the contagion crept into other states of europe . martin luther was the first this new plague seiz'd on ; and from him his pot-companions took it : he wrapt his foul design under fair appearances ; he aim'd at abuses , to strike at the church , and cry'd out reformation of manners , to let-in deformation . his maskt hypocrisie drew shoals of admirers ; and then the charming promises of true christian liberty , soon flung them into an hellish slavery ; for from admirers of his doctrine , they past to be proselytes , and canoniz'd his gross dreams for divine revelations . but , as yet , his progress was scarce discernable : he found priests and religious , as vigilant to defend the church , as himself to attack it : and therefore he set two gins , the one to allure them , the other to fright them , and their inferiours too , from their duty . he felt , by experience , that a capuche , and an hair-shift , were troublesome companions ; that fasting aud praying were melancholy entertainments ; and , that to give a breviary for a fair lady , could be no bad exchange . and therefore , by his omnipotent power , be dispenc'd with all religious vows ; and gave mankind so vast a liberty , as to do any thing but those obligations christ had laid upon them : sense applauded this new prophet's gospel , and german-reason soon approv'd it : so that many priests , and religious , accepted of the dispensation ; and made a divorce with the church , and christ himself , to espouse the world , and its fopperies . but those , who refus'd these proffers , to accept of god's ; who plac'd the good of their souls , above the criminal ease of their bodies ; and valu'd fidelity to their maker at an higher rate , than a criminal obedience to his mortal enemy ; those , i say , were oppugn'd with different engines : every reformer begat some scandalous pamphlet , and so contributed to the peopling of the world with the children of his brain , as well as with the spurious off-spring of his body . some struck at priests , others at religious ; but all conspir'd ( as if associations were even then in fashion ) to decipher the leaders of the church , as persons rather to be detested , than obey'd . by which piece of unchristian policy , they intended to raise a disesteem of superiors in the hearts of inferiors ; which once affected , disobedience ( the constant sequel of contempt ) would follow . and indeed , this method prov'd so favourable to the sinistrous designs of the first new gospellers , that their successors have pitch'd on the same expedient for the preservation of that religion , which , like a young minerva , jumpt out of their fore-father's brain . invectives against priests and jesuits , are the common cries in the streets , and the never-failing topick of all pulpit-rhetorick . but , i confess , the latter bears the greatest part of the satyrs . a jesuite and behemoth are nigh a-kin ; for , as this beast was a compound of all animals ; so he is a mixture of all abominations . is there any black design contriv'd ? the jesuite is of the counsel . any abominable treason put in execution ? he is the actor . the parliament of 41. was a college of jesuites : hugh peters a profess'd father ; nay , fairfax , waller , and cromwel too , had been adopted children of the same society , but that they wanted the necessary qualifications . disloyalty , rapine , murders , and the tribe of jesuitical vertues . in 66. the jesuits laid london in ashes . like fiery dragons , they spit flames into cellars , and oyl-shops ; and probably then experienc'd , first , the omnipotent power of teukesbury mustard-balls . nay , i have it from credible hands , their malice went so far , as to undermine the thames ; and had infallibly blew it up in the air , but providence put a stop to their hellish enterprize , and so blew up their design . from fire and water they run to the sword ; and no blood would lay the devil of revenge , but his sacred majesty's . omnipotent oliva , sent down commissions from rome , father de la chayse ships of money ; and , in conclusion , they carry'd the treason so secretly , that they knew not of it themselves : nor did any body else , but those villains who accus'd them ; and who thought to build their fortune on the ruin of church and state. in fine , a jesuite is , by trade , a butcher ; but with this difference , that he stabs kings meerly to be doing , and the honest butcher beasts , only to gain a livelyhood . his religion is to profess all or none , as time and emergencies require . from mass he runs to the quakers ; from these to the presbyterians : then he is dubb'd jew , and sometimes turk , when-ever the alcoran sutes better with his occasions , than the gospel . thus jesuits make sale of things , even the most holy and rever'd in christianity ; acknowledging no other god , but interest ; no other religion , but faction , and ( the greatest of crimes ) treason . but , gentlemen , if all these accusations are true , why is not the evidence in proving them , equal to the boldness in asserting them ? why ? our adversaries make the world believe , that we are gifted with proteus's faculty ; that we can turn and wind our selves into all shapes and figures ; that gyges bequeath'd us his mysterious ring : and , what wonder then , if we play such prancks , without being catch'd , when we cannot be seen . but , sober reader , let us cast away prejudice , and argue a little like men , by the rules of reason , and not of passion : first , were jesuits such mortal enemies to princes , is it credible , that the greatest monarchs in christendom would commit their consciences to the directions of men , whose only aim is the destruction of their bodies , and ruin of their monarchies ? no , certainly , unless we can imagine they are all of the same party with the jesuits , and conspire against themselves ; as some gentlemen assur'd the world , that charles the second , of bless'd memory , did against his own royal person . secondly , were their principles of morality so bad and anti-christian , as some malevalent persons have describ'd them , can any man , of an unbyass'd judgment , ever be perswaded , that all the world would run mad together , and send their children for vertue & learning , to their schools , where no lessons are read , but of debauchery and faction ? i will rather believe , some pamphleteers have been mistaken , than that the greatest part of europe is deceived ; and that they deserve rather to be pillor'd for calumniators , than the jesuites to be condemn'd for criminals . some ministers in germany confess'd , that in the rules of our society , there was nothing reprehensible , but the roman religion : and for my part , i am of opinion , that our english ministers can find no other fault with our actions , but that they tend more than they desire , to the increase of that faith. but , if zeal for our church be a crime , our adversaries must have patience ; for there is no hope of repentance ; we glory in the sin , because we esteem it a vertue : and , if any can disabuse us with reason and arguments , we will thank them for the favour : but , if they will needs endeavour to beat down our zeal , by accusing it , to stop our mouths with morsels of printed paper , upon my word , their labour will prove extreamly unsuccessful . i hope , by the grace of god , we shall feel so great a love for christianity , as to forgive them ; so much courage , as to bear their most foul aspersions , without any other concern , than for our adversaries impiety , we will never so far condescend to an enemy , as to revenge wrongs done us , upon our own souls ; nor to be really wicked , because our back-friends would have us be so . innocence , i am sure , stands for us ; and therefore , we need not fear a weak defence , unless it be our misfortune to fall into the hauds of perjur'd witnesses , and of old ignoramus juries ; for with such persons , crimes pass current for vertues , and innocence it self is a sufficient ground to be brought in guilty . in fine , i desire all , not to be too forward to pass their verdict against a jesuite , on the authority of every pamphlet , which drops from the print ; nay , tho' you read in the front , guli . needham , with an imprimatur . we have seen his now gracious majesty declar'd traytor , in as great formality ; and titus oats , with the whole inventory of godly narratives , were usher'd-in with an equal solemnity : which being , by the publick justice of the nation , null'd , we ought to suspect those , which , for the future , shall be fram'd on the same model . to be seduc'd once , may be a pardonable weakness ; but to be drawn-in by every malitious sheet , is a convincing argument , we are not unwilling to be deceiv'd : and whosoever is dispos'd to give assent to every lye , without further examen , adopts them ; and so espouses the sin , as well as the pain ; which will be eternal in the next vvorld , unless he resolves to repent in this. a vindication of st. ignatius from the charge of phanaticism , &c. the introduction . among other artifices , where-with the gentlemen of the church of england recommend their religion to ignorant and deluded persons , none has been more frequently made use of , than the charging both our church , and its members , with such crimes , which derive their being , as well as enormity , from the inventive brains of our accusers . the badness of their cause , permits them not to descend into a scrupulous examination of the merirs of it . every single controversie hath been so often handled , and so demonstratively determin'd against them , that it would be rash and disadvantagious to re-assume the debate of those particular questions . wherefore they have wisely judg'd it most secure for their reputation , to lay aside reason and authority , and to take up no other arms to defend their gasping cause , than forgery and railery , the last refuge of desperado's . to make my charge good , i will send my reader to two pamphlets lately come out , viz. the art of missionaries , and the enthusiasm of the church of rome : in the first , forgery ; in the second , impiety ( to call it no worse ) appear bare-fac'd , in spight of christianity . for though , indeed , the author of the missionaries cites his authorities ; yet many of them are of so profligate a reputation , that no man , who did not intend to put an universal cheat on mankind , would ever produce them , but to condemn them . a main support of his slanders , is dr. burnet , a person long since out-law'd by his country , and hath not as yet learnt repentance : nay , he adds fresh crimes to those of an older date , by flinging dirt on his sovereign , and lending his mercenary pen to the broachers of new rebellions . and shall he , who flies in the very face of his prince , be admitted as an evidence against catholick subjects , whom he professeth to abhor ? a great part of his other authorities are of the same stamp and reputation ; only with this difference , that some , at least , have been burnt by the publick hang-man ; and the doctor 's , with a great part of the herd , as yet , only deserves the same punishment . in a word , the gentleman shou'd have taken into his list the salamanca-doctor's narrative , to make it compleat , and to press his accusation homer . now , had this pamphleteer first prov'd , by credible witnesses , the veracity of his authors , and withal been more sparing of his billingsgate-rhetorick , his accusation might have gain'd some degree of probability even in the opinions of well-meaning men , till catholicks had confuted it . but first to empanel a byass'd jury , and then to condemn a congregation of men on its corrupt verdict , is so foul a proceeding , as not to be parallel'd but in the transactions of titus's reign . as for the other gentleman ; indeed , he has taken a far more expedient way , to bring our religion into an odium : the name of a phanatick , sounds harsh to an english-man's ear ; and therefore , he doubted not , but the very imputation of enthusiasm , would raise the hot-headed mobile against us ; and turn the good esteem of many church-protestants , into an utter execration of our folly. the reverend dean of st. pauls gave him the plat-form of his design ; and , indeed , all england could not afford him a more expert master in the science of phanaticism : for , let people talk what they please , practice is the best mistress ; and the doctor wants not this advantage . when phanaticism turn'd trump , it was the doctor 's darling religion ; and , if we may guess at his mind by the fruit of his brain ( his writings , ) two fat benefices are the chief motives of credibility , which keep him in the prelatick communion . nay , our gentleman follows , through his whole pamphlet , this guide so close , that he often treads on his heels . so that , without any injustice , i may change the tittle page , and christen the whole book , the second edition of dr. stillingfleet 's folly. but , to do him justice , i must inform my reader , that he hath heightned the doctor 's railery , as well as impiety ; and , as much as i can guess , hath spent so much time in turning over don quixot , as to have left none for the scripture : for , had he the least insight into that sacred book , or the least tincture of christianity , he never durst have exercis'd his ridiculing vein on the sacred counsels contain'd in that holy volume ; nor plac'd those pious men , who follow'd them , on the same level with phanaticks . but , what will not men do , when passion blinds reason ? when the pleasant charms of revenge cast conscience into a lethargy ? when they have light enough to see their errors , and no resolution to correct them . would the gentleman peruse his own lines in cold blood , i am perswaded , he would blush at the sallies of his passion , and confess he deserv'd those reviling epithets , he has so liberally flung on the catholick church , for promoting imaginary enthusiasms , and on st. ignatius for practising them . however , though perchance his buffooning disease may be past cure ; yet for the disabusing those , who possibly may be so far impos'd on , as to take a meer romance for a real story , i shall make a short reply to a long fable : though i am convinc'd , indeed , that many may be pleas'd with the slander ; yet few will approve it , and fewer the author . the most favourable , perchance , may rank him among the merry andrews : but , i am sure , the more judicious will place him among those , who profess little religion , and exercise less virtue . i do not intend , in my reply , to follow this gentleman so close by the heels , as he has done dr. stillingfleet ; for i find the greatest part of his calumnies long since wip'd-of , in the second letter to a. b. but i will only touch those accusations , which either slipt by the doctor 's memory , or were so notoriously false , as he thought fit to conceal them . sect . i. whether st. ignatius had the qualities , which the author requires to make up a phanatick ? after an invective of twenty pages against phanaticism , and an hundred compliments to the saints of the catholick church , of which mad , frenzical , brain-sick , &c. are the most endearing epithetes ; as if the gentleman had lost his breath , he stops of a suddain , and thus very gravely reads the indictment against st. ignatius : in forming this inquiry , i shall begin with the qualities necessarily requisit to compleat an affected enthusiast ; among which an ardent desire of glory , and immoderate ambition , obtain the first place ; for none could prostitute the dignity of his nature to the follies and impertinencies of enthusiasm , deny to himself the common benefits of life , and undergo poverty , nakedness , hunger ▪ and a thousand other inconveniences incident to that profession , if he were not transported with a violent ambition . i confess ingenuously , that pride is a necessary ingredient to make a phanatick ; but that such a self-denial as you mention , is incident to men of that profession , is , in my opinion , a most groundless assertion . no man in england , i believe , is such a recluse , as not to be acquainted with some of that perswasion ; and yet i dare affirm , that no body can point me out any considerable number of those proselytes of phanaticism , who ever esteem'd voluntary poverty , nakedness , hunger , and a thousand other inconveniences , to be necessary compliments of their religion . indeed , the church of england seems to be convinc'd , that a renunciation of those common benefits of life , is an essential part of their obligation ; and therefore , mov'd with a pious indignation to see so christian duties laid aside , thought fit ( some years past ) to call straying phanaticks to a severe account , for the contempt of so laudable a tenet . she tormented their bodies with loathsom prisons , for the good of their souls , drain'd their purses with weekly and monthly fines ; and , in fine , forc'd them to undergo poverty , nakedness , hunger , and a thousand other inconveniences incident to that perswasion . nay , the no less provident , than pious mother-church , went further : she knew full well , that human nature is frail , and that men are far more prone to fall , than to rise ; and for this reason , she judges it most convenient to keep the rod ( viz. the penal laws ) in her hand , that now and then , with a gentle lash , she may admonish them of their duties , poverty , nakedness , &c : and 't is for this end too , that she stickles for the test , lest poor phanaticks , by intruding themselves into gainful offices , should cut a new channel for their ambition to run in , and pride rather in opulence , than in the wan● of the common benefits of nature . it being then no principle of our english phanaticks , to feed their ambition with such an aversion from the creature , as rather to expose their naked backs to publick view , their stomachs to the inward knawings of a biting hunger , rather than enjoy it : without doubt , your piercing genius has found out a new sect , which modesty commands you to conceal . but to satisfie the reader 's curiosity , and to contribute as much as i am able to the increase of your reputation , and the credit of that pure church , of which you are a spotless member , i shall communicate your discovery ; that the world may be witness as well of your piety , as of your railery : and that i may explain your meaning without all debate , let the reader take notice of your words : for none would prostitute the dignity of his nature , &c. deny to himself the common benefits of life , and undergo poverty , &c. if he were not transported with a violent ambition . so that , if we do but form one syllogism , this new discovery will lie at the tail of it : those who deny themselves the common benefits of life , who undergo poverty , &c. have the first quality to compleat an enthusiast . but , the apostles , the primitive christians , and to be short , christ himself did deny themselves the common benefits of life . ergo. christ , and his apostles , &c. had the first quality to compleat an enthusiast . this is a discovery worthy indeed of a julian , or porphyrius ; but , for my life , i cannot find one fig-leaf to cover your impiety . if it be a piece of phanaticism , to leave all for christ's sake , to obey our great master's counsel , we acknowledge the accusation , and plead guilty : but if it be a crime of the first magnitude , to turn christ's life , and his doctrine into ●aileries ; sir , let me tell you , you stand heavily guilty at god's tribunal , and will infallibly bear the smart of your blasphemy in the next world , unless you learn to repent in this. but , perchance , you will tell me , that to quit all worldly pretensions , to deny ones self the common benefits of life meerly for christ's sake , is praise-worthy : but that st. ignatius's poverty sprung from a principle as far different , as ambition is remote from humility . so 't is not precisely the exterior train of self-denial , which qualifies him for a phanatick , but interior ambition . prove then , sir , that ambition was the fist motive of all st. ignatius's austerities . he is about it : where he ushers in his proof with a division of ambition , to shew he loves to take things from the bottom . ignatius ( says he ) was in a most particular manner indu'd with this heroick quality , and that both natural and acquir'd . i suppose , sir , the natural temper of a man's body is no more a crime , than the natural features of his face ; because neither the one , nor the other falls under a free election ; which is a necessary requisit to frame a sin. so that the first part of your proof being null , we must fall to the examen of the second : this natural ambition of st. ignatius was fomented and increased by his extraordinary addiction to read romances , and the lives of saints , p. 21. but it was the reading of the legends of saints , which finally compleated the disease , and render'd it incurable : this excited in him a passionate desire of obtaining an equal reputation in the church , p. 22. if the lecture of romances inflamed his ambition , whilst he was yet a soldier , and breath'd the air of the world , we accuse the lecture as well as the effect of it : but then , too , i cannot but wonder , that such an accusation should fall from your mouth , who are , without doubt , guilty of the same folly ; for , if his passion carry'd him to amadis , yours tie you to don quixot ; otherwise you could never have follow'd so close your parallel : but that the life of christ , and actions of the saints , should work the same effect , i understand not , unless he had your faculty to draw bad from good , and vice from the greatest vertues . i will grant you willingly , that the zeal of st. dominick , and humility of st. francis , first open'd his eyes , and gave him a prospect of the folly of all worldly pretensions ; as well as of the happiness of those , who leave all this for his sake who made them . where is the crime ? where 's ambition , but in your fancy , who spy faults in others , where there are none ; and will not turn an eye homeward , where , i am sure , you would find a subject more than ordinary of confusion and detestation ? does not st. austin , in his confessions , recount the conversion of two noble romans , by an accidental reading of st. anthony's life ? and does he load these converts with the accusation of ambition ? no , no : this trade is new , and takes its date from the blessed epoche of reformation . 't was then christ's counsels began to be laugh'd at , when his very commands were declar'd noxious to christian liberty : when purity of faith sounded the trumpet of rebellion ; and any thing pass'd for lawful , but obedience to the church : when coblers left their stalls , to mount the pulpits ; and pass'd from the mending of soals , to the direction of consciences : when religion grew in vogue , like almanacks ; and the freshness of its date , was a sufficient argument to recommend it . i say , 't was then men establish'd a new language , when they pickt up a new faith ; and first term'd humility , pride ; voluntary poverty , nakedness , &c. the most palpable sequels of an enthusiastick ambition . yet this gentleman having once bolted this wild proposition , [ ignatius , in his conversion , was acted with principles of ambition ] is resolv'd to stand to it , though his conscience flies in his face for it : nay , and to demonstrate , that his face is dy'd as deep with brass , as his pen is dipt in gaul , he tells us ; 't is so undeniable , that even the writers of his life cannot dissemble it . this appears from the account given by them of the motions excited in his imaginations , by reading romances , and the lives of saints , at his first conversion , which was before mention'd ; and may be further demonstrated from what bouhours adds , that in exercising all his religious austerities , he had at first no other aim , than to imitate those holy penitents , whose lives he had read , and to expiate his sins , p. 30. sir , the meaning is , that at the beginning of his conversion , he had no thoughts of instituting an order , for the saving his neighbour's soul ; but his design was wholly confin'd to the salvation of his own : so that , in short , here 's your argument ; st. ignatius , at first , employ'd all his endeavours , by reading of the saints lives , and asking god pardon for his sins , to save his own soul , without extending his care to the salvation of his neighbour's ; therefore his conversion flow'd from the principle of ambition . is not this a most concluding enthymema ? does not the author deserve to commence master of arts , for this cunning illation ? without doubt . and , i hope , the vniversity will be pleas'd to take it into its serious consideration , whither such an ingenious philosopher is not worthy of some promotion ? but because he wisely foresaw the last clause [ and to expiate his sins ] would break the neck of the argument , he thought fit to prevent it , by a pretty slight of hand , usual to persons of his quality ; this last clause ( says he ) was annex'd , only to save the credit of the saint . and , let me tell you , sir , 't is only rejected by you , to save the credit of a pamphleteer . but the gentleman has two strings to his bow. if bouhour's recount of his conversion will not brand st. ignatius with ambition , the publisher of his life by mutius vitelleschius's order , shall . pray observe : his first resolutions were to exercise great austerities , and perform extraordinary penance ; ( no harm yet , not one grain of ambition is hitherto visible ) not so much to expiate his sins , which then presented themselves to his view ; as because he imagin'd , that in these rigours the utmost perfection of christianity consisted , having no higher idea of it ; and desiring with passion to acquire that perfection . now , let any man turn this quotation into all shapes , let him make what combination he pleaseth , he will never frame , i am sure , an argument able to convince any person of st. ignatius's ambition : for the natural sense which the words import , is , that the saint aim'd at the highest perfection of christianity , and plac'd it in the exercise of great austerities ; which , without doubt , was a mistake : for the perfection of christianity , consists in a most perfect love of our creator ; other exterior austerities , are only means to arrive to it . say then the saint was mistaken in his idea of perfection , and i will put my hand to your accusation : but , on my word , sir , if you lay ambition at his door , without better proofs , than you have already produc'd , you must maintain your charge alone . well then , rather than fall short of his intent , he singles out another circumstance very material ; viz. the ambition of founding a new order in the cburch , had strangely possess'd his imagination , and was the grand motive of all his austerities , p. 32. that from his conversion he had conceiv'd such a design , orlandin and bouhours agree ; and i subscribe : but that ambition put this resolution on foot , and as mr. bays very well says , and all that ; where 's your proof ? why , i gad , he will not tell us : and yet we must swear such a blind obedience to his worship , as to believe him without any further inquiry . for my part , i do not intend to give him a deference he denies to the church ; nor to accuse the saint , by freeing him from calumny . st. ignatius fram'd a design to institute a new order : ergo , ambition was the mover of this great work. i cannot infer such an impious consequence from so pious an antecedent ; nor any body else , without betraying at once a want of wit , and an abundance of impiety . i find , that st. basil and st. austin had the same design , nay , and put it in execution ; and yet i dare not , for my life , draw this conclusion , ergo , they were ambitious . will you therefore know st. ignatius's motive ? it was a zeal for his redeemer's honour , and for his neighbour's salvation , which prompted him to the enterprize . he saw the greatest part of the world sleep in ignorance and impiety ; and that as they liv'd without knowledge of god , so they dy'd without fear of hell , and without hope of heaven . he thought it then an act both of gratitude to god , and of charity to his neighbour , to be founder of an order of men , whose only imployment should be , first to procure their own , then the salvation of their neighbour's : and so it is . besides , he saw the church of god attack'd in europe ; that the contagion of brain-sick gospellers had infected the greatest part of the north ; that reformation was the fair hellen , which inchanted christendom ; and , that the name of liberty , had plung'd whole nations into slavery : wherefore , to heal these wounds already made , and to prevent future dammages , he fram'd in his head the idea of the society ; which he after establish'd by the pope's authority : and how god favour'd his designs , the event has demonstrated beyond a possibility of doubting . the fairest and most populous nations , both of the east and west-indies , have receiv'd christianity from his descendants ; who flung up all right to the common benefits of life , in their native countries , expos'd their lives to as many dangers as there be winds in the compass , to draw their fellow-creatures to the knowledge of jesvs christ ; and to perswade them to live like men , that they might not die like beasts . in these apostolical functions , above three hundred lost their lives , and seal'd with their own blood that gospel they preach'd to others . i challenge all the ministers in england , to shew the world so visible marks of piety in their order , or so manifest an evidence of divine approbation : no , they have found so many commodious livings , made to their hands by the piety of their catholick ancestors within the compass of the four seas , that they rest contented with their portion ; and think it a piece of the highest folly , to be so enamour'd with the conversion of heathenish souls , as to expose christian bodies to the least inconvenience for their sakes . besides , a pack of little children is an expensive burden , and the tears of a loving wife a strong retentif : so that a well-meaning minister's zeal is choak'd by two impossibilities ; that is , he cannot go without a transportation of his family , and in this case his purse is too little ; or without an absolute renunciation of wife and children : and as for that , without any ceremony , he tells the heathens , vxorem duxi & ideo non possum venire . well , but though we are advanc'd to the 32th . page , i can find no end of the first accusation : my author follows his point close , and will not part with his belov'd topick , ambition ; which makes me think , he is no such enemy to it : for people talk of that most , which they love the best ; and often dispraise those very things , they most passionately dote on . what then has he yet to say ? he reveal'd one day to polancus several favours god had bestow'd on him ; and pray'd earnestly , that eguia might not out-live him , lest he should discover to the world , what he knew of the sanctity of st. ignatius : this is , as i conceive , your meaning , though not your words . to take a view as near as we can of the stress of your argument , let us stand on the right side : st. ignatius reveal'd privately one day to polancus , that god had bestow'd many favours on him ; item , that he did not relate the thousandth part ; item , he pray'd earnestly , that his confessor might die before him : therefore , he was ambitious . here the reader sees the whole objection , not through false opticks , but in it natural bulk and proportions . but whether it skulks in the first or second instance , for my heart i dare not presume to determine : yet methinks , the gentleman might have drawn , from the second instance , a conclusion of his modesty ; because his desire of out-living eguia , aim'd at this , that many gifts of god , known to him , as being his confessor , should lie forever bury'd in oblivion . but i have to deal with a man , who is equally offended with silence and speaking , and makes the one as criminal as the other . but , st. ignatius made polancus partaker of his heavenly visits ? and i find , that solomon wisper'd that famous apparition of god , in the ear of a confident : yet the scripture , which is not over-shy in taking notice of this great king's faults , never ranks that action among his crimes . again ; st. paul recounts us his rapture to the third heaven ; yet among all the reflections of commentators on that passage , i find not one which attributes the rehearsal of so signal a favour , to pride : nay , king david protests , he will always sing the mercies of the lord ; and why should you and i be so satyrical , as to question the lawfulness of his resolution ? if therefore such a confidence be not the necessary result of a phanatick pride , find some other argument to back your assertion , or confess you are mistaken in your charge . in fine , sir , when you feel ecstatical transports of divine love , when you work miracles , and bring me sufficient witnesses to render them credible ; although you proclaim your gifts at paul's cross , i will not lay down my good opinion of your humility , but rather increase it . the second quality requisit to make a compleat enthusiast , says our author , is ignorance , and weakness of vnderstanding : this he fastens on st. ignatius , and very civilly gives all the founders of orders the same complement . the great founders of monastick orders are observ'd to have been ignorant and stupid to a prodigy ; and ignatius , far from being ambitious to surpass them in learning , thought it meritorions to be more ignorant than them all . may i be so bold , sir , as to learn of you those observers ? i fear , they took their observations ill . for my part , i have observ'd , and others with me , that many great founders have always been , and are still esteem'd the learnedst men , in all respects , that ever the world produc'd , since the rise of christianity . what think you , sir , of st. basil ? what of st. austin ? do these pass with you for ignorant persons , and stupid to a prodigy ? if they do , i shall not much rely on your judgment . indeed , some have not commenc'd doctors ; but i never read of any stupid to a prodigy . if you have discover'd this so material a point of antiquity , do us the favour to impart it ; and the gentleman of amsterdam shall reward you with a place in the journal des scavans . but has our author let fall no peculiar encomium on st. ignatius ? yes : he thought it meritorious to be more ignorant than them all . did any one but read your following page , he would scarce believe you to be now in earnest : for there you tell us , that he put himself to school , and bestow'd many years in learning philosophy , and the latin tongue ; that , he betook himself to the vniversity of paris . now , i cannot perswade my self , you are in earnest , when you make us believe , he judged ignorance so meritorious after all these efforts , to lose it . methinks , you might have alleadg'd stronger arguments , to evince his high esteem of this great virtue , rather than to represent him with children in the school , turning over his accidents , and sweating about the first conjugation , anno. i suspect your continual hammering on the notions of crack'd disturb'd brains , &c. has something misplac'd yours ; and that you have so long hector'd st. ignatius out of his wits , till you have lost your own. however you have receiv'd the wound in the church of england's service ; and you may , in recompence , hope for a fellowship in moor-field college . but laying aside all your demonstrations of his stupidity , the vniversity of sorbon assures us , that he took his degree : which makes me conclude , ( what-ever you are pleas'd to the contrary ) he was not such an enemy to learning , nor such a friend to ignorance , as you describe him : but 't is no matter . you will have him , after his death , to be the profess'd enemy to learning : back your assertion with a good reason , and i 'll not oppose you . why , ten years after his death , appearing to james terry , a young scotch man of his society , ( who with diligence and fervour , had apply'd himself to the study of true learning ) he sharply reprehended him ; recommending to him less knowledge , and more virtue . here 's his proof ; now attend to his illation : st. ignatius recommended to him a greater study of virtue , than of knowledge . ergo , he was the profess'd enemy of learning . i wonder the gentleman has spar'd so long to cast some by-reflection on our saviour ; for i do not remember , he ever exhorted his disciples to the study of human learning ; but , every page , is full of exhortations to virtue . nay , st. paul seems rather to disswade christians from too curious a search into litterature ; and he gives a reason too , because it is the mother of pride ; scientia instat : and , without flattery , i am of opinion , the flatuous vapours of an imaginary learning , now and then flie up to our scribler's brains , and disturbs his intellect : for , how can a man , in his wits , commit so foul a crime , as to write bantering for truth , and down-right impiety for solid reason ? yet this is his case , without an hyperbole . he has charg'd on st. ignatius two essential constitutives of an enthusiast , viz. ambition and ignorance , with such an hectoring accent , that one would have expected as many demonstrations as prepositions . but , in the end , you see , the gentleman forgot his message ; and instead of pressing his accusation , has thus blindly flung it on christ , and his apostles . come , sir , let me exhort you , as st. ignatius did his proselyte , less knowledge , more virtue . study more how to serve god , and less how to defame your neighbour . now , if you will be so cruel , as , for my charity , to enrol me among the enemies of learning , i shall only say , amen , so be it . sect . ii. whether st. ignatius was actually guilty of phanaticism ? having kept pace with my gentleman forty-three pages , in which lie couch'd as many impertinencies as lines , but all the product of his brain ; although my patience be almost out of breath , i will venture to keep up with him . i do not doubt , but what follows is of the same piece with that which went before ; and that the end will agree perfectly with the beginning : and if my conjecture be true , i shall recommend the whole work , as the most ingenious piece of nonsense and confidence , which our age hath produc'd . having manifested , that the two chief parts of an enthusiast fit st. ignatius to an hair , he enquires , whether he really were not guilty of enthusiasm ? p. 44. to make this inquiry methodically , he gives us this definition of enthusiasm ; viz. this consists in pretending to divine visions , and extrordinary illuminations , after christianity is fully settled ; and all christians left to learn their religion by natural and ordinary means , from the rule of faith , whether scripture or tradition ; in boasting of infus'd knowledge , and inward lights ; in pretending to have receiv'd all the articles of faith by particular inspiration , to do all things by the private impulse of the spirit . i must interrupt the gentleman's definition , with an &c. for i have lost almost my breath , and shall , i fear , quite , if i proceed . i take it for a definition fresh jumpt out of mr. hobbs's mint ; and indeed , the whole book is so full of atheistical dashes , that i am perswaded , the author has serv'd his apprentiship under that great master of atheism . i must take the whole into pieces ; for , i confess , i dare not encounter with such a crowd of nonsense together . enthusiasm ( says he ) consists in pretending to divine visions , and extraordinary illuminations , after christianity is fully settled . hold there , dear sir , as you tender your credit , and the honour of the english protestancy : if you give so large notions of phanaticism , you exclude from the pale of your church the most famous saints , and doctors of christianity ; and if once these supports be thrown away , your church must fall . saint martin was a pretender to extraordinary illuminations ; and saint austin tells us of a certain voice , which bid him , tolle & lege , take up and read ; and a thousand others . now , sir , if i put my hand to this part of your definition , i cannot refuse it handsomly to this consequence ; ergo , st. martin , st. austin , &c. were enthusiasts . my reason is , because you assert , that all those who pretend to divine visions , and extraordinary illuminations , after christianity is fully settled , are enthusiasts . but , all those fore-mention'd saints did pretend to divine visions , &c. after christian religion was once fully settled ; ergo , those saints were phanaticks . excuse me then from subscribing to the first of your definitions , unless you think good to explain your mind better . i will take up the context ; in beasting of infus'd knowledge , and inward light. i admit this , on condition you do not intend to make an humble recount of those favors , meerly for others instruction , pass current for boasting . my precaution is necessary , lest unwarily we find st. paul's name in the catalogue of phanaticks , before we dream of it . what follows next , is full of equivocation : and therefore i must declare on what terms i admit it , and on what i reject it . in pretending to have receiv'd all the articles of faith by particular inspiration . this proposition , as it lies , is not orthodox : for after the compleat settlement of the jewish church , the prophets did pretend to have receiv'd the articles of their faith by particular inspiration ; and yet i dare not pronounce them phanaticks . now indeed , if you stoop so low , as to regulate your charge by my notion of phanaticism , we will proceed to the trial. i conceive it then , with submission , that only those deserve the title of phanaticks , who pretend , that the natural and ordinary means instituted by divine providence to find out all articles of faith , is an inward light , and an immediate revelation . this i understand by phanaticism : and if you can prove st. ignatius guilty of this folly , i will fling up the cause ; if you cannot , justice obliges you to a speedy repentance ; first , for having so abus'd the world with loud clamours of strange discoveries , concerning the church of rome 's superstitious practices , and enthusiastick extravagancies : secondly , for having betray'd your own conscience in the sight of god , whil'st blind temerity , and intoxicating fury , guided your pen to wound the reputation of the saints in the judgment of men. you therefore affirm st. ignatius to have been a phanatick , because he pretended to divine visions and illuminations ; and then you draw up an inventory of some apparitions and ecstacies recounted in his life , which takes up a considerable part of your pamphlet : all which you are pleas'd to attribute to the effects of a strong imagination , and of a weak and disturb'd brain . but shall any ones judgment be so byass'd , as to take this for a confutation ? would any man take bare assertions for solid reasons , or false aspersions for real crimes , your discourse is , i grant , most perswasive : but who-ever takes the pains to sift it , will be able to find nothing but scum above , and malice below . sir , for my part , i know no catholick of so easie a belief , as presently to swallow down every fictitious story for a real miracle . they measure their assent by the rules of prudence . where the authority is weak , their belief is suitable ; where strong and evident , their assent is without hesitation . in fine , they always are of opinion , that to believe all , and to deny all , are extreams equally reprehensible . now produce some arguments , which prove credibly , that the illuminations and visions ascrib'd to st. ignatius , were but the effect of a discompos'd brain , of a strong imagination , and disorderly fancy ; and if i cannot oppose more weighty reasons to the contrary , i 'll fling up my cards . the only ground of your scruple , as far as i can learn , is this , if indeed ignatius receiv'd a perfect knowledge of the christian religion , &c. how came it to pass , that for many years after , he was still esteemed a fool , and an ideot ? you have put a pretty sophism in the mouth of a jew , or a turk . if jesvs christ was god , how came it to pass , that he was still esteem'd for a fool , and an ideot ? to make us believe that such an opinion was not a popular noise only , you tell us , vpon a particular examen by the inquisitor of alcala , and arch-bishop of toledo , he was adjudg'd not to have been sufficiently instructed in matters of religion : you might as well have quoted your darling romance , don quixot , as bouhours ; and found as much to your purpose in the one , as in the other : for bouhours , in the book cited , mentions not one word of st. ignatius's appearing before the inquisitor ; much less of a particular examen : and therefore any puny logician may infer out of that examen in nubibus , that you are far more meanly instructed in the rules of truth , than st. ignatius in matters of religion . indeed , bouhours tells us , that the great vicar cast him in prison , upon the account of the indiscreet fervor of two ladies , abscrib'd by dr. cirol to the perswasions of st. ignatius ; and told him , that not being a divine , he should abstain from explicating to the people the mysteries of religion , till such time he had studied four years in divinity : but here 's no mention either of an inquisitor , or of a particular examen . and as for don alphonso de fonseca , arch-bishop of toledo , he was so far from judging him not to have been sufficiently instructed in matters of religion , that he very much exhorted him to continue his functions of piety towards his neighbour . so that here lie chain'd , one to the heels of the other , two forgeries , without dispute , as well as without excuse . had you been forc'd to translate your author out of greek , charity might have oblig'd me rather to have fast'ned this mistake on your ignorance , than to have imputed it to your malice : but the book being englisht to your hands , the most favourable construction i can put on your crime , is , that you have taken up that principle so often laid at the papists door , viz. all things are lawful , if profitable to the church ; and then working by this maxim , you concluded , that a forgery was but a small price to buy heaven for your self , and the dis-esteem of the world for st. ignatius , and those of his society . but , sir , you have taken false measures , and as disadvantagious a topick as you could have light upon . vent your burlesquing vein till dooms-day , you will never so far unman rational creatures , as to wheedle them into a belief , that the jesuits , and their founder , are fools and ideots . had you taken up your quarters at fox-hall , and from that enchanted castle popt in the hawker's mouths new narratives of popish plots , and jesuitical contrivances ; or ply'd them with white-horse consultations , armies of jesuits in the air , and thousands of pilgrims in the rear , your labour might ( 't is possible ) have met with some success : but , on a suddain , to metamorphize their plotting into folly , their intrieguing genius into stupidity , is to raise a scruple in the wisest part of the nation , whether they did not want some grains of wit , when they fear'd to be impos'd on by fools ? yet indeed , to give the gentleman his due , he dropt a word or two , pag. 26. which insinuate , that at first he intended rather to have charg'd the jesuits with knavery , than folly : for thus he tells us ; it seems , the propagation of the gospel , by force of arms , is connatural to the order of jesuits ; only the wisdom of latter years hath chang'd these spiritual , into carnal weapons . you are in the right , sir ; the wisdom of latter years hath chang'd these spiritual into carnal weapons : but the misery is , the wisdom of the little lord shaftsbury , joyn'd with the indefatigable industry of sir william waller , was not able to find them in jesuitical , nor popish cabinets . the gentlemen of rye-house engross'd them to themselves for a peculiar use ; and then the protestant duke of the church of england convey'd them to his friends at taunton , for the propagation of liberty and religion . but , sir , you are too wary ; you might , without scruple , extend the wisdom of latter years to latter ages ; for i find protestancy and carnal weapons of the same date . look over to the godly churches of germany , and you will see them making elbow-room with drawn daggers in their hands , and christian liberty in their mouths ; two pretty protestancy-dilating engines , and both the product of modern wisdom . what think you , sir , of the wisdom of a neighbouring republick ? did it not effect the propagation of the gospel by force of arms ? did it not break in pieces the fretting yoak of its master the king of spain , to put on its neck that of the lord ? yes . and dr. b. a minister of the church of england , extols to the skies the wisdom of his new lords , for a crime , which , i fear , has pusht the contrivers into hell. the wisdom of latter years has produc'd the same effects in every kingdom , where protestancy ( the religion of latter times ) got foot ; and i dare say , that it seldom gain'd one inch of ground , but by the help of carnal weapons . so that , i am sure , ( what-ever mines the jesuits have laid to propagate popery ) the propagation of the gospel by force of arms , is more connatural to protestancy . after an hundred and two pages spent in wild notions , rambling propositions , and nonsensical probations to back them , as if he had intended all the while to give scope only to a whimsical imagination , or to teach the world , that much confidence , and little reason go far ; he resolves to knock down st. ignatius's sanctity , as well as the church's , at one blow . the design is great , and suitable to don quixot's bravo ; and the method contriv'd to admiration . be pleas'd therefore to attend : in the bull of his canonization , the pope affirmeth , that from the time of his conversion , nothing proceeded from him , which can be accounted a mortal sin. but st. ignatius committed the sin of despair in the most aggravating circumstances , sometime after his conversion : ergo , the pope was deceiv'd , and st. ignatius , instead of a throne among the saints , deserves a place among the sinners . here are two charges ; but god send they fall not on the head of the accuser . i deny then , sir , the minor , viz. that st. ignatius was guilty of despair . but let me desire you , not to run to bouhours to make your charge good ; for , on my word , you will betray your blindness , as well as the cause you have in hand . the gentleman , after so many unlucky chances by quotations , will try another hit for it : he tells us then out of bouhours ; that he ( ignatius ) falls into a dark melancholly ; and being one day in his cell , he had the thought of throwing himself out of the window , to end his misery . here is , indeed , a shrewd temptation ; but yet no shadow of sin. all the world knows well , that it is not in the power of any man breathing , to barr out of his imagination , criminal suggestions : no , no ; they lie within the reach of satan , who can imprint in them the pictures of the most monstrous crimes ; and , oftentimes , the best men are assaulted with the worst thoughts . a bare suggestion is no fault ; 't is a voluntary embracing of it , derives all its malice into the action . shew me then , out of bouhours , that st. ignatius deliberately yielded to the temptation , and i will cast aside all further dispute . but heaven ( says he ) by force restrain'd him , against his will. ay , here is despair with a vengeance , indeed ! does bouhours affirm this ? not one word of it , upon my credit . pray , reader , condescend so far to curiosity , as to turn to lib. 2. pag. 29. and you will find boubours of a quite contrary opinion ; but he was with-held from yielding to this motion of despair , by the same hand which struck him : thus he . which words , taken in the most natural sense imaginable , import only this , that st. ignatius was assail'd with the temptation of despair ; but , by the helping grace of god , he most happily triumphed over the enemy . and now , reader , shall such an impudence go unpunish'd ? no , no ; if a searing iron has not past over his conscience , if ev'ry spark of christianity is not stifled ; i am sure , he has felt the bitings of a knawing conscience ; and god send the torment already began here , may not continue hereafter ; where it is like to he without redress , because without end. i will appeal to any sober man , whether this gentleman hath not drawn up an undeniable demonstration , both of his own forgery , and despair ? i say , despair , and that in the most aggravating circumstances ; because nothing beside the utmost despair of making his indictment good , could ever throw a man into such an extremity , as to oblige him to run bare-fac'd into a guilt of the highest nature , to fasten a crime on another . yet the gentleman may , in some sort , be excus'd ; 't is the epidemical disease of the climate . his church sprung from the itch of liberty , was first wean'd with forgery , and stands yet on the same crutches : and this is so black a patch in the face of the church of england , that the guardians not being able to wash it off , have thought fit to perswade the world , that the papists are guilty of the same defect . but the misery is , the blur is so minute in us , that none can see it , but the ministerial guides ; so that others , who believe it , must pin their faith on the reverend sleeves of their divines canonical habit. the gentleman is now piping-hot against the pope : the former crime of despair , was mention'd to convince the world , that his holiness took ill informations of st. ignatius's sanctity ; ex abundanti , he comes out with a second : however , if it be a venial sin for a man to sacrifice his life to his folly ; it is no less than a mortal one , deliberately to commit an action , which he is perswaded in his own conscience to be unlawful . ignatius , in his voyage to jerusalem , thought it utterly unlawful , and contrary to evangelical poverty , to carry any provisions with him ; yet being resolv'd by his confessor to the contrary , he boldly did that out of obedience , which he durst not do of himself . by this passage he pretends to demonstrate st. ignatius guilty of a mortal sin ; but after having sifted it from top to bottom , i protest i cannot find the very shaddow of a venial one. let us put to the test each proposition : it is no less than a mortal sin , deliberately to commit an action , which he is perswaded in his own conscience to be unlawful . certainly , sir , your closet turn'd round , when you penn'd this proposition . i suppose , you are perswaded in your conscience , the least untruth to be unlawful ; and yet i should not be so severe , as to judge every slight untruth to amount to a mortal sin : to steal a penny is an unlawful action ; and yet i dare avouch , that whosoever taxes such a petty theft with a mortal sin , stands accountable to god of a mortal one himself : and when it shall please you to call for my reason , you shall not fail to have it . let us go on : ignatius , in his voyage to jerusalem , thought it utterly unlawful , and contrary to evangelical poverty , to carry any provisions with him . sir , you are so innur'd to false quotations , that you cannot forbear . 't is utterly false , that st. ignatius thought it utterly unlawful to carry any provisions along with him : for bouhours only tells us , he was afraid , he should deviate from evangelical poverty , in carrying any thing along with him . so that his doubt was not of the lawfulness of the action ; but , whether it were not a greater perfection , to embarque himself unprovided ? but , suppose his own judgment told him , it was unlawful ; yet his confessor brought so weighty reasons against what he objected , that at last he concluded his confessor was in the right , and himself in the wrong ; and so accordingly he follow'd his advice . where is the sin in all this proceeding ? where is the renouncing the liberty of his will , and vse of his reason ? do men fling up their reason , i beseech you , sir , when they leave a weak motive , to stick to a stronger ? at this rate we must conclude , that fools run loose in the world , and that all the wise men of the nation are confin'd to bedlam . indeed , i am not so great an admirer of blind obedience , as to judge it a virtue in all circumstances . men may command things contrary to the law of god ; and in this case the commander and the obeyer are equally guilty . such a case may be instanc'd in the transactions of the last week : thousands of well-meaning men thought nothing so reasonable , as to read his majesty's declaration for liberty of conscience in the churches : but then their reverend confessors were of another opinion ; and so the poor penitents yielded blind obedience to their directors , although obedience to the best of princes oblig'd them to a contrary procedure . here was , i grant , a renouncing of the liberty of free-will , and vse of reason , to the purpose ; and therefore , according to your logick , a sin of the deepest dye both against god , and the king. but prompt obedience to a faction , passes in protestant casuists , for virtue : yet when a popish saint lays aside his private judgment upon good and rational motives , to follow the sentiment of his confessor , no less than a capital crime is presently clapt on his shoulders . the gentleman's gall is still boyling against the pope , and nothing can quench it , i see , but another push for it against both the pope , and st. ignatius ; for you must know , he frets at the one for being a saint , and at the other for canonizing him . but what ( cries he , in a pleasant humor ) if after all , ignatius should be found an heretick ? ( ay marry , sir , this is a necking blow . ) he would ill deserve the dignity of a saint . ( questionless , you are in the right . ) and at the next reformation of the calendar , might be perhaps expung'd out of it . p. 112. you might expunge your perhaps , and assert it confidently . nay , i question not , but all catholicks would thank you for your service , could you unmask such a cheat ; for they are well-meaning men , and are as loth to be impos'd on as their neighbours . but because i know , ( if a bare assertion be sufficient ) nothing is so surprizing , which you cannot prove ad evidentiam , i beg a short authentick reason on record ; it will relish well : he believ'd scripture to be the only rule of faith , ibid. i deny it : but go on . he said , that if the articles of faith had never been recorded in the scripture , ( or , as another author expresseth it ) although no monuments or testimonies of the christian religion had remain'd , he should still have believ'd them , &c. which manifestly supposeth him to have believ'd , that the knowledge of the christian religion must necessarily be receiv'd either from the scripture , or from extraordinary illumination ; and that there is no medium , which might serve the ends of a rule of faith. what ? no medium ? look back to the 105th . page , and there you will see your self of another opinion ; for , do you not express your self , in as intelligible terms as possibly can be , that he so much doted on blind obedience , that if he adher'd to his own principles , he must have renounc'd christianity , and even natural religion , if his confessor had commanded him : and , that he propos'd this as a first principle to all , that true christians ought to submit themselves to the decision of the church , with the simplicity of an infant . methinks , this is a medium between scripture alone , and extraordinary illumination : had i been to have drawn up this indictment of heresie , my utmost care should have been to have stifled this . but you never look before you leap , and that makes you so often fall. your invective against blind obedience , jump'd handsomly into pag. 105. and in pag. 112. you sell connaturally into heresie ; and so down they went , though you knew , they would never be kept from clashing on the same paper . but let us wink at this trifling mistake ; and grant what you affirm , that st. ignatius did say , that if the articles of faith had never been recorded in scripture , &c. he would firmly have embrac'd them all ; does it follow , that he held scripture alone , or illumination , to be the rules of faith ? by no means . he was of opinion , 't is true , that an extraordinary rule might be an extraordinary illumination ; and that the ordinary one is scripture interpreted by the church : so that the sense of his words , is this ; although all scripture , and the church its interpreter , had perished , god had given him , by an extraordinary illumination , such a clear knowledge of the mysteries of our religion , that he would have believ'd them . here , you see , the gentleman has not been sparing of dirt ; but he grosly miss'd his aim : for i am throughly convinc'd , a moderate eye will easily discover , that the greatest part sticks closest to the asperser : yet passion will set his pen afloat , in spight of fate . indeed , he is come to an end of his accusation , and to say something , runs in a circle , by making a recapitulation . if it be prov'd , that in his life-time he was esteem'd an enthusiast , an impostor , and an heretick , by many sober , indifferent , and learn'd men of the church of rome ; it will be no small confirmation of the truth of whatsoever i have hitherto observ'd . yes , if their surmizes were sounded on reason ; otherwise by no means : for , in this case , i am no greater a friend to infallibility , than your self . i grant you , catholicks , in their estimates , may be mistaken , as well as protestants , and equally lie open to prejudices . at alcala he was suspected by some of sorcery . why ? the gentleman begs your pardon there ; he is not such a fool , as to tell the reason : no , that would wipe off the aspersion . the truth of the business is : st. ignatius reclaim'd , from his sinful courses , a person of the first rank ; and presently the wise populace concluded , nothing but the power of the devil could draw such a noted debauchee to god. a pretty accusation , you see ; and as well grounded , as that against our saviour ; in belzebub principe daemoniorum ejicis demonia ; you cast out devils in vertue of beelzebub the chief of the devils . by others of heresie , and put in the inquisition for a visionary . 't is true ; but , how came he of ? after an exact enquiry into the manners and doctrine of ignatius , not finding any thing that might render him suspected , and judging it not expedient to make him appear before them ; they were contented to refer the matter to john roderiguez grand vicar of alcala ; who told ignatius , that the juridical information which had been made , was much in his favour ; and , that he might continue his functions , for the service of his neighbour . so bouhours , without the least mention of any such clause , touching extravagant methods of religion . soon after he is clapt into the inquisition a second time , for instilling foolish principles into his hearers . but , was he not , by publick sentence , freed from the imputation ? i thought , it was not a crime to be accus'd , but to be guilty ; yet you confound both : though , at this rate , our saviour's reputation suffers , who was indicted of as heavy crimes as ever ignatius was . when he was remov'd to salamanca , both him and his disciples were put in chains by the inquisition there , as hereticks and seditious persons ; and not absolv'd , but upon condition of preaching no more . certainly , sir , you imagine your self in lucian's island of dreams ; or that all the world is asleep , beside your self ; or so enamour'd with your great abilities and integrity , as to embrace every falsity dropt from your pen , as eternal verities . i grant , he was clapt in prison ; and you , that he was absolv'd : hear the sentence : after two and twenty days of imprisonment , the master and his disciples were cited before the judges , to hear their sentences read ; by which they were declared to be good men , and their doctrine to be sound . ( what could innocence desire more ? ) they are further permitted to speak of heavenly things , and to instruct the people as much as they please . with what face , then , dare you averr , ( and then cite bouhours to second your imposture , ) that he was acquitted , upon condition of preaching no more ? a man would imagine , you cited authors only to corrupt them , or to render your forgeries more palpable . soon after his arrival at paris , he is accus'd to the inquisitors , for seducing young scholars ; but , by the intercession of friends , dismiss'd . good sir , and was not the same laid at our saviour's door ? were not the apostles hurry'd before tribunals on the same account ? they were all stil'd seducers , for disswading people from being seduc'd by the charming flatterings of the world : and the crime of st. ignatius was of the same nature . this the inquisitor was convinc'd of ; and therefore acquitted the accus'd , not by the intercession of friends , as you were pleas'd to insinuate , but out of a motive of justice . so that , in conclusion , all these accusations , which you alledge as corroborating proofs , do not add one grain to the weight of your arguments : nay , they rather extenuate them ; though they add a notable increase to your guilt , and demonstrate to the world , at one view , both the excess of your folly , and the hainousness of your forgeries . from this universal contempt of ignatius in his life-time , &c. it may be farther evinc'd , that all the reports of his miracles are absolutely false . may it so ? why , sir ? at this rate our blessed lord was the greatest impostor , that ever breath'd : for , i am sure , neither st. ignatius , nor any other man since the world stood , lay under a greater contempt , than he. nay , jeremy , at this wild rate of arguing , was a petty cheat ; since , i am sure , he felt as heavy effects of his country-men's ( i will not say , contempt , but ) fury , as st. ignatius did of christians . but sir , if your antecedent be deny'd , what will become of your consequence , and all your erroneous deductions ? yet so it is . venture once more on bouhours , and you will find , that the greatest men living , had a tenderness for his person , and stood in admiration of his prudence . and if he were condemn'd , 't was only by those who could not be sufficiently blam'd themselves . wherefore this argument not being able to concur the least to your design , i will examine your general considerations . first , to what purpose should god work so many miracles in the midst of christian countries , many ages after the faith had been fully settled in them ? answ . might not the refractory jews have objected the same , against the mission of jeremy ? might not the gentleman , by the same rule , stop st. austin's mouth , when he recounts several miracles , on his own knowledge ? the christian religion was then fully settled . so that , if you will inform me , to what purpose god did work miracles in those christian countries , i will requite your civility , by returning you a reason , why god did it in these . secondly , were those countries devoid of true religion ? answ . by no means . but , what then ? shew me any reason , or authority , why god's power is so chain'd up , that it cannot act , but according to the rules prescrib'd by ordinary providence , in a christian nation ? thirdly , was the church of rome , at that time , grievously corrupted with errors and superstitions ? ( no , sir : what will you infer ? ) it remains therefore , that god should perform all these miracles , meerly in testimony of the extraordinary sanctity of ignatius , to manifest his favour to him , and procure to him honour and esteem among all christians . answ . you are quite out of the way , and wholly mistaken in your arithmetick : god might have had many motives , which you have pass'd by , all worthy of him ; and not at all contrary to his excellency , or the imperfection of our nature . for you may remember , that although even then the roman faith was as pure , as when it deserv'd so large an encomium from the mouth of the apostle , who was little vers'd in the science of flattery : yet the new-inspir'd prophets of germany , call'd it in question . these men , as spiritual as the basest sensuality could render them , resolv'd to make room for their lusts , by rending themselves from her jurisdiction , who oppos'd them ; and so pretended to purify her faith , by the most enormous crime , rebellious apostacy . novelty and liberty were fair baits for a populace to swallow ; and then fine promises of a paradise hereafter , and of a mahometical heaven here , were too strong temptations for a sensual german to overcome . our english laity , you know , felt the comfort of abbey-lands , and the clergy of fair wives : so that the most considerable part of the northern provinces , set up a religion of their own coining ; or , to speak more properly , every one preach'd his own dreams for divine revelations . now , in such a distracted posture of the church , was it a proceeding unworthy of god , to point out his true church by miracles , and by the sanctity of those , who were members of it . this was the method god took to establish christianity ; and to reduce the rebellious jews from their apostacy . and if it was not then a proceeding unworthy of god to condescend so low , as to have recourse to his omnipotence , for the reclaiming of sinners ; i do not conceive , why it should be in ignatius's time , when the same cause was too too visible . again , why could not god work miracles for the comfort , as well as encouragement , of the faithful ? i see no inconvience , unless it were , that such a kindness would make the reformers consciences flie too often in their faces , for running from that church , whose doctrine and piety god so highly attested . now the gentleman comes out with a shrewd objection against all miracles : ( have at the jesuites ! ) the temptation of lying and feigning miracles , for the reputation of an order , is in that church for more perswasive , than the evidence of reason . this is a compliment borrow'd from the worthy dean of st. pauls : but i challenge him , and you , to produce one jesuite , or catholick divine , who ever taught it lawful to lie for the honour of their order , or on any account whatever . 't is a doctrine peculiar to the leaders of the church of england . a catalogue of lies , in a protestant pamphlet , is no less connatural , than a list of wonderful cures to a mountebank . look back on the blessed times of titus oats ; peruse those satyrs vented from the pulpits , as divine oracles ; and then tell me , whether 't was possible to crowd more lies in a romantick fable , than the furious divines of the zealous church of england , marshall'd in their sermons against the papists . they blew the fire to such an extremity , that it almost reach'd their own vicariges ; and the desire to rout out the papists , by a just judgment of god , flung them within an inch of their own ruin. the justice of the nation , deluded by fabulous narratives , and malicious sermons , in process of time , found out its error , and made a satisfaction no less authentick , than the fault . but the pulpit-oats's could not stoop so low , as to acknowledge their crime ; which makes me think , they thought it none , to lie and calumniate for the honour of their church , and the utter disparagement of ours . and , reader , to speak my mind freely , i am of opinion , that the consult of divines in dr. tenison's library , hath pitch'd upon the method of slandering , as the best preservative against popery ; for had it not been a resolve of a whole cabal , 't is hard to determine , how all the protestant scriblers should unanimously stumple on the same expedient . out of the former antecedent , my author draws this consequence : when therefore ignatius was to be promoted to the dignity of a saint , his disciples set their inventions on the rack , to raise a fund of miracles . what ever the disciples of ignatius did , i am sure you have set your brains on the rack , and conscience to boot , to find some plausible grounds for denying them : but all will not do your work. you tell us , indeed , they were feign'd without ground : this is a groundless assertion , and of no force with me , till you propose some good authority , besides your own. i grant indeed , that miracles may be easily obtruded upon the world , after a long distance of time ; and that nothing less than a strict examination , can defeat the hopes of impostors . but i also contend , that all the miracles contain'd in the bull of his canonization , have undergone this test to the utmost rigour : and therefore i am oblig'd , in reason , rather to conclude , that you are deceiv'd , who deny them ; than those judicious persons , who approv'd them. but here the gentleman offers a very material proof , to the falsity of the miracles ascrib'd to st. ignatius : ribadeneira , who was his familiar companion , in the year 1572 first publish'd his life , and made along apology in it , in defence of ignatius ; maintaining . that it was no way derogatory to his sanctity , that he had perform'd no miracles . afterwards , in the year 1610. publishing a second edition of his life , he was so far enlightned in this matter , that he giveth us a long catalogue of the miracles of ignatius ; but withal confesseth , that the reason why he had not inserted them in the first edition , was , because they were not sufficiently certain and uncontested . because i have not the first edition by me , i will acquiesce to what the gentleman says : but , what then ? is it impossible , that matters of fact , which for want of examination , were doubtful in the year 1572. upon an exact trial afterward , should be found true in 1610 ? according to this rule , a great part of your canonical scripture might be plac'd among the apocrypha : for you must grant me , that most , if not every book of the new testament was call'd in question , immediately after the decease of the apostles , and some not receiv'd till many centuries after . now , might not a jew take up your argument , and oppose it to the scripture , just as you oppose it to miracles ? it cannot be imagin'd , how the genuine writings of the apostles , who dy'd in the first century , should be unknown , or at least uncertain , when the memory of them were yet fresh ; and , after above an hundred years , when the greatest part of the witnesses must be suppos'd to have been dead , should be advanc'd to undoubted certainty . wind your self out of this labyrinth , and i shall easily dis-engage my self from that you imagin to have cast me in . i cannot pass on , without one small reflection on our author's way of arguing : first , he tells us , that papists esteem it a virtue , to lie for the credit of an order . secondly , he advances a step forward , and tells us , he has just reason to suspect , that they have put that principle in practice , by forging the greatest part of the miracles ( ascrib'd to st. ignatius ) after his death . this he proves , because ribadeneira omitted to recount , for want of sufficient testimony , those miracles in his first edition , which he sets down in his second ; item , because masseius leaves out many other wonderful actions , for that they are not sufficiently certain . now , for my part , i should draw a quite contrary conclusion , from the cautiousness of these two writers , viz. that they did not intend , for the honour of their founder , to impose on the readers ; nor to augment their own sins , by increasing st. ignatius's miracles . for , let me tell you , people of so loose principles , as the jesuits pass for in your judgment , would never have minc'd the matter ; especially when a thousand miracles would have much enhanc'd the glory of their saint , and not added one grain to their labour . dear sir , i should be glad , did you make use of the cautiousness of the two fore-mention'd writers ; and lay no crimes on papists and jesuites , but those which were sufficiently certain and uncontested . your auditors would leave their pews more calmly , and feel more charity in their breasts at the end of the sermon , and less animosity against their fellow-subjects . but a calm and serene season , is bad weather for the ministery to fish in . they delight in storms and tempests , meerly out of hopes , that both will fall heavy on the dissenters . these holy conjurers raise the wind in the pulpits , which soon breaks out of the church-door , and spreads its self through the whole town in a trice . all raise this devil of discord the same way : and , by good fortune , no text is so remote , which does not patly suit with the incantation . a good invective against popery , larded with two or three pretty stories , either forg'd by the doctor , or scrap'd-up on an hear-say , are efficacious engins to work the populace out of their wits , and set them all a-gog against popery . for the grave divines require belief to the greatest crimes against papists , on the slightest grounds ; and yet forbid all assent to popish miracles , though backt with the greatest authority . as for example : in the art of missionaries discover'd , the author presents his reader with one father leech ; who told mr. gee , that if any but hear mass , and after hearing be sprinkled with holy water , and kiss the priest's garment , he could not commit that day any mortal sin. here is a pretty story , you see , affirm'd by mr. gee ; yet it must be believ'd , upon his infallible authority : although , in my conscience , i think it ten times more improbable , that a catholick priest , in his wits , should vent a doctrine so notoriously false , than that the saints of our church should , by god's assistance , work miracles . again : the jesuites give their general an account of all occurrences of state , in those provinces and kingdoms , whereof they are the respective assistants : to which end they have correspondents in the principal cities of all kingdoms ; who sending all their informations to the general , they balance the interests of every prince ; and then resolve , that the affairs of such a prince shall be promoted , the design of another oppos'd , &c. now , that jesuites should have kingdoms thus in a string , is no less incredible in it self , than that ignatius should work strange cures ; and yet that must be swallow'd down by the greedy reader , and this rejected ; although the latter be attested by credible witnesses , and the former rely on the authority of a villain ; who compos'd a book against the jesuites , of the same stamp with the salamanca-narrative . thirdly , in the preface after a late challenge to mr. poulton , ( as full of rhodomontado's , as the sultan of constantinople sent the emperour ; not doubting but such blustering language would strike mr. poulton dumb : ) i do not , says the author , much expect an answer to this challenge ; for those men who could lie near twenty years under such a charge , as dr. du moulin laid against them ; and dar'd them to call him to an account for the murder of king charles the first , without ever venturing to clear themselves , may easily bear this. here the mobile is desir'd to believe as firmly as any part of the bible , that the jesuites murder'd the king ; that cromwel was a rank jesuite , and the parliament a pack of the same society . now , i am of opinion , that any honest man , before he can swallow down this article , must renounce all sense , as much as any papist does , to believe transubstantiation : yet down it must , under pain ( at least ) of passing for a papist in masquerade . read bouhours from one end to the other , and then tell me , whether any miracles related of st. ignatius , be not twenty degrees more credible ? and therefore , if this calumny must gain credit , why they must deserve none ? for my part , if we may guess at the future by the past , ten years will turn the convocation of lambeth , into a white-horse-consultation ; and those reverend fathers of the church of england , who were so zealous , as to tell his majesty , they thought his proceeding to be illegal , will be metamorphos'd into priests and jesuites . such a change is easily wrought : one minister , with an ounce of brass on his face , and a well-hung tongue in his mouth , will carry the metamorphose a great way ; and then , one i was told so , concludes the business . fourthly , he tells his readers , ( p. 42. ) that besides vniversities and divines , who teach the lawfulness of calumnies , and false reports , we find it , among other rules of the jesuites , that they should be sure , to put this doctrine in practice , even against those of their own communion , the antient orders of the roman church : the rule is , let their faults be diligently noted , and they represented as dangerous to the publick peace . this is told us by a gentleman , who challenges all the world to shew , in his whole book , one false quotation : yet i have read the jesuites rules more than once , from one end to the other ; and protest before god and man , there is not to be found one tittle of this . so that , let the gentleman make ten thousand protestations of his sincerity more than he has , i will rather believe st. ignatius wrought miracles , than that this is true . indeed , he cites instructio secret. &c. but they are no more our rules , than his. they were compos'd by a villain , who was resolv'd to make jesuites appear as black as himself , and are espous'd by a man of the same temper . if they really were found in a college , as is pretended , make it out , and that they are our rules : if not , under favour , you are guilty of those very crimes you ascribe to the jesuites : for 't is , in my opinion , no less a crime to fling a slander , made by another , on our neighbour , than to forge one. fifthly , to demonstrate the slandering vein of papists , he brings ( p. 61. ) a fresh and very material instance ; viz. no longer since than the winter 1685. a report went current through all the countries in england , where there are many romanists , that dr. burnet was at rome become a papist ; and , that great preferments were bestow'd upon him . 't is a calumny , without doubt , not to be born , that a person so famous for loyalty , as that reverend divine , should be snatch'd , against his will , from that church , which had taught him obedience to higher powers in so superlative a manner , that they thought it convenient to recompence it with outlawry . wherefore , sir , if catholicks were so credulous , on the receipt of foreign letters , as to believe it , i make an apology for their mistake ; although i am apter to believe , that when that gentleman began to kick against the government , and to shew some ferguson-tricks , the protestantgentry of those counties you mention , thought it convenient to heave him out of their communion into ours ; to the end , that the next age might bind-up his life among those of the popish rebels . my conjecture stands on better ground than yours , or than any of your friends exceptions against the miracles of st. ignatius . seeing now we are fallen on the topick of tale-telling , i cannot omit to put my story in among the rest , that the world may see , how easily protestants slip into the vice of credulity , as well as obstinacy , when the fancy takes them : when the happy news of her majesty's being with child was spread abroad , and all loyal subjects testify'd their interior joy by outward acclamations ; some incredulous persons , not convinc'd by the decree of the privy council for a thanksgiving-day , blaz'd abroad , that it was a sham : and yet this was so prevalent with some , that they would not discredit it , till her majesty lay-in . to these people 't is a madness to obtrude miracles ; for , what miracle of christ can be better attested , than her majesty's being with child ? yet at the same time , as if they had made a vow , never to act like men , they would scarce perswade themselves , the protestant-duke was dead . which gave occasion for these two verses : in the whigg's creed , two articles are read , the queen is not with child , nor monmouth dead . nay , one line from a pulpit would have so far prevail'd on them , as to have oblig'd many to take horse , to meet his grace at taunton . sixthly , he desires the reader ( p. 21. ) to believe , that he has not imitated the scavenger , in stopping no where , but at a dunghil : for i have ( says he ) quoted none but allow'd and approv'd authors , &c. and as for what i have cited out of protestant books , let them invalidate their testimony , if they can : i will engage for the truth of my quotations ; and know of no objections against any author i have cited , which are of any force . you are , sir , either in some ecstatick transport , or else endow'd with that great virtue , ignorance , beyond expression ; which your friend so highly commends in st. ignatius . were not the provincial letters burnt by the publick hang-man in france ? did not la pratique morale run the same fate in the year 1669 ? and is not this as real and material an objection against the validity and sufficiency of those libels , as mr. oats's yearly pillory , against the authority of his , and his brethrens narratives . when you propose in your second part , ( as you promise ) as convincing reasons against miracles , as i have done against the credit of these two authors , i will come over to you. again : your arcana societatis jesu , instructiones secretae , are chips of the same block ; that is , pieces forg'd with impudence , and cited with a daring confidence : in a word , they are of as great credit and reputation , as those who live by the basket , and receive knight-hood from the pillory . sir , had it been my fortune to have been in london , some years ago , i would not have stood in your way : i see , by the authority you give varlets in print , how you esteem'd them in westminster-hall and old-baily . nay , i fear , that had the balance stood equal , you might have dropt in a single oath , to raise a jesuite's neck into an halter . would time permit me , i could give as good an account of some others of your authorities , as i have of these , and by consequence of your book ; in which i find a thousand more impostures , than , i am sure , can be found in saint ignatius's life . is not this proceeding the effect of a frenzy , past the vertue of heblebore ? shall the profess'd enemies of our religion , and order , by the omnipotent power of a defaming faction , be turn'd into vnbyass'd persons , substantial witnesses , & c ! and shall their bare words , without any shadow of proof , serve for evidence against us , of all those calumnies , which took their being from malice and prejudice ; and have no reality , but in the imagination of those , whom confident gown-men malitiously impose on . but when we recount any thing , in confirmation of our church , although back'd with irrefragable witnesses , presently it must be slighted ; as if all the moral honesty in the world was confin'd to the narrow compass of this island ; or , as if the church of england had engross'd all truth to its self . and , now , 't is high time to leave my author , and reader too : only , i must desire the latter to turn to e. w. printed at antwerp in the year 1676. and to the second letter by a. b. in the year 1672. in the first you will find dr. stillingfleet's exceptions against miracles ; in the second , against st. ignatius , and the jesuites , fully answer'd : for , i conceive , the answer to the dean , is a full reply to my author ; he having nothing material , but an higher-flown impudence , which is not borrow'd from the doctor . and now , dear author , before we part , i admonish you friendly , to change your method , if you intend to advance your church . a burlesque is only to convince fools ; wise men are led by reason ; of which you have been over-sparing in your book : so that , if you intend to make any progress , increase this , and diminish that . and if you be over-confident , that you have so much solid reason , as to convince any one of the truth of your religion , and the corruption of ours , be pleas'd to bring your reason to the test . i promise you here , on the word of a gentleman , that i will meet you where , and with whom you please : but it shall be upon this condition , that you promise to treat me more civilly , than the divines of st. martins , did some time ago , a priest , who was call'd to a sick person . i dare not venture to engage with divines , who have for seconds a populace ; for , who knows , but they may strengthen the doctor 's arguments with blows ; and foul their hands to bespatter me , as their leaders have the press , to asperse my religion . bring then with you such a company , as hath heard of such a thing as civility , and can distinguish solid reason from loud clamours , concluding syllogisms from patch'd-up sophisms . on these conditions , i pass my word for my appearance . and that you may not miss of my lodgings , your letter shall find me at the schools in the savoy : where i am , sir , yours , william darrel . finis . errata . page 1. line 11. for merirs read merits . p. 3. l. 16. for tittle read title . p. 7. l. 32. for this read things . p. 22. l. 8. for lib. 2. read lib. 1. p. 31. l. 25. for stumple read stumble . p. 39. l. 10. for by a. b. read so a. b. the hellish and horribble councell, practised and vsed by the iesuites, (in their priuate consulations) when they would haue a man to murther a king according to those damnable instructions, giuen (by them) to that bloody villaine francis rauilliacke, who murdered henry the fourth, the late french king. sent to the queene regent, in answere to that impudent pamphlet, published by peter cotton iesuite, in defence of the iesuites, and their doctrine; which also is hereunto annexed. translated out of french. 1610 approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19436 stc 5862 estc s108850 99844503 99844503 9320 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19436) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9320) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 727:02) the hellish and horribble councell, practised and vsed by the iesuites, (in their priuate consulations) when they would haue a man to murther a king according to those damnable instructions, giuen (by them) to that bloody villaine francis rauilliacke, who murdered henry the fourth, the late french king. sent to the queene regent, in answere to that impudent pamphlet, published by peter cotton iesuite, in defence of the iesuites, and their doctrine; which also is hereunto annexed. translated out of french. coton, pierre, 1564-1626. lettre declaratoire de la doctrine des peres jesuites. english. [24] p. printed [by john windet] for t. b[ushell] and are to be sold by iohn wright at his shop in christs-church-gate, london : 1610. a reply to and translation of "lettre declaratoire de la doctrine des peres jesuites" by pierre coton (a different translation from that in stc 19000). printer's and publisher's names from stc. signatures: a-c⁴. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng coton, pierre, 1564-1626. -lettre declaratoire de la doctrine des peres jesuites -controversial literature -early works to 1800. jesuits -controversial literature. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-07 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the hellish and horribble councell , practised and vsed by the iesuites , ( in their priuate consultations ) when they would haue a man to murther a king . according to those damnable instructions , giuen ( by them ) to that bloody villaine francis ravilliacke , who murdered henry the fourth , the late french king. sent to the queene regent , in answere of that impudent pamphlet , published by peter cotton iesuite , in defence of the iesuites , and their doctrine ; which also is hereunto annexed . translated out of french. iohn 8. ver . 44. ye are of your father the diuell , and the desires of your father ye will doe : he hath beene a murtherer from the beginning . london , printed for t. b. and are to be sold by iohn wright at his shop by christs-church-gate . 1610. to the qveene , mother of ovr king , and regent of france . madame , the combate of spirits is so iealous , as there is not any kind of errour , how cleare and euident so euer it be , but it shall finde a defender , rather then any way to yeeld or giue place to truth : because opinion , in such mindes as pride will neuer permit , to humble themselues vnder the victorious arme of the strongest wrastler , beares them out ( with no meane courage ) in all apparant and impudent shame . the iesuites doe hereof giue sufficient testimony , whose doctrine , both iustifying and defending the killing of princes , they dare yet put on such shamelesse vizardes ; as , to perswade your highnesse , that they are no such men , neither doe deserue any such taxation . vpon this our late lamentable disaster in france , by such a bloudy , fatall , and parricide hand , as hath bereft vs of the most remarkable king , that euer this flourishing kingdome enioyed ; the iesuites , to excuse their hellish harts , and palpable bloudy intentions ( hauing beene so highly fauoured from you , as to haue the buriall of the kinges hart , at the college of la flesche ) haue published a little pamphlet , called ; a dedicatorie letter , of the doctrine of the fathers iesuites , conformable to the decrees in the councell of constance ; directing it also to your maiesty , that you might remaine fully assured , of their harmelesse innocency and honest inclination . but , as it becommeth any true harted french-man , ( so much as in him lyeth ) to discouer truth from falsehood , and verity from lying ; i haue sent vnto your sacred view , the same booke of peter cottons , without altering or adding thereunto any the very least sillable . and when your highnesse shall haue read it ouer , that you would be pleased , to reade likewise a much shorter discourse following , to giue you a true tast of the iesuites doctrine , and whereby you may discerne them in their kinde . so may you rest fully perswaded , how neare their hollow harts and equiuocating soules doe agree together , and how studious they are , in imploying their paines and vttermost endeauour , to nurse vp such villaines as must become the murderers of kinges . withall , if it might please you , but to remember him , to whom ( that monster of men ) rauilliack , that robde you of your richest iewell , and vs of our dearest lord ; had shewne the fatall instrument , wherewith he did the deede , and the man commending the beautifull workemanship of the knife , seeing withall , that he kept it curiously , and made no vse thereof in his feeding ; was answered by the said rauilliack : that that fayre knife , was to performe a faire deede , yea , that it was to kill a king. which wordes , whether he vnderstood not , or guiltily concealed them , he paied the price of his life for : and with that , as also these other serious considerations , i humbly intreate your highnesse , to take an intire apprehension of these dangerous men , how smooth soeuer cottons discourse shall appeare vnto you . ( * ⁎ * ) the secret and hidden mysterie , which the iesuites doe vse , when they resolue to haue a king murthered . when they would haue a man to vndertake the resolution of murthering his king , this is their order : after such a wicked person shall be entred into their meditation , or chamber appointed for such prayers ; then this infernall ofspring doe giue their attendance , and lay before him a knife foulded vp in a skarffe , and closed in a little casket of iuorie , couered with an agnus dei , written round about with many sweete and perfumed characters . and taking the knife forth of the said casket , they bedew it with diuers sprincklings of holy water , and sastening to the hast or handle thereof , sundry little beads of corrall , to the number of fiue or sixe , blessed and hallowed with their holy-water ; they do giue therby to vnderstand , that he giuing so many stabbes or wounds with that knife , shal ( by that act ) release as many soules out of the fire of purgatory . then , deliuering it into the hand of the murderer ; they vtter these words : goe thou forth like iephtah ; the sword of sampson ; the sword wherby dauid did cut off the head of goliah ; the sword of gedeon ; the sword wherewith iudith did cut off the head of holofernes ; and the same wherewith saint peter did smite off the eare of malchus , and the sword of pope iulius the second , whereby he brake the power of princes , and ( with great effusion of bloud ) got out of their handes the cities of setusa , imola , fayenza , furlie , bologna , and many other citties : goe thou forth ( i say ) be vertuous , and god will strengthen thine arme . after this , the hellish company doe all fall downe vpon their knees , and the most renouned among them , or he that is the cheefe priest , makes the coniuration , saying these words that follow : come cherubins , come seraphins , thrones and dominations ; come most blessed angels , angels of charity ; come and fill this holy vessell of glorie and eternity , & carry him forthwith to the crown of the virgin mary , of patriarkes and of martyrs : for he is no more one of ours , but he is yours . and thou , o great and powerfull god , that hast reuealed vnto him , in his prayer and meditation that he must ( of necessity ) be the murtherer of a tyrant and heretique , to giue his crowne to a catholique king , and he being ( by vs ) made apt and disposed vnto this murder : do thou fortefie his senses , and make bolde his courage , to the end , that he may accomplish thy will. arme him with a compleat armour of thy prouidence , to escape from them that would apprehend him . giue him winges , that the foule hands of the barbarous may not touch his sanctified members . spreade the beams of thy ioyes vpon his soule , to the end that thereby his body may bee so encouraged , that cheerefully he may dispose himselfe to this fight , without any feare . this coniuration being thus ended , they bring him before an altar , and there they shew him a goodly picture , wherein the angels doe beare the body of iames clement the iacobine frier , who murthered henry the third , king of france , and present it before the throne of god , saying : o lord , behold thy scholler ; see the defender and accomplisher of thy iustice , and all the saints arise out of their roomes , to giue him place . when all these things are thus done and finished , then is there no more but foure iesuites , that may be allowed to speake vnto him , and when they draw neere vnto him , they tell him , that it appeares that there is some diety dwelling in him , and they are so affraide of the splendor shining in him , as falling down , and kissing his hands and feete , they holde him no more for a mortall man , but stand by him , as halfe vnworthy of the great glory and happinesse , whereunto he hath already attained , and breathing forth many sighs , they say vnto him . i would to god , that he had elected and called me into your estate and condition : for then should i be certainly assured , to go really and presently into paradice , without euer comming into purgatory . finis . a declaratorie letter , to the queene , mother of the king , regent in france . madame , god ordained in the old testament , that no man should seethe the kidde in the milke of her damme or mother ; to instruct thereby , according to the exposition of philo the iew , that hée shold not be charged with new afflictiō , who in other cases is oppressed . according to this rule dictated of the same nature , these men of our society shold hope , that , by this lamentable accident which hath shaken with dreadfulnesse the two poles of christendome ; they might ( at least ) haue a free breathing , to sigh after their incomparable losse : a losse which to them is as much in particular , as it is to all in generall and common . but they pay the same price , as happens to them who meeting vnder the ruines of a crazed building , where one stone staies not for another , doe couer and ouerwhelme them altogether vpon whom they fall : we being with hart and body busied , for translation of that precious pawne and remarkable gage , which it pleased your maiestie to haue consigned into our handes , by them of my lord the prince de conty , and whereunto the principall lordes of france rendered their latest honours : when there were some , slenderly affected to catholique religion , and to them that are of our profession ; to discredit vs , and make benefit of our absence ; who sowed abroade such bruites , so farre off from true resemblance and probability , as a man would neuer haue imagined , that such calumnies could enter , ( especially in railing ) into the opinion of any reasonable soule . this came by the occasion of a very badde booke , the doctrine whereof hath beene ( by good right ) condemned , by the court of parliament : some maintaining , that the doctrine contained in that booke , was common to al the iesuites : others , that it was in such sort particuler to the authour , as that many of the selfe same company had written to the contrary , and altogether had condemned it , in the body of the prouinciall congregation , some few yeares since . a difference , which the least passionate might determine , concluding , that disallowance should be the reason , and that it must be attended , what we should say thereof . whereupon , i hauing beene named in particuler , this is the cause , madame , that instantly made mée set hand to pen , to represent vnto you , ( as to her that is equally affected to the true religion , the most interessed in the good of this state , and the very safest sanctuarie that innocence can haue ) that which the doctors of our company haue written vpon this subiect . knowing , that the greatnesse of affaires wil not easily permit you , to looke into this case your selfe , nor the little loue which those detractors doe beare vs , make any true report vnto you . after all this , i wil declare with the selfe same breuity , what is the common sense , and what is the opinion of our societie , dispersed through the world concerning the matter whereof question is made . they all presupposing one verity , which cannot bée called into controuersie , no , not euen by the hatefull and enuious of this flourishing crowne : to wit , that the subiect which was debated in the councell of constance , and which ( since then ) hath beene declared more amply by our catholique doctors , concerning the expulsion of tyrants : doth not any way touch the happy renowne and most honourable memory , of him whose death we deepely deplore , his life hauing beene so farre from the detection of tyranny ; as it hath beene , and for euer shall bee to all the monarches in the world : the model of piety , iustice , clemency , valour , debonaritie , and fatherly affection towardes all his subiects . in the first place , the most illustrous cardinall tolet presents himselfe to our eyes , a personage of rare knowledge , a spaniard by nation , and a french-man in affection . in the first booke of his summe , the sixt chapter , there he teacheth in expresse tearmes that it is not lawful to attempt on the life of a prince although he doe abuse his power . and addeth , that to maintaine the contrary , is an heretical doctrine , condemned in the councell of constance . the most illustrous and most learned bellarmine , answering to the selfe same obiection , in the third chapter of his apologeticall answere to the booke of the king of great brittaine speaketh thus . i haue neuer read , nor heard it said , that eternall life should bee promised , to them that attempt on the life of kinges . but contrariwise i haue read , that the article which saith : euery tyrant may and ought lawfully bee slaine : was long since condemned in the first session of the councell of constance . very true it is , that iohn wickliffe an english-man , hee whom the protestants doe praise so much , and of whose commendations they haue made a placarde in the frontispice of their histories , teacheth : that he is no longer a lord , either ecclesiasticall or ciuill , after the one or other is fallen into any deadly sinne . an errour which the said councell condemned in the eight session . gregory of valencia , a man of eminent knowledge , as publique testimony maketh proofe , which is deliuered of him in italie , spaine , and germany ; he writing on the second part of saint thomas , question 64 and conforming himselfe to the doctrine of other schoole diuines , determineth : that it is no way permitted to attempt vpon the life of a prince , although he should abuse his authority . alphonsus salmeron , in the thirteenth tome of his workes , expounding the thirteenth chapter of the epistle to the romans , instructeth the very same , he citeth the councell of constance , and declareth the fact of aod on eglon king of the moabites , by the expresse and manifest commandement of god , of whom no man ought to be iudge , in his particuler case . martin del rio , who is in like manner famous in al kinde of good writings , in his commentaries vpon hercules furens in seneca , number 920. saith : that the sentence of the poet is perilous , and alleageth to the contrary , the decree of the councell of constance , which cannot be too often inculcated , reiterated , and declared to the people in this matter . sebastian heissius , in his apologeticall declaration of aphorismes , attributed to the iesuites doctrine , sheweth by the very wordes of mariana , that he spake out of his owne head , and that he himselfe , perceiuing that he had exceeded the limites of the common doctrine , did acknowledge , that he was subiect to errour , and he should be submitted to the censure of whomsoeuer would accept it , immediatly after , his opinion was brought , and the common censure of all the diuines of our company , that he counterpointed that of the said mariana . martin becanus , in his answere to the ninth aphorisme , sendeth the reader to the councell of constance , shewing , that a lawfull prince cannot loose his superiority , although he should become a tyrant . iaques gretserus , reader in diuinitie at ingolstad , in his booke intituled vespertilio haereticopolicus , answering to some obiections that had béene made vnto him concerning the opinion of mariana ; saith with heissius : that hee ought to holde with the common consent , leauing the particular iudgement of mariana , and that hee himselfe had submitted to that of others . leonard lessius reader in diuinitie at louaine , in his second booke de iusticia & iure , the ninth chapter , and fourth doubt ; giueth his consent likewise to the common sentence , that it is not lawfull to enterprise on the person of a prince , although hée should abuse his power ; grounding his saying on the aduertisement of the prince of the apostles , seruants , be yee subiect to your masters , and not onely to the good and modest , but also to the sharpe and troublesome , and then hée alleadgeth the aboue named decrée of the councell . nicholas serier , writing on the third chapter of the booke of iudges , in the first question , declareth , that the act of aod , neither can , or ought to serue , for fore-iudging or example to detestable assassinates , parricides , and murtherers of their kings . iohn azor , in the second part of his morall institutions , the first booke , fift chapter , and tenth question , shewes himselfe a much greater enemie of the audacious and sacrilegious attentates , of such as shal enterprise vpon the liues of princes , instructing , that it is not lawfull , to attempt on the liues of them that doe vniustly possesse themselues of ane state , grounding his saying principally vpon this ; that no man ought to be condemned , before he be heard , and without knowledge of the cause , in which case , any one particular is no competent iudge . as for lewes richeome , his apologies doe make peremptory proofe of the vnreconcilable hatred , which he beares to the doctrine of such , as dogmatise against the authority of kings , and that in such maner , as the lord pasquire himselfe , a criticke censurer of his workes , after he hath reported his words in the third booke and first chapter , hee commendeth him , and saith , that he cannot chuse but loue him , adding these words , i cannot chuse but honor thee , beholding thee , to portraite the idea of obedience , which the subiect oweth to his king. a praise which hee might giue to many other of the same societie , who , after they had examined this matter with saint thomas and the whole schoole , concluded all conformably to the sorbonne , and to that which hath béene determined in the councell of constance . such then being the sense , and such the sentences of these doctors , very graue and signall men of our company , what preiudice can the particular opinion of mariana bring to the reputation of a whole order ? which order being ( according to her institution ) extreamely iealous , for the manutention of those holy ordinances of the church , and respecting the power and authority of kings , who , for their temporall estate , doe depend onely vpon god : haue ( of long time ) disallowed the legertie of a drie penne , and namely in the prouinciall congregation of fraunce , helde in this citie of paris the yéere 1606. where moreouer , the reuerend father claudius aquanina , generall of our company , was required , that such as had written to the preiudice of the crowne of fraunce , might be reprooued , and their bookes suppressed , which the saide reuerend father ( afterward ) did very seriously and exactly : being very sorie , that by ouer-sight or negligence in his absence , and without sight of the worke ; any one should presume vpon his admittance . the words which he vseth in his answere , are these . we haue approued the iudgment and care of your congregation , and haue béene greatly gréeued , that no man will looke after the impressions of such bookes : which bookes neuerthelesse , wée haue suddainly commaunded to be corrected , and shall haue most exact care hence-forwarde , that such things shall not happen any more . so that very hardly now is to be found one onely copy of mariana , except it be by the pernitious liberality , of the inheritours of wechell , who are knowne to be of the pretended reformed religion : and haue caused the said booke to be imprinted at their owne proper charges , not so much excited ( as is easie to be presumed ) by desire to the publique seruice , as particularly to hurt our company . some are of the mind , that they haue added thereto somewhat of their own : others say , that those bookes of the first impression were much worse , a controuersie seruing to no purpose : for albeit it were so , and that no man had lent any charity , to this ill-handled penne : yet is there no reason why it should rather incommodate the body of our societie ; then the writings of iohn petit , and others , the uniuersities and orders whereof they were schollers , batchelers , maisters , and doctours . but forasmuch , madame , as i made promise in the beginning , to expose clearely and distinctly what our opinion and credence is , touching the matter proposed , i come now to the point , which shall make vp the last part of this declaration . 1. all the iesuites in generall and particural , will signe , yea , euen with their proper blood ; that they do not hold , either in this matter , or any other whatsoeuer , any other faith , doctrine , or opinion , then that of the whole vniuersall church . 2. in the second place , that among all the kindes of gouernment , and publicke administration , monarchie only is the best . 3. that such is the spirituall gouernement of the church , as it came to the vicar of iesus christ the successor of saint peter , and such the temporall of the state and kingdome of fraunce , as it holdeth in the person of the king , her soueraigne lord and maister . 4. that kings are , as homer calls them , the children , and darlings of god , or rather his soules image , as meander saith . 5. that they are annointed , and thereby surnamed christes of the lord , to the end , saith simon archbishop of thessalonica , that each one may vnderstand , that they are inuiolable , and ought to be respected , as things holy and sacred . 6. that it is a damnable heresie ( euen as saint ireneus noted it fourtéene hundred yéeres agoe ) to beléeue , that kings are giuen to men by chaunce or hap , considering that all power commeth of god. and because , saith saint isidore of damieta , in the most ancient paintings , wée behold a hand comming out of heauen , that sets a crowne vpon their head . 7. that whosoeuer resisteth kings , or rebelleth against them , begetteth his owne damnation according to the doc●rine of the apostle . 8. that obedience is due vnto them , not because they are vertuous , wise , potent , or endued with other commendable qualities : but because they are kings , established by god. 9. that our kings in fraunce , are the eldest in the church , endowed with rare and signall priuiledges , aboue the common condition of other kings in the world . 10. that it is not lawfull to denie them obedience , much lesse then to reuolt or turne against them : although they were vicious , hard to endure , and froward , according as the same apostle speaketh . 11. that in such case , we ought to pray for them , as the prophet willed it to be done , for the prosperity of nabuchodonozer , and balthazar his sonne . and that afflictions , losse of goods , persecutions , and other discommodities , are to be endured patiently : without rebelling ( for any of these ) against superiours , because such things are most acceptable to god , and conformable to the praise , which ( in the like case ) s. paule gaue to the hebrewes , and to the ordinance which he had published in the church , saying , let euery soule be subiect to the superiour powers . 12. and therefore , that not only it is vnlawfull , to attempt vpon their persons ; but also , that it is an execrable paricide , a prodigious offence , and a detestable sacriledge . 13. that the decrée in the councell of constance in the fiftéenth session , ought to bée receiued of all men , and also to be maintained inuiolably . 14. that the declaration of sorbonne , in the yéere 141● . and that of iune this present yéere , is good , holy and wholsome . 15. what euery one is to be aduertised , to take héede of diuers bookes , which goe against the edicts , the reading whereof is not only in this matter greatly dangerous : but much more to be feared , that their authors being ( to our extreame gréef ) themselues deuided from the catholique church , doe hold ( as nothing ) the councell of constance , all catholique censures , and the doctors before mentioned : but that which is to be deplored , they doe fortifie themselues the stronger in their opinions , by their opposition , and séeme to render themselues so much the more recommendable vnto their admirers . i would note downe the places , specifie the passages , and alledge the very words : were it not , that it is much better , they should remaine buried in the bottomlesse depth of obliuion : and fitteth more conueniently , to make knowne , that innocencie hath better arms , then this recrimination . and for this reason also , i could wholly haue abstained from this aduertisement , had it not béene my desire to shew , that the body of our company , can no more bee infected by the opinion of one man , then those of the pretended reformed religion , doe finde themselues any way interessed , by the erronious doctrine of some of their owne ranke : whom they reiect , disallowe , and condemne , as willing to liue ( with vs ) vnder the lawes of the kingdome , and with the obedience and voluntarie submission , which wée render to the scepter of our kings . and i am perswaded , that if they had the penne in hand , as i haue , they would say with vs , and thunder out a curse ( euen in common voyce ) against such infamous authors . which being maturely and wisely considered , as well by the court of parliament , as by the sacred college of sorbonne : they haue made no mention at all in their arrest and decree , of the doctrine of the iesuites . knowing very well , like iust iudges and doctors , that faults are personall ; that there would bee no innocencie in the world , if the offence of one man should be imputed to another , and that it hath beene a deplorable and incommunicable property of sinne , which was committed by the first man , to haue his extendure ouer others , because his posterity was represented in his person . knowing also else-where , by the reiterated disposition of the wicked , that mariana had not in any thing contributed to this execrable parricide , neither could he doe it : considering , that the villaine had not sufficient intelligence , of the tongue , wherein the said booke was written . wherein is discouered , the scarse charitable intention of such as sticke not to say , that he had it all by hart , to the end , to throw the publique hatred of this mishappe , on others , then on the culpable himselfe . it is then in this case , madame , that you are most humbly intreated , to imploy your supreame authority , and to ordaine , that all those writings , which , in the beginning are small glimpses of rebellion , and ( in few houres ) will become flaming beacons of sedition ; may bee taken from the instant view of the french : you are our soueraigne lady , endued by god , with a high vnderstanding , and with vertues no way to be equalled , you can clearely discerne , how much it importeth , that we should liue vnited , which séeing it cannot be , in one and the same faith , by reason of the iniquity of time , at least let it be in fidelity , obedience and mutuall affection , for conseruation of our peace . we haue a king , who in his young age represents to vs , the spirit and substance of great henry , his father , your husband , and who with the increasing of his yeares , will haue , ( while it pleaseth god to continue vpon him his benigne influences ) his valour , his wisedome , his good fortune , and his experience . it is for vs , to cherish this treasure , to serue ( with good hearts ) this great and little master : and willingly to obey you his most-honoured mother , our regent and mistresse . and to the end , that nothing may trouble the vnion , which onely can ( next vnder god ) preserue this puissant monarchy , and render it euermore dreadfull to her enimies , how much were it to be desired , madam , that ( among vs ) there could no false speakers be found ? if the imposture were banished , his fraternity should receiue the wages due to their calumny ; rancours would be rooted vp , and when any sinister report is brought vs , then iudgement would be susspended : and in a word , according to the councell of the apostle , each one would maintaine inuiolably the band of charity . those otaconstes and prosagogides of these times , are greatly to be feared , and some doe holde assuredly , that if it so liked your maiesty , such tongues should receiue the recompence of the auncient quadruplatores . but if they haue it not from men , let them attend the ineuitable iustice of him , who is the author , protector , and ( in the end ) the rewarder of innocence . our small company is entred , and ( aboue al other religious families ) most exposed to the hatred and calumny of such , as will not take the paines to know them . and you doe know , madam , how many times the deceased king our good master , did himselfe doe vs the fauour , to defend and make vs knowne : you can witnesse it , and no body knowes it better then you , that wheresoeuer that great prince was , we had in him a king , a father , and a defender . but alas , it can no more be so , great henry is taken away from vs. o fraunce , the eye of christendome , rose of empires , and pearle of the world , how great is this losse for thée , and how horrible this ship-wracke ? fraunce , the fauorite of heauen , and welbeloued of god ; who hath taken away the mantle of glory , that couered thée , and the crowne of honour , that exalted it selfe so highly vpon thy head ? who hath dealt with thée so , thou chosen of god ? who hath thus afflicted thée ? but thou poore society , that couldest not subsist , but by the blessings of that monarch , who hath made thée so desolate ? so deplorably abased , and so miserably enthralled ? the misfortune is common to all , but it is singularly particular to thée , this blow hath smitten the whole body of the kingdom , but it hath wounded thee ( almost ) mortally . o how approuedly is it true , and how sensibly dost thou féele it ; that griefe if it had a tongue , could not call it selfe griefe ? and i , that write these things , how iust reason haue i , yea , more then all others , to leaue my selfe to the sadde accents of a teares-drowned voyce , and to say , adiew o thou wonder of kings , adiew thou ornament of this age , our ioy , our glory , and our honour , adiew thou father of the weale publick , restorer of the state , second founder and chéefest benefactor of our companie . adiew my king , my prince and my defender , thou hast giuen vs in this vale of teares , the rest that is here to be had : rest thée then in peace , liue for euer among the lillies and the roses , deliuered from the thorny charge of this monarchy , and enioy the blessednesse , not of earth , but of heauen . here thou hast bin the most eminent subiect of the grace of god , be there now on high , and for euer so continue , the obiect of his mercies . the laurels of this base earth , doe wither very easily , let thy head weare them that are alwaies verdant : those victories , triumphs , and empires , which thou beheldest here below ; are now changed into a more eminent glory , liue then for euer reioycing in that possession ( of all men ) most desired . thy happinesse giues vs leaue to respire , thy absence iustly compels vs to suspire , and the place where we make no doubt thou art , makes vs thither to aspire : for leaning on the mercy of god , the sorrowful circumstances of thy decease , cannot depriue vs of hope , to méete thée in the goodly great day , euen there , where we shall finde thy principall , and the wished arriuall , after so gréeuous a diuorce . and during the sadnesse of this expectation , you madam , with the king his liuely image , shall wipe away part of our teares . we doe acknowledge his person in your persons , his crown , in your crowns , and his authority royall , in yours : and though all your subiects are bound thereto , by all kindes of dueties ; yet our company , being thereto extraordinarily obliged : haue charged me to present at the feet of your maiesty , the most sincerest vowes of their fidelity , and affectuous offers of their most humble seruice , which i doe , madam , and so much the ▪ more willingly , because i am tied thereto by a very singular taste of grace , from your maiesty , your most humble seruant , most obedient and faithfull subiect , peter cotton , of the company of iesus . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19436-e520 or ehud . s. iren lib. 5. cap 24. rom. 13. 2. 1. pet. 2. 11. heb. 10. 34. the emperour and the empire betray'd by whom and how written by a minister of state residing at that court to one of the protestant princes of the empire. empereur et l'empire trahis, et par qui & comment. english. 1682 cerdan, jean-paul, comte de. 1682 approx. 115 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39387 wing e716 estc r27323 09811643 ocm 09811643 44145 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39387) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44145) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1355:28) the emperour and the empire betray'd by whom and how written by a minister of state residing at that court to one of the protestant princes of the empire. empereur et l'empire trahis, et par qui & comment. english. 1682 cerdan, jean-paul, comte de. [2], 128 p. printed for b.m., london : 1682. "published for the satisfaction of all good protestants." attributed to jean paul cerdan--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -france. protestants -france -early works to 1800. dutch war, 1672-1678 -early works to 1800. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the emperour and the empire betray'd : by whom and how. written by a minister of state residing at that court , to one of the protestant princes of the empire . published for the satisfaction of all good protestants . london , printed for b. m. at the duke of lorrain's head in westminster . 1682. to the reader . the extraordinary conduct of the imperial court and council for some years past , having rais'd the curiosity of a great prince of the empire , to find out at any rate the true causes and grounds of counsels and actions that had so much surprized him , he made choice of a minister whom he judged best capable to execute this design , and having given him instructions for the purpose , dispatched him privately under other pretences to the emperours court at prague the minister acquitted himself well , and gave his master an ample account of his business by letter , of the 13. of february 1680. the master ( a right german , and truly generous prince ) laid his commands on me to publish those important secrets , the value whereof will soon appear by the reading , from which i will no longer detain you . farewell . the emperour ahd the empire betrayed . and by whom , and how. in a letter . my lord , 't is the duty of a servant not to conceal any thing from his prince and master , especially when he is pleased to honour him with his confidence , as your higness hath done in sending me to this court : to clear my self from the guilt and reproach of having been wanting to this duty , i take the liberty to give your highness a faithful and candid account in writing ; what i have discovered most pertinent and essential to the business , you were pleased to employ me in . i shall do it with the less scruple and reserve , having sent this letter by an express , in whom i have entire confidence , and doubt not but he will , according to my order , deliver it into your hands . to begin with the best part of what i have to deliver , i am to inform your highness , that his imperial majesty is , in my opinion , a pious prince , good natured , and of a sweet and gentle disposition , and not at all inclined to contend with the princes his neighbours , or make war on his inferiors : that , pursuant to this natural inclination for repose and for peace , this prince hath an antipathy against any thing that disturbs or opposes his quiet disposition , and hath eased himself wholly of the management and direction of his affairs of state , and of war , by committing all to the conduct of his principal ministers . 't is hard for a prince to intrust a minister with affairs of this mighty importance , without opening to him all his mind , and imparting the greatest and deepest of his secrets : and from hence , i believe it hath unhappily followed that this prince , having by degrees accustomed himself to leave the greatest part of his affairs to the conduct of his ministers , hath reserved to himself only the title and pomp , the splendour and name of the dignities and grandeur proper to his character . in a word , had his imperial majesty never so little minded his great affairs , he would never have yielded to sign that shameful and ignominious peace with france , subscribed by the imperial embassadours at the congress ad nimiguen ; the unhappy effects whereof we have seen in seven particulars of great importance . first , his imperial majesty , by those few strokes of his pen , hath in all probability , lost for ever the esteem , the friendship and confidence of the princes his friends and allyes ; who would have generously defended and preserved him from ruine , by the force of their arms. seconldy , that his own troops have been shamefully forced to quit all the countries of the empire , while those of france have been actually there , and continue to this day insulting and domineering as they please over the princes , the cities , the countries and provinces of the empire . thirdly , that by the execution of this peace , the estates , the persons and the courts of the three ecclesiastical electors of the empire , and of the elector palatine of the rhine , stand in a manner expos'd every hour to the violences and irruptions of the arms of france ; and consequently , in case of an election of a king of the romans , we may probably find by their suffrages what may be expected from slaves to that proud and ambitious crown . fourthly , that his imperial majesty having by that peace tacitely consented to the late cession on made by spain of the county of burgundy to the crown of france : it follows , that if his imperial majesty , ( in case of failure of issue in the house of spain ) should in his own right , or in the right of the arch-dutchess his daughter , the heir to the estates of that monarchy , he hath by that article of the county of burgundy , released his right to it , and deprived his successors , and the empire of the convenience that country might upon a favourable revolution have afforded them to lead an army without opposition into the heart of france : and should lorrain be ever restored to the empire , yet this article will be an infallible means for france to maintain continually an army on the frontiers of germany , and invade it as often as it shall appear to be for the interest and grandeur of the french to attack the germans . fifthly , that though swizzerland be throughly convinced by the building the fortress of hunninges , of the ambitious designs of france , and consequently concerned and inclined to make a league with all , or part of the princes of the empire , in defence of the common liberty ; yet the unfortunate session of the county of burgundy hath furnished the pensioners of france , ( whom no counsel or caution of that republick is free from ) with a plausible argument , to perswade that republick not to stir in its own defence , till it be perhaps too late , and out of its power to help it self : for , say they , what shall we do ? the cantons of bern , fribourgh and sollurre cannot subsist without the salt of that province : besides the forces his most christian majesty keeps actually on foot there , may justly alarm us to be cautious to the utmost , what measures we take , and consider all things before we ingage in any : by such discourses as these ( though groundless if we suppose an union of the forces of the empire with the swisse , which would infallibly draw in many more ) it may fall out that this republick ( if the lowest party prevail not against those traytors to their country ) may to its own mischief , and the ruin of others , lye still and look on , as unconcerned , and consequently be a member wholly useless to the publick , for defence of the common liberty , which would be in the present conjuncture of more mischievous consequence han most are aware of . sixthly , that by this peace the duke of lorrain , who hath had the honour to marry a great queen eldest sister to his imperial majesty , hath found as little respect in this peace , as if he had married the daughter of a burgo-master of colmar ; and hath been violently robb'd , and intirely dispossest of his dukedoms of lorrain and bar , and several other lands he held in soveraignty , being his hereditary estates , and descended to him by unquestionable right of succession : which others looked on with so little concern , as if this prince ( stript of all he could call his own ) had lost no more than a ring , or a farm of a thousand crowns value . seventhly , that his imperial majesty , and the empire by signing a peace ( to give it its right name ) so unbecoming and unworthy , have raised the courage and hopes of the most christian king to that height , that he looks on both with so much indifference and scorn , that he hath openly undertaken at once three things , which ( i believe ) were ever heard of in the empire , at least when it had the advantage of a head that had the least jealousie and care for its glory . the first , that without any lawful mission , the emperor being young , and in perfect health , he solicites vigorously the two electors of the north side of the empire , for their suffrage at the next election of a king of the romans . i mention only these two electors , for as for the others , he makes no doubt by fair means or by force to dispose of them as he shall think fit . the second , that , as if he were dealing only with the farmers of his revenues , or the poysoners of paris , he hath by a declaration erected at metz ( as formerly at brisak ) a court compos'd according to the course of that kingdom , of a dozen hangm — where though the smallest duke and peer of france , is not obliged to appear ; his most christian majesty , as judge and party , cites by some catchpole of that clandestine jurisdiction , princes of the most ancient illustrious houses of the empire ( which he hath nothing to do withall ) to make their appearance , to give him account by what right they possess what their predecessors have for three or four hundred years peaceably enjoyed . this invention , with the help of the knight of the post , and a map of the country drawn out at pleasure , ( but of the old fashion , the better to colour the business ) is the ground of his pretensions , that the greatest part of lorrain , the whole dukedom of deuxpents , and the best part of alsatia , as far as lauterbourgh , are ancient dependencies of the bishopricks of metz , toul and verdun , and must consequently be re-united to the demeans of that crown with as much ease , as the lands of some wretched treasurers of france have been resumed by his majesty . the third is , that to the end his new paper-pretences , may be as effectual as the right of devolution of the low countries in 1667 and 1668. he hath upon the frontiers on this side considerable forces in readiness to execute the reunion , or rather , under that pretence , to do what he shall think fit in the empire ; when all this while , neithe his imperial majesty , nor any prince of the empire dares openly stir . as if what hath already been done to the duke of lorrain , and other princes and cities of the empire in alsatia , were not only a certain presage , but an unquestionable president , whereby all other princes and states of the empire of what quality and degree soever , may clearly see the fortune of those princes and states , who have the misfortune to hold of that crown , or be neighbours to its dominions : the consequences that naturally follow so untoward , and so unhappy a state of affairs will oblige us to conclude ; woe to his imperial majesty , if he do not wholly alter his conduct , and god grant i speak not prophetically and truly , as micajah when i say his imperial majesty will dearly rue his trusting his council with the direction and management of affairs of this nature : and wo to his imperial majesty and the empire , they ever signed that false and fatal peace , whereby both will naturally fall ( unless god by special interposition prevent it ) under the slavery of that absolute and despotical dominion . yet i would not be thought to be of opinion , that if all his imperial majesty's council were such as it ought to be , affairs would be in that ill condition we find them ; but the greater part of that council being weak or corrupted , as i dare say it is , we are not to doubt , but if it continues , things will still grow worse and worse : i have been bold to say , the greater part of the imperial council is weak or corrupt : and to make my words good , i will proceed by degrees from smaller matters to those of greatest importance , to prove what i affirm by unquestionable instances . the first instance . commissary general capellier surpriz'd the steward of his house in the very act of traiterous correspondence with the minister of france , to whom he gave an exact account of all he could discover at his master's house . the letters he sent to the french minister and those he received from him were seized at the imperial post office at frankfort : and though this happened in the heat of the war between the two nations , and the traitor upon discovery of the matter was arrested , and carried to philipsbourgh , & from thence to vienna , yet he ( a fellow worth nothing ) found at court such powerful support , that he was set at liberty , and cleared as a gallant person . the second instance . the siege of phillipsbourg , being form'd by the imperial troops and those of the circles , and the place so much straitned that they began to want powder in the town , two brothers , burgesses of franckfort , corrupted by a french minister , undertook to buy several waggon loads of powder in the empire , and to conveigh them into phillipsbourg with other ammunition . but the convoy for executing the design having been surprized by the imperialists , and one of the rogues taken and sent to vienna , he was not long there but he was set at liberty as a very honest fellow . the third instance . he that commanded in fribourgh , when taken by marshal crequi , could not deny himself notoriously guilty of cowardice , or treason ; being arrested for his crimes , and carried first to inspruck , and thence to vienna : he was look'd upon as a sacrifice necessary to be offer'd to expiate so hainous an offence against equity , policy , and the discipline of war ; but because he was related to a principal minister , or rather because a great one was afraid he might ( if put hard to it ) make some discoveries : he was fully acquitted , and cleared from all that was laid to his charge ; and in such a manner , that he retired home as confident , and unconcerned , as ever the french governour of phillipsbourgh could have done , after the generous defence he made of the post he commanded . the fourth instance . the duke of saxe eisnach having had the command of a little army on the rnine , being an active and brave prince , neglected not any thing that might conduce to the worthy discharging the duty of his place ; those of the imperial council , who took part with france , having designs contrary to those of that prince , were as active on the other side , by close and sudden wayes to bring two things to pass : the first was to raise and establish a mis-understanding between this prince , and his highness of lorrain ; commander in chief of the great army of the empire : the second was , to order the distribution of ammunition necessary for the army in such a manner , that when it was provided of one sort , it should certainly want another : when it had cannon , it wanted carriages ; and when it had both these it should have neither powder nor bullet : and to give those of the council their due , their designs took effect to admiration , for the whole story of that campaign is ( in short ) no more but a misunderstanding between these princes , and want of ammunition . but this was not enough , for the malice of these emissaries , they poceeded further to hire one under the name of dela magdelaine , who having been instructed by the major domo of the abbot s. gall ( of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter ) was set on to seduce and surprize this prince : in a word , he came to the duke of saxe eysenach to propose to him the surprizal of a fortress belonging to france in the higher alsatia : the proposal was guilded over with so much probability of success , that the duke animated with zeal to do something great for the glory of his imperial majesty , and the interest of his country , greedily hearkned , and quickly embraced the proposal . after some necessary precautions for the enterprise , duneewald was commanded to undertake the execution , and having in the action discovered the cheat , the duke us'd his endeavours to have the criminal arrested : but all to no purpose ; for the major domo had already secured him in a place of safety : i make no doubt but every one will grant me , this rogue deserved death , and had not any colour of pretence , to find esteem or safety in the empire : but it proved quite otherwise upon his capitulation , ( i mean that with the major domo ) for the rogue , having play'd this excellent trick , had the impudence to go to the emperours court , where he was very well received , and highly treated , and sent thence to breslaw , where count shaftkutsch , president of the imperial chamber in silesia , pays him constantly , by order from above , annually a considerable pension : this arrant cheat goes now as formerly under the name of cygale , and gives out he is a-kin to the grand signior : but it hath been made appear in france and england , that he is a native of maldavia , and was groom to a prince of that country : this is the true character of him , the rest that is said of him are but inventions of jesuits and monks , who go snips with him in the presents he receives on his lying pretences . i have been more particular in my account to your highness of this fellow , to arm you the better against a surprize , by his fictions and artifices , which he continues to practise every day in hope to get something from those he can impose upon . the fifth instance . by what i have said formerly of swizzerland , it may appear of what importance it may be to the emperor and empire to make that republick sensible of their true interest , and treat with them for a league and union of forces in defence of the common liberty ; and ( to bring this about ) to employ in the negotiation , persons not only capable and faithful , but acceptable to those they are to treat with : yet as if the emperor's council made it their business to do in this as other particulars , only what may gain them the favour , or the gold of his most christian majesty . 't is fit to know the person the emperor's council employs in all those important negotiations they have with that republick . it is no other than the abbot s. gall's major domo , above mentioned , called monsieur fidelle , ( mr. faithful , ) but by the same figure of speech our divines call the prince of darkness an angel of light : for this fellow is notoriously known and confest to be the falsest of men. yet being a person of a very ready wit , a lively fancy , and naturally active in what he undertakes , sometimes he openly acts on the part of france , and publickly solicits suffrages in this republick in favour of that crown ; sometimes he turns his coat , and is on the sudden all for the house of austria : this man from a petty pedler of italy , is become excessive rich , which i mention as a circumstance whereby it may be the better known what a man he is , how fit to negotiate the interests of his imperial majesty , and to be the confident and councellor of the ministers of state ; his council sends into these parts : and to make appear their wisdom or collution in this particular , i must acquaint your highness with a matter generally known throughout the swisse cantons . that this man is owner of a moity of two swisse companies , now actually in the service of the french , under the command of his son in law : ( an ordinary traffick among the swisses ) that his most christian majesty hath within these three years bestowed on him a rich canonry , in the higher alsatia , or brisgow , which one of his sons is invested in : that 't is this faithful minister of the imperial court , hath since the beginning of the last war , bought all the horses his christian majesty had need of for his armies , and caused them to be transported from the port of wasserbourgh in germany ( where his master hath a bayliff , and no small power ) to the port of rochas , in swizzerland , which is a place whereof his master is soveraign prince : that this man being the principal incendiary and fomenter of all the troubles and broils hapned in swisserland , these last twenty years ; is so generally hated by all good people of that nation , that to procure the miscarriages of any affair of the dyets of baden , there is no surer means than to make the assembly suspect this man hath a hand , or is any way concerned in it . this appeared clearly in the affair of the county of burgundy , for count cazatti , the spanish embassadour , having very unadvisedly resolved to make use of this mans counsel and conduct in a matter of that importance , that mighty affair was utterly ruin'd by that very means : notwithstanding all , this man is the confident and privy councellour of all the ministers his imperial majesty sends to that nation ; and their first business , when arrived there , is to visit him , to consult him and communicate to him all their instructions : this about three years since , occasion'd a pleasant passage at the dyet of baden : an envoy of his imperial majesty , ( whom i purposely forbear to name ) according to the custom of his predecessors in that employ , and the orders establisht , went presently after his arrival to consult this oracle ; going afterward to baden , the envoy was strangely surprized to find that gravelle the french embassadour had already communicated to the assembly all the private instructions the envoy had received from the council at vienna : thus that envoy's nogotiations came to nothing , and so will all others his imperial majesty shall permit to be managed by the false and corrupt conduct of a man so base , and altogether unworthy the honour of that employment . the sixth instance . 't is an infallible maxim , that every prince dispossest of his estate , may hold for certain , there will be nothing omitted on the part of the usurper , or a conquerour in possession to ruin him , if possible , and all his generation . therefore 't is not strange , that the ministers of france ( though perhaps in this particular against the intention and without the order of his most christian majesty ) leave no stone unturned for the destruction of his highness of lorrain : but it may surprize any man to find that the imperial governour of phillipsbourgh , should ( so openly and notoriously , as he did ) have attempted the destruction of that prince , by the trap he caused cunningly to be made in the bridge of that place , for that purpose , through which the good prince fell headlong to the bottom of the ditch : may we not justly infer , this governor had capitulated and agreed with some minister of the enemy to commit so vile a treason ? may we not conclude so black an attempt against a soveraign prince , brother in law to the emperor , and at that time representing the person of his imperial majesty , under the character of generalissimo of his armies , unquestionably merited exemplary punishment ? no honest man but expected the criminal should have been made a sacrifice to justice and vengeance , when he was taken and carried under a strong guard to vienna . but all that was meer shew , for the favourers of france had that influence over the council at vienna , that this villain , as the former , past altogether unpunished . the seventh instance . it appears publickly his most christian majesty since the peace arms by sea and land more powerfully than before ; and france being not sufficient for the levies he makes , he is come by his ambassadour to the center of the empire , to frankford and to prague to compleat them . he causes fortresses and places of strength to be every day built on saar , the rhine , and all the frontiers of germany , i think there needs no better evidence of his having a design to reduce almayn into a condition of disability of help it self , when he thinks fit to attacque it ; if we consider farther , that he causes his commissaries to buy up all the corn in swabe and franconia , which is daily carried away into his magazins in lorrain , alsatia , and the county of burgundy . let us examine on the other side the conduct of the head and natural defender of the empire , or rather of his unhappy council : this prince hath since the peace reformed all his troops ; and in particular the garrison of rhinefeld , which is of principal consequence : let us weigh the matter without prejudice : he hath disbanded most of his old regiments , and kept on foot only part of the new . a man must be blind , and void of common sense , who comprehends not that the imperial council hath in this particular acted by inteligence with the council of france , and by their direction , to deprive the emperor of the only officers and soldiers capable to defend him , and to make them immediately go over into the service of france : the matter hath fallen out according to their design , and i leave it to any man versed in matters of state or of war , to judge what a conduct so extraordinary as this doth naturally signifie . i should be too tedious to give you all the instances i know whereby to prove the emperour is certainly betray'd by the greater part of his council . but to be short , let it be observed , that the same council that cleared the steward of commissary capelliers , the traytors of frankfort who would have furnished philipsbourgh with powder in the siege , and the governour of fribourgh : the same council that hath protected at brestaw the villain who abused the duke of saxe eisnach , and procur'd a pension to be setled on him ; the same council that hath setled the major domo of the abbot s. gall. to be the imperial minister in switzerland , and prevented the exemplary punishment of the governour of phillipsbourgh ; the same council that advised his imperial majesty to reforme the greatest part of his troops , and in the manner i have told you ; this is the very council hath clearly acquitted and approved of all the conduct and publick robberies and insolencies of commissary capelliers , and others : and by causing his imperial majesty , to sign the late shameful peace , have reduced the too good prince into such a condition , that ( without a special providence of god to the : contrary ) no prince will henceforth without much difficulty and caution relye on his word or his signet : so that considering the activity , the power and interest of his enemy , with the credit and influence he hath in the emperor's council , his imperial majesty , as to his elective imperial crown ( and i know not what to say of his hereditary dominions and estates ) seems reduced to the condition of a chilperic , or a charles in france ; for he hath more than one pepin , or one hugh capet to deal with . nor do i see he hath any greater authority than had those two unfortunate kings , who were violently thrust out of their thrones ; which neither they , nor any of their posterity ever regained . the better to convince the world how foully his imperial majesty is betrayed by his council , and in him all the princes and states of the empire , and that there hath been of a long time a horrid and villainous plot carried on against them with great cunning and caution , give me leave to observe that it proceeds from the secret engines of this plot , that his imperial majesty's two sisters were married to princes , both robbed of their dominions and estates : as to the duke of lorrain , husband of the elder , he continues to this day stript of all his estates , and if the late peace hold , i see little hopes of his re-establishment . and it cannot be deny'd but that the duke of newbourgh , though restored by the peace to the dukedoms of juliers and berg , was out of possession of both at the time of the marriage of his son to the emperor's younger sister . the reasons of these marriages were , that the princesses being married ( as they are ) to princes uncapable to afford his imperial majesty any succour at need , neither his majesty nor his allies might have any benfit by the marriages . and that when ever france should be desirous of peace , there might be those in the imperial councils and court , whose interest would oblige them to desire and procure it , in order to their restoration and re-establishment in their estates , and to free themselves from the necessity of begging their bread elsewhere . it hath happened accordingly as to the duke of newburgh at least , for having not wherewith to bear the charge of the marriage of his son with the emperor's sister , without being restored to the dutchies of juliers and berg , which could not ( at least so speedily ) be effected without a peace , what wonder is it , that this prince hath for the time past ( being forced by his necessities ) joyned with that part of the emperor's council that was for peace , and assisted them in perswading his imperial majesty to sign it on any condition : nor can it appear strange , if this prince for the suture joyn with the same council , and use all his credit and interest with his imperial majesty , never to enter into a war with france , though he have never so great reason for it . for when wants and necessities enter in at the door , honour and friendship flyeth out at the windows . his highness of lorrain ( to give him his due ) hath done bravely on his occasion , having generously chosen to run the risque of losing all , rather than sign so shameful and unjust a peace , as that proposed to him by france : and i shall be very much deceived , if he or his recover not their estates rather by this than any other conduct : for revolutions are common to all , and i have particular reasons to believe it may one day happen so in the affairs of his highness . this i think is more than sufficient to evince that his imperial majesty hath been basely betrayed by his council . my next business is to shew by what sort of people he hath been chiefly betrayed , and with what covers they have guilded those pills , which they have made this good and august prince swallow from time to time . to find the bottom of this business , we must look a great way back , as far as the beginning of the war , which france by concert with england , the elector of cologne , the duke of newburgh , and the bishop of munster , made against the united provinces in 1672. after several alliances with the deceased elector of bavaria , and duke of hanover , and others , which were but too visible during that war. several pretences have been made use of to colour that rupture , but the truth is , it was fomented only by the court of rome and the jesuits : to give your highness full and clear satisfaction in this particular , be pleased to permit me to put you in mind , that a little before the breaking out of that war , his royal highness of savoy deceased , having taken his measures with the court and council of france , made open war against the republick of genoa . the court of rome wisely judging the duke of savoy would not have engaged in that enterprize without assurance before hand of succour and protection from france , if needful ; and that those petty sparks might raise a general conflagration in italy , which in time might draw over thither all the french forces , and consequently expose that country to inevitable ruin ; that subtil and cunning court , to save themselves from the storm , applied themselves seriously , in the first place , to put an end upon any terms to the war between the duke and the republick , which monsieur gaumont soon after effected . in the next place , being sensible what formidable forces his most christian majesty had then on foot , and that that monarch could not forbear breaking out into a new war ; the court of rome resolved to use all their endeavours to divert from themselves and their neighbours , the effects of the french arms , and cause them to fall on some other country of europe , the most remote that might be from italy , and where it might be most convenient for the interest of the pope : the jesuits having given directions to this purpose , the affair was manag'd with that subtilty , the storm fell altogether on the united provinces , the court of rome assuring it self , that if that republique were once destroy'd , the whole protestant party would naturally come to ruin , and the papal authority in a short time recover it's primitive grandeur and glory . great obstacles were quickly discovered against the carrying on this mighty project : the most christian king who clearly saw what the court of rome aim'd at , was , or pretended to be , unwilling to engage in open war against the united provinces , but on two conditions . first , that the court of rome should secretly consent and give way that he might , if he could , joyn the provinces of the spanish netherlands and lorrain , with what he could conquer from the states of the united provinces , to form or restore the ancient kingdom of austrasia . secondly , that the court of rome should assure him , to their power , to procure his majesty and the dauphin , ( who was designed the new king of austrasia , ) the imperial crown . as to the point of the spanish netherlands , it must be observ'd , that to bring about the design , it was absolutely necessary to manage his majesty of great brittain , ( whose interests there were very considerable ) and there could be no hopes to give him satisfaction without sacrificing to him something very considerable of what belong'd to the spaniard . it would have been almost impossible for any but the jesuits interests , so different , to reconcile and overcome so great and numerous difficulties . the two branches of the most august house of austria , had heap'd most considerable favours , and showed their bounties , on the society of jesuits : but when they are concerned for the grandeur of the pope , and the interests of the miter ( which ( by the way ) the society looks on with the same ardour a young prince in love would eye the advantages , the glory and interests of a beautiful and rich queen , whom he made no doubt but he should one day enjoy ) all thoughts and memory of the favours received from the august family , are wholly laid aside on that occasion ; the jesuits fell immdiately to find out expedients for two reasons , full of justice and equity , according to the politick maxims of that blessed society . the first was that whereas the house of austria in the present conjuncture was notoriously unable to raise the roman bishops to their former estate of grandeur and glory , and that there was not any but his most christian majesty , who by his forces and interests could work this kind of miracle it was absolutely necessary to remove all difficulties and obstacles that might hinder the effecting an enterprise so profitable and glorious . the second , that in case the design should take effect , the society was assured of having in recompence of their pains , two great abbies , heads of their orders , the one in the ancient kingdom of france , the other in the new conquests : which abbys were to be added to the vast patrimony of this society , besides the assurances they had by the protection of france , to obtain a settlement in amsterdam , and elsewhere . upon these grounds they procur'd the treaties to be privately sign'd between france and rome , and between france and england , by vertue whereof the war was quickly begun against the united provinces . i pass over in silence the satisfaction his majesty of great brittain was to have , as impertinent to my present business : it may be observed , that as under the reign of philip the second france was to have been made ( as far as it lay in the power of rome ) a sacrifice to the interests of the papal miter , and the monarch of spain , 't is now become the turn of the most august house of austria , ( according to this project ) to be sacrificed to the interests of the papacy , the jesuits and his most christian majesty . and that as the principal design of the jesuits , and of france , was the absolute destruction of the protestant party , it was from hence it proceeded , that a league was form'd and sign'd by most of the catholick princes of germany , and incorporated into the treaties above mention'd , wherein every of the confederates had , or at least thought to have had his design , and compass'd his ends , as afterwards appear'd : hence also it proceeded that france , having anciently had very strict alliances with the protestant princes of germany , conceal'd very carefully the present design from all its ancient allyes of that communion . the court of rome , and the society as carefully conceal'd it from both branches of the house of austria ; and all this for reasons , than which nothing is more easily apprehended : for the same reason it was , that in the beginning of this war , nothing was omitted by the popes nuncio , the jesuits , and their emissaries , to lull asleep the councils of vienna and madrid ; and that afterwards they did with all possible diligence reveal to the ministers of france , all they could discover of the deliberations of the imperial council , or the spanish . for the same reason it was , that his imperial majesty by the clear remonstrances of the elector of brandenbourgh being made sensible of the trap cunningly laid for him by the french , and having commanded an army to joyn with that elector on the rhine , those emissaries of rome laid all their heads together , and for their master-piece to carry on the design , effected two things . the first was the rebellion of the male contents in hungary , not yet suppressed , whereby they endeavour'd , if possible , to give the emperour so strong a diversion , that it might not be in his power to assist his allies . the second , i have from an anonimous author of an essay of the interest of the protestant princes and states , printed in the year , 1676. and treating of several things , in this respect very considerable : the author in my opinion deserves the more credit , in that he hath lash'd the society to some purpose in his discourse , yet not one of it's patrons or partisans hath undertook to refute him : the account he gives of the first campaign , i will repeat word for word from the original , as very sutable to my purpose . in the year 1672. when the arms of france were so prosperous , that all europe looked on the states of the united provinces as very near destruction , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh wisely foreseeing the consequences to be expected from the ambitious enterprizes of france , if not stopped in time , gained himself the reputation , not only of having been the first prince of christendom who drew his sword in protection of that broken state , but by vigorous remonstrances to the court of vienna , was the cause that his imperial majesty , awaking out of the lethargy some corrupt counsellors had cast him into , resolved to arm vigorously , and joyn with his electoral highness in defence of that republique : his electoral highness in pursuance of this resolution being advanc'd towards the rhine , with a considerable army , and count montecuculi being on his way thither in the head of an imperial army , with design to act jointly , and to do something considerable in favour of the republique . france , allarm'd by the march of the two german armies , had detach'd marshal turenne , with a body of an army to observe the motions of the other two : but by the several marches and counter-marches these two armies had made , especially that of brandenbourgh , sometimes making as if they would pass the rhine in several places , sometimes in being ready to fall upon the allies of france beyond the rhine , turennes army was so tyr'd out and harassed , that about the end of the campaign it was almost quite dissipated , and found it self in so miserable a condition , that 't is certain all turenne was able to do , was to be on the defensive against one of those armies , and that if both armies had join'd , turenne had been inevitably lost , as was publickly confest . his electoral highness of brandenburgh knowing how easie it was to destroy turenne , and the consequence of his defeat , caused a vigorous remonstrance of all to be made to the council of vienna ; it was so effectual , that positive orders were sent montecuculi to join his electoral highness and fight turenne , without further loss of time ; which would have broken all the open and hidden measures of france , and by one blow freed the empire and holland from oppression . but other matters were in hand for the interest of rome . his majesty of great brittain had permitted himself to be perswaded to publish about that time , a declaration ( whereof he made report to his parliament , ) whereby a tolleration and indulgence was granted in favour of the nonconformists of his kingdom . though it may be thought it was not so much for favouring the particular conventicles of the sectaries of the protestant party , as , under the name of non-conformists , to introduce popery again into that estate , though contrary to the designs and intentions of his majesty , who granted it only in favour of the tender consciences of his protestant subjects : this step towards popery being the first fruits the court of rome had promised it self from the ruin of the states of the united provinces , 't is no wonder that court set all hands at work to effect that ruin. the then principal obstacles of the design , was the resolution of his electoral highness against turenne , the destruction of his army being capable to re-establish the states of the united provinces , and that re-establishment would have destroyed all the projects of the jesuits in england . here it was the jesuits plaid their part to prevent the blow from fallin on turenne , and they acted it too well for the general good of europe : for montecuculi instead of receiving express order to joyn brandenbourgh's army , and fight turenne , received orders quite contrary ; whereby he was absolutely forbidden to do the one or the other . to drive this nail to the head ; the venerable society ( whose impudence nothing can parallel ) made it their business several ways to infuse into his electoral highness a jealousie of the emperour , as insincere in his intentions : this was effected with the greater facility , for that his e. h. of brandenbourgh , having received from the court of vienna , a formal letter , which gave him an exact account of the true order his imperial majesty had sent montecuculi to join him and fight the french , and his e. h. having summoned montecuculi to execute that order , montecuculi , who knew he had orders quite contrary , but knew nothing of the former , of which the elector had account , could do no less than refuse the one and the other , nor could his electoral highness choose upon the refusal , but suspect the sincerity of the emperor's intentions . this was not enough for those masters of mischief , for at the same time those emissaries omitted nothing that might instill into montecuculi , a suspicion of the sincerity of the elector's intentions . these jealousies being but too deeply established , especially on this last side , 't is no wonder his electoral highness was at last perswaded ( as these emissaries had by a third hand infinuated to him ) that the house of austria treated under-hand a separate peace with france : which appeared the more probable , by the daily advice he had of the miserable estate of turenne's army , growing every hour worse and worse , and the obstinacy of montecuculi , neither to joyn him , nor fight . the emissaries foreseeing this misunderstanding would vanish intime time , when the truth should appear , made use of that conjuncture to set on the duke of newbourgh to manage a particular peace between his electoral highness and france ; which the electoral , jealous of the imperialists , and vext at their proceedings , was at last perswaded to accept , and with so much the more reason , that as to holland he pretended they had not satisfied their engagements to him , and as to the interests of the empire he reserved himself intire liberty to arm in its defence , if france should attacque it . the elector was concerned in reputation to make the emperour sensible of his just resentments of montecuculi's proceeding : montecuculi was strangely surprized , when at his return to vienna his master called him to a strict account of his conduct , and the reasons why he had neither joined brandenbourgh's army , nor fought turenne , when express orders had been sent him for both . but if montecuculi was surprized at the question , his imperial majesty was no less at the answer , when his sage general produced for his discharge an order of his imperial majesty , in very good form , expresly forbidding him either to joyn with brandenbourgh or fight turenne : and 't is certain , this general found all the justice of his cause , and the assurance his master had of his fidelity , little enough to clear him of this unhappy affair . i know this business is one of those riddles never to be decypher'd , unless the author will voluntarily give us the key . i know 't is from hence it proceeds , that one of the principal wretches of this court hath been formerly charged with this forgery : but to speak the truth , the whole guilt of this affair lies at the doors of the emissaries of rome in this court , who by secret contrivances with those of france , found the means to intercept the true original order , and in the same dispatch to transmit a false one , but very well counterfeit both the hand and seal : and that by people who are not now to learn that trade . it being certain we should not have seen so many troubles in hungary , as daily are there , had these emissaries less credit in the emperours court. his imperial majesty , the elector of brandenbourgh , and count montecuculi know the truth of all that concerns them in this affair : but i am well assur'd not one of the three knows the secret engines set at work in the business . what i know thereof comes not from them , but from a place where every particular of this negotiation was known , and by whom it was animated . certain it is , if the point of the catholicon in england had not been found ; the ministers of france could not have so easily compassed this forgery ; but by that every thing became feasible , the directors of the society having voluntarily undertaken to master all difficulties . by the ingenious deduction of this relation , where the author speaks plainly , as a man well instructed and acquainted with the fineness , and superfineness of the management , and by what i have said before , on the same subject , and every one may of himself apprehend it appears that it proceeds from a principle of a papal , or jesuitical ambition , the council of vienna , from the beginning of the war , hath been so well penetrated , directed , or altered , that all the expeditions of the imperial army ( except with convenient distinctions , the considerable important taking of bonne , the long and langushing siege of phillipsbourgh , and the taking it at last , and the death of turenne , which was meerly accidental ) i say all the expeditions , these three points excepted , have been from the beginnings of the campaigns to the end of them , but so many processions and pilgrimages of shame and of misery , of disorder and confusion , as the subjects of the empire know too well , who have been flay'd to the bone , and had their marrow suckedout by winter quarters , without consideration , or mercy , but especially the protestant states and people , and other princes , lords , magistrates , countries and towns , who have felt the smart of that fiery tryal . from the same principle it is , that when by the expulsion of the swedes out of the patrimony of the empire , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh , and his highness of zell and osnabourgh were in a condition ( notwithstanding the particular peace of the united provinces and spain ) to transport the chief of their forces upon the frontiers of france , and by so glorious an action , to oblige france infallibly to make a peace with the empire in general and particular , according to justice and equity , then were the emissaries of rome , so powerful in the council at vienna , that they obliged his imperial majesty , to the prejudice of all his treaties , to seal privately such a peace with france , as we have mentioned before ; which hath been manag'd with so much dexterity , that that good ( but for that time too credulous ) prince did believe , and perhaps is still of the same mind , that he acted according to the most judicious maxims of religion and prudence : and because it may concern your highness to be inform'd what artifices were used by the jesuits and ministers of france , who went hand in hand , acting by concert in all this affair , to engage his imperial majesty to sign that fatal peace , there were sent from france under other pretences the dutchess of meclenbourgh to the court of zell , and the count of d' epause to that of brandenbourgh , and at the same time the jesuits labour'd so effectually , that his imperial majesty was made believe ( though certainly without just ground ) that the houses of brandenbourgh and lunenbourgh had already agreed , or were just upon agreeing , to a separate peace with france ; whereby his imperial majesty would be left alone a prey to the french ambition . true it is , if those princes were in that conjuncture ( as is very probable ) very willing to keep what they had conquer'd from the swede : i think they had done well to have dismist those envoys from their courts , which had they done , it would at least have taken away from the emperours corrupt council , all pretence of rendring them suspitious to his imperial majesty , and hastening him in pursuance of that suspition to sign the peace under consideration . to sum up all , we may from what hath been said , reasonably infer these three particulars . first , that his imperial majesty hath been basely betrayed by the greater part of his council ; for i am not so malicious and unjust to confound the innocent with the guilty , and not to make an exception ( out of the general clause ) in favour of those of his council , who are men of integrity and honour , who in truth i think are very few , and not much in credit . secondly , that his imperial majesty being so villanously betray'd by his council , the empire in general and particular , through the indissoluble union of the head and members cannot but miserably participate the misfortune and sufferings of its soveraign , as is very well known by a fatal , and too long experience . thirdly , that 't is easie for his imperial majesty , and the empire , to know whom they have equallly cause to complain of , and from what principle not only this treason is derived , but all the mischiefs that have afflicted christendom , for above an age , but especially the empire since the beginning of the late war : i say for above an age , as to the general ; because that which his most christian majesty , instigated by the jesuits , undertakes in our days , is but the same , which , by instigation of their predecessors , charles the first , the emperour fardinand the second , and philip the second of spain , did in their days . as to the empire in particular i say , since the beginning of the last war ; because 't is certain his imperial majesty hath been since that time by the means i have mentioned , so closely beset , and so strictly observed , that 't is not in his power to speak , to advise , to wish , or do any thing , but the society knows , and absolutely destroys it , if not suitable to their particular interests and designs : there is not a person in the emperor's court , but knows , that no man without certain ruin dare oppose in that court that cabal in any matter though never so little : to conclude this point , his imperial majesty , as a slave to the society , as things stand at present , serves only to authorize his own ruin , the ruin of his august family , and of the empire in general and particular : for the very moment i write , france publickly solicits in the empire , ( as i said before ) the nomination of a king of the romans in favour of the dauphin , which in all probability will be managed with so much dexterity and subtilty , that his imperial majesty , if he follow the advice of his council , spiritual or temporal , will think himself obliged in conscience voluntarily to give way to it . this , my lord , is the true state of his imperial majesty , and his council since the last peace . three things remain to be considered . first , the particular advantages the court of rome , and the jesuits procured themselves by the late war. secondly , what advantages they design'd themselves by the late peace , and its consequences . thirdly , what the empire in general and particular may expect from the present state of affairs . the advantages the court of rome and the jesuits procured themselves , by the late war , have not been so great as they promised themselves , for god having preserved the united provinces , whose utter destruction they had projected ; 't is certain , most of their projects in england , and elsewhere , were defeated : yet the advantages of the papacy over the protestant party , in the late war , are very considerable ; and consist in five particulars . 1. that by the fire of war , kindled by the artifices of rome , and the jesuits , between england and the united provinces ; those two protestant powers have unhappily consumed very considerable forces in men , money , ships , ammunition , and loss of trade , the soul and substance of the riches of both countries . 2. that the united provinces have in defence of themselves against france and its allies in germany , been forced to spend their men and their money , besides loss of trade during the war. 3. that swede , denmark , brandenbourgh , and zell , have consumed their forces during all this war , kindled by the artifices of the same party , between swede , and the three princes of denmark , brandenbourgh , and lunenbourgh , both by sea and land. 4. that under pretence of this war , the protestant states of the empire , as well during the campaignes as by winter-quarters , have been miserably harrassed and exhausted with exactions , burnings , contributions to that degree , that most of the protestant imperial towns are almost ruined ; and several of them as well as the palatinate , and other countries , out of hopes of recovery in an age ; while the hereditary countries , and bavaria , and many other places of the roman communion in the empire , have been preserved as the apple of an eye , or so little opprest they scarce feel it . 5. that france by this war , having conquered the county of burgundy , and kept it by the peace free from condition of exchange , it is to be observ'd , that whereas this province , belonging heretofore to spain , was , by reason of its distance from the heart of that kingdom , not in a condition to hurt the protestant cantons of the swisses ; now that it belongs to france , we art not to flatter our selves , but it belongs to a power which may every hour make a sudden irruption into the canton of bern , and under the specious pretence of religion put the protestant and roman cantons in disorder , and by degrees work their inevitable ruine ; unless that republick have the courage and judgment to enter into confederacy with those that ought to preserve it from destruction , which the building the fortress of hunningen , may sufficiently instruct them , is certainly intended them . i reckon all these to be real advantages the court of rome and the jesuits have by the last war procur'd themselves against the protestant party : for where resolution is taken to ruine an enemy under several heads , the best way to effect it , is to divide the powers , and engage them as much as may be in war , one against another , to the consumption of their forces ; and to fortifie your self on their frontiers , that you may make sudden inroads into their countries when you please : the court of rome , and the jesuits , by the access they have had to the council of france , and the house of austria , and by the help of the counsellors there , and in the protestant courts , have with great dexterity put these maxims in practice during the late war : for his majesty of swedland , managed by france , his majesty of denmark , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh , and his highness of zell , managed by the imperial court , will take the pains to search to the bottom , by what motives and artifices they have been all four engaged in a war , which hath ruined their estates for more than ten years . i doubt not ( with the respect and submission that is due to them ) but they will find that the modern romans have with great insolence and perfidiousness practised upon them what the ancient romans did for divertisement to their gladiators : for when these men had by bloody , and oftentimes mortal combats , sufficiently diverted the spectators , and the magistrate made them a sign to give out , they were bound to do it , and in what condition soever they were to go every one home , as these four princes were in the end forced to do . this may serve for an excellent and important instruction for england , holland , swede and denmark , and all the protestant states and princes of germany , to avoid effectually the snares the court of rome every day lays for them the ways i have observed , with a setled design to destroy not only their religion but their temporal estates . the second point . the advantages the court of of rome and the jesuits proposed to themselves by the conclusion of the peace between his imperial majesty and france , may be reduced to three principal heads . 1. by the maxims observed in the first part of my letter , to fix ( without danger of any probable variation ) the designs of france , and the efforts of their arms , against the empire and northern countries , as most remote from italy , and most convenient by the progress of those arms to ruine the prorestant party and consequently to advance the re-establishment of the papal grandeur and authority , the fall of the one producing naturally the exaltation of the other . and for attaining this end , to procure this peace to be so made , that his most christian majesty might be fully perswaded the court of rome and the jesuits ( in prejudice to all other powers of christendom ) studied nothing more than his exaltation , and an effectual setling and establishing in time an absolute monarchick authority over europe : and that this project might be made appear so facil and easie to this prince that he might be the better tempted to undertake it : in order to these ends , the court of rome and the jesuits could not have done any thing whereby more effectually to demonstrate their zeal and close adherence to the grandeur and exaltation of the most christian king , than by making ( as they have done with so much craft and perfidiousness ) a sacrifice of the emperour and empire ( with all that concerned the glory and interest of both ) the better to carry on the designs of the french : their project in this particular hath proved so effectual , and discover'd so many divisions , so much ignorance , weakness , and baseness , in the empire , that his most christian majesty may by these appearances rationally judge he may probably succeed in whatever he shall attempt against the empire ( though i am not of opinion he will find it so easie a matter as he hath been made believe ' t is . ) but we are to believe this prince is perswaded , that to attain all his ends , the empire being the natural obstacle against an universal monarchy , it must be his business to attempt the empire in the first place . nor can it be doubted , but the court of rome and the jesuits , making full account the most christian king will be very well able by his forces to master the empire , have hastened with all diligence possible the signing the peace between his imperial majesty and france , upon design that his most christian majesty being by this expedient of the peace free from war , in case the perpetual plots of the court of rome , and the jesuits in england , or elsewhere , should be so prosperous , as , with the help of forreign aid , to effect the re-establishment of the popes authority there , they might make use of the french forces to invade that kingdom , or other countries , for the ends i have mentioned : and if by gods providence the perfidious and damnable conspiracy of the jesuits against the king the religion and state of england had not been discovered the last year , i believe england had e're this felt the effects of what i observe . be pleased to allow me leave on this occcasion to say , that unless his majesty of great brittain be willing to fall , with all his people , under the slavery of the pope , the jesuits , and france , he hath great cause to take heed left the warlike preparations of all sorts made by the french in all their ports , and on the coasts of the ocean , be not made upon some such design ; for by the scheme of the plot ireland is looked upon as a country which may unquestionably procure france the absolute dominion of the sea , and of trade , and the conquests of the west indies , according to their ancient and primitive project . 3. the court of rome and the jesuits having that influence over the imperial council , that it was in their power to do what they pleased there , there is no doubt but the signing of the peace was prest on this farther design , that his imperial majesty ( the peace concluded ) finding himself in a condition to dispose of the greatest part of his forces , they might easily perswade him to employ them to root out the protestant party in hungary , and perfect the pretended reformation in silesia : and it was well for that people that god provided for their safety by very extraordinary means , i mean the plague ; for had not that broken out , it is not credible but dunewald the apostate , now a formal creature of the jesuits , had been sent thither with an army to do something . happy would it be for his imperial majesty , if by just and solid reflections on the disasters successively fallen upon his august family , for having too much espoused the violent and cruel passions of the court of rome and the jesuits , and by considering this scourge of god which hath forced him to quit his capital city , and in a manner follows him visibly wherever he goes , he would be sensible the hand of god is not stretched out against him , as heretofore against david , for his sin , but because he hath stretched out his hand to oppress the only congregations of christians in his dominions , whose worship is not infected with idolatry , and who according to the precepts of the gospel adore the soveraign and supreme creator in spirit and in truth . but far happier should his imperial majesty be , if by such reflections god would give him the grace , as he did to the emperor charles the fifth before de died , to acknowledge and own the truth he persecutes ; and ( setting aside policy ) embrace generously the profession of it . god almighty would then certainly bless him , and 't is credible he would not deny him the power to humble the proud , and those who by their enormous . ambition , put all europe into combustion . i beg your highnesses pardon for this digression ; which the matter i treat of , and my zeal for the faith and salvation of others naturally led me to . the third point . to make some solid prognostick , in a matter so dilicate , i say , as to what the empire in general and particular is no expect from the present state of affairs ; we are to believe his most christian majesty ( unless notably changed in his dispositions ) would boldly and couragiously carry on his business , i mean his pretension to make his son , the dauphin , king of the romans : his marriage with the princess of bavaria , the envoys and magnificent presents he sends to the electoral courts of saxony and brandenbourgh , and his arming so furiously , signifie sufficiently two things . first , his contempt of the alliances and oppositions his imperial majesty may make against him . secondly , that he will certainly pursue his pretension . 't is of extream importance for the empire in general and particular to know , whether it be for the interest of the empire to favour this pretension , or to oppose it . this with your highnesses leave , i intend briefly to examine ; and to observe some order : it is to be considered , 1. whether it be better for the empire in general , and every member of it in particular , to live according to the ancient customs , rights and priviledges , under which they have lived for many ages ; or that the empire , without striking a blow , submit voluntarily to the yoke of a government which acknowledges no law , but that of a power purely despotical and absolute ? 2. as a dependent on the former point , whether it be better , as to the revolutions since the wars for religion , that the empire live occording to the concordats and agreements in the peace of munster , or osnabrug , and the last capitulations with his imperial majesty since his election : or without regard to the one , or the other , that the empire engage anew in a civil war , which by a final victory may decide the quarrel in favour of one of the parties , concerning the concordats , and those two treaties of peace , or the late capitulations , as if never agreed or capitulated ? i think it the more necessary to examine before hand these points , for that we may hold it for certain . as to the first point . in case the dauphin be ever elected king of the romans , that from the days of that election , whatever capitulations shall be signed to the contrary , the german empire will be annexed to , and made an hereditary province of the crown of france . to justifie this , you need only read several french authors , who have treated of the rights and pretensions of france , upon the empire , particularly that of the advocate awbrey ; for though he hath with good reason been laughed at for his writings , yet if that election take effect , we shall find his discourse solid and well grounded . besides , you may soberly weigh what france hath already practised upon that part of the empire which hath fallen to its share , and the neighbouring parts , both in temporals and spirituals : as to the temporal concerns , france seizes all boldly and openly in the face of the sun , without pretence of other law , or right , but that of convenience , with as much freedom and confidence , as it would take possession of any ancient patrimony of that crown : the dukes of lorrain and deuxponts , mentbeleuard , and the ten free towns of alsatia , sufficiently prove this ; as to spiritual matters you need only read the publick ordinance of the bishop of metz against the lutherans of those countries . for the clergy in general , all the free chapters of the empire , whether arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , deans , or priors , may assure themselves , if this election take place , they must go to france e're they come to those dignities ; for to imagine the free suffrages of the chapters shall be continued , is sortishness and folly . the bishopricks of metz , toul and verdun , and ( i doubt not for the future ) cambray , which were heretofore principalities of the empire , may teach us that under a french government the only way to those dignities is by a writ of presentation by the kings , and consequently all that seek or depend on those bishopricks must be courtiers and slaves . not but that i believe if the dauphin be chosen king of the romans , his council is too cunning not to make him promise expresly to maintain the privileges and ecclesiastical benefices of the empire : and that till he be fully setled they may be content to write letters to the chapters to chuse the person the court shall recommend , but in such a manner there will be no fear of refusal : yet this course is not to be expected to hold ten years to an end : which i believe the rather for that france pretends ( as hath been declared at large by several politick treatises ) that most of the great benefices in germany have been founded by emperors , kings of france , and that consequently the court of france is the true patron of them . the princes of the empire , ecclesiastical and temporal , of what rank or degree soever , may from the day of that election , provide for three things which will certainly follow . first they shall be reduced to the natural rents and revenues of their ancient patrimonies , which cannot with probability be denied to depend upon the ancient kingdom of austrasia , ( which the ministers of france suppose to be part of the french monarchy ) and consequently all natural rights there being subject to the law salique , admit neither of alienation nor prescription . for as to the taxes and contributions now paid these lords by their vassals and subjects , there is no doubt but they will be obliged to disclaim them , and consent with a very good will , that the head of the empire shall in this case order what taxes and exactions he please to be levied , and all for his use : to pretend capitulations or reasons to the contrary , will be to insist on trifles , or commence suits to be decided only by military execution . secondly , they will be disarmed , it being against the honour of the policy of france , to permit any prince , or lord , under their dominion , to have the power to defend himself by force , be his right to do so never so ancient and authentick . thirdly , to gain the favour of the head of the empire , the head of every house of the secular princes must actually wait on his imperial majesty at an excessive expence , or send in his stead his brothers or sons to make his court , or to receive orders and caresses , and sometimes repulses and checks : and the empire being full of divisions and jealousies , there is cause enough to fear the princes will strive who shall be most officious , as the princes and other great men of france have done , to their utter ruin , and total consumption of their estates . as for the counts , and barons , and all gentlemen of the empire , who are vassals to electors and particular princes , my heart bleeds to think how certainly and strangely their condition will be chang'd , if ever a french king be made emperour . is it probable the ministers of france will have more pity of the german nobility and gentry , than the dukes , marquesses , counts , barons and particular nobility of their own country have found at their hands ? there is no doubt but the day they change their master , they must bid an eternal adieu to all their rights of soveraign justice and free-hold : the great men and private gentry of france , several of whom have the honour to be descended in a right line from soveraign princes , had no less courage , nor were heretofore less priviledged , nor less jealous of their rights , than many of the body of the empire are at this present . yet have they been forc'd one after another to submit to the yoke , and lose all their ancient priviledges : nor must they think any more ( though they have right ) to lay any imposition on their subjects . for ( as i said before in the article of the princes ; ) this is a sweet bit , which the absolute and despotical dominion of france always reserves for it's own tooth . they must never think more by offices and imployments under particular princes , or the head of the empire , to render themselves considerable , make their fortunes , or recover their spent estates , as they could have done heretofore : at least but few of them shall be ever able to do it . for as to particular princes , they will in case of a french emperour be absolutely ruin'd , and forc'd to retrench themselves and their families to a very low condition ; and as to the head of the empire , whoever will have office or imployment in his house or courts of justice , must think of buying it with ready money , there being not an office or imployment in the french kings house , from the steward of his house to the scullion in his kitchen , nor in his courts of justice , from that of chief president to the meanest serjeant , but is sold for ready money . so that there remains not for the nobility and gentry of the empire , any office or employ , but what must be bought , save only the military : but the nobility and gentry of the empire are too judicious , ( at least , unless ( as the french proverb is ) they are willing to be taken for fools , ) not to know they have no reason to promise themselves in this particular of military employment , any greater priviledge than is allow'd the ancient nobility of france , and consequently , that to procure the favour of the prince or his principal ministers , they must serve in the wars at their own charge , as the french nobility have done . the necessary expences of every office exceeding yearly , by three fourths , the pay of the prince : that is , they most resolve to consume the bulk of their estates to be known at court , and frequently spend a real patrimony in pursuit of vain and chimerical hopes , which will infallibly ruin their families ; and bring most of those who take these courses to end their lives in languishing griefs and cruel repentings : for thus it is , all the nobility of france serve in the wars , and such is the end most of them make . if we have heard of a schomberg or a ransan that became considerable in france by the wars . let the nobility of the empire be assur'd it was but a lure which the ministers of france ( who have long since plotted the conquest of the empire ) thought fit to hold out to delude and cheat the german nobility : they are like the fires in the night that lead them into precipices , who are indiscreet enough to follow them : all this i know to be true , grounded on very authentick memoirs , and certain knowledge of the matters i mention . as for the imperial towns and free cities of the empire , colmar , schlestat , and haguenau , and the rest of that rank , situate in alsatia , may teach their magistrates and councils , what value the ministers of france put upon their ancient rights and priviledges , for those are the things the ministers there , or their envoys under the name of commissaries or intendants , call in derision stories to make one sleep , illusions , and old wives tales , that is , things nothing worth . if ever france come to the empire , all the cities of that order are with metz , toul , and verdun , and ( last of all ) bezanson to denounce and disclaim all rights of justice , magazines , garrisons and impositions , and to prepare themselves ( at least all those that cannot , will be kept under otherwise ) to see built in the highest place in the town a strong citadel at their charge , and a garrison put into it , which they must maintain , and consequently by degrees undergo , as well as all the subjects of princes , earls , barons , and particular lords ; and all counts , barons , and private lords for their estates in land and all necessaries for life , with very little exception , all the impositions following . first upon estates in land , money , and trade . ayde , octroy , preciput , equivalent , crue , taille , estaste , subsistence de quartier d'hyver , garinzons , mortpayes , appointments des governeurs , debtes & affaires du roy , gratifications extraordinaries , den gratuit , frais de recoua usemens & contabilite . more upon drinks . aydes sur le vin , bieres , & cidres , plus le huitieme denier , le souquet , le patae , imposts & billets . [ instead of censuring the translation imperfect , in giving the names of these impositions ( as in the original ) in french , let the reader congratulate his happiness , that very few of these most christian impositions have been christened in england , and therefor they want names in our language . ] more upon things eatable . the gabelle on corn and meal , which is taken in markets or at the mill , in several places , under the name of mesure coupee , or octroy . the toll called pied forchu , taken for all sorts of beasts sold in fairs and markets . the toll taken by weight for every pound of meat sold in the shambles . the gabelle on salt , which will raise the price of salt so high , that what is now sold for a florin , will then cost fourteen crowns . more upon all necessaries for life . the mark of paper , the mark of silver , the mark of tin , the mark of hats , the mark on all silk stockins and woollen , the mark of shoes , the gabella on perukes , the gabelle on tobacco , the mark on all stuffs of wooll or silk , the mark on linnen , the gabelle on ice , the control of exploits . more upon noble estates , from five years , to five years . the tax of free fifes , the tax of new purchases , the fifths and refifths , amortissements . more upon the offices of judicature and the treasury . the price of valuation , the mark of gold , the two sols in the pound , the seal duty , the duty of control , the registers duty , the duty for oaths ; the prest for being admited to the annual , the annual or paulette . besides many other taxes to be paid from time to time , and many retrenchments of wages to be yearly undergone ; for the soveraign courts have but three quarters wages , the subordinate but two , and the base or lowest courts frequently but one . add to all these the reunion to the king's demesnes , newly executed throughout france on all commonalties or corporations of the empire , that is , all that belongs in common to any commonalty , as fewel and pasture in woods and forests , rivers , ponds , and all other common rights of what nature soever . more on all sorts of merchandises imported or exported . the custom , the custom for the value , the foreign . besides the custom of lions , burdeaux and roan , which take their names from the places , and are levied with all rigour imaginable , not only upon importation into the realm , or exportation out of it into foreign countries , but in most of the frontiers of the provinces , upon passing out of one into another , within the kingdom . and we may expect the like exactions to be established in the several provinces of the empire , on several pretences . all these subsidies , and many others , ( which , to avoid prolixity , i pass over in silence ) are one way or other punctually paid , where-ever any subjects of the french monarchy live , with no other distinction , but that the lords and gentlemen have right to hold free from imposition so many acres of land , for their maintenance , as may be husbanded with two yoke of oxen , ( provided the owner hold that estate in demean ) for as to what is let out to farmers , as they pay the king taxes for the profit of the farms , they pay so much the less rent to the landlord ; so that in effect the nobleman in france pays taxes as well as the boor : which the princes , the nobles , the magistrates , and subjects of the empire , of what degree soever , have reason seriously to consider . for , 't is folly to fancy they can make their capitulations so advantageous as to exempt them from paying these intollerable subsidies . the provinces of guienne , languedoc , provence , dauphine , bourgundy , and britain , and most of the other provinces of france , had herefore their particular princes , as most of the provinces of the empire now have ; and the principal cities and towns in these provinces of france , had then as great priviledges and immunities as any free towns of the empire : but the kings of france having invaded all these principalities , and seized the liberties of the cities , have , since the taking of rochel , reduced them into so absolute slavery , that the citizens and inhabitants have quite lost the resolution and generosity to endeavour a recovery of their liberties , and are so bridled with strong garrisons and citadels ( and we may expect the like in all countries of the empire , if ever under a french government ) that they are not in a condition to stir , at least to any considerable purpose . this may suffice for the first point : i pass to the second . the second point . this deserves the more exact consideration , for that if ever the dauphin be chosen king of the romans , since the court of rome and the jesuits , by the important services these have done the crown of france of late , and promise to do for the future , and the cardinalships they flatter the nephews and relations of the principal ministers of france with the hopes of , do what they please in the council of france ; and what is published to the contrary , on the account of regalities , now in controversie , is but cheat and illusion ; the cruel persecution raised and carried on some years last past against the protestants of that kingdom , the disgrace of pompone , being not of their cabal , and of theatin the princess of brvaria's confessor , intimating sufficiently the extraordinary credit that society hath in the court of france : i say , if ever the dauphin be elected king of the romans , the empire is to expect two things . first , to see him at the head of the best forces of france , ( upon the specious pretence of religion , and restoring the estates belonging to the church ) undertaking in the empire aganst the protestant party what charles the fifth , and ferdinand the second attempted to execute . secondly , that this affair will be so obstinately fomented & protected by the court of rome , that the empire will be in danger to be involved in a war more cruel , more bloody , and dangerous , than any the former wars raised for that cause . and there is reason enough to believe , that the late war , as well as the peace since made , were hatched and carried on by the court of rome , in hopes of being able , by the power of the french forces , to work the entire ruin of the protestant party of europe , which we see every day decay by degrees : and i am much mistaken if the money sent by the pope into poland was not design'd for a project of this nature . prince william of furstenberg might , if he pleased , furnish us with clear evidence of authentick memoirs to this purpose ; but we are not to expect it from him , lest by such a discovery he lose the recompence the court of rome designs him for the pains he hath taken , and continues , to bring to effect this popish project in the empire , and consequently in all europe . by what hath been said , your highness may see the fortune of the empire , if ever it fall ( by any means whatever ) under the intolerable yoke of the despotical government of france : and i think i need say no more to convince every member of the empire , and all the states of it in general , ( without any great depth of policy , or knowledge of war ) what their duty to religion , their glory and interest oblige them to do , for preserving themselves from falling under a yoke of that nature . but to preserve themselves effectually from this yoke , i conceive it extremely considerable to enquire first , whence all this mischief proceeds ? which known , will give us light what must further be done : and particularly , from what part the first attack may be expected , and what defence is to be made . the mischiefs i have mentioned unquestionably have their rise from the designs and fomentations of the court of rome and the jesuits , who ( at present at least ) direct and dispose of the french projects and forces , and without any mercy or respect , pretend , with the assistance of those forces , and their own secret managements of affairs , to sacrifice all to the re-establishment of the papal grandeur . i conceive in right and justice two things are to be done ; but i doubt much whether the one will be . the first is , that since the publick good and safety of the empire consists in living ( without innovation ) according to the ancient rights , immunities , and privelidges , and the concordats established by law , ( which every member of the empire is obliged to observe ) and that the pretensions of the court of rome and the jesuits , are as inconsistent as those of france , with the publick good and safety of the empire : every member of the empire , without flattering themselves any longer with hopes of favour from rome or from france , and without distinction of religion , applying themselves seriously to procure and promote the preservation and publick good of the empire , should without delay take such measures , that neither the court of rome , the jesuits , nor france , may attain their ends. and in order to this , that every member of the empire should put it self into a posture and condition , by uniting their forces , to oppose force to force : and if the princes of the roman communion will bona fide engage in this union , it will be necessary , first , that his imperial majesty find means to gain the amity and assistance of the three northern princes whom i have formerly mentioned , engag'd in war by his means , and afterwards cruelly abandon'd to the mercy of france and of swede : which ( by the small intelligence i have of affairs ) will be difficult enough to effect , especially with the elector of brandenbourgh , without giving him satisfaction in two points , on which he doth with much equity insist . secondly , that his imperial majesty gain over to the interests of the empire the forces of the crown of swede ; which will be no easie task . thirdly , that the emperour , and all the princes of the roman communion in the empire , banish and root out of their councils not only all jesuits and monks , ( who by themselves or their superiors have all resort to their general at rome ) but every one that any way depends on , or hath society with these hypocrites , or rather free spies of the empire ; a capuchin in this particular being as bad as a jesuit . though this be absolutely necessary , as matters now stand , yet ( to speak freely ) i very much doubt whether the princes of the roman communion will have the generosity and courage to do it . the second , and that i take to be the only solid means , is , that the protestant party being now clearly convinc'd that they are the sole persons aim'd at , and that all that hath been done since the beginning of the last war was really in order onely to work their destruction ; all kings , princes , and magistrates of that persuasion are every one in his sphere to apply themselves with all industry and vigour , first , to arm with all their power , that they may be able to oppose force to force : secondly , to enter into mutual leagues and alliances , that by joynt strength they may resist forces so considerable as those of france , and others the court of rome and the jesuits may by their artifices bring over to that party . to begin so great and necessary a work , we will for a while leave the territories of the empire ; and looking abroad , i am of opinion that england and the united provinces ought without further delay to use all means possible to enter into a league offensive and defensive , which may ( if possible ) be indissoluble ; that denmark and swede are to follow that example ; and , that all the protestant princes and states of the empire , with the protestant cantons of the swisses and the grisons , ought to do the like : for , 't is not a concern of particular quarrels and jealousies , but the faith , the religion and temporal estates of all the protestant party are now at stake . this i conceive will be more easily effected in this conjuncture , for that by a special providence of god there is no war at present between england and holland , nor between swede and denmark , nor between the princes of the protestant communion in germany . if these three things be effected , and the particular leagues incorporated into a general , and consequently , an intire union of the protestants of europe , we need not fear the designs or attempts of the court of rome , or the jesuits , or the council and forces of the french : for ( these things effected ) we shall have power enough not only to deliver the empire from all just apprehensions of the designs of the court of rome , the jesuits , and of france , against its liberties , but to reduce his most christian majesty ( by way of justice & right ) to keep himself modestly within the frontiers of his kingdom , and ( in case of refusal ) to do something more ; which would infallibly produce a sure and general peace . i am the more induced to be of this opinion , while england and holland on the one hand , and swede and denmark on the other , are labouring to put an end to all former quarrels ; and the protestant princes and magistrates of the empire endeavour ( as i suppose ) a league with the protestant cantons and the grisons , that ( to say the truth ) i see no other solid and effectual means to defend the empire from the oppression of france , and the protestant party in particular from the oppression of the court of rome , the jesuits , and france , all at once : for , ( to rid our hands of all false maxims at once ) what else can the empire and protestant party reasonably ground their safety upon ? will they ground it on his imperial majesty , as they ought , and without doubt might have done , had his council been guided with right and sound maxims ? i cannot think , after all that his council have caused him to do publickly , and what he still continues to put in execution against the protestant party , that any rational person of that party can expect the least favour on that side , at least as long as the jesuits and court of rome have that credit , that countenance and support they have now in his court. and that we have little reason to hope this prince will rid himself of them , who have dangerously corrupted his understanding and reason , by their education of him , and the prejudices instilled into him . and should the protestants on this occasion expect help from the court of bavaria , as their interest in the empire obliges them , we may very well imagin the expectation will be vain , if we consider the late strict alliance of that court with france , or the ridiculous monastick bigotry reigning in that court. if then you will rely on the ecclesiastical princes , who knows not their disability , and that the greater part of them will do nothing but what the jesuits shall insinuate into them ? so that for the future ( as well as the time past , at least , for the last age , and more ) the natural defence of the empire hath ( under god ) no solid ground , but the forces and industry of the protestant party . it was that party saved it from the intended oppression of the house of austria in former times : and in the late war , when france attempted to master it by its arms and intrigues , it was the same party not only preserved the empire , but the emperor , from the yoke of the french. and it will be the same party which ( by the grace of god ) shall easily preserve it for the future ; at least , if the potentates of that party , or the greater part of them , apply themselves to do what i conceive they are obliged to . but to speak plainly , and make appear the necessity of such a protestant league and confederacy , we are to consider ; his imperial majesty will either effectually perform what he ought in defence of the empire , by saving himself from falling under the dominion of france ; or that he will do nothing but in shew and appearance . if his imperial majesty perform as he ought , against the enterprises of france , such a league can never be more seasonably made to second the imperial forces ; nor can his imperial majesty in that case rely on any forces ( the nature of the quarrel considered ) that will be more true to him than those of the protestants . but if his imperial majesty intend meerly to look on , as unconcerned , and not to engage really and effectually against the french designs , which he is so highly concerned to oppose , there can be no doubt , but the court of rome and the jesuits have secretly carried on a close intelligence and private league between their imperial and most christian majesties , for the ruin and destruction of the protestant party ; and , that by some private and mysterious stipulation , some protestant estate in the empire , or on the frontiers , in the low countries , or swisserland , is , according to their project , designed a recompence to the duke of lorrain , for the dukedoms of lorrain and barre , which france hath taken from him , and hath no mind to restore . and by a captious contrivance of this nature , the protestant party in the empire shall find it self at once assaulted by the united forces of their imperial and most christian majesties ( who are both of a communion . ) i leave to your highness to judge , how much it concerns the protestant party , by the industry and union i have mentioned , to prevent so great and dangerous an inconvenience . my suspicion of his imperial majesty is the greater , for that it is notorious there are in the society of jesuits men of several sorts ; some of whom are dispenced with not onely to lay aside the habit of their order , but to marry , and bear all sorts of offices and dignities : and that if his imperial majesty was in his younger days , out of too great a zeal for his religion , unhappily engag'd in this order , under the dispensations i suppose , there is no cause left for wonder at his proceedings against the protestants : for , though he had been but of the lower order , which is that wherein marriage is permitted , and a capacity allowed of bearing offices and dignities ; yet as to all other things , and particularly in matters of religion , he must have been under the obedience of the general of the jesuits , and consequently obliged to make peace and war , as the general of the society should judge most convenient for the interest of the pope and the society . the continual war this prince makes against the protestants of vpper hungary , contrary to all the maxims and rules of sound policy , and contrary to the priviledges ( one of his ministers told me , and i am otherwise well assured ) he hath sworn to that nation ; the vast gifts he hath bestowed on the society in bohemia , silesia , hungary , moravia , and generally in all his hereditary countries ; with his shameful signing the late peace , in prejudice , and contrary to all his treaties with the protestant princes , smells rankly of an obedience which acknowledges no obligation , nor owns any rule of justice or piety , other than the absolute command of his superior . and i see nothing in this prince , as to his manner of living , and constant attendance at jesuitical comedies , musick , and pilgrimages , sometimes to one relique , sometimes to another , with all that may make out his natural or acquir'd inclinations , that may any way convince this opinion of mistake . so that if it be so , ( as to speak the truth ) i very much suspect it is ; and i am not alone in this suspicion : i leave it to the judgment of the empire in general , and the protestants in particular , what ground they have to relie on , or expectany succour or assistance from the head of the empire : for , in case this prove true , should his imperial majesty promise and design effectually to assist the protestants , in defence of the common liberty ; yet if on the morrow the general of the society should order him , for some greater good , ( which , according to their maxims consists frequently in a massacre , a poysoning , or assassination ) to joyn at a precise day and place his arms to those of france , for the entire extirpation of the protestant party in the empire , there is no doubt but this prince would be obliged to do it , either on the account of obedience due to his general , or for fear the society , in case of his disobedience , should dispatch him , as they did by themselves , or their emissaries , henry the third and fourth in france , don carlos in spain , duke bernard of weymar in germany , and lately the illustrious princess of inspruck , second wife of that prince , the last duke of brieg in silesia : or as they have newly attempted to do against his majesty of great britain . for incendiaries , assassins , and murderers are the faithful servants and inseparable instruments of that blessed society . your highness will not be surpriz'd at the vehement suspicion i have exprest of his imperial majesty , when you have considered , there have been two kings of poland of that order , and that philip the second of spain did ( out of policy ) cause himself to be enrolled amongst them . but the order of the jesuits is compos'd ( as others ) of two sorts of people , whom politicians distinguish by the names of directors and directed : and we are to observe , the two kings of poland were in this latter class . the former , by promoting too zealously the passions of the society , having lost the kingdom of swede , to which he was heir ; and the second having by the same means incurred the irreconcileable hatred and aversion of the nobility of poland , to so extream a degree , that to avoid the threatning effects of it , he was forced at last to quit his crown , from a sovereign to become a subject , and go end his days in a strange country , with no better a character than that of abbot of st. german in france . but as for philip the second ( setting matter of conscience aside ) considering him only in quality of a politician ▪ i boldly assign him a place in the class of directors ; for he directed his affairs so well , he mist but little of subduing france , and effectually seised the crown of portugal , and the east-indies as an appurtenant . i am oblig'd , by the respect i bear his imperial majesty , to leave it to your highness to think which of the two classes he is to be rank'd in . but whether his imperial majesty be a member of this society , or not , i have said enough to make appear to your highness the absolute necessity of a league and consederacy between the protestant powers of europe , to enable them to defend themselves against the pernicious designs of their enemies . i will conclude with minding your highness , that this is the occasion that calls upon you , to shew to all the world your zeal for your religion , and the good of the publick ; and that since my longer stay in this court will be useless , your highness will do me the favour to permit me to leave it as soon as may be , that i may have the honour to wait on your most serene person , and continue the performance of my most humble services . to that happy time i respite acquainting you with many particulars i dare not trust to paper , ( though altogether confirming what i have most confidently affirmed , as to the most essential points of my letter . ) and in hopes to receive speedily the honour of your commands to that purpose , which i humbly beg , i remain with all due respects , my lord , your serene highnesses most humble servant , &c. prague , 13 febr. 1680. finis . cochin-china containing many admirable rarities and singularities of that countrey / extracted out of an italian relation, lately presented to the pope, by christophoro borri, that liued certaine yeeres there ; and published by robert ashley. borri, cristoforo, 1583-1632. 1633 approx. 118 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04899 stc 1504.5 estc s659 22145372 ocm 22145372 25167 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04899) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25167) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1762:20) cochin-china containing many admirable rarities and singularities of that countrey / extracted out of an italian relation, lately presented to the pope, by christophoro borri, that liued certaine yeeres there ; and published by robert ashley. borri, cristoforo, 1583-1632. ashley, robert, 1565-1641. [71] p. printed by robert raworth, for richard clutterbuck, and are to be sold at the signe of the ball in little-brittaine, london : 1633. signatures: [pi]¹ a-h⁴ i³. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -missions -vietnam, southern. missions -vietnam, southern. cochin china. 2003-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 daniel haig sampled and proofread 2003-10 daniel haig text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cochin-china containing many admirable rarities and singularities of that countrey . extracted out of an italian relatiòn , lately presented to the pope , by christophoro borri , that liued certaine yeeres there . and published by robert ashley . cum hac persuasione viuendum est ; non sum vni angulo natus : patria mea totus hic mundus est . seneca . london . printed by robert raworth ; for richard clutterbuck , and are to be sold at the signe of the ball in little-brittaine . 1633. to the right worthy knight sir maurice ahbot , gouernour of the honourable company of merchants , trading to the east indies ; and the rest of that renowmed society . hauing of late yeeres addicted my selfe , especially amongst other studies , to a more curious search and inquisition of this glorious and wondrous workemanship of the world , ( whereof the one moity is in a maner vnknowne to the other ) endeauouring to giue my selfe some satisfaction , by all such relations and discoueries as i could procure , of those conntreys least knowne vnto vs ; whether described by our countreymen or by other forraine trauellers ▪ i became so affected with the following relation of cochin-china by an italian iesuite , ( who as it seemeth had beene resident there some yeeres ) that i conceiued the description hee maketh of the countrey , and the commodities thereof , would not onely giue some contentment to the curiosity of others ; but might also happely be vsefull to our countreymen that trade and traffique in those easterne parts : if not to open a traffique to china it selfe , on which it confineth ; yet at the least to giue occasion of further enquiry and discouery ; whether the commodities of the countrey be such as are pretended , and the accesse of all strangers so freely inuited , as is heere insinuated . i am not ignorant that your trading into these remote parts of the east indies hath had many opposers , especially of the ignorant and weaker sort ; who suppose the treasure of the realme to be exhausted thereby , in regard that they haue heard of much money carried thither as well as other commodities , and some late disasterous euents and accidents : as if it were no good husbandry to cast seed into the ground , because we are not alwayes assured to haue a happy haruest . but this must not make any wise man impatient in his expectation of better successe ; which commonly commeth by a constant continuance of all so well grounded proceedings . for ( the case hauing beene well canuased and euery obiection discussed ) your experience hath taught , and your remonstrance to the parliament hath manifested ; that as the publike profit by forraine trade , is the only meanes whereby we gaine treasure , ( for mines wee haue none which doe afford it ) so the remotest traffique is alwayes most beneficiall to the publike stocke ; and the trade to the east indies doth farre excell all others . i shall not need to enter into particulars , how many braue ships are by this trade yeerely builded , rigged and furnished ; how many good marriners made and imployed ; how many artificers and handicrafts men set on worke ; how many idle persons are taught to be seruiceable sea-men ; how our enemies are affronted , and our concurrents counter poised , which with many other obseruatious haue beene by sundry of your selues very euidently declared . i will onely conclude , that seeing it is so many wayes apparent , that the kings customes are so much by your trading into these remotest regions increased ; his fame thereby spread into persia , india , iapan , china , iaua , and euen to the ends of the world dispersed ; his whole realme and kingdome thereby so much strengthened , safegarded and enriched ; with the renowme honour and reputation thereof so much raised end enlarged . i could wish , that as the remote nauigation published by the venetian rhamusius , awakened the industry of m ● hakluyt , . and happely of m r. purchas after him , to their diligent gatherings of the most remarkeable voyages of our nation : so some other able person ( of which our countrey hath good store ) were encouraged and stirred vp , to continue such collections : yet not onely to the recording the exploits of our owne nation ; but also to collect and publish what they find worth the regarding amongst forreiners , that may any way be seruiceable for the instruction of ours . to such end this relation is addressed vnto you , that if you find ought that may be vsefull therein , you may make your benefit thereof ; ( as it seemeth others of our neighbour nations haue in some sort sought and attempted ) or at least by your owne farther experience , controll and rectifie their mistakings : to which purpose i cast this poore mite into your rich treasury ; and remaine , a well wisher to your worthy endeauours . robert ashley . the preface apologeticall . two sorts there are most like among others to bee least satisfied with the publication of this relation : whereof the one may suppose the countreyes of china and cochin-china so far distant , and with which wee haue no commerce , to concerne vs so little , that it is but lost labour , to be curious or inquisitiue how men liue there ; or what commodities those countreyes yeeld , and that therefore it were more safely and more wisely done , to looke neerer home to our owne ; and to our neighbouring-countreyes , with whom wee haue more to doe . another sort there is , that suddenly censure all strange reports of things which they haue not seene at home , or are not common in the countreyes next consining , to bee leasings and lies : condemning not onely our countrey-man sir iohn mandeuile , and with him paulus venetus , and other modern authors of fables and fictions , but euen plinie , solinus , strabo , and that ancient historian herodotus ; whose incredible seeming narrations the french-man henery stephens in his apology hath made more credible by modern examples ; which , worke the translater of it into english hath entitled , a world of wonders . to this latter sort ( who would bee thought wise , because they are not giuen to bee credulous ) i answere first : that albeit credulity be an argument of too much facility , yet the way to the discouery of truth is not in the other extremity . stulti dum vitant vitia , in contraria currunt : wee must therefore learne to doubt and suspend our iudgement in things not yet throughly discouered , and hearken to that of the great philosopher theophrastus , which hee had from heraclitus , res mundi pulcherrimae ob arrogantiam hominum ignorantur dum nihil statuunt credere , nisi humana mens rationem illius perceperit . let vs also consider , that if columbus had obtained no credit with any in his strange vndertakings ( as indeede hee had none with the multitude , nor with many of the wiser sort ) so great a part of the world as america is found to be ( whose furthest extent towards the north is not yet knowne ) had beene vndiscouered . to the first sort , who would not haue vs too curiously inquisitiue of such remote countreys as china , and cochin-china , where wee haue no commerce , i answere , that howsoeuer china giueth no easie accesse vnto strangers ; who knoweth what alteration of time may breede ? seeing wee find sundry relations of portugals that haue penetrated into it ? and diuers iesuits , forty or fifty yeeres resident in it ? besides that , yeerely there is a faire held at canton , where there is free accesse to strangers of all nations for certaine moneths ? but by this present relation , it appeareth to be cleane contrary in cochin-china , where they admit all strangers of what nation soeuer , to haue trade and traffique , which being so , i finde not our owne nation excluded . yet admit that there were no likelihood of accesse : how sweete and pleasant , how ingenious and ingenuous , is the curious inquisition and speculation of this admirable workmanship of the world , and the nobler parts thereof ? i will take a testimony or two , both of ancient and moderne authors . seneca , enquiring after happinesse , affirmeth , curiosum nobis natura ingenium dedit , & artis sibi & pulchritudinis suae conscia spectatores nos tantis rerum spectaculis genuit ; fructum sui perditura , si tam magna , tam clara , tam subtiliter ducta , tam nitida , et non vno genere formosa solitudini oftenderet : vt scias illam spectari voluisse ; non tantum aspici . and againe , ego terras omnes tanquam meas videbo ; meas tanquam omnium . ego sic viuam tanquam sciam alijs me natum : & naturae rerum hoc nomine gratias agam . quo enim melius genere negotium meum agere potuit ? vnum me donauit omnibus ; vni mihi omnes . amongst other moderne authors postellus , ( himselfe a great traueller ) saith , homo natura , praeter proprium loquendi munus quo differt a caeteris animantibus , id etiam habet , quod peregrina omnia admiratur & ad insolita obstupescit , atque externis potius quam domesticis capitur . and another industrious author of latter time , ingenium humanum est curiosum , & nouitatis atque varietatis auidum , semper desiderat aliud genus remotum . and a little after , quae noua quae rara vndeas ingenium humanum afficiunt ; vt stolidus videri debeat , qui de his talibus non aueat disserere , neque secum ipse meditetur ea , & solicitet cum cura pernoscendi . i haue therefore thought , that happely there may be many others , which finding the like affections in themselues , may make vse of what is heere presented . the contents of the booke . chap. i. of the name , situation , and greatnesse of this kingdome . chap. ii. of the climate , and quality of the countrey of cochin-china . chap. iii. of the fertillity of the land. chap. iiii. of the elephants and rhinoceros . chap. v. of the temperament , manners , and customes of the cochin-chinois , of their manner of liuing , clothing , and medicines . chap. vi. of the ciuill and politicke gouernement of cochin-china . chap. vii . of the forces of the king of cochin-china , and of the warres he hath within his kingdome . chap. viii . of the commerce , ports , and hauens , of cochin-china . a relation of the kingdome of cochin-china . chap. i. of the name , situation and greatnesse of this kingdome . cochin-china being so named by the portugals , is called in the language of the originarie inhabitants anam , which is the west , in regard it is situate on the west of china ; in respect whereof the iapaneses called it by the name of coci , which in their tongue hath the same signification that anam hath with the cochin-chineses : but the portugals which trafique in anam , are they which of the iaponian word coci and of china , haue made and compounded this word cochin-china , being as much to say , as cochin of china , to distinguish it from cochin a city of india frequented by them . and whereas in many mapps cochin-china is commonly called or designed by the name of cauchin-china , or cauchine , or some other ; it proceedeth either of their 〈…〉 apting the proper name , or else because the makers of the mapps would signifie , that this kingdome is the entrance and beginning of china . cochin-china on the south , confines with the kingdome of chiampa , about the 11. degree of northerly latitude , on the north side ; yet somewhat eastward , it bordereth on tunchim ▪ on the east side it hath the sea of china ; and on the west northwest the kingdome of lays . in length cochin-china is held to extend aboue an hundred leagues on the sea coast ; from the kingdome of chiampa , in 11. degrees of northerly latitude , reaching to the gulfe of anam in the eleuation of about 17. degrees of the same , where the estate of the king of tunchim beginneth . in breadth it is of no great extent , being straitned within the space of twenty italian miles , all a plaine countrey , bounded on the one side with the sea ; and hemmed in on the other with a great ranke of mountaines inhabited by the kemois , which signifieth saluages ; for although they bee cochin-chineses , they will not acknowledge the king , nor obey him in any thing , cantoning and fortifying themselues in those mountaines , almost inaccessible . cochin-china is diuided into fiue prouinces : the first where the king maketh his abode , ioyneth vpon tunchim , and is called sinuua : the second is named cacciam , in which the prince the kings sonne doth reside as gouernour : the name of the third is quamguia : the fourth quignim , to which the portugals haue giuen the name of pulucambis : the fifth which bordereth on the kingdome of champa , is called renram . chap. ii. of the climate and quality of the countrey of cochin-china . this kingdome being ( as hath beene said ) betweene the 11. and 17. degree of northerly latitude , it followeth consequently that the countrey is rather hot then cold : yet it is not so hot as india , though it haue the same eleuation of the pole , and bee likewise vnder the torrid zone . the reason of which difference is , because that in india there is no distinction of the foure seasons of the yeere : in regard that there their summer continueth for the space of nine moneths together , during which no cloud appeareth in the skie , neither by day nor night ; in such sort that the aire is alwayes scorched by reuerberation of the sun-beames . the other three moneths they call winter , not because they are without heate ; but by reason of the continuall raines which are ordinary there both night and day at that season . and notwithstanding it naturally seemes that such continuall raine should somewhat refresh the aire ▪ yet the same falling in the moneths of may , iune , and iuly , when the sun is at his highest in the zenith of india , no windes then stirring but those that are very hot , the aire is thereby so stuffed and thickned , that the heat is then sometimes lesse tollerable then in the midst of summer it selfe : during which there commonly come from the sea , some gentle cooling windes to refresh the land ; without which gracious particular prouidence of god , those countreyes would be inhabitable . this is not so in cochin-china , which enioying the foure seasons of the yeere ( howsoeuer not so exactly distinguished as in europe ) is much better tempered thereby . for notwithstanding that in their summer which comprehendeth the three moneths , iune , iuly , and august , it be there very hot as in a countrey seated vnder the torrid zone , and hauing the sun in those moneths , in the highest point of eleuation ouer their heads : yet in september , october , and nouember , being their autumne the heat ceaseth , and the aire is very temperate by reason of the continuall raines which doe ordinarily fall at those times on the mountaines of the kemois ; from whence there come waters in such abundance , that they ouerflow all the countrey , and ioyning themselues with the sea they seeme to be one selfe thing therewith . moreouer these inundations of waters come commonly once in a fortnight , continuing about three dayes together ▪ the benefit that commeth thereby , is not only the refreshing of the aire , but also the fatning of the earth , making it more fruitfull and abundant in all things , and especially in rice , which is the best manna , and the commonest nourishment of all the kingdome . in the other three moneths of winter , which are december , ianuary and february , the northerly windes bring such cold raines , that thereby they sufficiently distinguish winter from their other seasons of the yeere . finally in the moneths of march , aprill and may , there are seene the effects of a pleasant spring-time , all being greene and flourishing amongst them . hauing thus declared these inundations ; i must also acquaint you ▪ with some particular curiosities , and remarkable obseruations thereof , before i conclude this chapter . the first shall be , that they are generally desired of all men , nor onely because the aire is refreshed by them , becōming more ●●de● and pleasant , but much more in regard of the fruitfulnesse which they cause in the earth : whereupon as soone as they see them , the pleasure and contentment they haue , is such and so great , that they make it sufficiently appeare by their visiting , feasting and presenting one the other , crying oft for ioy , and all repeating and reiterating daden lut ▪ daden lut , which signifieth , the water is come ▪ the water is already come : insomuch that there is none amongst them of what degree or qualitie soeuer but feasteth and reioyceth : yea , euen the king himselfe . yet in as much as these inundations come so suddenly , and sometime so vnexpected , that when in the euening they thought not of them , they find themselues in the morning inuested on all sides , and shut vp in their houses , and that throughout all the countrey it falls out now and then , that they loose their cattell , that haue not had the leisure to retire and withdraw them for refuge into the hills , and higher places : in regard whereof there is a constitution in the kingdome , that those beeues , goats , hoggs , and other beasts which are drownd in these deluges , shall no longer belong to the proprietarie and owner of them , but shal be his that first seifeth on them : which custome occasioneth good sport amongst them , in regard that when the water commeth , they betake themselues to their boates , in quest of such drowned cattell , with which they afterwards make merry , and feast their friends . the young children haue also their playes and pastimes according to their age ; by reason that these great plaines couered ouer with rice , abounding likewise with rats , and mice , they are forced by the water which hath filled their holes , to saue themselues by swimming , and to climbe vpon the tres for refuge , by meanes whereof the trees are loden with rats and mice , in lieu of leaues and fruits : therupon the boyes get themselues into boates by bands , betaking themselues to the shaking of the trees , dismounting those rats and mice , drowning them in the water ; of which their childish disport , there commeth a great good to the land , which by such meanes remaineth the more cleered and freed of this vermine ; which otherwise by little and little , would much waste and spoile their fields . the last commodity yet not the least which the lut bringeth , is , that euery one thereby furnisheth and prouideth his house the better of all necessaries ; for in three dayes it maketh all the countrey nauigable euery where , with such ease and facilitie , that there is nothing but may easily bee conueyed from one towne to another : in regard whereof they keepe all their faires and great markets at these times , when the concourse is alwayes greater then at any other time of the yeere . in those dayes also they make their prouision of wood for their firing and for building , which they bring from the mountaines in their boates , that passe easily through the streetes , euen into their houses , which for the purpose are mounted on ranckes of pillars , raised very high to giue the water a free entrance and issue ; euery one retiring meane time into the vppermost story of his house ▪ vnto which the water ( which cannot bee sufficiently admired ) the lut or inundation neuer mounteth ; for they take their measure , so well , through long experience of the height of the waters , that they haue no feare thereof , being well assured that the waters will alwayes remaine below their buildings . chap. iii. of the fertility of the land. albeit one may easily iudge of the fruitfulnes of cochin-china , by the profit which the lut bringeth ( as hath beene said ) yet somewhat may bee said in particular . the land becommeth so fat and so fruitfull by this lut or ouerflowing , that thrice euery yeere they gather their rice , and that in such great quantity and aboundance , that there is none will labour for his liuing , euery one hauing plentiously whereon to liue . the plenty and the variety of fruits is great all the yeere long , of as many seuerall sorts as there are in india ; for cochin-china lieth in the same climate : yet in particular it hath fairer and greater oranges then we haue in europe , and those very succulent ; the rinde of them being so soft , so tender and so sauoury , that it is as vsually eaten as the inside , which is of as pleasing a relish and taste , as the limons of italy : there are also certaine fruits which the portugals call bananes , and others terme them indian figgs , but with no great reason in my opinion , seeing neither the tree which in india is called the figtree , nor yet that of cochin-china hath any resemblance of our figtree , either in the wood or in the fruit : the tree is like that plant which wee call turkie-wheat , though much higher , and the leaues so long and broad , that two of them will serue to couer a man from the top to the toe , and so compasse him round about ; which haply made some to be of opinion , that this was the tree of the terrestriall paradise , with the leaues whereof adam sought to couer his nakednesse : this tree beareth a grape at the top , of twenty , thirty or fourty together in a cluster , euery of which in his shape , as also in his length and greatnesse , resembleth the common citrons of italy : when the fruit is not ripe , the rinde is greene of colour , and groweth yellow afterward as the citrons doe : one shall not neede a knife to open and to pill this fruit , for the rinde thereof commeth away as easily as the huske of yong beanes ; it hath a pleasing smell , and the yellow flesh or marrow within , is as firme as that of a ripe peare which will melt in the mouth ; whence it appeareth that this tree hath nothing common to the fig-tree , but the taste and sweetnesse . there is also another sort of these fruits , which is not eaten , but rosted and put in wine . this plant is dried vp euery yeere when it hath yeelded his fruit , hauing at his foot a tender sprout for the next yeere . moreouer ▪ that which in italy they call the fig-tree of india , hath no resemblance either with the plant or with the fruit of this bananes : this fruit is also common to all the prouinces of india . but in cochin-china there is another sort which is neither found in china , nor in all india ; it is equall in greatnes to the greatest citrons of italy , and is so substantiall , that one of them will satisfie a man , the flesh within is very white ▪ they are of a pleasing taste , and exceeding good against the loosenes of the belly . there is also in cochin-china another fruit , which i haue not seene elsewhere ; in india it is called can , and resembleth in shape and fashion , the outside of the pomegranate : but the marrow within is more liquid to be taken and eaten with a spoone , hauing an aromaticke taste , and is for colour not vnlike to a ripe medlar . they haue also a fruit like vnto our cherries , but their taste is more like that of the raisin : in their language they call them gnoo . neither are they without melons , yet not so good as those of italy ; nor are they vsually eaten but with sugar , or hony. but their cucumbers or water-melons , as others terme them , are exceeding great , and most excellent . there groweth also a fruit called gyaque , which is common also elsewhere in india , but not so faire by much , as in cochin-china , growing on a tree as high as the wall-nut or chess-nut tree , with much longer prickels : this fruit is as great as the greatest cabbage , for one of them is as much as one man can carry at one time . it is like a pine-apple in the outside , but the inside is tender and soft ; full of yellow eares or cloues , whose graynes are flat and round as a iulio of italy , or a teston ; and in the midst of each graine is found a bone , which they cast away when they eate the fruit . there are two sorts , those which the portugals call giaca-barca , whose meat is firme when the kernell is cast away : the other is not so firme , but rather soft as glue ; the taste of either of them is much resembling that of the delicious fruit called durion , which wee are now to describe . the durion is one of the most excellent fruits in the world , which groweth not elsewhere but at malacca , borneo , or some iles thereabouts : there is no great difference betweene the tree that beareth it , and the gyaque ; the fruit thereof , as well as that of the gyaque , resembling the pine-apple outwardly , both in the shape , and hardnesse of his rinde : the meate is close to the bone , as in the other , being maruellous white , and in taste and sweetnesse like the mangiar-bianco , a delicate dish of the italians . this meat , and this liquor within the apple , is in ten or twelue little cells , euery of which hath his white meate about the bone as big as a chess-nut : when you breake or open it , there commeth out a very vnpleasing smell , like that of a rotten onion ; yet that which is within hath no taste thereof at all , but is sweete and most delitious . whereupon i will relate a history of what happened where i was present : one being desirous to giue a taste of this fruit to a prelate that was newly come to malacca , opened it before him , not thinking thereof , whence there came so strong and so vnpleasing a sauour , that the prelate became so distasted therewith , that hee could not possibly be perswaded to taste thereof : but being set at the table to his dinner , amongst other seruices , there was presented to him a dish containing nothing but the inside of this fruit , which in sauour and taste is so like to the mangiar-bianco , that it was easie to make the prelate or any other to mistake it , that had not seene it dressed or prepared . he had no sooner put his hand to it , but at the very first morsell which he tooke , he found the taste so exquisite , that with astonishment hee enquired , who was the cooke that had prepared such a delicious white meate ; whereunto hee that feasted him in his house , made answere smiling , that no other cooke had medled therewith , but the great god , who had furnished this countrey with so rare a fruit ; which was no other but the durion which he had in so great horror at the first : wherewith the prelate was much astonished , eating thereof with so good an appetite , as if he could not haue too much of it . this fruit is held so excellent , that euen at malacca where it groweth , the same is sometimes sold for a crowne a piece . in cochin-china also there is great plenty of another fruit , which the portugals call ananes . and albeit there be nothing more common throughout india and in brazil ; yet because i doe not find them so well discribed to my mind , by such as haue made mention of them , i will adde a word or two concerning the same . this fruit groweth not on any tree , neither commeth it of any seed , but of a roote , as our artichockes doe : the stalke and leafe is very like those of the carduus-thistles and artichoks : it is round like a colomne or pillar of 9. inches in length , and of such a greatnesse , that one can scarcely clip it with both his hands . the meate thereof is closed within like as in the radish : but it hath a harder rinde , which is fashioned in resemblance like to the scales of fishes . it is yellow within when it is ripe , and then the outside being pared away with a knife , it is vsually eaten raw , being of a sharpe and sweete relish , when it commeth to his naturity , not vnlike to a delicate peare . there is also found in cochin-china another fruit , peculiar to that countrey : it is called of the portugals , areca , which groweth on a tree of as straight a body as the palme-tree ; hollow within , and hath no leaues but at the top onely , as the palme-tree leaues are : in the midst of which there are little boughs on which the fruit hangeth , in bignes and shape like the wall-nut , hauing also a greene huske like vnto it , and the meat within as white and hard as a chess-nut ; yet hath no taste nor sauour at all : therefore it is not eaten alone , but couered with leaues of betle , being a plant well knowne in all india , whose leaues are like iuie leaues , and the plant it selfe climbing on trees as our iuie in europe . they cut their leaues into small pieces , and in euery piece they put a morsell of areca , so that of one fruit , they make foure or fiue morsells : they vse also to put lime to their areca ; such as they make in that countrey of oyster-shells , and not of lime-stones as they doe in europe . and as with vs there are commonly some appointed to dresse the meat , to prouide cates and to performe other offices : so in cochin-china there is in euery house some or other appointed to no other office , but onely to infold these morsels of areca in the betle , and the officers that are so imployed , who most commonly are women , be called the betleres . these morsels thus prepared are put into boxes , and they vsually goe chewing on them all day long , not onely within doores , but euen when they goe vp and downe the streetes , or speake with any , in all places and at all times ; but after they haue long chewed it and kept it in their mouthes without swallowing of it , they spit it out ; contenting themselues with the odour and quality which doth maruellously comfort the stomach . this fruit thus prepared , is in such request among them , that when any goeth to the house of another to visit him , hee carrieth with him a boxe thereof , presenting it vnto him , which he presently putteth in his mouth ; and before he take his leaue , he that is so visited , commandeth the betlere of the house to bring him a boxe thereof , which hee offereth to him that came to him that came to see him , in requitall of his courtesie . in such sort that they must alwayes haue it prepared in a readinesse ; and so great is the profit thereof , that the greatest reuenue of the countrey , consisteth in possessing fields well planted with areca , as in europe with vines and oliues . tobacco is also vsed there , though not so frequently as their betle . there are also cabbages of all sorts in great abundance , as well as sugar-canes . our fruits of europe are not yet come to cochin-china ; howbeit i am of opinion that the vine and figg-tree would prosper well there . our herbes , as lettice , succory , coleworts and such other are growing in cochin-china , and all ouer india ; yet they beare leaues onely without any seed : so that when they would haue any new , they are faine to haue the seed out of europe . flesh is also there in great plenty , by reason of the abundance of foure footed beasts which they nourish there in their houses , as kine , goats , swine , buffles , and such other . of wild beasts , as harts , they haue many greater then those of europe ; wild bores and diuers others . they haue great store of fowles , tame hens and wild , with which their fields are couered ; turtle-doues , pigeons , duckes , geese and cranes , which are very sauoury meat ; besides many others which we haue not here in europe . there is also great store of fish , and that of so exquisite relish and taste , that hauing crossed so many seas , and trauelled through so many countreys as i haue done , methinkes i haue not found the fish of any other place , comparable to that of cochin-china . and by reason that the whole length of the countrey lieth on the sea , as i haue said , there is such a multitude of fisher-boates , and fish-takers , and fish-carriers throughout the kingdome , that it is a pritty spectacle to behold so many rankes of men , carrying fish from the sea side , euen vp to the mountaines ; in which exercise they imploy twenty of the foure and twenty houres of the day . and although it bee true , that they like better of fish then of flesh , yet the chiefe cause why they are so much giuen to fishing is , the desire they haue to prouide themselues a sauce which they call balaciam , that is made of a salted fish mollified and dissolued in water ; whereof they make a biting liquor , not vnlike vnto mustard , with which they furnish their houses in so great a quantity , that they fill tunnes and hogsheads therewith , as in many places of europe men doe with wines ▪ yet they vse it not for meat by it selfe , but for sauce onely to quicken their appetite in eating of their rice , which they suppose would otherwise bee vnsauoury . they abound also with shel-fish , with oysters , and other fruits of the sea ; especially with one kind which they call cameron . but beyond all that hath beene said , gods prouidence hath priuiledged them with a rare and exquisite kind of food , which in my opinion cannot bee better likened or compared , then to that manna with which the chosen people of god were fed in the desart . this kind of food is so peculiar to cochin-china , that it is not any where else . that which i will say thereof shall not be by hearesay , or by report of any other , but by mine owne experience , who haue seene and eaten of it often . there is a little bird in this countrey , like vnto a swallow , which fasteneth his nest to the rocks , on which the waues of the sea doe beate , and are broken . this little creature taketh with her bill some of the froth of the sea , and with a certaine humour which shee draweth out of her stomacke , mingling the one with the other , maketh i know not what clay-like bituminous matter , wherewith shee after buildeth her nest ; which when it is growne to be dry and hard , becommeth transparent , and of a mingled colour , betwixt yellow and greene . these nests are gathered by those of the countrey , and being softened and dissolued in water , serue to season all their meates , either flesh , or fish , hearbes or any thing else ; giuing such a diuersity of relish , and so proper to euery of them , that one would thinke they were prepared with pepper , cinamom , cloues , and all manner of spices : in such sort , that this little nest is sufficient to season all sorts of viands without salt , oyle or lard , or any other thing : which made me say that indeede it resembled the manna , which had in it selfe the taste of all the most fauourie kinds of foode ; but that this is only the worke of a little bird , whereas the other was prepared by the angels of god. and of this there is such store , that i haue seene ten little boats loaden with these nests , gathered along the rocks within the space of halfe a league . but because it is such an exquisite thing , none but the king doth traffique therewith , they are all reserued for him , and the greatest vtterance he maketh of them , is for the king of china , who hath them in great esteeme . they eate not any milke nor ought made thereof , holding it for a great offence to draw milke from kine or any other creatures : and their reason for such their scrupulosity is , that they say , the milke was ordained by nature , for the nourishment of the young ones : as if hee to whom the little ones appertaine , could not dispose of the nutriment due vnto them . they eate certaine things which wee lothe and abhorre as venimous ; namely the camelions , which are greater there , then those which being dried , are brought out of strange countreyes oftentimes into italy . i haue seene some brought by a friend of mine , bound , and packed vp , which he cast vpon the burning coales , and assoone as their bands were burnt , they marched faire and softly after their manner , on the liue coales , till such time as they felt the force of the fire , which they indured for a while , being of a very cold constitution ; but in the end they were rosted and broiled , whereupon this friend of mine , drew them to him , and scraping away the burnt skin with a knife , found their flesh to be exceeding white , which hee brayed and sod with a little sawce like vnto butter , and eate them as a most excellent meat , inuiting me thereunto : but i was contented with the sight of it . of all other things requisite for the intertainement of a mans life , cochin-china is also very sufficiently prouided . as first for apparell , there is such abundance of silke , that the handy-craft men , and the baser sort of people weare it dayly . by occasion whereof , i haue diuers times taken pleasure to see the men and women trauell in carrying stones , earth , lime and other like things , without any regard taken of the tearing or fouling their faire and rich apparell which they weare . yet this will not seeme strange to any , that shall know how these high mulberry trees , by whose leaues the silke-wormes are nourished , are as plentifull here in these large plaines , as hempe is with vs , and no longer time in growing . in such sort , that in a few moneths the wormes come forth of them , and nourish themselues in the aire ▪ spinne out their silke in due time , and make their codds , bladders and bottomes , in so great a quantity and abundance , that not only the inhabitants haue enough fot their owne necessary vses and occasions ; but they furnish iapan also , and send silke to the kingdome of lais , wherehence it is also carried into the kingdome of thibet : for albeit the silke be not so fine and delicate , yet it is stronger and more substantiall then that of china . their buildings and houses are all of wood ▪ yet in regard thereof they need not enuy any other prouince ; because that without any exaggeration , the wood and timber of this countrey is the best of all the world , by the iudgement of those that haue beene in many places . amongst that great number and exceeding great diuersitie of trees which they haue , there are two sorts most commonly imployed in their buildings , which are so incorruptible , that they are not endammaged by being in the water , or vnder the earth : they be so sollid also and so weighty , that they will not swim on the water , but serue for anchors . one of these kinds of wood is blacke , yet not so blacke as the ebeny : the other is red ; being both of them so smooth and euen , that when the barke is taken away , they need no plaining or smoothing . these trees are called tin , and haply he should not much be deceiued , that should be of opinion that the trees which salomon vsed in the building of the temple , were of the same incorruptible timber ; seeing wee know already by the scripture , that those which he imployed were called ligna thyine , 2. chro. 9. 10. 11. which approacheth very neere their name . the mountaines of cochin-china are couered all ouer with these trees which are exceeding straight , and of such vnmeasurable height , that they seeme to touch the clouds with their tops ; and therewith so thicke , that two men cannot circle them about . with these trees doe the inhabitants of cochin-china build their houses ; of which it is lawfull for euery one to take on the mountaines as many as he will. their houses are built vpon pillars that are very high and sound , and well vnderlaid ; vnto which they ioyne boards and plankes , which they can take off and lay on againe , as they list to change them with grates or lattices of canes and reeds , which they interlace curiously to let in the aire in times of heat ; partly also to giue the water free passage in and out , and that their boats may haue egresse and regresse in the time of inundations . they vse also a thousand deuises and inuentions to beautifie and adorne their houses ; caruing their boards and planks with curious workemanship , and making their habitations delightfull with variety of garnishment . now whiles we are discoursing of trees , i will adde somewhat as concerning another kind of wood which is their most precious merchandise : this is that renowned wood called aquila and calamba , which are the same in regard of the wood , yet much different in the reckoning made of them , as also in their vertue and efficacie . there is good store of these trees , especially on the mountaines of the kemois , which are very great and very high . if this wood be cut from a young trunke or stocke , then they call it aquila ; whereof there is such plenty , that euery one may take as much as he will : but when this wood is taken from an old tree , this is the calamba , which were exceeding hard to be gotten , if nature had not holpen in that behalfe , placing these trees at the top of the highest , steepe , and craggie mountaines , where they may quietly grow without any wrong or violence done them . there are falling from them from time to time , some branches which breake of themselues from the body of the tree ; either by becomming blasted and withered , or by extremity of old age , which are found to be rotten and worme-eaten . this is the high-prised and renowned calamba , which farre surpasseth the common aquila , in efficacie and sweetnes of scent . euery one may sell of the aquila at his pleasure ; but the traffique of the calamba is reserued to the king alone , for the excellent odour and soueraigne vertue thereof . and certainely in those places where it is gathered , it is so sweet , and so odoriferous , that prouing certaine pieces of it , which had beene giuen me , i buried them more then fiue foot vnder ground ; yet notwithstanding they betrayed themselues by their sweet smell . this calamba where it is gathered , is valued at fiue ducats the pound ; yet at the port of cochin-china it yeeldeth more ; and scarcely to be had vnder sixteene ducats the pound : and being transported to iapan , it is valued at two hundred ducats the pound : but if one meet with a piece of such greatnes that a man may lay his head on it , as on a pillow ; the iaponeses will giue three or foure hundred ducats the pound for it : because they find by experiment ( as they say ) that it is better for health , to haue some hard thing vnder ones head when he sleepeth , then a soft pillow of feathers : which because they hold to be vnwholsome , they vse ordinarily a piece of wood for a boulster to rest their head on ; which euery one according to his ability , will haue as costly as he can get . and if it be made of calamba , they account it a pillow for a prince . now the aquila , howsoeuer it be of lesse estimation and value then the calamba ; yet it is of such account and worth , that one ships lading of aquila is sufficient to inrich a merchant all his life . and the best recompense that the king can giue to a captaine of malacca , is , to trade and traffique with this aquila : by reason that the brachmans and banians of india , being accustomed to burne the bodies of the dead with this odoriferous wood , will quickly dispatch and rid him of an infinite quantity thereof . in conclusion , there are also in cochin-china , many mines of the preciousest metalls , and of gold especially . so to comprehend in few words the fertility of this country , which meriteth a more larger discourse ; i will conclude this chapter with that which the merchants of europe that trade thither commonly say , that the riches of cochin-china are greater then those of china it selfe ; which is knowne to be so exceeding rich and plentifull in all good things . chap. iiii. of the eelphants and rhinoceros . there are many elephants in the woods of cochin-china ; of which they make no vse , because they haue not the skill to catch them and to make them tame , but they haue some brought vnto them from a neighbouring countrey called cambogia , which are instructed and disciplined before . these are as great againe as the indian elephants , the print of their foot which they leaue behind them , is a foot and halfe in the diameter : the teeth which come out of their mouthes , of which iuorie is made , are oft times thirteene , sometimes fourteene foot in length ; but those of the female elephants are much shorter : whence may easily be coniectured , how much greater the elephants of cochin-china are , then those which are brought into europe , whose teeth are not aboue two foot and a halfe in length . they are long liued ; and thereupon when i once demanded how old one of them was , his conductor answered me , that he was threescore yeeres old when he was brought out of cambogia , and had liued fourty yeeres in cochin-china . and because i haue trauelled many times on elephants in this kingdome , i can report many things of them which will seeme very strange , but are neuerthelesse true . the elephant doth ordinarily carry thirteene or foureteene persons , who are thus in this manner accommodated ; euen as we put saddles on our horses , so doe they put vpon their elephants , a kind of engine fashioned like vnto a great hors-litter , within the which there are foure seates ; and it is fastned and tied with chaines vnder the belly of the elephant , in like manner as the saddle is with the girthes to the horse . this litter hath two entries or open places on each side , in which are bestowed sixe persons , being ranked by three and three ; and another behind , wherein two persons are placed ; and then the nayre , ( who is as the coach-man or conductor ) placing himselfe on the head of the elephant , that he may guide and gouerne him . it hath not onely happened vnto me to trauell by land in this manner , but many times also by water , passing in this sort ouer some arme of the sea , sometimes more then halfe a league from the land ▪ and to speake trueth , it is a maruellous thing to him that neuer saw it ; to see such a great and huge masse of flesh , loaden with so heauy a burden , to goe swimming and crossing the waters like a boate with oares . true it is , that he made it sufficiently appeare , that he suffered much , as well in the paines he tooke to carry the great masse of his body , as for his difficulty of breathing ; insomuch that to ease and refresh himselfe in this great trauell , he tooke vp the water in his trunke , and cast it vp so high in the aire , that one might haue thought it had beene some whale of the sea. by reason of his great corpulency , it is an extreame difficulty for him to bow downe ; and although he must needs doe it , for the commoditie of those that are to goe out or enter into the litter , yet he neuer doth it but when the nayre commandeth him ; and if whiles he is so bowed downe , any make too long stay , either in complying with friends or otherwise ; he raiseth himselfe on his feet , with impatience to remaine so long in such a violent posture . it is no lesse wonder , to see how at the commandment of the nayre , he maketh his body in manner of a ladder , for the greater commodity of those that are to enter into the litter : for the first step , he offereth his foot , which is distant enough from ground ; for the second he presenteth his pasterne , at a conuenient distance from the first ; and for the third , he boweth his knee ▪ the fourth step , is on the bone of his flanke which is cast somewhat outward for the purpose ; and from thence he receiueth you on his trunke , and carrieth you to a chaine fastned to his litter . hereby euidently appeareth , how much they haue bin deceiued who haue written , that the elefant could neither bow himselfe nor lie downe , and that the only way to take him , was to cut the tree against which he was to leane when he went to sleepe : because that by the fall of that tree which was to sustaine and support him , he must of force fall downe without any ability to raise himselfe againe : by which meanes , he should be an assured prey to the hunter that pursued him . all this is but a fable ; although it be out of doubt , that he neuer lieth downe to sleepe : that situation being so incommodious and violent for him , as hath beene expressed : and therefore hee sleepeth alwayes standing , with a continuall agitation of his head . in occasion of warre and battaile , they take off the couering of the litter , wherehence , as out of a tower , the souldiers fight with arrowes and muskets , and sometimes also with field-pieces ; the elephant hauing strength enough to cary them : for this beast is exceeding strong , and hath not his like . i haue seene one my selfe , cary excessiue burdens on his trunk : another that lifted vp a great piece of artillery : another alone to draw ten small boats one after another , taking them betweene his teeth , with great dexterity , and casting them into the sea. i haue seene others , pull vp great trees by the rootes , as easily as a man would pull vp a colewort or a lettice : with as much facilitie they will throw downe and ouerturne houses , beat downe whole streetes , when they are commanded in the warres , to endammage the enemie , and in peace , when a house is on fire , that it take not hold of the rest . the trunke of the elephant is long , proportionally to the rest of his body , so that without stooping or bowing downe , he can easily reach from the ground , what hee list : it is composed of many little nerues , bound , and linked one vnto the other , in such sort , that on the one side , it is so flexible and maniable , that he extendeth and turneth it as he list , to receiue any the least things ; and on the other side , it is therewithall , as hard and strong as we haue said . his whole body is couered with a hard and rough ash ▪ coloured skin : his ordinary trauell , is 12. leagues a day . his motion to those that are not vsed vnto it ; bringeth the like incommoditie as they find in the ship , that are not accustomed to sea-voyages . for the docilitie of the elephant , i shall say more maruellous things , then those which are ordinarily rehearsed : which will make it manifest , that with great reason it was said by one , elephanto belluarum nulla prudentior ; seeing hee doth such things as will giue men iust cause to beleeue , that they cannot see how they should be done , without intelligence and prudence . first then , the nayre vseth an instrument of iron about the length of foure hands breadth , with which he doth somtimes beate or pricke him , with a sharpe crooke which is in the end thereof , to awaken him , and make him attentiue to what is commanded him , yet notwithstanding hee doth ordinarily rule and direct him with words , in such sort , that hee seemeth to vnderstand his language : and there are of them , that vnderstand three or foure , according to the countreyes where they haue liued . so it seemed that hee on which i trauelled , understood the language of cambogia , whence he was brought , and that of cochin-china , where he serued . but who would not wonder to see the nayre talking to his elephant , informing him of his voyage , of the wayes he is to goe , in what inne hee intendeth to lodge , what prouision hee shall find there , and to tell him particularly what he is to doe in all that iourney thorowout ; and that the elephant performeth all with as much punctuality , as a man of sound iudgement . in such sort , that hauing vnderstood whither he is to goe , hee goeth straight directly thither , without seeking of a beaten way , and without any astonishment , if he meet with riuers , woods , or mountaines , but imagining that he shall euery where make his passage , hee passeth through all difficulties : for if there be a riuer in his way , hee either wadeth , or swimmeth through it ; if hee be to passe through a wood , hee breaketh the branches that hinder him , pulleth vp whole trees with his trunke , and cutteth off others with a sharpe iron , made like vnto a sithe , which for such purposes is fastened vnto the forepart of the litter ; and when occasion serueth , hee draweth first the branches and boughes to him , then he taketh this iron and cutteth them away ; making himselfe an open passage through the thickest forrests whatsoeuer , whereby men perceiue that the elephant hath beene there and opened the way . all this hee doth easily , and readily to execute the commandements of the nayre . one onely thing this beast findeth incommodious and grieuous , which is , when any thorne or other sharpe thing pricketh the soles of his feete , which he hath very tender and sensible ; going therefore but softly , and with great circumspection , when hee is to passe through such dangerous places . i was once on a iourney , in which there were seuen or eight elephants in company , when i hard the nayres each of them aduertising his beast to take heede to their footing , because they were to goe for the space of halfe a league , through certaine sandie places , in which there were commonly some thornes growing : at which warning the elephants bowed downe their heads , and looking attentiuely with their eyes , as men commonly doe when they seeke after somewhat that is lost , they went faire and softly , with great heedfulnesse , whiles they were in that danger , till such time as being told that they were past feare , they lifted vp their heads , and continued their pace as before . in the euening , being come to their inne , the nayres bid the elephants goe to pasture in a wood , without taking their litters from their backes : and when i questioned them why they did not discharge them of that burden , they answered me , that the elephants were to feede on the boughs , and bodies of trees , and therefore that they might cut them downe at their pleasure , with the sharpe iron we speake of , they were to keepe on their litters . the next day , being to lodge in a place where there was no wood , the nayres brrought each of them a great faggot of greene trees for their elephants , i tooke great delight to obserue how one of them with his trunke tooke these boughs more nimbly then the rest , pulled them with his teeth , and did eate them after with as good an appetite as wee would eate a figge , or any other fruit . the next day discoursing with the other trauellers , being about some twenty persons , i told them what pleasure i tooke in beholding how handsomely this elephant did make shift to feede on those boughes . whereupon the nayre by commandement of the owner of this elephant , called him aloud by his name , which was gnin , who being gone a little aside , presently lifted vp his head , as hearkning what he would say to him : remember saith the nayre the father the passenger , that was pleased ▪ yesterday to see thee eate : take presently a truncheon such as thou hadst then ; and come into his presence , doing as thou diddest : no sooner had the nayre spoken , but the elephant holding a truncheon in his mouth , commeth before me , and finding me out amongst the rest , presenteth it vnto me ; then peeleth and eateth it , and doing me a profound reuerence , retireth himselfe as it were laughing , with signes of gladnesse and reioycing : and i remained astonished , to see in a beast so much aptnesse to vnderstand and to doe what was commanded him . yet is he obedient to none but to the nayre or to his master , and endureth not to see any other get vpon him ; which if any attempt to doe , and he see it , they doubt he would cast downe his litter , and kill him with his trunke . therefore when any are to get vp on him , the nayre couereth his eyes with his eares , which are very huge and vnhansome . when he sheweth himselfe resty in doing what is commanded him , and doth it not so readily as hee ought , the nayre hauing both his feet vpon his head , beateth and chastiseth him soundly , giuing great blowes with a staffe , in the midst of his forehead . once we being many in a company on an elephant that carried vs , and the nayre beating him in such sort as we haue said , we expected at euery blow he receiued , that hee would haue cast vs downe . they giue him ordinarily sixe or seuen blowes on hisforehead , but with such vehemency , that the elephant trembleth euery limbe and ioynt ; yet endureth it with much patience . there is onely one occasion wherein he will not be ruled by the nayre nor by any man , which is , when on the suddaine he entreth into rut : for then being beside himselfe , as if he were mad , he endureth no body ; but taketh his litter with his trunke , battering and breaking all to pieces . yet ordinarily the nayre perceiuing it a little before , by certaine signes , alighteth off him , and likewise the company ; and taking off the litter from his backe , leaueth him in some close corner alone till his heat be ouerpassed : after which , as if he were ashamed of his disorder , he goeth holding downe his head , submitting himselfe to the blowes and bastinadoes which he seemeth to himselfe to haue well deserued . these beasts in former times haue beene of great vse in the warres , and such armies as came into the field with great bands of them , were much feared . but since the portugals found out the inuention to incounter them with torches and fire-brands , they haue rather beene hurtfull then profitable , because being not able to abide those fiery flames before their eyes , they furiously fled away , putting their owne armies in disaray , killing and ouerthrowing all that stood in their way . the tame elephant fighteth onely with two sorts of beasts , which are the wilde elephant , and the abade or rinoceros ; for this latter he is commonly two hard , but by the former he is ordinarily ouercome . the abade is a beast which hath some resemblance of the oxe , and somewhat of the horse ; and is of the bignesse of a little elephant : he is couered all ouer with scales , which is to him as an armour ; he hath but one horne in the midst of his forehead , which groweth straight , being formed like a pyramide : his feete and hoofes like those of an oxe . whiles i was at nouoemon a towne in the prouince of pulucambes , the gouernour went out once to hunt an abade , which was in a wood not farre from our dwelling : he was accompanied with more then a hundred , some on foot , others on horsebacke , with eight or ten elephants . the abade commeth out of the wood , and at the sight of so many enemies , not onely sheweth no signe of feare , but furiously goeth against them all ; thereupon the company diuiding themselues into two wings , the abade runneth through the midst of them , and came to the rereward where the gouernour was mounted on an elephant , which sought to take hold on the abade with his trunke , but could not , by reason that the other made so many leapes and friskoles , seeking to pierce the elephant with his horne . the gouernour knowing well that this beast could not bee wounded , but where he had no scales , which was onely in his flanke , watched when in his leaping his belly was towards him ; and taking his aduantage , threw a dart at him , with which he pierced him through , which caused great acclamations and shoutings of ioy throughout all his troope ; who there presently in the field made a great bonfire of wood , wherein whiles the scales of the beast were a burning , they daunced and leaped about it ; and when , as by degrees , the flesh came to be rosted , they cut out euery one his carbonado , and merrily eate it . then they opened the abade to take out his heart , his liuer and his braine , whereof they made a delicate dish , which they presented to the gouernour , who had retired himselfe somewhat aside to a higher place , where hee sollased himselfe with their iollity . i being present at this piece of seruice , obtained of the gouernour , the nayles or hoofes for my share , which are esteemed to haue the like vertue and property , that the hoofe of the elk hath . the horne also is thought to be as soueraigne against poyson , as the vnicornes horne is held to be . chap. v. of the temperament manners and customes of the cochin-chinois , of their manner of liuing , clothing , and medicines . the cochin-chinois are little differing from the chinois in their countenance , being all of oliue colours ; those i meane that are toward the sea : for the others which are farther into the land towards tunchim , are as white as those of europe . in the lineaments of their faces they are like the inhabitants of china ; flat nosed as they are , with little eyes . they are of a meane stature ; neither so little as the iaponois , nor yet so tall as the chinois ; but in strength and agility of body , they exceed them both : they surpasse the chinois also in courage and valour : onely the iaponois surmount them in one thing , which is , their contempt of life in perils and conflicts : for these iaponois seeme to make no account thereof , and to haue no feare of death at all . the cochin-chinois is more gentle and courteous in conuersation , then any other nation of the east : and albeit on the one side they stand much vpon their valour ; yet on the other side , they hold it as infamous to be transported with choller . and whereas all the other easterne nations hold the europeans for profane people , and haue them naturally in horror ; in such sort , that when wee land in any of their countreys , they betake themselues to flight . in cochin-china on the contrary , they contend who shall conuerse with vs most ; they aske vs many questions , they inuite vs to eate with them , vsing all kind of courtesie , ciuility , and familiarity . so it happened with me and my companions at our first arriuall there ; where it seemed vnto vs , as if we were amongst our ancient acquaintance . by which occasion , there is a fare gate opened for the preaching of the gospel of iesus christ amongst them .. of this gentle and pleasing disposition , and of this facilitie of manners , there commeth that great vnion , and good intelligence , which they haue amongst themselues , conuersing together one with the other , as openly , with as much candour , as if they were all brethren , bred , and brought vp together in the same house , though they neuer saw each other before . and it would be held a great basenesse amongst them , if any should eate any thing , were it neuer so little , without imparting it to those that are with him , and giuing to euery one his morsell . they are of a liberall inclination , and beneficent to the poore , neuer refusing their alms to those that aske it , and would thinke they had failed much in their duty , if they had denied them , as holding themselues bound in iustice to relieue those that are in want . by means wherof , it happened that some strangers making ship-wrackein one of the ports of cochin-china , and hauing no knowledge of the tongue , by which they might beg what they needed , holp their necessity sufficiently by learning this one word , doij , which signifieth , i am hungry : for as soone as they perceiued strangers complayning in such a manner , and crying doij at their doores , they went out all auie , being touched with compassion , and gaue them somewhat to eat , whereby they got suddenly so much prouision , that the king hauing granted them a ship , to carry them into their countrey , there was not one of them willing to take that opportunity , they were become so affected to that countrey , where they had found such as would liberally furnish them wherewith to sustaine themselues without working ▪ insomuch that the captaine of the ship was driuen to constraine them with a good cudgell , and with the flat of his sword , to embarke themselues , as they did with good store of rice which they had gathered , going but from doore to to doore , and crying , i am hungry . but as these cochin-chinois doe shew themselues prompt and liberall in giuing , so are they as much or more in requesting whatsoeuer they see to their liking ; for they no sooner can cast their eye on any thing which they thinke rare and curious , but they are desirous thereof , and will say vnto you sin mocaij , which signifieth , giue me one of those : and they hold it a great discourtesie to deny them any thing , though it be rare and precious , or no more such to be had ; and account him base that refuseth them , whereby men are driuen either to hide what they haue , or to be ready to bestow it on him that shall aske it . a portugal merchant , nothing liking this strange custome ( as indeede there are few that like well of it ) seeing himselfe euery day importuned to giue whatsoeuer good thing hee had , was one day disposed to carrie himselfe in like manner toward them ; and so comming to a poore fisher-mans boate , and laying hands on a great panier full of fish , hee saith vnto him in the language of that countrey , sin mocaij , giue me this ; the good man without further discourse gaue him the panier as it was , to carry away , which the portugal carried to his house accordingly , wondering at the liberality of the poore man. but hauing consideration of his pouerty , he paid him afterward the value . their termes of ciuillity , courtesie , and entertainment , are very neere those which are vsed in china , the inferiours vsing great respect toward their superiours , as also those of the same rancke , practising one towards another all those petty punctualities , and complements , which are peculiar to the chinois : especially the great reuerence they beare to the aged ; alwayes preferring the ancientest , of what degree or condition soeuer they are ; and giuing to the aged all kind of preeminence aboue the younger . and so some of these lords comming often to visite vs in our house , though they had beene sufficiently aduertised by the interpreter , that a certaine father being more aged then the rest was not our superiour , they could not possibly forbeare to salute him that was old before the superiour , being much younger . in all the houses of cochin-china , be they neuer so poore , three sorts of sitting are vsed . the first , and least of all is ▪ on a matt stretched out on the ground ; whereon all doe sit , that are of the like quality and degree . the second is on certaine coards or girts , stretched out and couered with a finer kind of matts then the former , where those of the better rancke place themselues . the third is on a tent which is raised from the ground , about some two foote and a halfe , made in manner of a bed , which is reserued onely for the gouernours , or lords of the place , or for such as are dedicated to the seruice of god : on which they alwayes make our fathers to sit . of this gentle and agreeable humour of the cochin-chinois commeth ; the account they make of strangers , giuing them liberty to liue according to their owne law , and to apparrell themselues as they thinke good , commending their course of liuing , admiring their learning , and frankly preferring it before their owne ; contrary to the chinois , which make no reckoning , but of their owne countrey , their owne fashions , and their owne doctrine . concerning their apparrell and clothing , wee haue already said , that silke is so common in cochin-china , that all are clad therewith . it onely remaineth to speake of the fashions which they vse : and to begin with the women , i must confesse , that their habit hath allwayes seemed vnto me , to be the most modest of all india , for they cannot endure any part of their bodies to be vncouered ; no not in the greatest heates . they weare fiue or six taffeties , one vpon another , all of seuerall colours . the first reacheth downe to the ground , which they make trayne along , with such grauity , decency , and maiestie , that one cannot discerne so much as the end of their feet ; the next is foure or fiue fingers breadth shorter ; the third commeth short of the second ; and so are the rest , the one shorter then the other ; in such sort , that all the colours are discerned . this is their habit ftom the girdle downewards . their bodies they couer with certaine curious stuffes , which are wrought eschecquer-wise of sundry colours , casting ouer it so fine and thin a vaile , that all this diuersity , and varietie may easily be perceiued through it , like a pleasant and gratious spring-time , accompanied with great grauity , and modestie . they weare their haire loosely , hanging on their shoulders , which they suffer to grow so long , that it reacheth to the ground , and the longer it is , the fairer it is accounted . they weare a great hat on their heads , with such broad brims that they couer all their faces , and suffer them not to see more then three or foure paces before them ; and these hats are wouen or interlaced with silke , and gold , according to the quality of the persons : the women are not bound to any further courtesie in the saluting of any whom they meete , then to lift vp their hats so farre that their faces may be seene . the men in stead of breeches wrap themselues with a whole piece of stuffe , clothing themselues ouer it in the like manner , with fiue or sixe garments which are long and large , all of fine silke , of sundry colours , with great large sleeues , not vnlike those that the benedictines vse to weare . these garments of theirs , from the girdle downewards , are all becut and slashed with curious deuises ; in such sort that as they goe through the towne , they make such a shew of all these colours mingled together , that if neuer so little a wind should happen to blow vpon their garments , one might say they were so many peacocks going about shewing the variety of their plumes . they let their haire grow as the women doe theirs , euen downe to their heeles , and weare their hatts in like manner . they which haue any beard , of which their are but few , doe neuervse to cut it , conforming themselues therein with the chinois ; as also in letting the nailes of their fingers grow , which the gentry doe not vse to haue cut , keeping them as tokens of nobility , to distinguish them from the common people and the artificers ; who may not weare them long , lest they should bee hindered by them in their worke : whereas the gentlemen haue such long ones , that they cannot gripe any thing in their hands . they cannot relish our fashion of cutting our haire and our nailes , because they suppose them to haue beene giuen by nature for an ornament . when wee were once in discourse about the haire , they made an obiection ▪ to which it was not very easie to make answere on the suddaine : if , said they , the sauiour of the world , ( to whom ye professe that ye seeke to conforme your selues in all your actions ) did weare his haire long after the manner of the nazarites , as ye assure your selues , and as appeareth in the pictures of him which ye haue shewen vs , why doe yee not the like ? adding thereunto , for more force of argument , that the sauiour of the world , wearing his haire at the full length , gaue vs to vnderstand it was the best fashion : yet notwithstanding they contented themselues , when we told them that our imitation did not consist in the exteriour man or in the outward habit . the learned sort and the doctors , apparell themselues somewhat more grauely , without so many colours and cuttings ; couering the rest of their garments with a gowne of blacke damaske : they weare also a kind of stole , hanging about their necke , and a maniple of blue silke on their arme , couering their heads commonly with a cap , not vnlike to a bishops mitre . the men as well as the women , haue euer a fanne in their hands very like ours here in europe ; which they carry more for countenance then otherwise . but whereas we in europe vse to be clad in blackes , during our mourning , they vse the white on like occasion : when they salute any , they neuer vncouer their head , holding that for a discourtesie and full of irreuerence , vnbefitting ; wherein they agree in opinion with those of china . the cochin-chinois vse neither hose nor shooes , but onely take at the most , to keepe the soles of their feet from what might offend them , a sole of leather , made fast and tied vpon the foot with some buttons and ribbands of silke , after the manner of sandales : not accounting it any way vndecent to goe without stockens or hose and shooes . and albeit , going after such a manner shod or vnshod , they often times find their feet very dirty , they reckon little of it , hauing for the purpose in euery house , at the entry of the hall , a bason of faire water in which they wash their feet ; and such of them as vse to weare sandals , leaue them there to put on againe when they goe forth , hauing no need to vse them within doores , where the ground being couered with matts , they feare no fouling of them . the ordinary food of the cochin-chinois is rice , and it seemeth a strange thing , that this countrey being so plentifull in all kinds of flesh , fowle , fish and fruits , that neuerthelesse , they feed still on rice ; wherewith they commonly fill themselues at the beginning of their repast , and then by way of ceremony , doe but assay and taste of all the other viands . so that rice is to them the principall and chiefe , as bread is with vs , which they eate alone without sauce or mixture , either of butter , oyle or suggar , but only seething of it in water ; whereof they vse no more then will serue to keepe it from sticking to the pot , and so from being burnt ; by reason whereof the graines remaine stil entire , being only a little mollified , and moystned . they find moreouer by experience , that the not vsing to season the rice maketh it digest the more easily ; whence it is , that throughout all the east they accustome themselues to eate foure times a day at the least , and that plentifully , to supply the necessity of nature . the cochin-chinois eate sitting crosse-legd on the ground , hauing a round table before them , brest-high , curiously wrought , and the edge or border about it gilded with siluer or gold , according to the quality of the persons . this table is not very great , the custome being , that euery one haue a seuerall table ; and that as many guests as are inuited or expected , so many tables be prepared for them ▪ which is also obserued when they eate in priuate , vnlesse haply the husband and wife , or the father and the sonne bee contented with one table . they haue neither kniues nor forkes at the table , not needing any . they haue no need of kniues , because their morsells are before cut out in the kitchin ; and in lieu of forkes they haue little stickes finely polished which they put betwixt their fingers in such sort , that with their dexterity they can take vp any thing therewith . they haue as little need of table napkins , seeing they neuer foule their hands , but alwayes take vp their meat with those stickes . they inuite one another often to feasts and banquets , in which they serue many other sorts of cates besides those i haue mentioned : yet therein they serue no rice , because they suppose that euery one hath enough at home . and how poore soeuer he be that giueth entertainement , they thinke hee hath not done fairely , if euery of the guests haue not his table serued with an hundred dishes at least . also , because they vse to inuite all their friends , kinsefolke and neighbours to these feasts , there is seldome any such meeting , at which there are not thirty , forty , or fifty , and sometimes an hundred , or two hundred persons . i was once my selfe at one of these sollemne-feasts , in which the guests were no lesse then two thousand . therfore such feasts are made in the open fields , that there may be roome enough to place so many tables : neither ought it to be found strange , that these tables being not great , there should bee an hundred dishes serued thereon at once ; because at such times by a maruellous prety deuice , they place a little castle on the table , hauing sundry stages made of suger-canes , on which they bestow in very good order , all these dishes , in which also there is contained whatsoeuer the countrey yeeldeth , as well of flesh , fish , foule , fourefooted-beasts , both wild and tame , as also all sorts of fruits which the season afordeth : for if there be any one wanting , it is very disgracefull to the entertainment ; and they will scarse vouchsafe it the name of a feast . the masters are first serued , by their principall attendants , who eate in their masters places when they are risen ; being serued by inferiour seruants , which succeed them in their turne . and because they cannot deuoure all that is prepared , and the custome is to make a cleane riddance of all , as soone as these are satisfied , there commeth yet a baser sort of followers , who when they haue also eaten their fill , vse to put vp the remnant in bagges which they beare for that purpose , and carry it home to feast the lackies and scullions of the kitchin , who make good cheere with it ; and then the ceremony endeth . they haue no grapes in cochin-china , therefore in stead of wine they vse a kind of drinke made of rice distilled in a limbicke , which hath the taste of aqua-vitae , and resembleth it in colour , being also of like acrimony , subtillity and viuacity . they haue such abundance thereof , that euery one drinketh commonly as much as he list ; and are no lesse drunken therewith , then others are with wine in these parts . yet those of the better sort , vse to allay it with another drinke made of calamba distilled , which giueth it a pleasant sauour and acceptable odour , being an excellent composition . they vse also to drinke a dayes , of a certaine warme water , in which the root of an hearbe which they call chia hath sod , of which this drinke taketh the name , being very cordiall , and not a little helpfull to disperse the noysome humours of the stomach , and to facilitate the digestion . the like is vsed in iapan and china also ; sauing that in china , in lieu of the root , they seeth onely the leaues of the tree , and in iapan they take them in powder , but the effects are the same ; and they all call it chia . concerning their phisicians , and manner of curing their diseases , i can say there are many , as well portugals as natiues of the countrey ; and it is often seene , that many vnknowne maladies , for which the phisicians of europe know no remedies , haue beene discouered and cured easily by those of that countrey . and it hapneth sometimes , that the portugal phisicians giue ouer a diseased person , supposing him in a desperate estate , who is afterward easily cured by a phisician of that countrey , if they send for him . the methode vsed by them is this , that assoone as they enter into the sicke persons chamber , they sit downe a whiles neere vnto his bed , to settle the stirring of their spirit , which they haue contracted in their comming ; then they feele the parties pulse with much attention and circumspection , saying afterward vnto him , you haue such a sicknesse ; and if it be vncurable they say vnto him sincerely , i haue no medicine for this maladie : which is a shrewd signe that the sicke person will not escape . but if they iudge the maladie to be such as may be healed by their remedies , they will say , i haue that which will heale you , and by such a time i will set you on your feet . then they agree vpon the salary that the phisician shall haue , in case he cure the disease ; which they measure and proportion according to the quality of the disease , and so make the contract . the phisician afterward composeth his medicine himselfe , without any apothecary , for they haue none there for feare of disclosing the secret of their medicines , which they conceale as much as they also can ; partly because they dare not trust any other with the ingredients they prescribe . if the sicke person recouer his health by the time prefixed , he is to giue the price agreed on : if he faile of his cure , the phisitian looseth both his labour , and his charge . the medicines which they vse to giue , are not like vnto ours , which are distastfull , mollifiing and loosening the belly ; but are as pleasing as their pottage , and nourishing withall , so that they neede no other aliment : whence it commeth that they giue of it oftentimes a day , as we would giue broth to the diseased from time to time . and their medicines doe not alter nature , but assist it in her ordinary functions , drying vp the peccant humours , without any trouble to the sicke person at all . heere is offered me a thing worth the relation : a portugal falling sicke there , called vnto him the phisicians of europe , who after they had visited him a while , gaue him ouer for a dead man , and came no more at him . a phisician of that countrey being sent for , vndertaketh to cure him within a certaine time , charging him straitely , that whiles he had him in cure , he should not meddle with women : otherwise there was no hope . the sicke man taketh the medicines appointed , and within few dayes he finddeth himselfe so well recouered , that hee tooke no great care of performing what the phisician had enioyned . thereupon the phisician comming to visite his patient , and perceiuing his incontinencie by the change of his pulse , aduiseth him to dispose himselfe to death , because hee was past all hope , for he knew no remedie now to saue his life : and that neuerthelesse hee was to pay him the money agreed on between them ; because if he died , it was his owne fault . sentence was giuen for the phisitian , the patient died. they haue also the vse of blood-letting by phlebotomie ; yet are they more sparing thereof , then with vs in europe ; neither doe they vse lancets , but haue many goose-quills , into which they fasten diuers little pieces of porcelane that are very sharpe , fashioned and placed like the teeth of a saw , some greater , and some lesse . and when they are to open a veine , they apply one of these quills thereunto , and giuing a little stroake thereon with their finger , they open the veine with the porcelane , which entereth no further then is requisite . but that which is yet more strange , is , that when they haue drawen blood sufficiently , they vse no band , nor ligature about it : but onely wetting their thumbe with a little spittle , they presse it on the wound , and make the skin returne to his place , the blood suddenly stanching , and the ouerture closing together : which i attribute to their opening of it with the porcelane , which maketh the veine to close vp , and to heale so easily . they are not without chirurgions , that haue wonderfull secrets ; i bring no other proofe , but what they haue practised on my selfe , and one of our brethren my companion . hauing fallen from a very high place , i fell on my stomach , against the edge of stone , in such sort , that i began to spit blood , and my brest was sorely bruised and hurt , some of our europian remedies were vsed , but i found no helpe nor ease , vntill a chirurgion of that countrey , taking a quantity of a certaine hearbe , like vnto the hearbe mercurie , and making a plaister thereof , applyed it to my stomach ; then boyled some of the same hearbe with water , for me to drinke , and made me eate of the same raw , as it was : and in few dayes , i was perfectly healed . to make tryall thereof againe , i caused the legge of a hen to be broken in many places , and a plaister of this hearbe to bee applyed thereunto , and within few dayes , the hens leg was made whole and entire againe . a scorpion had bit one of our brethren on the necke , ( who was my companion ) such biting being held to bee deadly in this kingdome , for his throat began to swell in such sort , that wee were about to haue administred vnto him the extreame vnction , but a chirurgion causing presently a pot of rice to bee boiled with faire water , and setting the same at his feete , hee compassed him about with clothes , that the hot vapour and fume thereof might not be dispersed : whereof it followed , that assoone as the fume had gotten vp to the wounded place , hee found his griefe asswaged , the swelling of his throat vanished , and himselfe in as good plight as before . many more such like might be added ; but i will onely affirme , that their medicines are of much more force in those parts , then they are with vs. and i can say this in particular , that i brought with me therehence a little barrell of rubarb , being esteemed to be of the best ; but when i came into europe , after two yeeres voyage , i found my rubarb so altered , that i could not know it for the same . so much doe the simples lose of their vertue , by being transported out of those count 〈…〉 s into ours . chap. vi. of the ciuill and politicke gouernement of cochin-china . their gouernement in generall , hath some affinity with that which is vsed in iapan and in china . but as the iaponians account of armes , much more then of sciences , and the chinois on the contrary esteemeth highly of the siences , and maketh no great reckoning of armes : the cochin-chinois not following the course of either of these nations , doe not reiect or abandon the one , as if they were wholly addicted to the other ; but are indifferently affected to either , according to their occasions . and accordingly doe recompence and preferre , sometimes the doctors , and sometimes the souldiers , to the offices and dignities of their kingdome . cochin-china hath many vniuersities , in which there bee readers and schooles and degrees ; to which their schollers are aduanced by examination , as they are in china ; teaching the same sciences , vsing the same bookes and authors ; namely , zinfa or confus , as the portugals call him ; being an author of as sublime and profound learning and authority with them , as aristotle amongst vs , and indeed more ancient . these bookes are full of erudition , of rare histories , of graue sentences , of prouerbes and such like , all concerning good manners ; such as seneca , cato , or cicero here with vs. many yeeres labour is spent in learning the propriety of the phrase , characters and hieroglyphikes in which they are written . but that part which they account most of , and haue in greatest estimation , is morall philosophy ; comprehending the ethik , oeconomik and politick . and it is a goodly sight to see and vnderstand them in their halls , when they reade and pronounce their lectures aloud as if they sang : which they doe , to accustome themselues , and to get a habite , to giue to euery word his proper accent ; of which they haue a great number that signifie many seuerall different things : whereby may be gathered , that to conuerse with them , it is requisite to know the principles of musicke and the counter-point . the language which they vse in common speech , is much differing from that in which they teach and reade in their studies , and in which their bookes are written . euen as amongst vs our vulgar languages , common to all , differ much from the latine which is vsed in the schooles . wherein also there is a difference betweene them and the chinois , who if they be learned or noble , neuer speake but in one kind of language , which they call that of the mandarins , who are their doctors , iudges and gouernours . and the characters which they vse in their writing and in their printed books , are aboue fourescore thousand , diffring one from the other . whence it commeth to passe , that the fathers of the society of iesus , are eight or ten yeeres studying of these bookes , before they become able to treat , or capable to conuerse with them . but the cochin-chinois haue reduced this great multitude of characters , to the number of three thousand at the most , which they vse in their ordinary discourse , in their letters , in their supplications , memorialls and other such things as haue not respect to their printed bookes : which must of necessity be composed in the characters of china . the iaponians haue yet beene more ingenious , who albeit they endeauour in whatsoeuer concerning their written and printed bookes , to conforme themselues to the chinois ; haue notwithstanding handled the matter so well , that for dispatch of their ordinary affaires , they haue inuented eight and fourty letters , by the combination of which , they expresse and declare what they will , euen as well as wee doe with our a. b. c. yet are the characters of china , still in such request , and so great estimation in iapan , that those forty and eight letters , howsoeuer they be more commodious to expresse their conceits , are little regarded in comparison , but by way of contempt , are accounted and called the womens letters . that most ingenious and exellent inuention of printing , was practised in china , and cochin-china , before wee had the knowledge thereof in europe ; yet not in such perfection : in regard that they doe not ioyne letters with letters , or characters with characters ; but with a punchion , or grauing-iron , they graue , and cut their formes on a board , or plancke , euen as they intend to print them in their bookes : then they apply their paper vpon the board that is so graued and cut , putting it vnder the presse , in like manner as wee doe in europe , when we print on a copper plate , or other such thing . besides those bookes which treate of morall philosophie , they haue also of sacred matters , as they call them , concerning the creation , and beginning of the world , of reasonable soules , of the demons , of idols , and of their different sects ; these bookes they call sayc kim , to distinguish them from the profane , which they terme sayc chiu . now albeit the language of the cochin-chinois be therin like to that of the chinois , that they vse only words of one syllable , pronounced with diuersity of tones and accents ; yet they differ much in this , that the cochin-chinois are more fruitfull and abounding in vowells , and therefore more sweet and pleasing : richer in accents and in tones , and so more melodious and harmonious : in such sort that they haue their eare made for musicke , proper and apt to distinguish the variety of tones and accents . the language of cochin-china is to my seeming the most easie of all ; because it hath neither coniugations verbes , nor declining of nounes : but with one only word , adding therunto an aduerbe or a pronoune , maketh knowne the time passed , the time present , and to come ; the singular number and the plurall , and supplieth all the moodes , tenses and persons , as also the diuersity of numbers and of cases . as for example , this word haue ( which in the cochin-chinois tongue is expressed by co ) without other variation but adding a pronoune , will serue all occasions : and so that whereas we should say by coniugation , i haue , thou hast , he hath ; they contenting themselues with the pronoune , without varying the verbe , would say , i haue , you haue , he haue : in like manner to supply the diuersity of the tenses , they will say in the present , i now haue ; for the passed , i heretofore haue ; and for the future , i hereafter , or in time to come haue ; and so from one to the other , without euer changing their co ; whence it easily appeareth , how easie this tongue is to be learned , as indeede , in six moneths whiles i was there ; i learned as much as was sufficient to treate with them , and to vnderstand their confessions ; though i had not the perfect knowledge thereof ; for to say the truth , foure whole yeeres were no more then requisite to make one exact , and excellent therein . but to returne to the course of my history : i said the custome of the cochin-chinois was not onely to regard men of learning , recompencing their great knowledge , by aduancing them to high and honourable degrees of dignity , and assigning to them good rents and reuennues ; but that they had also in great estimation , those that were couragious , valorous and excellent in armes . yet doe they gouerne themselues therein , after another manner then is accustomed amongst vs. for in stead of giuing to their great and generous captaines , as they doe in these parts , some lordship , earledome or marquisate , in acknowledgment of their deserts ; they reward them by subiecting so many persons vnto them , as a certaine number of the kings subiects and vassalls , who in what part of the kingdome soeuer they be , are bound to acknowledge him for their lord , to whom the king hath giuen them , to serue him with their armes when he shall be occasioned to vse them ; as also to pay him all such duties as they payed before to the king : and so as we say such a one is lord of such a place , earledome or marquisate ; they say , such a one hath the command of fiue hundred men , this other of a thousand ; the king hath increased this mans command to a thousand more , and of the other to two thousand : so augmenting their greatnesse , their dignities , riches and commodities , by giuing of them more vassalls . of their warres , wee shall speake in the next chapter . there remaineth yet somewhat to be said concerning their ciuill gouernement . first they dispatch all their affaires more readily , rather according to the martiall law more belli , then by pleadings at the barre with iudges , notaries and procttors with their dilatory proceedings . the vice-royes and gouernours of prouinces , supplying all those offices , and giuing publike audience foure houres euery day in a faire large court within their pallace ; two houres in the forenoone , and two houres in the afternoone . thither goe all that haue controuersie , to represent their pretensions and their plaints ; and the vice-roy or gouernour leaning on a window , vnderstandeth the grieuances of each one after the other . and because the gouernours are ordinarily men of good iudgement and experience in affaires , questioning the parties to good purpose , and obseruing also the apprehension of the assistants , which they coniecture by their countenance , and the approbation which they haue of the demandant or defendant , they discouer easily the trueth of the businesse forthwith , and pronounce their sentence aloud without delay , which is presently executed , without appeale or any other formality ; whether it bee death or banishment , or whipping , or pecuniary amends ; chastising euery offence as the law requireth . the crimes whereof they are most commonly accused , which are seuerely chastised among them , are many : but aboue all , they punish rigorously the false accusers , theeues , and adulterers . when the first are conuicted to haue charged any falsly with a crime , whereof he was not guilty , hee is condemned , without mercy , to endure the same punishment which the other should haue suffered , if he had committed that whereof he was accused . and indeed experience hath made it appeare , to be the best course of sifting out the trueth . their theeues are punished according to the proportion of the theft : if they haue stollen any thing of great value , they cut of their heads : if of lesse consequence , as a hen , they lose only a finger ; and for the second offence they cut off another : if they be taken with a third , they must loose an eare ; and for the fourth offence they cut off the necke . the adulterers , be they men or women , are exposed to the elephants , who kill them in the manner ensuing . the offender is conducted out of the towne into a plaine , where in the presence of an infinite number of people , he is brought into the midst of the place , with his hands and feet tied neere vnto the elephant , vnto whom the sentence of the party that is to be put to death is read , that he may execute it from point to point . the order being this : that first he shall seize on him , take him and straine him with his trunke , and hold him so suspended in the aire , shewing him to all the world ; then that he cast him vp with violence , and receiue him againe on the point of his teeth , that by the heauy fall of his weight he may gage himselfe thereon , and that then he dash him against the ground , and that in the end hee tread him vnder his feet . all which the elephant doth , without failing in any one point , to the great astonishment and terrour of all that are present , who by the punishment which they see inflicted on another , doe learne , that fidelity is to be kept betweene those that are married . it will not be amisse , being now discoursing of married folkes , to relate some particularities concerning the marriages of that countrey . it hath not beene seene that the cochin-chinois , though they be gentiles , haue contracted marriages within the degrees forbidden by gods law , or the law of nature ; neither within the first degree of the collaterall line of brothers and sisters . but in the other degrees marriage is permitted , so that he haue but one wife . it is true , that the richer sort vnder the title of their greatnesse and liberality , are accustomed to haue many concubines ; taxing them with auarice and miserablenesse , that doe not keepe as many as their reuenues will maintaine . these are called their second , third and fourth wiues , which they tooke after the first which is accounted , and is truly and really their wife , and to her it appertaineth to choose the rest according to her liking , and to giue them to her husband . yet their marriages are not indissoluble , their lawes permitting a diuorce , though not altogether at the will of either party : for they must first prooue the suggestion for which they would leaue one the other ; which being auerred it is lawfull for them to withdraw themselues from the first , and to marry againe . the husbands bring the dowries , and relinquish their owne houses to dwell with their wiues , by whose meanes they are maintained , and by whom all the houshold affaires are managed : for there they beare the charge and gouernement of the family , whiles the husband keepeth himselfe within doores , not putting himselfe to any paine , contenting himselfe to be prouided of what is needfull for his food and raiment . chap. vii . of the forces of the king of cochin-china , and of the warres he hath within his kingdome . it hath beene touched already , in the beginning of this history , how that cochin-china being a prouince , dismembered from the great kingdome of tunchim , was vsurped vniustly by the grandfather of the king that now reigneth , who hauing the gouernment , rebelled against the king of tunchim : whereunto he was not a little emboldened , when hee saw himselfe suddenly furnished with diuers pieces of artillery , recouered and gotten out of the ship-wracke of sundry ships of the portugals , and hollanders against the rockes , which men afterwards gathered vp by those of the countrey . whereof there are to be seene at this day , threescore of the greatest in the kings pallace alone yet remaining . the cochin-chinois being now become so expert in the managing of them , that they surpasse our europeans : for indeed they did little else euery day , but exercise themselues in shooting at a marke : whereupon they became so fierce , and so glorious , and to haue so great an opinion of their owne valour , that as soone as they perceiued any of our ships of europe to come towards their ports , the kings cannoniers presently presented them with defiance : but ours vnderstanding now that they were not comparable vnto them , auoyded the tryall as much as they could , knowing well by experience , they were growne more certaine to hit where they would with their artillary , then others are with the harquebusse ; which also they are ready and well practised in , going out daily by troopes into the field , to exercise it . moreouer , that which further encouraged him much to that resolution of reuoulting , and banding himselfe against his prince , was the sight of a hundred gallies , and more of his owne ; by which meanes , being become to be powerfull at sea , as well as he was by his artillary at land , it was easie for him to accomplish his designe against the king of tunchim his lord. seeing also that his continuall commerce with iapan had brought into his countrey , great store of swords and cemiters of that countrey , which are of an excellent temper . hee was also prouided with a great number of horses , which though they be but little , are very seruiceable and generous , on which they fight with darts , and exercise themselues daily therein . the power of this king is such , that hee is able to bring threescore thousand men into the field . which notwithstanding , hee is not without feare of the king of tunchim , whose forces are foure times more : therefore to keepe him in good termes , and to maintaine good intelligence with him , he payeth him a tribute of all his kingdome doth yeeld , that may be acceptable to him ; particularly of gold , and siluer , of rice , and further furnishing him with boardes , and other wood , wherewith to build his galleries . now the only occasion that made him resolue to make league with the son of the late king , who at this day hath the gonernment of the last prouince of tunchim , bordering vpon china , was that hee remaining vanquisher , and making himselfe master of all tunchim , cochin-china might be discharged of the tribute . to vnderstand the same the better , it must bee knowne , that whiles i was in cochin-china , it was not the son of the late king of tunchim , that tooke possession of the kingdome , but his vnckle , out of whose hands the young prince escaped to saue his life , into the last prouince of that kingdome , confining vpon china ; where being acknowledged to bee the sonne of the king disceased , the people chose him to be their prince ; and by his good gouernement , he wan their hearts , in such sort that the king of tunchim his vncle entred into great apprehension , lest he should ioyne in league with the king of cochin-china , who possessed the other end of his countrey , and inclosing him betweene them , dispossesse him of the kingdome vsurped : for preuenting whereof , hee sent yeere by yeere a great and puissant army against this prince , to defeate him : but all in vaine , for the army being of necessity to passe fiue or sixe dayes iourney through wayes where there was no other water to drinke , but of certaine riuers which descended out of the enemies countrey ; they found those waters poysoned by the prince his people ; with a certaine hearbe ; in such sort , that as well men as horses that dranke thereof dyed : whereby the armie was enforced to retire after much expence , and great paines taken to little purpose . their millitary discipline , and manner of gouerning themselues in the warres , is much like that of europe . they obserue the same order in making their s●uadrons , in going to skirmishes , in assaults , and in retreatings . and this king hath warre ordinarily in two places of his kingdome . for first it standeth him vpon , to stand alwayes on his guard ; on that side next to the king of tunchim , who doth menace him vncessantly , and alwayes maketh some onsets on his confines . therefore the king of cochin-china keepeth his residence in sinuua , being the furthest and last prouince of his kingdome , that he may be euer in readinesse , with his forces on the frontiers of tunchim , which is the entry to a very puissant prouince , that is ordinarily prouided of gouernours of great experience and knowledge in the warres . secondly he is kept in continuall alarmes on the west-side in the last prouince of his kingdome called renram , by the king of chiampa , whose assaults he doth easily repell , in regard he is not so mighty as himselfe , and needeth no other forces thereunto but those of the same prouince , the gouernour whereof with his souldiers , is sufficient to defend it . moreouer , he is continually leuying and raising of armies to succour the king of cambogia , who hath married a naturall daughter of his ; furnishing him with gallies and with men against the king of siam . in such sort , that on all sides , as well by sea as by land , he maketh the glorious name and reputation of the armes of the cochin-chinois to be renowned . on the sea he maketh warre with his gallies , each of which hath sixe pieces of cannon , and is also well furnished with musket-shot . and it will not be found strange , that the king of cochin-china hath alwayes more then an hundred gallies well furnished in good readinesse , if one know in what manner he prouideth for it : for the cochin-chinois vse not to make galli-slaues of their delinquents or others ; but when they are to put themselues to fight at sea , they furnish their gallies with as many men as are requisite in this manner . they send out secretly and suddenly many seriants and commissioners , who going throughout all the kingdome ere men are aware with the kings authority , doe seise and presse all such as they find fit to handle an oare , and bestow them in the gallies , vnlesse by reason of their birth and extraction , or for some other consideration , they be exempted and priuilidged . and that course must not be thought so hard and difficult , as at first it may seeme , because , they are as well intreated in the gallies as any where else : and yet better payd : and besides , their wiues , their children , and all their familie , is maintained at the kings charge , with whatsoeuer is needfull , according to their rancke and condition , during all the time that their husbands are thus absent . and they serue not onely to tug at the oare , but also to fight vpon occasion : to which purpose they haue euery one his harquebusse and musket giuen him , with darts , coutelasse , and cemeters : and as the cochin-chinois are hardie and valiant in their approaches , with their oares , and with their muskets and iauelins , they are no lesse in the encounter and close medly ; where they make rare proofes of their valour . their gallies are not so great nor so large as ours , but they are so brauely bedecked with gold and siluer , that they are a glorious spectacle to behold . the fore-castle , namely which they account the most honourable place , is all of gold. this is the captaines place , and the chiefe of his company : the reason they giue for it is , that the captaine being to be the formost vpon all occasions , ought therefore to be in the most hazardous place of all the gallie . amongst other defensiue armes , they vse little bucklers or targets , of an ouall forme , of such a length , that they will commonly couer the whole man , being so light also , that they are nothing cumbersome . in their townes in this kingdome , their houses being built but of boards , as i haue said , and supported with pillars of wood , they haue this aduantage ▪ that if the enemie come with such forces , as they find themselues vnable to resist , euery one taketh his houshold-stuffe and flieth to the mountaines , setting their houses on fire , and leauing nothing of value therein . in such sort that the enemy finding no place wherein hee may sortifie and maintaine himselfe , is forced to retire out of the countrey , and they returning againe , doe soone build themselues other houses as good , and restore their townes in as good plight as they were before . chap. viii . of the commerce , ports and hauens of cochin-china . the realme of cochin-china being so abundant in all sorts of commodities , as we haue said , for the life of man ; the people are the lesse addicted to trauell abroad , and to traffique elsewhere : they doe neuer therefore make further voyages by sea , then within the view of the coasts and bankes of their welbeloued countrey . yet are they neuerthelesse willing to giue all strangers free accesse into their ports , and take a singular pleasure to see others come to trade and traffique in their countrey , not onely out of their neighbour prouinces and kingdomes , but also from remote countreyes . to which end they neede not vse much art , seeing that strangers are allured thither fast enough by the fruitfulnesse of the countrey , and the riches ouerflowing therein . and therefore not onely those of tunchim , of cambogia , of cinceos , and others their neighbours doe traffique there , but euery day there arriue merchants of countreyes further distant ; and from china , macao , iapan , manilla , and malacca , which bring siluer into cochin-china , for the merchandize of the countrey : which are not bought , but exchanged with the same siluer which is sold there as merchandize , the price thereof being raised or diminished according to the great or little plenty thereof , euen like silke and other wares . the money with which all things are bought , is of letton , of the like value as a french double , or a stiuer of the netherlands . this money is exactly round , printed and marked with the kings armes , euery peece hauing a hole in the midst , through which they are filed by thousands , euery file or string of them worth about two crownes . the chinois and the iaponois are they that make the chiefe negotiation of cochin-china , in a faire which is yeerely held in one of their ports , for some foure moneths together : the one bring on their ionks , the value of foure or fiue millions in siluer ; and the other vpon certaine vessells which they call somes , an infinite quantity of fine silke , with other of their countrey merchandise . the king receiueth a great reuenue out of this faire , by his duties and imposts , and the countrey an vnspeakeable gaine . and as on the one side the cochin-chinois haue no wrought stuffes nor manufactures , because they doe not apply themselues to manuary trades , by reason of that idlenesse into which their plenty hath plunged them : and that on the other side they are easily inueigled with the curiosities comming from other places , which they higly esteeme ; they will buy them at what price soeuer they be set , and doe not spare for money , to haue such things which of themselues are of little worth ; such as combes , needles , bracelets , beades of glasse to hang in their eares , and such other trifles and womanish curiosities . and i remember that a portugal hauing brought from macao into cochin-china a boxe full of needles , which could not cost him aboue thirty ducats , got aboue a thousand ; selling them for a riall a piece in cochin-china , which had not cost him aboue pence a piece in macao . in conclusion , they vie one with the other in buying whatsoeuer they see , so it be new and brought from farre : for which they disburse their siluer without difficulty . they are very desirous of our hatts , our caps , girdles , shirts and all our other garments , because they differ from theirs . but aboue all , they make most esteeme of corall . concerning their ports ; it is certainely a thing worthy admiration , that within the space of little more then an hundred leagues , there are reckoned aboue threescore places fit and apt to land in : which commeth of this , that there are in that coast many great armes of the sea. the goodliest port where all the strangers ariue , and where that famous faire is kept which we haue mentioned , is that of the prouince cacciam . men doe enter thereinto by two mouthes of the sea ; the one is called puluciambello , and the other turon . these mouthes are distant three or foure leagues asunder , by which , after that the sea thus diuided in two armes , hath extended it selfe seuen or eight leagues within the land , as two riuers that are disioyned ; it reioyneth in the end , and casteth it selfe into a great riuer , where the vessels also meete , that come in on either side . the king of cochin-china permitted the iaponians and chinois to make choyce of a commodious place to build them a citie in , for the more commoditie of the faire , whereof wee haue spoken . this citie is called faiso , which is so great , that one may well say , that there are two townes ; the one of the chinois , and the other of the iaponois : each of them hauing his quarter apart , and their seuerall gouernours , and liuing after their owne manner : that is the chinois according to their owne particular lawes , and customes of china , and the iaponians according to theirs . and because as wee haue said the king of cochin-china doth refuse no nation to enter , but leaueth it free for all sorts of strangers , the hollanders came thither also as well as the rest , with their ships laden with diuers kindes of merchandise : whereupon the portugals of macao designed to send an ambassadour to the king , to intreat him that the hollanders as their sworne enemies , might be excluded out of cochin-china : wherein they imployed a braue captaine , called ferdinand de costa , who effected it with good successe , yet not without much difficulty ; preuailing so farre , that the king by his edict or proclamation , forbad the hollanders to approach the countreyes vnder his obedience , or paine of their liues . but those of macao apprehending afterwards , that the said edict was not well obserued , thought good to send a new embassage into cochin-china , to obtaine a confirmation thereof ; and charged their deputies to make the king vnderstand , that the affaire concerned his owne interest , and that if hee did not preuent it , he might haue cause to feare that the hollanders in time ( being so crafty and cunning as they are ) would assay to inuade some part of his kingdome of cochin-china , as they had already some other places of the indies . but certaine persons of good vnderstanding in that countrey , aduised them not to speake in that sort to the king ; because that would be the very way to make the hollanders haue permission to come to traffique in that countrey , and to inuite all holland thither : the maxime of the cochin-chinois being , not to acknowledge euer any the least apprehension of any nation in the world. cleane contrary to the king of china , who fearing all , shutteth the gate against strangers , permitting no traffique in his kingdome . this is that little which i haue thought good to relate concerning the temporall estate of cochin-china ; according to that knowledge i could get during the space of some yeeres whiles i remained there : the aire being so benigne , that they neuer haue any pestilence , neither doe the people know what kind of thing it is , or what it meaneth . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a04899-e490 de beata vita . de orbis conc . lib. 3. cap. 25. kekerm . phys . lib. 2. cap. 3. ignatius his conclaue or his inthronisation in a late election in hell: wherein many things are mingled by way of satyr; concerning the disposition of iesuits, the creation of a new hell, the establishing of a church in the moone. there is also added an apology for iesuites. all dedicated to the two aduersary angels, which are protectors of the papall consistory, and of the colledge of sorbon. translated out of latine. conclave ignati. english donne, john, 1572-1631. 1611 approx. 125 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 94 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20624 stc 7027 estc s100082 99835934 99835934 169 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20624) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 169) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1170:19) ignatius his conclaue or his inthronisation in a late election in hell: wherein many things are mingled by way of satyr; concerning the disposition of iesuits, the creation of a new hell, the establishing of a church in the moone. there is also added an apology for iesuites. all dedicated to the two aduersary angels, which are protectors of the papall consistory, and of the colledge of sorbon. translated out of latine. conclave ignati. english donne, john, 1572-1631. [10], 143, [13] p. printed by n[icholas] o[kes] for richard moore, and are to be sold at his shop in s. dunstones church-yard, london : 1611. by john donne. a translation of: conclave ignati. the title page has a rule border. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-g¹² (-g12, blank?). the first leaf and g9-11 are blank; g12 is an additional title page ina different setting, with an ornamental border; it is normally cancelled, as reflected in the pagination above. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ignatius, -of loyola, saint, 1491-1556. jesuits -controversial literature. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 allison liefer sampled and proofread 2002-07 allison liefer text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ignatius his conclaue : or the enthronization of loyola in hell : imprinted at london in . 1611 . jgnatius his conclaue : or his inthronisation in a late election in hell : wherein many things are mingled by way of satyr ; concerning the disposition of lesuits , the creation of a new hell , the establishing of a church in the moone . there is also added an apology for iesuites . all dedicated to the two aduersary angels , which are protectors of the papall consistory , and of the colledge of sorbon . translated out of latine , london , printed by n.o. for richard more , and are to be sold at his shop in s. dunstones church-yard . 1611. the printer to the reader . doest-thou seeke after the author ? it is in vaine ; for hee is harder to be found then the parents of popes were in the old times : yet if thou haue an itch of gessing , receiue from me so much , as a friend of his , to whom he sent his booke to bee read , writ to me . the author was vnwilling to haue this booke published , thinking it vnfit both for the matter , which in it selfe is weighty and serious , and for that grauity which himselfe had proposed and obser ued in an other booke formerly published , to descend to this kinde of writing . but i on the other side , mustred my forces against him , and produced reasons and examples . i proposed to him the great erasmus ( whom though seribanius the iesuit cal him one of our preachers . ) yet their great coccius is well content to number him amongst his authors . and to his bitter iestings and skirmishings in this kinde , our enemies confesse , that our church is as much beholden , as to luther himselfe , who fought so valiantly in the maine battell . i remembred him also how familiar a fashion this was amongst the papists themselues ; and how much rebullus that run-away , had done in this kinde , as well in those bookes , which he cals salmonees , as in his other , which he entitles , the cabal of the reformed churches , of which booke , if he were not the author , hee was certainly the apologist , and defender . neither was that man , whosoeuer hee bee , which cals himselfe macer , inferiour to reboul in this kinde , when hee dedicated to laughter , & to pleasure , his disputation of that horrible excommunication of paulus 5. against the venetians , and of other matters concerning the saluation of soules . both which , not contenting themselues , as this author doth , to sport and obey their naturall disposition in a businesse ( if you consider the persons ) light inough ( for what can bee vainer then a iesuit ? ) haue saucily risen vp against princes , & the lords anointed i added moreouer , that the things deliuered in this booke , were by many degrees more modest , then those which themselues , in their owne ciuill warres , do daily vomit forth , when they butcher and mangle the fame and reputation of their popes & cardinals by their reuiued lucian , pasquil. at last he yeelded , & made mee owner of his booke , which i send to you to be deliuered ouer to forraine nations , a farre from the father : and ( as his desire is ) b his last in this kinde . hee chooses and desires , that his other book should testifie his ingenuity , and candor , and his disposition to labour for the reconciling of all parts . this booke must teach what humane infirmity is , and how hard a matter it is for a man much conuersant in the bookes and acts of iesuites , so throughly to cast off the iesuits , as that he contract nothing of their naturall drosles , which are petulaucy , and lightnesse . vale. to the two tutelar angels , protectors of the popes consistory , and of the colledge of sorbon . most noble couple of angels , least it hould be sayd that you did neuer agree , and neuer meet , but that you did euer abhorre one another , and euer resemble ianus with a diuerseface , i attempted to bring and ioyne you together once in these papers ; not that i might compose your differences , for you haue not chosen me for arbitrator ; but , that you might beware of an enemy c̄omon to you both , i will relate what i saw . i was in an extrasie , and my little wandring sportful soule , ghest , and companion of my body had liberty to wander through all places , and to suruey and reckon all the roomes , and all the volumes of the heauens , and to comprehend the situation , the dimensions , the nature , the people , and the policy , both of the swimming ilands , the planets , and of all those which are fixed in the firmament . of which , i thinke it an honester part as yet to be silent , then to do galilaeo wrong by speaking of it , who of late hath summoned the other worlds , the stars to come neerer to him , and giue him an account of themselues . or to keppler , who ( as himselfe testifies of himselfe ) euer since tycho brachcs death , hath receiued it into his care , that no new thing should be done in heauen without his knowledge . for by the law , preuention must take place ; and therefore what they haue found and discoured first , i am content they speake and vtter first . yet this they may vouchsafe to take from me , that they shall hardly find enoch , or elias any where in their circuit . when i had surueid al the heauens , then as the larke by busie and laborious wayes , hauing climb'd vp th' eternall hill , doth raise his hymnes to phoebus harpe , and striking then his sailes , his wings , doth fall downe backeagen so suddenly , that one may saesely say a stone came lazily , that came that way , in the twinckling of an eye , i saw all the roomes in hell open to my sight . and by the benefit of certaine spectacles , i know not of what making , but , i thinke , of the same , by which gregory the great , and bed● did discerne so distinctly the soules of their friends , when they were discharged from their bodies , and sometimes the soules of such men as they knew not by sight , and of some that were neuer in the world , and yet they could distinguish them flying into heauen , or conu●sing with liuing men , i saw all the channels in the bowels of the harth ; and all the inhabitants of all nations , and of all ages were suddenly made familiar to me . i thinke truely , robert aquinas when he tooke christs long oration , as he hung vpon the crosse , did vse some such instrument as this , but applied to the care : and so i thinke did he , which dedicated to adrian 6 , that sermon which christ made in prayse of his father ioseph : for else how did they heare that , which none but they euer heard ? as for the suburbs of hel ( i meane both limbo and purgatory ) i must confesse i passed them ouer so negligently , that i saw them not : and i was hungerly caried , to find new places , neuer discouered before . for purgatory did not seeme worthy to me of much diligence , because it may seeme already to haue beene belecued by some persons , in some corners of the romane church , for about 50 yeares ; that is , euer since the councell of trent had a minde to fulfill the prophecies of homer , virgil , and the other patriarkes of the papists ; and beeing not satisfied with making one transubstantiation , purposed to bring in another : which is , to change fables into articles of faith . proceeding therefore to more inward places , i saw a secret place , where there were not many , beside lucifer himselfe ; to which , onely they had title , which had so attempted any innouation in this life , that they gaue an affront to all antiquitie , and induced doubts , and anxieties , and scruples , and after , a libertie of beleeuing what they would ; at length established opinions , directly contrary to all established before . of which place in hell , lucifer affoarded vs heretofore some little knowledge , when more then 200 yeares since , in an epistle written to the cardinall s. sexti , hee promised him a roome in his palace , in the remotest part of his eternall chaos , which i take to bee this place . and here pope boniface 3 , and mahomet , seemed to contend about the highest roome . hee gloried of hauing expelled an old religion , and mahomet of hauing brought in a new : each of them a great deluge to the world . but it is to be feared , that mahomet will faile therein , both because hee attributed something to the old testament , and because he vsed sergius as his fellow-bishop , in making the alcoran ; whereas it was cuident to the supreme ●udge lu●fer , ( for how could he be ignorant of that , which himselfe had put into the popes mind ? ) that boniface had not onely neglected , but destroyed the policy of the state of israel , established in the old testament , when he prepared popes a way , to tread vpon the neckes of princes , but that he also abstained from all example and coadiutor , when he took vpon him that newe name , which gregorie himselfe ( a pope neither very foolish , nor ouer-modest ) euer abhord . besides that , euery day affords new aduocates to boniface his side . for since the francis● were almost worne out ( of whome their general , francis , had seene 6000 souldiers in one army , that is , in one chapter ) which , because they were then but fresh souldiers , he saw assisted with 18000 diuels , the iesuits haue much recompenced those decayes and damages , who sometimes haue maintained in their tents 200000 schollers . for though the order of benedict haue euer bene so fruitfull , that they say of it , that all the new orders , which in later times haue broken out , are but little springs , or drops , and that order the ocean , which hath sent out 52 popes , 200 cardinals , 1600 archbishops , 4000 bishops , and 50000 saints approued by the church , and therefore it cannot be denied , but that beniface his part is much releeued by that order ; yet if they be compared to the iesuits , or to the weake and vnperfect types of them , the franciscans , it is no great matter that they haue done . though therefore they esteeme mahomet worthy of the name of an innouator , & therein , perchance not much inferiour to boniface , yet since his time , to ours , almost all which haue followed his sect , haue liued barren in an vnanimity , and idle concord , and cannot boast that they haue produced any new matter : whereas boniface his successors , awakened by him , haue euer beene fruitfull in bringing forth new sinnes , and new pardons , and idolatries , and king-killings . though therefore it may religiously , and piously be beleeued , that turkes , as well as papists , come daily in troupes to the ordinary and common places of hell ; yet certainly to this more honourable roome , reserued for especiall innouators , the papists haue more frequent accesse ; and therefore mahomet is out of hope to preuaile , and must imitate the christian emperours , and be content to sit ( as yet hee doth ) at the popes feet . now to this place , not onely such endeauour to come , as haue innouated in matters , directly concerning the soule , but they also which haue done so , either in the arts , or in conuersation , or in any thing which exerciseth the faculties of the soule , and may so prouoke to quarrrelsome and brawling controuersies : for so the truth be lost , it is no matter how . but the gates are seldome opened , nor scarce oftner then once in an age. but my destiny fauored mce so much , that i was present then , and saw all the pretenders , and all that affected an entrance , and lucifer himselfe , who then came out into the outward chamber , to heare them pleade their owne causes . as soone as the doore creekt , i spied a certaine mathematician , which till then had bene busied to finde , to deride , to detrude ptolomey ; and now with an erect countenance , and setled pace , came to the gates , and with hands and feet ( scarce respecting lucifer himselfe ) beat the dores , and cried ; are these shut against me , to whom all the heauens were euer open , who was a soule to the earth , and gaue it motion ? by this i knew it was copernicus : for though i had neuer heard ill of his life , and therefore might wonder to find him there ; yet when i remembred , that the papists haue extended the name , & the punishment of heresie , almost to euery thing , and that as yet i vsed gregortes and bedes spectacles , by which one saw origen , who deserued so well of the christian church , burning in hell , i doubted no longer , but assured my selfe that it was copernicus which i saw . to whome lucifer sayd ; who are you ? for though euen by this boldnesse you seeme worthy to enter , and haue attempted a new faction euen in hell , yet you must first satisfie those which stand about you , and which expect the same fortune as you do . except , o lucifer , answered copernicus , i thought thee of the race of the starre lucifer , with which i am so well acquainted , i should not vouchsafe thee this discourse . i am he , which pitying thee who wert thrust into the center of the world , raysed both thee , and thy prison , the earth , vp into the heauens ; so as by my meanes god doth not enioy his reuenge vpon thee . the sunne , which was an officious spy , and a betrayer of faults , and so thine enemy , i haue appointed to go into the lowest part of the world . shall these gates be open to such as haue innouated in small matters ? and shall they be shut against me , who haue turned the whole frame of the world , and am thereby almost a new creator ? more then this he spoke not . lucifer stuck 〈◊〉 meditation . for what should he do ? it seemed vniust to deny entry to him which had deserued so well , and dangerous to graunt it , to one of so great ambitions , and vndertakings : nor did he thinke that himselfe had attempted greater matters before his fall . something he had which he might haue conueniently opposed , but he was loath to vtter it , least he should confesse his feare . but ignatius layola which was got neere his chaire , a subtile fellow , and so indued with the diuell , that he was able to tempt , and not onely that , but ( as they say ) euen to possesse the diuell , apprehended this perplexity in lucifer . and making himselfe sure of his owne entrance , and knowing well , that many thous●nds of his family aspired to that place , he opposed himselfe against all others . he was content they should bee damned , but not that they should gouerne . and though when hee died he was vtterly ignorant in all great learning , and knew not so much as ptolomeys , or copernicus name , but might haue beene perswaded , that the words almagest , zenith , and nadir , were saints names , and fit to bee put into the litanie , and orapro nobis ioyned to them ; yet after hee had spent some time in hell , he had learnt somewhat of his iesuites , which daily came thither . and whilst he staied at the threshold of hell ; that is , from the time when he deliuered himselfe ouer to the popes will , hee tooke a little taste of learning . thus furnished , thus hee vndertakes copernious . do , you thinke to winne our lucifer to your part , by allowing him the honour of being of the race of that starre ? who was not onely made before all the starres , but being glutted with the glory of shining there , transferred his dwelling and colonies 〈◊〉 this monarchy , and thereby 〈◊〉 our order a noble example , to spy , to inuade , and to 〈◊〉 forraine kingdom● can our lucifer , or his 〈◊〉 haue any honour 〈◊〉 that starr● lucifer , which is but venus ? whose face how much wee scorne , appeares by this , that , for the m●st part we vse her auersly and preposterously . rather letour lucifer glory in lucifer the calaritan bishop ; not therefore because he is placed amongst heretiques , onely for affirming the propagation of the soule ; but especially for this , that he was the first that opposed the dignity of princes , and imprinted the names of antichrist , ludas , and other stigmatique markes vpon the emperour ; but for you , what new thing hane you inuented , by which our lucifer gets any thing ? what cares hee whether the earth traueil , or stand still ? hath your raising vp of the earth into heauen , brought men to that confidence , that they build new towers or threaten god againe ? or do they out of thismotion of the earth cōclude , that there is no hell , or deny the punishment of sin ? do not men beleeue ? do they not liue iust , as they did before ? besides , this detracts frō the dignity of your learning , and derogates frō your right and title of comming to this place , that those opinions of yours may very well be true . if therfore any man haue honour or title to this place in this matter , it belongs wholly to our clauius , who opposed himselfe opportunely against you , and the truth , which at that time was creeping into euery mans minde . hee onely can be called the author of all contentions , and schoole-combats in this cause ; and no greater profit can bee hoped for heerein , but that for such brabbles , more necessarie matters bee neglected . and yet not onely for this is our clauius to bee honoured , but for the great paines also which hee tooke in the gregorian calender , by which both the peace of the church , & ciuill businesses haue beene egregiously troubled : nor hath heauen it selfe escaped his violēce , but hath euer since obeied his apointments : so that s. stephen , iohn baptist , & all the rest , which haue bin cōmanded to worke miracles at certain appointed daies , where their reliques are preserued , do not now attend till the day come , as they were accustomed , but are awaked ten daies sooner , and constrained by him to come downe frō heauen to do that businesse ; but your inuentiōs can scarce bee called yours , since long before you , heraclides , ecphantus , & aristarchus thrust them into the world : who notwithstanding content themselues with lower roomes amongst the other philosophers , & aspire not to this place , reserued onely for antichristian heroes : neither do you agree so wel amongst yourselues , as that you can be said to haue made a sect , since , as you haue peruerted and changed the order and scheme of others : so tycho brachy hath done by yours , and others by his . let therefore this little mathematitian ( dread emperour ) withdraw himselfe to his owne company . and if heereafter the fathers of our order can draw a cathedrall decree from the pope , by which it may be defined as a matter of faith : that the earth doth not moue ; & an antahema inflicted vpon all which hold the contrary : thē perchance both the pope which shall decree that , and copernicus his followers , ( if they be papists ) may haue the dignity of this place . lucifer signified his assent ; and copernicus , without muttering a word , was as quiet , as he thinks the sunne , when he which stood next him , entred into his place . to whom lucifer said : and who are you ? hee answered , philippus aureolus theophrastus paracelsus bombast of hohenheim . at this lucifer trēbled , as if it were a new exorcisme , & he thought it might well be the first verse of saint iohn , which is alwaics imployed in exorcismes , and might now bee taken out of the welsh , or irish bibles . but when hee vnderstood that it was but the webbe of his name , hee recollected himselfe , and raising himselfe vprig 〈◊〉 , asked what he had to say to the great emperour sathan , lucifer , belzebub , leuiathan , abaddon . paracelsus replyed , it were an iniurie to thee , ô glorious emperour , if i should deliuer before thee , what i haue done , as though al those things had not proceeded from thee , which seemed to haue bin done by me , thy organe and conduit : yet since i shal rather be thy trumpet herein , ' then mine own , some things may be vttered by me . besides therfore that i broght all methodicall phisitians , and the art it selfe into so much contēpt , that that kind of phisick is almost lost ; this also was euer my prīcipal purpose , that no certaine new art , nor fixed rules might be established , but that al remedies might be dangerously drawne from my vncertaine , ragged , and vnperfect experiments , in triall whereof , how many men haue beene made carkases ? and falling vpon those times which did abound with paradoxicall , & vnusuall diseases , of all which , the pox , which then began to rage , was almost the center and sinke ; i euer professed an assured and an easy cure thereof , least i should deterre any from their licentiousnesse . and whereas almost all poysons are so disposed and conditioned by nature , that they offend some of the senses , and so are easily discerned and auoided , i brought it to passe , that that trecherous quality of theirs might bee remoued , and so they might safely bee giuen without suspicion , and yet performe their office as strongly . all this i must confesse , i wrought by thy minerals and by thy fires , but yet i cannot dispaire of my reward , because i was thy first minister and instrument , in these innouatiōs . by this time ignatius had obserued a tempest risen in lucifers countenance : for he was iust of the same temper as lucifer , and therefore suffered with him in euery thing , and felt al his alterations . that therefore he might deliuer him from ` paracelsus , hee said ; you must not thinke sir , that you may heere draw out an oration to the proportion of your name ; it must be confessed , that you attempted great matters , and well becomming a great officer of lucifer , when you vndertook not onely to make a man , in your alimbicks , but also to preserue him immortall . and it cannot be doubted , but that out of your commentaries vpon the scriptures , in which you were vtterly ignorant , many men haue taken occasion of erring , and thereby this kingdome much indebted to you . but must you therefore haue accesse to this secret place ? what haue you compassed , euen in phisicke it selfe , of which wee lesuits are ignorant ? for though our ribadenegra haue reckoned none of our order , which hath written in physicke , yet 〈◊〉 able and sufficient wee are in that faculty , i will bee tryed by that pope , who hath giuen a priueledge to iesuites to practise phisicke , and to be present at death-beds , a which is denyed to other orders : for why should hee deny vs their bodies , whose soules he deliuers to vs ? and since he hath transferd vpon vs the power to practise physick , he may instly be thought to haue transferd vpon vs the art it selfe , by the same omnipotent bul ; since hee which graunts the end , is by our rules of law presumed to haue graunted all meanes necessary to that end . let me ( dread emperour , ) haue leaue to speake truth before thee ; these men abuse & prophane too much thy mettals , which are the bowels , and treasure of thy kingdome : for what doth physicke profit thee ? physicke is a sost , & womanish thing . for since no medicine doth naturally draw bloud , that science is not fit nor worthy of our study , besides why should those things , which belong to you , bee employed to preserue frō deiseases , or to procure long life ? were it not fitter , that your brother , and colleague , the bishop of rome , which gouernes vpon the face of your earth , and giues dayly increase to your kingdome , should receiue from these helps and subsidies ? to him belonges all the gold , to him all the pretious stones , conceal'd in your entrailes , wherby hee might baite and ensnare the prince ; of the earth through their lord , and counsellours meanes to his obedience , and to receiue his cōmandements , especially in these times , whē almost euery where his auncient rights & tributes are denied vnto him . to him belongs your iron , and the ignobler mettals , to make engines ; to him belong your minerals apt for poyson ; to him , the salt-peter , and all the elements of gun-powder , by which he may demolish and ouerthrow kings and kingdomes , and courts , and seates of iustice. neither doth paracelsus truly deserue the name of an innouator , whose doctrine , seuerïnus and his other followers do referre to the most ancient times . thinke therefore your selfe well satisfied , if you be admitted to gouerne in chiefe that legion of homicide-phisitians , and of princes which shall be made away by poyson in the midst of their sins , and of woemen tempting by paintings and face-phisicke . of all which sorts great numbers will daily come hither out of your academy . content with this sentence , paracelsus departed ; and machiauel succeeded , who hauing obserued ignatius his forwardnesse , and saucinesse , and how , vncal'd , he had thrust himselfe into the office of kings atturney , thought this stupid patience of copernicus , and paracelsus ( men which tasted too much of their germany ) vnfit for a florentine : and therefore had prouided some venemous darts , out of his italian arsenal , to cast against this worne souldier of pampel● , this french-spanish mungrell , ignatius . but when he thought better vpon it , and obserued that lucifer euer approued whatsoeuer ignatius sayd , he suddenly changed his purpose ; and putting on another resolution , he determined to direct his speech to ignatius , as to the principall person next to lucifer , as well by this meanes to sweeten and mollifie him , as to make lucifer suspect , that by these honors , & specious titles offered to ignatius , and entertained by him , his owne dignity might bee eclipsed , or clouded ; and that ignatius by winning to his side , politique men , exercised in ciuill businesses , might attempt some innouation in that kingdome . thus therefore he began to speake . dtead emperour , and you , his watchfull and diligent genius , father ignatius , arch-chancellor of this court , and highest priest of this highest synagogue ( except the primacy of the romane church reach also vnto this place ) let me before i descend to my selfe , a little consider , speake , and admire your stupendious wisedome , and the gouernment of this state . you may vouchsafe to remember ( great emperour ) how long after the nazarens death , you were forced to liue a solitarie , a barren , and an eremiticall life : till at last ( as it was euer your fashion to imitate heauen ) out of your aboundant loue , you begot this deerely beloued sonne of yours , ignatius , which stands at your right hand . and from both of you proceedes a spirit , whom you haue sent into the world , who triumphing both with mitre and crowne , gouernes your militant church there . as for those sonnes of ignatius , whō either he left aliue , or were borne after his death , and your spirit , the bishop of rome ; how iustly & properly may they be called equi●ocal men ? and not only equiuocall in that sence , in which the popes legates , at your nicene coūcel were called equiuocal , because they did agree in all their opinions , and in all their words : but especially because they haue brought into the world a new art of equiuocation . o wonderfull , and incredible hypercritiques , who , not out of marble fragments , but out of the secretest records of hell it selfe : that is , out of the minds of lucifer , the ` pope , and ignatius , ( persons truly equiuocall ) haue raised to life againe the language of the tower of babel , 〈◊〉 long concealed , and brought vs againe frō vnderstanding one an other . for my part ( 〈◊〉 noble paire of emperours ) that i may freely cōfesse the truth all which i haue done , where soeuer there shall be mention made of the iesuites , can be reputed but childish ; 〈◊〉 this honor i hope will not 〈◊〉 denied me , that i brought 〈◊〉 an alphabet , & prouided certaine elements , & was som● kind of school maister in preparing them a way to highe● 〈◊〉 ; yet it grieu● me , and makes me ashamed that i should be ranked wit● this idle and chymaeri● copernicus , or this cadauero vulture , paracelsus . i scor● that those gates , into which such men could conceiue any hope of entrance , should not voluntarily flie open to mee : yet i can better endure the rashnesse and fellowship of paracelsus , then the other : because hee hauing beene conueniently practised in the butcheries , and mangling of men , hee had the reason to hope for fauour of the iesuites : for i my selfe went alwaies that way of bloud , and therefore i did euer preferre the sacrifices of the gentiles , and of the iewes , which were performed with effusion of bloud ( whereby not only the people , but the priests also were animated to bold enterprises ) befote the soft and wanto sacrifices of christians . if i might haue had my choyce , i should rather haue wished , that the romane church had taken the bread , then the wine , from the people , since in the wine there is some colour , to imagine and represent blood . neither did you , ( most reuerend bishop of this dioces , ignatius ) abhorre from this way of blood . for hauing consecrated your first age to the wars , and growne somewhat vnable to follow that course , by reason of a wound ; you did presently begin to thinke seriously of a spirituall warre , against the church , and found meanes to open waies , euer into kings chambers , for your executioners . which dignitie , you did not reserue onely to your own order , but ( though i must confesse , that the foundation , and the nourishment of this doctrine remaines with you , and is peculiar to you , out of your infinite liberalitie , ) you haue vouchsafed sometime , to vse the hands of other men in these imploiments . and therefore as well they , who haue so often in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it in england , as they which haue brought their great purposes to effect in fraunce , are indebted only to you for their courage and resolution . but yet although the entrance into this place may be decreed to none , but to innouators , and to onely such of them as haue dealt in christian businesse ; and of thē also , to those only which haue had the fortune to doe much harme , i cannot see but that next to the iesuites , i must bee inuited to enter , since i did not onely teach those wayes , by which , thorough perfidiousnesse and dissembling of religion , a 〈◊〉 might possesse , and vsurp● vpon the liberty of free commonwealths ; but also 〈◊〉 arme and furnish the people with my when they were ●nder 〈◊〉 oppression , they might 〈◊〉 est conspire , and 〈◊〉 tyrant , or reuenge them 〈◊〉 of their prince , and redeem their former losses ; so tha● from both sides , both from prince and people , i brough● an aboundant har●est , and noble encrease to this kingdome . by this time i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lucifer to bee muc● moued with this oration , and to incline much towards machiauel . for he did acknowledge him to bee a kind of patriarke , of those whom they call lay-men . and he had long obserued , that the clergie of rome 〈◊〉 downe to hell daily , easily , voluntarily , and by troupes , because they were accustomed to sinne against their consci●ence , and knowledge ; but that the layitte sinning out of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and negligence of 〈◊〉 the truth , did rather offend by ignorance , and 〈◊〉 . and therefore he thought himselfe bound to reward machiauel , which had awakened 〈◊〉 drowsie and implicite lay● to greater , and more bloody ●ndertakings . besides this , 〈◊〉 ignatius could not bee ●enied the place , whose ambitions and turbulencies lucifer vnderstood very wel , he thought machiauel a fit and necessarie instrument to oppose against him ; that so the skales beeing kept euen by their factions , hee might gouerne in peace , and two poysons mingled might doe no harme . but hee could not hide this intention from ignatius , more subtil then the de●ill , and the verier lucifer of the two : therefore ignatius rushed out , threw himselfe downe at lucifers feet , and groueling on the ground adored him . yet certainly , vasques would not 〈◊〉 this idolatry , because in the shape of the 〈◊〉 hee worshipped him , whom hee accounted the true god. here ignatius cried and thundred out , with so great noise an horror , that had that powder taken fire , by which all the 〈◊〉 of britaine had flowne to the moone , it had not equalled this noise and horror . and when he was able to speak distinctly , thus hee spoke . it cannot be said ( vnspeakable emperour ) how much this obscure florentine hath transgressed against thee , and against the popo thy image-bearer , ( whether the word bee accepted , as gratian takes it , when he calles the scriptures , imaginarie bookes ; or as they take it , which giue that style to them who carrie the emperours image in the field ; ) and last of all against our order . durst any man before him , thinke vpon this kinde of iniurie , and calumnie , as to hope that he should be able to flatter , to catch , to entrap 〈◊〉 himselfe ? certainely , whosoeuer flatters any man , and presents him those praises , which in his owne opinion are not due to him , thinkes him inferiour to himselfe and makes account , that he hath taken him prisoner , and triumphs ouer him . who euer flatters , either he derides , or ( at the best ) instructs . for there may bee , euen in flattery , an honest kind of teaching , if princes , by being told that they are already induced with all vertues necessary for their functions , 〈◊〉 thereby taught what thos● vertues are , and by a facile exhortatiō , excited to endeauo to gaine them . but was it 〈◊〉 that this fellow , should dar● eitherto deride you , or ( which is the greater iniury ) to teach you ? can it be beleeued , that he delivers your praises from his heart , and doth not rather herein follow gratians leuity ; who saies , that you are called prince of the world , as a king at chests , or as the cardinall of rauenna , onely by derision ? this man , whilst he liued , attributed so much to his own wit , that hee neuer thought himselfe beholden to your helps , and insinuations ; and was so farre from inuoking you , or sacrificing to you , that he did not so much as acknowledge your kingdome , nor beleeue that there was any such thing in nature , as you . i must confesse , that hee had the same opinion of god also , and therefore deserues a place here , and a better then any of the pagan or gen●le idolaters : for , in euery idolatrie , and false worship , there is some religion , and some peruerse simplicitie , which tastes of humilitie ; from all which , this man was very free , when in his heart he vtterly denyed that there was any god. yet since he thought so in earnest , and beleeued that those things which hee affirmed were true , hee must not be rancked with them , which hauing beene sufficiently instructed of the true god , and beloueing him to be so , doe yet fight against him in his enemies armie . neither ought it to be imputed to vs as a fault , that sometimes in our exorcismes wee speake ill of you , and call you hereticke , and drunkard , and whisperer , and scabbed beast , and coniure the elements that they should not receiue you , and threaten you with indissoluble damnation , and torments a thousand thousand times worse then you suffer yet . for these things you know , are done out of a secret couenant and contract betweene vs , & out of mysteries , which must not bee opened to this neophite , who in our synagogue is yet but amongst the cathecumeni . which also we acknowledge of holy water , and our agnas dei , of which you doe so wisely dissemble a feare , when they are presented to you : for certainly , if there were any true force in them , to deliuer bodies from diseases , soules from sinnes , and the elements from spirits , and malignant impressions , ( as in the verses which vrban the fist sent with his agnus dei to the emperour it is pretended . ) it had beene reason , that they should first haue exercised their force vpon those verses , and so haue purged and deliuered them , if not from heresie , yet from barbarousnesse , and solecismes ; that heretiques might not iustly say , there was no truth in any of them , but onely the last ; which is , that the least peece which thēce doth fall , will doe one as much good as all . and though our order haue aduentured further in 〈◊〉 then the rest , yet that must be attributed to a speciall priuiledge , by which wee haue leaue to question any possessed person , of what matters we will ; wheras all other orders are miserably bound to the present matter , and the businesse then in hand . for , though i do not beleeue , that either from your selfe , or 〈◊〉 your 〈◊〉 the pope , any such priuiledge is issued ; yet our cotton deserues to be praised , who being questioned , how he durst propose certaine seditious interrogatories to a possessed person , to deliuer himselfe , 〈◊〉 such a priuiledge ; and with an vn-heard-of boldnesse , and a new kind of falsifying , did ( in a manner ) counterfeit lucifers hand and seale , since none but he onely could giue this priuiledge : but , if you consider vs out of this liberty in exorcismes , how humble and seruile we are towards you , the relations of peru testisie inough , where it is recorded , that when one of your angels at midnight appeared to our bareena alone in his chamber , hee presently rose out of his chaire , and gaue him the place , whom he professed to bee farre worthier thereof , then he was . but to proceed now to the iniuries , which this fellow hath done to the bishop of rome , although very much might be spoken , yet by this alone , his disposition may bee sufficiently discerned , that hee imputes to the pope , vulgar and popular sinnes , farre vnworthy of his greatnesse . weake praising , is a kind of accusing , and wee detract from a mans honour , if when wee praise him for small things , and would 〈◊〉 to haue said all , we conceale greater . perchāce this man had seen some of the catalogues of refer● cases , which euery yeare the popes encrease , and he might thinke , that the popes did therefore reserue these sinnes to themselves , that they only might commit them . but either hee is ignorant , or iniurious to them . for , can they bee thought to haue taken away the libertie of sinning from the people , who do not onely suffer men to keepe concubines , but sometimes doe commaund them ? who make s. peter beholden to the stewes , for part of his reuenue : and who excuse women from the infamous name of whore , till they haue deliuered thēselues ouer to 23000 men . the professors of which religion teach , that vniuersitie men , which keep whores in their chambers , may not be expeld for that , because it ought to be presumed before hand , that schollers will not li●e without them . shal he be thought to haue a purpose of deterring others frō sinne , which prouides so well for their security , that he teaches , that he may dispense in all the commaundements of the second table , & in all moral law , and that those commandements of the second table can neither be called principles , nor conclusions , necessarily deduced frō principles ? and therefore , ( as they euer loue that manner of teaching ) hee did illustrate his rule with an example , & dispensed in a mariage between brother and sister , and hath hoorded vp so many indulgēcies in one barne , the citie of rome , that it is easie for any man in an houre , or two , to draw out pardons inough for 100000 yeares . how cleare a witnesse of this liberality is leo 10 ? who only for rehearsing once the lords praier , and thrise repeating the name of icsu ( bee it spoken heere without horrour ) hath giuen 3000 yeares indulg● . how profuse a steward or auditor was boniface , who acknowledges so many indulgences to be in that one church of lateran , that none but god can nūber them ? besides these , plenary indulgences are giuen , not only to the franciscans themselues , but to their parents also : and to any which dies in their habit ; and to any which desire that they may do so ; and to those who are wrapped in it after death , though they did not desire it ; and fiue yeares indulgence to those who doe but kisse it . and at last , clement 7. by a priuiledge first giuen to one order , ( which since is communicated to our order , as the priuiledge of all other orders are ) gaue to any who should but visite a place belonging to them , or any other place , if hee could not come thither : or if he could come to no such place , yet if he had but a desire to it , all indulgences which had beene graunted , or heereafter should be graunted in the universal world . and though it be true , that if in any of these indulgences a certaine sum of money were limited to bee giuen ( as for the most part it is ; ) a poore man , which could not giue that money , though he were neuer so contrite for his sins , could haue no benefit thereby : and though gerson durst call those indulgences foolish , and superstitious , which gaue 20000. yeares pardon for rehearsing one praier , yet they do aboundantly testifie the popes liberall disposition , and that he is not so couetous in reseruing sinnes to himselfe ; but if perchance once in an hundred yeares , some one of the 〈◊〉 of the people be put to death for sodomy ; and that , not so much for the offence , as for vsurping the right of the ecclesiastique princes , wee must not much lament nor grudge at that , since it is onely done to discontinue , and interrupt a praescription , to gaine which title , the layety hath euer beene very forward against the clergie : for euen in this kinde of his delicacies , the pope is not so reserued and couetous , but that he allowes a taste thereof to his cardinals , whom you once called carpidineros , ( by an elegancy proper onely to your secritaries , the monkes ) in an epistle which you writ to one of that colledge : for since , the cardinals are so compacted into the pope and so made his owne body : that it is not lawfull for them , without licence first obtained from him , to be let bloud in a feuer , what may be denied vnto them ? or what kind of sin is likely to be left out of their glorious priuiledges , which are at least 200 ? which order the pope can no more remove out of the ecclesiastique hierarchy , then hee can bishops ; both because cardinals were instituted by god , and because the apostles themselves were cardinals before they were bishops . whom also in their creation he stiles his brothers , and princes of the world , & co-iudges of the whole earth : and to 〈◊〉 all : that there are so many kings as there are cardinals . o fearefull body ; and as in many other things , so in this especialy mōstrous , that they are not able to propagate their species : for all the cardinals in a vacacy are not able to make one cardinal more . to these men certainly the pope doth no more grudge the plurality of sins , then he doth of bonafices . and he hath beene content , that euen borgia shoud enioy this dignity , if hee hath heaped vp , by his ingenious wickednesse , more sorts of sins in one act , then ( as far as i know ) as any the popes thē selues haue attempted : for he did not only giue the full reine to his licentiousnesse , but raging with a second ambition , hee would also change the sex. therein also his stomacke was not towardes young beardlesse boyes , nor such greene fruit : for hee did not thinke , that hee went farre inough from the right sex , except hee had a manly , a reuerend , and a bearded venus . neither staied he there ; but his witty lust proceeded further : yet he sollicited not the minions of the popes ; but striuing to equall the licentiousnesse of sodomits , which would haue had the angels ; to come as neare them as hee could , hee tooke a cleargy-man , one of the portion and lot of the lord : and so made the maker of god , a priest subiect to his lust ; nor did hee seeke him out in a cloyster , or quire ; but that his venus might bee the more monstrous , hee would haue her in a mitre . and yet his prodigious lust was not at the height ; as much as hee could he added : and hauing found a 〈◊〉 , a cleargy-man , a bishop , he did not sollicite him with entreaties , & rewards , but rauished him by force . since then the popes doe , out of the fulnesse of their power , come to those kindes of sinne , which haue neither example nor name , in somuch that pope paulus venetus , which vsed to paint himselfe , & desired to seeme a woman , was called the goddesse cibele ( which was not without mysterie , since , prostitute boyes are sacred to that goddesse , ) and since they do not graunt ordinarily that liberty of practising sinnes , till they haue vsed their owne right and priuiledge of preuention and anticipation , this pratling fellow machiauel doth but treacherously , and dishonestly preuaricate , and betraie the cause , if hee thinke hee hath done inough for the dignity of the popes , when he hath affoorded to them sins common to all the world . the transferring of empires , rhe ruine of kingdomes , the excommunications , and depositions of kings , & deuastations by fire and sword , should haue bene produced as their marks & characters : for though the examples of the popes trāsferring the empire , which our men so much stand vpon , bee not indeede true , nor that the anciēt popes practised any such thing ; yet since the states-men of our order , wiser thē the rest , haue found how much this temporal iurisdictio ouer princes , cōduces to the growth of the church , they haue perswaded the popes , that this is not only lawfull for them , but often practised heeretofore : and therefore they prouide , that the canons and histories bec detorted to that opinion for though one of our order doe weaken that famous canon , nos sanctorum , which was vsed still to bee produced for this doctrine , yet hee did it then , when the king of great 〈◊〉 was to bee mollisied and sweetned towardes vs , and the lawes to bee mitigated , and when himselfe had put on the name eudamon . but let him returne to his true state , and professe himselfe a cacod●mon , & he will bee of our opinion . in which respect also wee may pardon our cudsemi● his rashnesse , whē he denies the english natiō to be heratiques , because they remain● in a perpetuall succession of bishops : for herein these men haue thought it fit , to follow , in their practise , that translation , which reades the words of paul : serue the time , and not that which saies : serue the lord. as for the iniury which this petty companion hath offered to our order , since in our wrongs , both yours , and the popes maiesty is wounded ; since to vs , as to your dictators , both you haue giuen that large and auncient commission : that wee should take care that the state take no harme , we cannot doubt of our reuenge : yet this aboue all the rest , doth especially vexe me , that when he calls me p●elate , and bishop , ( names which wee so much abhorre and detest ) i know well , that out of his inward malignity , hee hath a relation to bellarmines , and tolets sacrilegious vow-breaking ambitiōs , by which they imbraced the cardinalship , and other church-dignities : but heerein this poore fellow , vnacquainted with our affaires , is deceiued , being ignorant , that these men , by this act of beeing thus incorporated into the pope are so much the neerer to their center and finall happinesse , this chamber of lucifer , and that by the breach of a vow , which thē selues thought iust , they haue got a new title therunto : for the cardinalship is our martyrdome : & though not many of our order , haue had that strength , that they haue beene such martyrs , and that the popes themselues haue beene pleased to transferre this persecutiō into the other orders , who haue had more cardinals then wee ; yet without doubt , for such of ours which haue had so much courage , new crownes , and new garlands , appropriate to our martyrs , are prepared for them in this their heauen ; because , being inabled by greater meanes , they are fitter for greater mischiefes . wee therefore lament the weaknesse of our laynez , & our b●rgia , who refused the cardinalship offered by paulus 4. & iulius 3 ; ( for in this place and this meeting it is vnfit to say they did so ) euen amongst the auncient romans , when they sacrificed to you those sacrifices , which offered any resistance , were euer reputed vnaccepted : and therefore our bellarmine deserues much praise , who finding a new genius and courage in his new cardinalship , set out his retractations , & corrected all those places in his workes , which might any way bee interpreted in the fauour of princes . but let vs passe ouer all these things : for wee vnderstand one 〈◊〉 well inough ; and let vs more particularly consider those things , which this man , who pretends to exceed all auncient and moderne states-men , boasts to haue beene done by him . though truly no man will easily beleeue , that hee hath gone sarr in any thing , which did so tire at the beginning , or mid-way , that hauing seene the pope , and knowne him , yet could neuer come to the knowledge of the diuell . i know what his excuse and escape wil be : that things must not be extended insinitly ; that wee must consist and arrest somewhere , and that more meanes & instruments ought not to be admitted , where the matter may be dispatched by fewer . when therfore he was sure that the bishop of rome was the cause of all mischiefe , and the first mouer therof , he chose rather to settle & determine in him , then by acknowledging a di●el to induce a new tyrany , and to be driuen to confesse , that the pope had vsurped vpon the diuels right , which opinion , if any man bee pleased to maintaine , we do not forbid him● but yet it must be an argumēt to vs of no very nimble wit , if a man do so admire the pope , that he leaue out the diuell , and so worship the image , without relation to the prototipe and first patterne . but besides this , how idle , and how very nothings they are , which he hath shoueld together in his bookes , this makes it manifest , that some of euery religion , and of euery profession , haue risen vp against him , and no man attempted to defend him : neither doe i say this , because i thinke his doctrine the worse for that , but it is therefore the lesse artificially c●rried , and the lesse able to worke those endes to which it is directed . for our parts wee haue not proceeded so : for wee haue dished & dressed our precepts in these affaired , with such cunning , that when our owne men produce them to ensnare and establish our puples , then we put vpon them the maiesty and reuerence of the doctrine of the church , and of the common opinion : but when our aduersaries alleadge thē , either to cast enuy vpon vs , or to deterre the weaker sort , then they are content with a lower roome , and vouchsafe to step aside into the ranck of priuate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the canons themselues are with vs sometimes glorious , in their mitres & pontificall habits , & sound nothing but meere diuine resolutions out of the chaire it selfe , and so haue the sorce of oracles ; somtimes we say they are ragged & lame , & do but whisper with a doubtfull and vncertaine murmure , a hollow cloistral , or an eremitical voice , & so haue no more authority , then those poore men which writ them : sometimes we say they were but rashly thrown into the peoples ears out of pulpits , in the homilies of fathers ; sometimes that they were deriued out of such councels as suffered abortion , and were del●uered of their children , which are their canons , before inanimation , which is the popes assent , or out of such councels , as are now discontinued and dead , ( howsoeuer they remained long time in vse and liuely & in good state of health ) and therefore cannot be thought sit to be vsed now , or applyed in ciuil businesses ; sometimes wee say the popes voyce is in them all by his approbation ; sometimes that onely the voyce of those authors , from whom they are taken , speakes in them . and acordingly we deliuer diners and various ` phylosophy vpon our gratian , who compiled them ; sometimes we allow him the honour and dignity of diamonds and the nobler sort of stones , which haue both their cleerenesse , and their firmenesse fromthis , that that they are compacted of lesse parts , and atomes , then others are : and so is grat●ian ; whom for the same cause , sometimes we account but a hil of many sands cast together , and very 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 any foundation . i must confesse , that the fathers of our order , out of a youthfull siercenesse , which made them dare and vndertake any thing ( for our order was scarce at yeares at that time ) did amisse in inducing the councell of trent to establish certaine . rules & definitions , 〈◊〉 which it might not be lawfull to depart : for indeed there is no remedy , but that sometimes we must depart frō them : nor can it be dissembled , that both the writers of our order , and the dominicans haue departed from them in that great war and tragedy lately raised at rome , about grace & free-wil . for it is not our purpose , that the writings of our men should be so ratified , that they may not be changed , so that they bee of our order which change them : so by the same liberty , which 〈◊〉 ioannes hath taken in deliuering the king of britaine frō the danger of deposition ; ( because as yet no sentence is giuen against him ) and also frō many other canons , which others thinke may iustly bee discharged against him , it will be as lawfull for vs , when that kingdome shal be inough stupified with this our opin̄ , to restore those canons to their former vigor , and to awake that state out of her lethergy , either with her owne heat , intestine warre , or by some medicine , drawne frō other places : for princes haue all their securities frō our indulgence , and from the slacke & gentle interpretatiō of the canōs : they are but priuileges , which since they are deriued , & receiue life from vs , they may be by vs diminished , reuoked , & anulled : for as it was lawfull for mariana to depart from the doctrine of the 〈◊〉 of constance , so it was lawfull for cotton to depart from 〈◊〉 which , notwithstāding , wee would haue onely lawfull for our order , to whō it is giuen to know times , and secrets of state : for we see the sorbonist● themselues , ( which may seeme to haue an aristocratical papacie amongst thēselues ) though they laboured to destroy the doctrine of 〈◊〉 , did yet wisely forbeare to name him , or any other iesuit , which was a modesty that i did not hope for at their hands ; since , before i i dyed , they made one decree against 〈◊〉 but yet therein , i thinke some what may bee attributed to my patience , & 〈◊〉 ; who knowing their strength , and our owne infancy forbad all of my order to make any answere to that ` decree of theirs : neither were we so herculean as to offer to strangle serpents in our cradle . but yet since after that time , they haue beene often prouoked by our men : ( for i gaue not so iron a rule & precepts to my disciples , as francis did to his who would not haue his rule applyed to times & to new occasions ) certainly they might haue bin excused , if they had beene at this time sharper against vs. and if the parliament of paris thought it not fit to carry the matter so modestly in their arrest against mariana , but made both the booke , and the doctrine , and the man , infamous : what should wee say more of it , but that it is a gyant , and a wilde beast , which our men could neuer tame : for still it cryes and howles , the pope is bound to proceede lawfully , and canonically : and this they malitiously interprete of their owne lawes , and of auncient canons , which they hope to bring into vse againe , by an insensible way of arrest , and sentences in that court. this then is the point of which wee accuse machiuell , that he carried not his mine so safely , but that the enemy perceiued it still . but wee , who haue receiued the church to be as a ship , do freely saile in the deep sea ; we haue an anchor , but wee ha●e not cast it yet , but keepe it euer in our power , to cast it , and weigh it at our pleasure . and we know well enough , that as to sailing shippes , so to our sailing church , all rocks , all promontories , all firme and fast places are dangerous , and threaten shipwracke , and therefore to bee auoyded , and liberty and sea-roome to bee affected ; yet i doe not obstinatly say , that there is nothing in machiuels commentary , which may bee of vse to this church . certainely there is very much ; but wee are not men of that pouerty , that wee neede begge from others , nor dignify those things with our prayers , which proceede not from our selues . the senate of rome gaue vs heeretofore a noble example of this temperance and abstinence , which therefore refused to place christ amongst their gods , because the matter was proposed by the emperour , and begunne not in themselues . as for that particular , wherein machiauel vseth especially to glory ; which is , that he brought in the liberty of dissembling , and lying , it hath neither foundation nor colour : for not onely plato , and other fashioners of common 〈◊〉 , allowed the libertie of lying , to magistrates , & to physicians ; but we also cōsidring the fathers of the church , origen , chrysostome , hierom , haue not onely found that doctrine in them , but wee haue also deliuered them from all imputation , & reprehension by this euasion : that it was lawfull for them to maintaine that opinion , till some definition of the church had established the contrarie . which certainely , ( though this should not be so openly spoken of ) as yet was neuer done . but yet wee haue departed from this doctrine of free lying , though it were receiued in practise , excused by the fathers , strengthened by examples of 〈◊〉 & angels , in the scriptures , and so almost established by the law of 〈◊〉 , and nature ; onely for this reason , because we were not the first authors of it . but we haue supplied this losse with another doctrine , lesse suspitious ; and yet of as much vse for our church ; which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and mixt 〈◊〉 . the libertie therefore of lying , is neither new , not safe as almost all machiauells precepts are so stale and obsol●te , that our serarius vsing i must confesse his lesuiticall liberty of w●lde anticipation , did not doubt to call herod , who liued so long before machiuell , a machiauellian . but that at one blow wee may cut off all his reasons , & all his hopes , this i affirme , this i pronounce ; that all his bookes , and all his deedes , tend onely to this , that thereby a way may be prepared to the ruine & destructiō of that part of this kingdome , which is established at rome : for what else doth hee endeauor or go about , but to change the forme of comon-wealth , and so to depriue the people ( who are a soft , a liquid and ductile mettall , and apter for our impressions ) of all their liberty ; & hauing so destroyed all ciuility & re-publique , to reduce all states to monarchies ; a name which in secular states , wee doe so much abhor , ( i cannot say it without teares , ) but i must say it , that not any one monarch is to be found , which either hath not withdrawne himselfe wholy frō our kingdome , or wounded & endamadged in some weighty point ; hereupon our cotton confesses , that the authority of the pope is incomparably lesse then it was , and that now the christiā church , ( which can agree to none but the 〈◊〉 , ) is but a diminutiue . and herevpon also it is , that the cardinal , who were wont to meete oftner , meete now but once in a weeke , because the businesses of the court of rome growe fewer . to forbeare therefore mentioning of the kings of britaine , and denmarke , and the other monarkes of the first sort , which haue vtterly cast off rome ; euen in france , our enemies are so much encreased , that they equal vs almost in number : and for their strength , they haue this aduantage aboue vs , that they agree within themselues , and are at vnity with their neighbour resourmed churches ; whereas our men , which call themselues catholick there , doe so much differ from the romane catholick , that they do not onely preferre councels , but euen the king , before the pope , and euermore oppose those their two great gyants , gog and magog , their parliament of paris , and their colledge of sorbon , against all our endeauours . besides all this , we languish also miserably in spaine , where cleargy men , if they breake their fealty to their lord , are accused of treason ; where ecclesiasticall persons are subject to secular 〈◊〉 ment , and , if they be sacrilegious , are burnt by the ordinarie magistrate ; which are doctrines and practises , contrary , and dangerous to vs. and though they will seeme to haue giuen almost halfe the kingdome to the church , and so to haue diuided equally ; yet those graunts are so infected , with pensions , and other burdens , by which the kings seruants , and the younger sons of great persons are maintained , that this greatnesse of the church there is rather a dropsie , then a sound state of health , established by welconcocted nourishment , and is rather done , to cast an eouy vpon the church , then to giue any true maiestie to it . and euen in vsurping ec●siasticall ●sdiction , the kings of spaine haue not onely exceeded the kings of fraunce , but also of britany . for ( says baronius of that king ) there is nowrisen vp a new head , a 〈◊〉 , and a wonder . he excommunicates , and he absolues : and he practiseth this power euen against bishops , and cardinals : he stops appeales , and he acknowledges no superiority 〈◊〉 the sea of rome , but 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 of preuention : and therefore , the name monarch , is a hateful and execrable name to vs. against which , baronius hath thundred with such violence , such fiercenesse , and such bitternesse , that i could hardly adde any thing thereunto , if i should speake ( vnspeakable emperour ) with thine owne tongue : for he cals it an adulterine name , and a tower of babel , and threatens destruction to that king ( though himselfe were his subiect ) except he forbeare the name . in the meane time , he resolues him to be a tyran● , and pronounces him to stand yearely excommunicate by the bulla 〈◊〉 . neither doth he offer to desend himselfe with any other excuse , when a cardinall reprehended his fiercenes towards the king , then this ; 〈◊〉 imperions zeale , hath no power to spare god himselfe . and yet he confesseth , that this zeale was kindled by the popes speciall commaund , and by his oath taken , as cardinall . neither hath our bellarmine almost any other cause of aduauncing monarchicall gouernmēt so much as he doth , then thereby to remoue all secular men from so great a dignitie , and to reserue it only to the church . it was therfore well done of that rebullus ( who now begins to bee knowne in this state ) when hauing surfeited with calumnies against the french church , and her ministers , he hath dared of late to draw his pen , and to ioyne battell against a most puissant forraine prince : hee did well ( i say ) and fitly , when hee called bellarmine and baronius , the sword and buckler of the romane church . and i cannot choose but thanke him for affoording the title of sword to our order ; as well , because after so many expositions of those words , ( behold , heere are two 〈◊〉 ) which our side hath gathered , to establish a temporall iurisdiction in the pope , and which our aduersaries haue remoued , worne out , or scorned , this man hath relieued vs with a new , and may seeme to intend by the two swords , the popes excommunications , and the iesuites 〈◊〉 , and king-killings ; as also because he hath reserued to our order that soueraigne dignity , that as god himselfe was pleased to defend his paradice with fire and sword , so we stand watchfull vpon the borders of our church , not onely prouided , as that cherubin was with sire and sword , but with the later inuention of gunpowder ; about the first inuentour whereof i wonder , why antiquaries should contend , whether it were the diuell or a frier , since that may be all one . but as ( o vnspeakable emperour ) you haue almost in all things endeuoured to imitate god : so haue you most throughly performed it in vs ; for when god attempted the reformation of his church , it became you also to reforme yours . and accordingly by your capuchins , you did reforme your franciscans ; which , before we arose , were your chiefest labourers , and workemen : and after , you reformed your capuchins , by your recolets . and when you perceiued that in the church of god , some men proceeded so farre in that reformation , that they endeuoured to draw out , not onely all the peccant and dangerous humours , but all her beautie , and exteriour grace and ornament , and cuen her vitall spirits , with her corrupt bloud , & so induce a leannesse , and il-fauourednes vpon her , and thought to 〈◊〉 a rigid coldnesse with a 〈◊〉 , you also were pleased to follow that example , and so , in vs , did reforme , and awaken to higher enterprise , the dispositions as well of the circumcellions , as of the assassins : for we do not limit our selues in that lowe degree of the circumcellions , when we vrge and prouoke ohers to put vs to death ; nor of the assassins which were hired to kill some kings , which passed through their quarter : for we exceed them both , because wee doe these things voluntarily , for nothing , & euery where . and as wee will bee exceeded by none , in the thing it selfe : so to such things as may seeme mysticall and significant , wee oppose mysticall things . and so , least that canon ; that no clergy-man should weare a knife with a point , might seeme to concerne vs , by some prophetical relation , we in our rules haue opposed this precept : that our knife be often whetted , & so kept in an apt readines for all vses : for our diuination lies in the cōtemplation of entrails ; in which art we are thus much more subtile then those amongst the old romans , that wee consider not the entrails of beasts , but the entrails of souls , in confessions , and the entrails of princes , in treasons ; whose hearts wee do not beleeue to be with vs , till we see them : let therefore this pratling secretary hold his tōgue , and be content that his booke be had in such reputation , as the world affoords to an ephemerides , or yearely almanack , which being accōmodated to certaine places , & certaine times , may be of some short vse in some certaine place : and let the rules and precepts of his disciples , like the canons of prouincial councels bee of force there , where they were made , but onely ours which pierce , and passe through all the world , retaine the strength and vigour of vniuersall councels . let him enioy som honourable place amongst the gentiles ; but abstaine frō all of our sides : neither when i say , our side , doe i only meane moderne men : for in all times in the romane church there haue bene friers which haue farr exceeded machiauel . truely i thought this oration of ignatius very long : and i began to thinke of my body which i had so long abandoned , least it should putrifie , or grow mouldy , or bee buried ; yet i was loath to leaue the stage , till i saw the play ended : and i was in hope , that if any such thing should befall my body , the iesuits , who work miracles so familiarly , & whose reputation i was so careful of in this matter , would take compassion vpon me , and restore me againe . but as i had sometimes obserued feathers or strawes swimme on the watersface , brought to the bridge , where through a narrow place the water passes , throwne backe , and dela●d ; and hauing daunc'd a while , and nimbly plai'd vpon the watry circles , then haue bin by the streames liquid snares , and iawes , suck'd in and suncke into the wombe of that s●olne bourne , leaue the beholder desperate of returne : so i saw machiauel often put forward , and often thrust back , and at last vanish . and looking earnestly vpon lucifers 〈◊〉 , i perceiued him to bee affected towardes ignatius , as princes , who though they enuy and grudge , that their great officers should haue such immoderate meanes to get wealth ; yet they dare not complaine of it , least thereby they should make them odious and contemptible to the people : so that lucifer now suffered a new hell : that is , the danger of a popular diuell , vaine-glorious , and inclined to innouations there . therefore he determined to withdraw himselfe into his inward chamber , and to admit none but ignatius : for he could not exclude him , who had deserued so well ; neither did hee thinke it safe to stay without , & giue him more occasiōs to amplifie his owne worth , & vnder-value all thē there in publique , and before so many vulgar diuels . but as hee rose , a whole army of soules besieged him . and all which had inuented any new thing , euen in the smallest matters , thronged about him , and importuned an admission . euen those which had but inuented new attire for woemen , & those whom pancirollo hath recorded in his commentaries for inuention of porcellandishes , of spectacles , of quintans , of stirrups , and of cauiari , thrust themselues into the troupe . and of those , which pretended that they had squared the circle , the nūber was infinite . but ignatius scattered all this cloud quickly , by commaunding , by chiding , by deriding , and by force & violence . amongst the rest , i was sory to see him vse peter aretine so ill as he did : for though ignatius told him true when he boasted of his licentious pictures , that because he was not much learned , hee had left out many things of that kind , with which the ancient histories & poëmes abound ; and that therefore aretine had not onely not added any new inuention , but had also taken away all courage and spurres frō youth , which would rashly trust , and relie vpon his diligence , and seeke no further , & 〈◊〉 loose that infinite & precious treasure of antiquitie . he added moreouer , that though raderus , and others of his order , did vse to gelde poets , and other authors : ( and heere i could not choose but wonder , why they haue not gelded their vulgar edition , which in some places hath such obscene words as the hebrew tongue , which is therefore also called holy , doth so much abhorre , that no obscene things can be vttered in it ) insomuch , that ( as one of them very subtilly notes ) the starre of venus is very seldome called by that name in the scripture : for how could it be , the word being not hebrew ? yet ( said hee ) our men doe not geld them to that purpose , that the memory thereof should bee abolished ; but that when themselues had first tried , whether tiberius his spintria , & martialis symple●ma , and others of that kinde , were not rather chimeraes , & speculations of luxuriant wits , then things certaine & constant , and such as might bee reduced to an art and methode in licentiousnes : for iesuits neuer con● thēselues with the theory in thing , but straight proceed to practise ) they might after communicate them to their owne disciples and nouitiates : for this church is fruitfull in producing sacraments ; and being now loaded with diuine sacraments , it produces morall sacraments . in which , as in the diuine , it bindes the layety to one species ; but they reserue to themselues the diuers formes , and the secrets and mysteries in this matter , which they finde in the authors whom they geld . of which kind i thinke they giue a little glimmering and intimation , when in the life of their last made goddesse , francisca romana , they say : that the bed where shee lay with her husband , was a perpetuall martyrdome to her , and a shop of miracles . but for all this , since aretine was one , who by a long● custome of libellous & contumelious speaking against princes , had got such a habit , that at last he came to diminish and dis-esteeme god himselfe . i wonder truly , that this arch-iesuite , though hee would not admit him to any eminent place in his triumphant church , should deny him an office of lower estimation : for truly to my thinking , he might haue beene fit , either to serue ignatius , as maister of his pleasures , or lucifer as his crier : for whatsoeuer lucifer durst think , this man durst speake . but ignatius , who thought himselfe sufficient for all vses , thrust him away , and when he offered vpward , offered his staffe at him : nor did he vse christopher columbus with any better respect ; who hauing found all waies in the earth , & sea open to him , did not feare any difficulty in hell , but when hee offered to enter , ignatius staid him , & said : you must remember , sir , that if this kingdome haue got any thing by the discouery of the west indies , al that must be attributed to our order : for if the opinion of the dominicans had preuailed , that the inhabitants should be reduced , onely by preaching and without violence , certainely their 200000 of men would scarce in so many ages haue beene brought to a 150 which by our meanes was so soone performed . and if the law , made by ferdinando , onely against canibals ; that all which would not bee christians should bee bondslaues , had not beene extended into other prouinces , wee should haue lacked men , to digg vs out that benefite , which their countries affoord . except we when wee tooke away their old idolatrie , had recompenced them with a new one of ours ; except we had obtruded to those ignorant and barbarous people , sometimes naturall things , sometimes artificiall , and counterfeit , in steed of miracles ; & except we had ben alwaies ready to conuey , & to apply this medicine made of this pretious americā drug , vnto the princes of europe , & their lords , & counsellours , the prof●te by the onely discouery of these places ( which must of necessity bee referred to fortune ) would haue beene very little ; yet i praise your perseuerance , and your patience ; which since that seemes to be your principall vertue ) you shall haue good occasion to exercise heere , when you remaine in a lower and remoter place , then you thinke belongs to your merits . but although lucifer being put into a heate , and almost smothered with this troupe and deluge of pretenders , seemed to haue admitted ignatius , as his lieutenant , or legat a latere , and trusted him with an absolute power of doing what hee would , yet he quickly spied his owne errour , and danger thereby . he began to remember how forcibly they 〈◊〉 to vrge the canon alius ; by which the king of fraunce is sayd to haue beene deposed , not for his wickednesse , but for his infirmity , and vnfitnesse to gouerne : and that kings do forfeit their dignity , if they giue them selues to other matters , and leaue the gouernment of the state to their officers . therefore lucifer thought it time for him to enter into the businesse , least at last ignatius should prescribe therein ; by which title of prescription he well knew , how much the church of rome doth aduaunce and defend it selfe against other princes . and though he seemed very thankfull to ignatius , for his deliuery from this importunate company , yet when he perceiued , that his scope and purpose was , to keepe all others out , he thought the case needed greater consideration ; for though he had a confidence in his owne patriarkes , which had long before possest that place , and in whose company ( as an abbot said to the diuell , who after long intermission , now tempted him ) hee was growne old , and do●bted not but that they would defend their right , and oppose themselues against any innouation , which ignatius should practise , yet if none but hee in a whole age should bee brought in , hee was afraid , that this singularity would both increase his courage and spirit , and their reuerence , and respect towards him . casting therefore his eyes into euery corner , at last a great way off , hee spied ` phillip nerius : who acknowledging in his owne particular no especiall merit towardes this kingdome , forbore to presse neere the gate ; but lucifer called to his remembrance , that nerius and all that order , of which hee was the author , which is called congregatio oratorij , were erected , aduaunced , and dignisyed by the pope , principally to this end , that , by their incessant sermons to the people , of the liues of saints and other ecclesiastique antiquities , they might get a new reputation , and so the torrent , and generall superstition towards the iesuits , might grow a little remisser , and luke-warme : for at that time the pope himselfe beganne to bee afraid of the iesuites , for they begunne to publish their paradox of confession and absolution to bee giuen by letters , and messengers , and by that meanes to draw the secrets of all princes onely to themselues ; and they had tried and sollicited a great monarch , who hath manie designes vpon italy , against the pope , & deliuered to that prince diuerse articles , for the reforming of him . now the pope and lucifer loue euer to follow one anothers example : and therefore that which the one had done in the middle world , the other attempted in the lower . hereupō he called for philip nerius , and gaue him many euidences of a good inclination towards him . but nerius was too stupid , to interprete them aright . yet ignatius spied them , and before lucifer should declare himselfe any further , or proceed too farre herein , least after he were farre engaged , there should be no way , to auert or withdraw him from his owne propositions ( for he saw there must be respect had of his honour and constancy ) hee thought it fittest to oppose now at the beginning . he sayd therfore , that he now perceiued , that lucifer had not bene altogether so much conuersant with philip as with the iesuits , since he knew not , how much philip had euer professed himselfe an enemy to him . a for he did not onely deny all visions , and apparitions , b and commaunded one to spit in maries face , when she appeared againe , because he thought it was the diuell ; c and droue away an other that came to tempt a sicke man , in the shape of a phisition ; d and was hardly drawne to beleeue any possessings ; but e when three diuels did meete him in the way , to afright him , he neither thought them worthy of any exorcisme , nor so much as the signe of the crosse , but meerely went by them , as though he scorned to look at thē , & so despighted thē with that negligēce . it may be that hee hath drawne others into religion , but himselfe remained then in the layety ; in so much as i remember , that f i vsed to call him , the saints bell , that hangs without , and cals others into the church . g neither doe they which follow this order , bind themselues with any vow or oath ; neither do i know any thing for which this h kingdome is beholding to him , but that he moued baronius to write his annals . to all this nerius sayde nothing , as though it had beene spoken of some body else . without doubt , either he neuer knew , or had forgot that he had done those things which rhey write of him . but lucifer himselfe tooke the boldnesse ( hauing with some difficultio got ignatius leaue ) to take nerius his part : and proceeded so farre , that he aduentured to say , that baronius , bozius , and others , which proceeded out of the hyue of nerius , had vsed a more free , open , and hard fashion against princes , and better prouided for the popes direct iurisdiction vpon all kingdomes , and more stoutly defēded it , then they ; which vndertaking the cause more tremblingly , then becomes the maiestie of so great a businesse , adhered to ` bellarmines sect , and deuised such crooked wayes , and such perplexed intanglings , as by reason of the various , and vncertaine circumstances , were of no vse : and that whatsoeuer nerius his schollers had performed , must be attributed to him , as the fruit to the roote . ignatius perceiuing that lucifer vndertooke all offices for nerius , and became iudge , aduocate , and witnesse , pursuing his former resolution , determined to interrupt him , least when hee had enlarged himselfe in nerius commendation , hee should thereby bee bound to a reward . he therefore cried out , what hath nerius done ? what hath he , or his followers put in execution ? haue they not euer bene onely exercised in speculations , and in preparatory doctrines ? are these bookes which are written of the iurisdiction of the pope , to any better vse then phisitians lectures of diseases , and of medicines ? whilest these receits lie hid in phisitians bookes , and no body goes to the patient ; no body applies the medicine to the disease , what good , what profit comes by all this ? what part ; what member of this languishing body haue they vndertaken ? in what kingdome haue they corrected these humours , which offend the pope , either by their incision or cauterising ? what state haue they cut vp into an ●natomy ? what sceletō haue they prouided for the instruction of posterity ? do do they hope to cure their diseases , by talking and preaching , as it were with charmes and enchantments ? if nerius shall bee thought worthy of this honour , and this place , because out of his schollers writings something may be gleaned , which may be applied to this purpose , why should we not haue beza and caluin , and the rest of that sort here in hell , since in their bookes there may be some things found , which may be wrefted to this purpose ? but , since their scope was not to extirpate monarchies , since they publis●ed no such canons and aphorismes as might be applied to all cases , and so brought into certaine vse & consequence , but limited theirs to circumstances which seldome fall out , since they deliuered nothing dangerous to princes , but where , in their opinion , the souereignty resided in the people , or in certaine ephori , since they neuer said , that this power to violate the perso of a prince , might either be takē by any priuate man , or committed to him , & that therefore none of their disciples hath euer boasted of hauing done any thing vpon the person of his soueraigne : we see that this place hath euer bene shut against them : there haue bene some few of thē ( though i can scarce affoord those mē the honour to number them with knox , and goodman , and buchanan ) which following our examples haue troubled the peace of some states , and beene iniurious to some princes , and haue beene admitted to some place in this kingdome ; but since they haue performed nothing with their hands , nor can excuse themselues by saying , they were not able : ( for wherein was clement , or rauillac more able then they ; or what is not he able to doe in the middest of an army , who despiseth his owne life ? ) they scarce euer aspire , or offer at this secret and sacred chamber . lucifer had a purpose to haue replied to this : that perchaunce all their hands which had bin imbrued in the bowels of princes , were not so immediatly armed by the iesuits , as that they were euer present at all consultations and resolutions : ( and yet he meant to say this , not as sworne witnesse , but as lucifer himselfe , & the father of lies , in which capacitie he might say any thing ) but that it was inough that confessours do so possesse them with that doctrine , that it is not now proposed to them as phisicke , but as naturall food , and ordinarie diet ; and that therfore for the performance of these things , a iesuits person is no more requisite , then that the heart of a man , because it sends forth spirits into euery limbe , should therefore bee present in euery limbe : that when it was in vse for the consuls of rome for the safety of their country and army , to deuote themselues ouer to the infernall god , it was lawfull for themselues to absteine and forbeare the act , and they might appoint any souldier for that sacrifice : and that so the iesuites for the performance of their resolutions , might stirre vp any amongst the people : ( for now they enioy all the priuiledges , of the franciscans , who say ; that the name of people comprehends all which are not of their order : ) and that if this be granted , nerius his schollers are inferiour to none ; with whose bookes ( if all the iesuites should perish ) the church might content herselfe , and neuer feare dearth nor leanenesse . this lucifer would haue spoken ; but hee thought it better and easier to forbeare : for hee obserued , that ignatius had giuē a signe , & that all his troupes which were many , subtile , & busie , set vp their bristles , grumbled , and compacted themselues into one body , gathered , produced , and vrged all their euidence , whatsoeuer they had done , or suffered . there the english legion , which was called capistrata , which campian led , and ( as i thinke ) garnet concluded , was fiercer then all the rest . and as though there had beene such a second martyrdome to haue beene suffered , or as though they might haue put off their immortalitie , they offered themselues to any imploiment . therefore lucifer gaue n●rius a secret warning to withdraw himselfe , & spoke no more of him ; and despairing of bringing in an other , began earnestly to thinke , how hee might leaue ignatius out . this therefore he said to him : i am sorry my ignatius , that i can neither find in others , deserts worthy of this place , nor any roome in this place worthy of your deserts . if i might die , i see there would be no longe strife for a successour : for if you haue not yet done that act which i did at first in heauen , and thereby got this empire , this may excuse you , that no man hath beene able to tell you what it was : for if any of the auncients say true , when they call it pride , or licentiousnesse , or lying : or if it be in any of the casuistis , which professe the art of sinning , you cānot be accused of hauing omitted it . but since i may neithor forsake this kingdome , nor diuide it , this onely remedy is left : i will write to the bishop of rome : he shall call galilaeo the florentine to him ; who by this time hath throughly instructed himselfe of all the hills , woods , and cities in the new world , the moone . and since he effected so much with his first glasses , that he faw the moone , in so neere a distance , that hee gaue himselfe satisfaction of all , and the least parts in her , when now being growne to more perfection in his art , he shall haue made new glasses , and they receiued a hallowing from the pope , he may draw the moone , like a boate floating vpon the water , as neere the earth as he will. and thither ( because they euer claime that those imployments of discouery belong to them ) shall all the iesuites bee transferred , and easily vnite and reconcile the lunatique church to the romane church , without doubt , after the iesuites haue been there a litle while , there will soone grow naturally a hell in that world also : ouer which , you ignatius shall haue dominion , and establish your kingdome & dwelling there . and with the same ease as you passe from the earth to the moone , you may passe frō the moone to the other starrs , which are also thought to be worlds , & so you may beget and propagate many hells , & enlarge your empire , & come neerer vnto that high seate , which i left at 〈◊〉 . ignatius had not the patience to stay till lucefer had made an end ; but as soone as hee saw him pause , and take breath , and looke , first vpon his face , to obserue what changes were there , and after to cast his eye to an other place in hell where a great noyse was suddenly raysed : hee apprehended this intermission , and as though lucifer had ended , he said : that of lucifers affection to the romane church , and to their order euery day produced new testimonies : and that this last was to bee accounted as one of the greatest . that he knew well with how great deuotion the bishop of rome did euer embrace and execute all counsels proceeding from him : and that therefore he hoped , that hee would reserue that imployment for the 〈◊〉 , and that empire for him their founder : and that he beleeued the pope had thought of this before ; and at that time when he put parsons the english iesuite in hope of a cardinalship , hee had certainly a reference to this place , and to this church : that it would fall out shortly , that all the damages , which the romane church hathlately suffered vpon the earth , shall bee recompenced onely there . and that , now this refuge was opened , if she should be reduced into greater streights , or if she should be vtterly exterminated , the world would not much lament and mourne for it . and for the entertainment of the iesuites there , there can be no doubt made at this time , when , ( although their profession bee to enter whether princes will or no ) all the princes of the world will not onely graciously affoord them leaue to goe , but willingly and cheerfully accompany them with certificates , and dimissory letters . nor would they much resist it , if the pope himselfe would vouchsafe to go with them , and so fulfill in some small measure , that prophecy of his gerson , de auferibilitate papae . besides this a woman gouernes there ; of which sex they haue euer made their profite , which haue attempted any innouation in religion ; with how much diligence were the two empresses pulcheria & eudoxia sollicited by the pope for the establishing of easter ? how earnestly did both pelagius and the pope striue by their letters to draw the empresse to their side ? for since ●ulia had that honour giuen to her in publique coines , that she was called the mother of the armie , the mother of the gods , and of the senate , and the mother of her countrie ; why may not woemen instructed by vs , be called mothers of the church ? why may not wee relie vpon the wit of woemen , when , once , the church deliuered ouer her selfe to a woman-bishop ? and since wee are reputed so fortunate in obtaining the fauour of woemen , that woemen are forbid to come into our houses ; and we are forbid , to take the charge of any nunnes ; since we haue had so good experience of their fauour in all the ●dies , or at lest haue thought it fit , that they which haue the charge to write our anniuersary letters from thence should make that boast , and adde something to the truth , both because the auncient heretiques helde that course in insinuating their opinions , and because they which are acquainted with our practises will think any thing credible , which is written of vs in that behalfe , why should wee doubt of our fortune in this queene , which is so much subiect to alterations , and passions ? she languishes often in the absence of the sunne , and often in ecclipses falles into swounes , and is at the point of death . in these aduantages we must play our parts , & put our deuises in practise : for at these times any thing may be drawne from her . nor must we forbeare to try , what verses , and incantations may worke vpon her : for in those things which the poets writ , though they themselues did not beleeue them , we haue since found many truths , and many deep mysteries : nor can i call to minde any woman , which either deceiued our hope , or scaped our cunning , but elizabeth of england ; who might the rather be pardoned that , because she had put off all affections of woemen . the principall dignity of which sex , ( which is , to be a mother ) what reason had she to wish , or affect , since without those womanish titles , vnworthy of her , of wife , & mother , such an heire was otherwise prouided for her , as was not fit to be kept any longer from the inheritance . but when i , who hate them , speake thus much in the honour of these two princes , i finde my selfe caried with the same fury , as those beasts were , which our men say , did sometime adore the host in the masse . for it is against my will , that i pay thus much to the manes of elizabeth ; from scorning of which word manes , when the king of great brittaine writ it , i would our parsons had forborne , fi●e one of our owne iesuits vseth the same word , when reprehending our aduersaries , he says , that they do insult vpon garnets manes . and yet this elizabeth was not free from all innovation ; for the ancient relioion was so much worne out , that to reduce that to the former dignity , and so to renew it , was a kinde of lanouation : and by this way of innouating shee satisfied the infirmity of her sex , if shee suffered any : for a little innouation might serue her , who was but a little a woman . neither dare i say , that this was properly an innovation , lest there by i should confesse that luther and many others which liue in banishment in heaven farre from vs , might haue a title to this place , as such innouators . but we cannot doubt , but that this lunatique . queene will be more inclinable to our innouations : for our clauius hath beene long familiarly conu●sant with her , what she hath done from the beginning , what she wil do hereafter , how she behaues herselfe towardes her neighbour kingdoms , the rest of the starrs , & all the planetary , & firmamentary worlds ; with whom she is in league , & amity , and with whom at difference , he is perfectly instructed , so he haue his ephemerides about him . but claui● is too great a personage to be best owed vpon this lunatique queene , either as her counsellour , or ( which were more to our profit ) as her cōfessor . so great a man must not bee cast away vpon so small a matter . nor haue we any other besides , whom vpon any occasion we may send to the sunne , or to the other worlds , beyond the world . therefore wee must reserue clauius for greater vses . our herbestus , or busaeus , or voellus ( and these bee all which haue giuen any proofe of their knowledge in mathematiques ) although they bee but tastlesse , and childish , may serue to obserue her asspects , and motions , and to make catechisones fit for this lunatique church : for though garnet had clauius for his maister , yet he profited little in the arts , but being filled with bellarmines dictates , ( who was also his maister ) his minde was all vpon politiques . when wee are established there , this will adde much to our dignity , that in our letters which wee send downe to the earth , ( except perchaunce the whole romane church come vp to vs into the moone ) we may write of what miracles wee list : which we offered to doo out of the indies , and with good successe , till one of our order , in a simplicity , and ingenuity fitter for a christian , then a iesuite , acknowledged and lamented that there were no miracles done there . truly it had bin better for vs to haue spit all those fiue brothers , acostas , out of our order , then that any one of them should haue vomited this reproach against vs. it is of such men as these in our order , that our gretzer saies : there is no body without his excrements , because though they speake truth , yet they speake it too rawly . but as for this contemplation , and the establishing of that gouernement , ( though it be a pleasant consideration ) we may neither pamper our selues lōger with it now , nor detaine you lōger therein . let your greatnesse write ; let the pope execute your counsell ; let the moone approach whē you two think fit . in the meane time let me vse this chamber , as a resting place : for though pope gregory were strucken by the angell with a perpetuall paine in his stomach and feet , because hee compelled god by his praiers , to deliuer traian out of heil , and transferre him to heauen ; and therefore god , by the mouth of 〈◊〉 , tooke an assurance for all his s●cessours , that they should neuer dare to request the like againe : yet when the pope shall call mee backe from hence , hee can be in no danger , both because in this contract , god cannot bee presumed to haue thought of me , since i neuer thought of him , and so the contract therein void ; and because the condition is not broken , if i bee not remoued into heauen , but transferred from an earthly hell , to a lunatique hell. more then this he could not be heard to speake : for that noise , of which i spoke before , increased exceedingly , and whē lucifer asked the cause , it was told him , that there was a soule newly arriued in hell , which said that the pope was at last entreated to make ignatius a saint , and that hee hastened his canonization , as thinking it an vniust'thing , that when all artificers , and prophane butchers had particular saints to inuocate , only these spirituall butchers , and king-killers , should haue none : for when the iesuite cotton in those questions which by vertue of his inuisible priuiledge he had prouided for a possest person , amongst others , dangerous both to england and france , had inserted this question : what shall i do for ignatius his canonizing ? and found out at last , that philip , king of spaine , and henry , king of fraunce , contended by their ambassadors at rome , which of them should haue the honour of obtaining his canonizing ( for both pretending to be king of nauarre , both pretended that this right and honour belonged to him : and so both deluded the iesuits : ) for d'alcala a franciscan , and p●nafort a iacobite , were by philips meanes canonized , and the iesuite left out . at last hee despaired of hauing any assistance from these princes ; nor did he thinke it conuenient , that a iesuite should be so much beholden to a king , since baronius was already come to that heighth and constancy , that being accused of some wronges done to his king , hee did not vouchsafe to write in his owne excuse to the king , till the conclaue which was then held , was fully ended , least ( as himselfe giues the reason ) if hee had then beene chosen pope , it should bee thought hee had beene beholden to the king therein . for these reasons therefore they labour the pope themselues . they confesse , that if they might choose , they had rather hee should restore them into all which they had lost in fraunce , and venice , then that ignatius should be sent vp into heauen ; and that the pope was rather bound to do so , by the order which god himselfe seemes to haue obserued in the creation , where he first furnished the earth , and then the heauens , and confi●med himse●fe to be the israelites god by this argument , that he had giuen them the land of canaan , and other temporall blessings . but since this exceeded the popes omnipotence in earth , it was fit he should try , what he could do in heauen . now the pope would faine haue satisfied them with the title of 〈◊〉 , which formerly vpon . the intreaty of the princés of that family , he had affoorded to aloisius gonzaga of that order . he would also haue giuen this title of saint rather to xauerius , who had the reputation of hauing done miracles . indeed he would haue done any thing , so hee might haue slipped ouer ignatius . but at last hee is ouercome ; and so against the will of heauen , and of the pope , lucifer himselfe being not very forward in it , ignatius must bee thrust in amongst the saints . all this discourse , i , beeing growne cunninger then that doctor , gabriell nele ( of whom bartolus speaketh ) that by the onely motion of his lippes , without any vtterance , vnderstood all men , perceiued and read in euery mans countenance there . these thinges , as soone as lucifer apprehended them , gaue an end to the contention ; for now hee thought he might no longer doubt nor dispute of ignatius his admission , who , besides his former pretences , had now gotten a new right and title to the place , by his canonization ; and he feared that the pope would take all delay ill at his handes , because canonization is now growne a kinde of declaration , by which all men may take knowledge , that such a one , to whom the church of rome is much beholden , is now made partaker of the principall dignities , and places in hell : for these men euer make as though they would follow augustine in all things , and therefore they prouide that that also shall bee true which he said in this point : that the reliques of many are honoured vpon earth whose soules are tormented in hell. therefore he tooke ignatius by the hand , and led him to the gate . in the meane time , i , which doubted of the truth of this report of his canonizing , went a little out for further instruction : for i thought it scarce credible , that paulus 5. who had but lately burdened both the citie of rome , and the church , with so great expences , when he canonized francisca romana , would so easily proceed to canonize ignatius now , when neither any prince offered to beare the charge , nor so much as sollicited it : for so he must bee forced to waste both the treasures of the church at once . and from leo 3. who 800 yeares after christ , is the first pope which canonized any , i had not obserued that this had euer beene done : neither do i think that paulus 5. was drawne to the can onizing of this woman by any other respect , then because that rule which shee appointed to her order , was dictated and written by saint paul : for though peter , and magdalene , and others , were present at the writing thereof , as witnesses , yet paul was the author thereof . and since saint pauls old epistles trouble and dis-aduantage this church , they were glad to apprehend any thing of his new writing , which might be for them , that so this new worke of his might beare witnesse of his second conuersion to papistry , since by his first conuersion to christianity , they got nothing : for to say , that in this businesse paulus 5. could not choose but be god , god himselfe , to say , that hee must needes haue liued familiarly with the god-head : and must haue heard predestination it selfe whispering to him : and must haue had a place to sit in councell with the most diuine trinitie , ( all which valladerius sayes of him ) is not necessary in this matter , wherein the popes , for the most part , proceed , as humane affections leade them . but at last , after some enquiry , i found that a certaine idle gazettier , which vsed to scrape vp newes , and rumours at rome , and so to make vp sale letters , vainer , and falser , then the iesuites letters of iapan , and the indies , had brought this newes to hell , and a little iesuiticall nouice , a credulous soule , receiued it by his implicit faith , and published it . i laughed at lucifers easinesse to beleeue , and i saw no reason euer after , to accuse him of infidelity . vpon this i came backe againe , to spie ( if the gates were stil open ) with what affection ignatius , and they who were in auncient possession of that place , behaued themselues towardes one an other . and i found him yet in the porch , and there beginning a new contention : for hauing presently cast his eyes to the principall place , next to lucifers owne throne , and finding it possest , he stopt lucifer , and asked him , who it was that sate there . it was answered , that it was pope boniface ; to whom , as to a principall innouator , for hauing first chalenged the name of vniuersall bishop , that honour was affoorded . is he an innouator thundred ignatius ? shall i suffer this , when all my disciples haue laboured all this while to proue to the world , that all the popes before his time did vse that name ? and that gregory did not reprehend the patriarch iohn for taking to himselfe an antichristian name , but for vsurping a name which was due to none but the pope . and could it be fit for you , lucifer , ( who in this were either vnmindfull of the romane church , or else too weake and incapable of her secrets and mysteries ) to giue way to any sentence in hell , which ( though it were according to truth , ) yet differed from the iesuites oracles ? with this ignatius flyes vpwardes , and rushes vpon boniface , and throwes him out of his seate : and lucifer went vp with him as fast , and gaue him assistance , least , if hee should forsake him , his owne seate might bee endangered . and i returned to my body ; which as a flower wet with last nights dew , and then warm'd with the new sunne , doth shake of agen all drowsinesse , and raise his trembling crowne , which crookedly did languish , and stoope downe to kisse the earth , and panted now to sinde those beames return'd , which had not long time shin'd , was with this returne of my soule sufficiently resreshed . and when i had seene all this , and considered how fitly and pronortionally rome & hell an wered one another , after i had seene a iesuit turne the pope out of his chaire in hell , i suspected that that order would attempt as much at rome . an apology for iesuites . now is it time to come to the apology for iesuites : that is , it is time to leaue speaking of them , for hee fauours them most , which saies least of them ; nor can any man , though hee had declaimed against them till all the sand of the sea were run through his houre-glasse , lacke matter to adde of their practises . if any man haue a minde to adde any thing to this apology , hee hath my leaue ; and i haue therefore left roome for three or foure lines . which is enough for such a paradox : and more then iungius , scribanius , gretzerus , richeomus , cydonius , and all the rest which are vsed to apologies , and almost tyred with a defensiue warre , are able to employ , if they will write onely good things , and true , of the iesuites . neither can they comfort themselues with this , that cato was called to his answere soure and forty times : for hee was so many times acquitted , which both the parliaments of england , and france deny of the iesuites . but if any man thinke this apology too short , he may thinke the whole booke an apology , by this rule of their owne that it is their greatest argument of innocency to be accused by vs. at this time , whilst they are yet somewhat able to do some harme , in some places , let them make much of this apology . it will come to passe shortly , when as they haue bene disspoyled and expelled at venice , and shaked and fanned in france , so they will bee forsaken of other princes , and then their owne weakenesse will bee their apology , and they will grow harmelesse out of necessity , and that which vegetius sayd of chariots armed with sithes and hookes , will be applied to the iesuites , at first they were a terror , and after a scorne . finis . errata . pag. 〈◊〉 . line 19. for eternall read etheriall y. 16. l. 21. for o , read do. p. 18. l. 17. for notion read motion . p. 22. l. 12. for bohenheim read hohenheim . p. 25. l. 20. for hammer read name , p. 28. l. 13. after from adde you . p. 30. l. 22. for pampelnus tead pampelune . p. 34. l. 3. for too . read so , and lin . 19. for vnderstandings read vndertakings . p. 35. l. 23. for before read before . p. 41. marg . for imag. ●uum , read imaginarium . p. 53. l. 20. for sonnes read seum . p. 55. l. 16. for profit read perfect . p. 50. l. 4. for boniface read benefices , p. 63. l. 19. for it is , read it is not . p. 64. l. 12. for our author , read one another , p. 66. l. 5. for protolipe read prototype , and line 19. for curried read carried , p. 75. l. 18. for praiers reade praises . p. 78. l. 2. for obsolute read obsolete . p. 94. l. 15. for to read so . p. 97. l. 1. for longer read long . p. 99. l. 15. for drug . read dung . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20624-e190 in con● fol. 160. a proculum & b posthum● notes for div a20624-e550 nuncius syd●eus . de stella in cygno . 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6. iosethina di gi●ron . gratian. theod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tra. 6. 〈◊〉 sedulius apolog. pro libro consorm . lib 2. cap. 2. harlay 〈◊〉 des iesuites . volladerius de canoniza . francis. ro. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . bellar. de purgat . 〈◊〉 . cap. 8. harlay defence des lesuites mesdi . 6. bulla 18. in greeze . cont . ha. 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 de maiest . eccle. 〈◊〉 . cap. 7. 〈◊〉 . theor. 1. cap. 〈◊〉 . 21. q. omni● 〈◊〉 . modest in verb. 〈◊〉 . 32 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , pudor . flagel . damon . 〈◊〉 . summa bullarij , verbo agnus dei. litera di diego torres . dist. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. 〈◊〉 . scappus de ture non script . l. 1. cap. 54. 〈◊〉 angel. verb . papa . n 1. money-takers . theol. niem . nemus vnio tract . 6. c. 29. rodol . cupers de eccles . vniuer . fol. 4. azor. par . 2. l. 4. c. 1. mos●onius de maiest . eccles. milit . c. 5. ibidem idem . c. 6. 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 . l. 1. c. 25. azar vbi 〈◊〉 . plat. in vit . adri. 1. apologia pro 〈◊〉 . de despera● 〈◊〉 . causa . c. 11. rom. 12. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 catalog . sol . 60 & 100. 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . vide 〈◊〉 . apolog. 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 3. gretzer . examen speculi . fol. 139. 〈◊〉 fol. 25. idem . so . 32. obseruationes in cassianum , fol. 736. ex collat . 〈◊〉 . triha● li. 2. cap. 4. d●lamesse fol. 358. 〈◊〉 thol . sa . l. 15. c. 4. v. 7 scapp . de iure 〈◊〉 script . l. 1. c. 6. ibid. c. 16. ibid. c. 25 de regno sicilia . 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . salmonees . 〈◊〉 . l. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 57. carrauca stat . synod , n. 41. 〈◊〉 . iesuit . cab . 〈◊〉 . refe●tor . de rebus nuper 〈◊〉 . harlay defe● des iesuit . fol. 12. valladerius fol. 24. matalius metellus , praefat. in ●sorinm . paris de puteo , de syndicat , de e●…cess . regum . sophronius ca. 45. consenuerat . a vita n 〈◊〉 fol. 107. b fol. 108. c fol. 212. d fol. 229. e fol. 19. f fol. 26. g fol. 313. h fol. 163. 〈◊〉 , de formul . l. 10 〈◊〉 . manual . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 9. hal●ered nuncius 〈◊〉 . reg. iesuit . fol. 73. ibid. fol. 〈◊〉 . heissi● 〈◊〉 aphor. 〈◊〉 . fol. 135. eudem . 〈◊〉 an . apol. pro 〈◊〉 . c. 9. 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 do . 〈◊〉 . lib. 〈◊〉 . 9. de 〈◊〉 iesni● . ab●trus . cap. 5. bellar● , de purgato . l. 2. 6. 8. pi●rre mathuri , l. 1. nar. 4. litera eius ad philip 3. gen. 2.4 . gen. 17.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 paul. 5. l. 1. de veroblig . valladerius fol. 57. fol. 5. notes for div a20624-e13720 bo●ar in amphithe . spongia pro iesuit . cont equip. polon . fol. 20 li. 1. ca. 14. the jesuites intrigues with the private instructions of that society to their emissaries : the first, translated out of a book privately printed at paris : the second, lately found in manuscript in a jesuites closet, after his death : both sent with a letter from a gentleman at paris to his friend in london. 1669 approx. 117 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46857 wing j717 estc r18023 13165371 ocm 13165371 98227 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46857) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98227) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 423:4) the jesuites intrigues with the private instructions of that society to their emissaries : the first, translated out of a book privately printed at paris : the second, lately found in manuscript in a jesuites closet, after his death : both sent with a letter from a gentleman at paris to his friend in london. gentleman at paris. compton, henry, 1632-1713. [14], 62 p. printed for benjamin tooke ..., london : 1669. original title for "the jesuites intrigues" undetermined. second part of work is a translation of: monita secreta societatis jesu. translated by henry compton. cf. dnb. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the jesuites intrigues : with the private instructions of that society to their emissaries . the first , translated out of a book privately printed at paris . the second , lately found in manuscript in a iesuites closet , after his death . both sent with a letter from a gentleman at paris , to his friend in london . london , printed for benjamin tooke in duck-lane next dore to the anchor . m.dc.lxix . a letter sent from a gentleman in paris , to his friend in london . sir , i have taken this opportunity of my friends going over , to send you the enclosed papers : which , if you think to find your account by it , you may publish , only i would have you by no means to disclose my name , while i continue abroad , for reasons you may easily guess . the first of these two little tracts ; i met with here at paris , printed in french. if it be not so quick and smart , as should answer the reproof of so great offenders : at least i am sure the length of it cannot be tedious . it is in a manner but a table of the iesuites conduct in managing their worldly interest : and so you ought rather to expect truth in it , than wit. the other is what i met with in manuscript , and ( i believe ) never yet printed . the copy i made use of , was written in french , and not very correct : but however there may be mistakes in some little words ; i dare undertake in the whole it is true ; not to be denyed , but by an impudence whose practice will give it self the lie at the same instant . it was found amongst the papers of a iesuite , that died not so near his friends , as he might have wished . and therefore he that found it , placed this text under the title of it : there is nothing covered , that shall not be revealed ; and hid , that shall not be known . it may be some , who either have not so well considered the general transactions of the world , or are partially devoted to the society , will judg these accounts too extravagant for the iesuites ever to undertake . but if they please to go along with me a little further , i make no doubt but they will change their minds . let us then but look round christendome , and see in what posture these good fathers stand . the emperour is by the confession of all men beset with them : whose head they fill so full of musick , that by their good will they would leave room for nothing else . the king of spain is a child , but his mother ( the queen regent ) has taken care that the iesuites shall not lose their share in him , having placed father nidard her confessour the first in her council , as chief minister . how well he has answered that trust , let the revolt of don iohn , and the high discontent of all the nobility witness : now in a time when the lowness of spains fortune lays them open for a prey to all their neighbours . the king of france his last confessour was father anat , whose peaceable and quiet behaviour appears sufficiently out of the writings of the iansenists . flanders is wholly rid by the iesuites . england gives as great a testimony of their busy spirit , as any other countrey : where by their rule of not suffering any of another order to succeed confessour in the room of one of them , they have almost thrust out all other , regulars as well as seculars . of which there is no small complaint made in these and other parts . nay , the late pope himself had a iesuite his confessour , cardinal palavicino , without whom he would resolve nothing of religion or conscience , which were managed accordingly , as may be seen in several accounts of his worthy deeds . it would be too much to set down their present condition in every little court and common-wealth ; since it is manifest by what has been said , that they insinuate themselves into princes and other great men , for no other good , but their own . i had forgot the king of poland , who was brought up a novice among them . however , to give light into their particular actions , i will only make bold to hint at two or three passages . the first shall be that of their dealing with the dominicans in spain , concerning the immaculate conception of the virgin mary . the dominicans as more addicted to truth , denied the thing : upon which the iesuites took occasion to shew that hatred they had always bore them , under pretence of their zeal for so considerable a superstition . and therefore they have recourse to the pope , pressing him to decide the controversie on their behalf . he not willing to determine a point that had so little reason , and no antiquity for it ; would not resolve ; but only in some measure to gratifie their importunity , sends a kind of declaration into spain — that though it was true , the immaculate conception could not be made out , so as to enjoyn the believing of it : yet he esteemed it as the more reverend opinion , and could wish all christians rather to be of it . but though his holiness would not speak out himself , the iesuites made him . for upon these very words they raise a persecution against the dominicans , telling the people , that though the pope had not in express terms condemned the dominicans , yet implicitly he had , by declaring his own sense so much for the other : thus did they put the cheat upon the peoples understandings . but that their industrious influence may appear the more ; you shall see they will not forbear to pick pockets when time serves . for in sivil they set up a bank , where any man might put in his money , to be remanded again at pleasure . this they kept in great credit , and maintained by their trade in the west-indies . at last , when they perceived most of the stock of city & country was got into their hands , presently they returned all over into the indies , and broke . the people came upon them for their money , they as church-men pretend exemption from the civil courts : and have so baffled the deceived people , that i believe e're this they are in despair of recovering one farthing . and now i have taken notice of their traffick in india , let me refer you to the letter of iohn palafox de mendoza bishop of angelopolis in america , &c. to pope innocent the x. dated the 8 th . of ianuary , 1649. and the memorial presented to the king of spain , in defence of don bernardino de cardenas bishop of paraguay in the west-indies , &c. against the iesuites , both put out in french. in both which , the insolence , ambition , and wickedness of the iesuites is so discovered , that were it not recorded upon such publike acts , the proceedings would be incredible . for it appears there , that to serve their own ends , they made use of pagans to shed christian blood , endevoured to murder their bishop , and such other horrid attempts , as must , no doubt , render them odious to all posterity . the eighteenth canon of the council of calcedon was so little in their minds , that they did not so much as observe the common dictates of humanity . but when a raviliac has been found amongst them so near hand ; and not only libells scattered abroad to justify such proceedings , as admonitio ad regem ludovicum xiij , and mysteria politica ; but books publikely owned and authorized by themselves , written by mariana , aquaviva , and others , but chiefly by santarel , who was censured for it by all the vniversities of france , with the approbation of the parliament of paris , as may be seen at large in the book called , the pernicious consequences of the iesuites new heresie . i say , when we have such sufficient testimony so near home : we need not make any long voyage for their discovery . now , that it may appear they have all qualities alike , do but consult the provincial letters , and you will find the morals of these men , as notoriously faulty , as the rest . for it is plain there , from the pens of their own approved authours , tannerus , emanuel sa , hurtado , castropalao , fagundes , &c. that murder , sacrilege , intemperance , fraud , or any other sin , may by the small change of a thought , or easy application of an intent , either be turned into a virtue , or at least lose its vitiousness , and become an innocent action . and why should we then wonder at any thing that is reported of these men ? for certainly , of late times , the devil has not found more effectual instruments for the peaceable damnation of souls , than the iesuites . the great enemy that so often foyls him , is conscience : which these decoys of satan do so sweeten and blind with religious evasions , that they draw whole flocks after them into the kingdome of darkness , with as much alacrity , as a saint goes to heaven . but that i may not be thought to write an invective ; i do declare , i have no pique against any of that society : but rather an obligation to wish their practices more open and generous , and more suitable to their profession ; that so many great wits , as they have among them , might be conversed with , without hazard of a mans being brought into some inconvenience . indeed the only reason that made me think it requisite to lay them open in english at this time , is to let all men see , what a pack of knaves we should be pester'd with , if ever popery crept in . but , god be thanked , we have a prince knows them too well to trust them : and a government well enough fortified against their invasions . however , as a restless sort of people , that will compass sea and land to gain proselytes , and will leave no stone unturn'd to promote their interest : all the discouragement imaginable shall not hinder them from making their attempts . and therefore , since they are not able to break in at the fore-door , they try to steal in the back way , by the help of their journey-men , the phanaticks ; by whose means , having once wrought a confusion , they hope the more successfully to fish in troubled waters . and thus they make themselves as sure of the booty , as the ape did of the chesnut , when he made use of the cats foot to pull it out of the fire . for this is that they flatter themselves with . they look upon the phanaticks as a giddy-headed rabble , without any foundation or principles , to establish any religion upon : fit for any impression , but the right . and so they brag here abroad , that if they could but once see a toleration , it should be the same satisfaction to them , to find a minister of state 's or any great man's coach at a conventicle door , as if it stood at the queens chappel . for they do not in the least despair of success , if they could get the reins of government slackned at this rate . because , say they , there is none but the judiciously virtuous part of the nation can escape our hands : which will make so slender a party , that it will not be very difficult to overcome them . for first , the male-contents will naturally fall into our nets , or the phanaticks . next , all knaves , that either want preserment , or would have more , take to the side that is for change , which we know by experience to be the phanaticks . and lastly , which make up the body of most countreys , those effeminate spirits , whose reasons are drowned in their fancies , will , as the apostle testifies , by the spiritual debauchery of those creepers into houses , be drawn into any wickedness . but no doubt these cunning deceivers reckon without their host . the cheat is too fresh in every ones memory to take again so soon . for to think the king would give up that sword of the unclean spirit , by which god 's anointed and his people were destroyed , into the hands , not of another generation , but of those very men , who by open violence did for several years declare their contempt of his government , hatred to his person , and rebellion against his authority : were a folly not to be exceeded , but by that of trusting them . and now i have shot the bolt of paris , feb. 13. s n. 1669. yours , &c. imprimatur , maij 5. 1669. rob. grove r. p. d. episc. lond. à sac. dom. the jesuites intrigues . the laws and constitutions upon which the order of the jesuites is established , make it plainly appear , that father ignatius had a very holy design in it . and truly in its first infancy it gave great hopes , that it would prove a very fruitful branch of christianity : for as long as these good fathers continued in works of charity , following the rules of their order : they really did much good , as well by an excellent education of youth , as by converting souls , and maintaining the faith. but as the divel would have it , who is no less industrious and cunning in perverting godly designs , than good men are to advance them , he takes occasion from the considerableness of the order , and the mighty progress they had made in so short a time , to destroy the end , it was first ordained for . so that by his subtlety , instead of their great charity , which at present is almost wholly frozen up , he has possessed them with the two most pernicious affections of the world , ambition and covetousness . which brings so great a mischief upon christendom , that a greater is hardly to be imagined , as i shall make appear by the following discourse . only first , i protest before god , that it is neither interest nor passion , which moves me to write ; but only my zeal for the publick good : for the advancement of which , i hold my self obliged to employ the utmost of my power , in hopes that their hypocrisie and practices being laid open to the great men of the world , they will find some expedient to remedy the abuse . the first thing then to be known is , that the iesuites order being particularly applyed to the education of youth , of which there is no kingdom nor town , but stands in great need ; it was sought to , in the beginning far , and near , and highly favoured by many princes : insomuch that within a few years it was got to as high a pitch , as others have attained to in many ages . but this greatness , which very often is accompanyed with change of manners , stirred up in the successors of father ignatius so great a love toward their own society ; that perswading themselves it was of more use to the church of god , than all the rest , and more proper for the reformation of the world ; they concluded amongst themselves , that they were to apply all their skill and endevours to the aggrandizing of it , since in that they should encrease the true militia of jesus christ , the good of the whole church , and the ancient patrimony of the lord , to use their own terms . and here it is , that i had need have aristotle's subtilty to discover , and the eloquence of cicero to express the strange method ( which many , perchance for its novelty think it incredible ) by which these fathers go on , daily advancing their society . but i will content my self to observe only some particulars , leaving the rest to be made out , as shall seem most probable to each mans fancy . so that , all i intend to do , is , to give some certain heads , and directions that may serve , as i guess for good grounds to any , that will make reflections , or discourses upon this subject . first , these father iesuites concluded they should never bring their society to that considerable pitch of greatness as they aimed at , barely by teaching , preaching , administring the sacraments , or by their devout offices of that nature . for though from the very beginning they had gained upon the affections of a great many , as i told you before : yet perceiving that after a little time that kindness cooled , they much question'd , whether their order had not come short in the effectual captivating of minds . and therefore they devised two other means for attaining to their greatness ; first , to endevour with princes , and all others to make the rest of the orders cheap , by finding some great . defects in them . so that by this wicked application having set up their own greatness , by the abasing of others , they have made themselves masters of divers monasteries and abbeys , and other considerable revenues , depriving the other orders of them ( which before were in possession ) by slander and calumny : the next way was , by insinuating themselves into affairs of state , engaging to their interest the greatest part of the princes of christendom by so cunning and artificial expedients , as are not easie to imagine . their father general , to whom they all pay an absolute obedience , resides constantly in rome . he has made choice of certain fathers , who , because they are always with him are called assistants ; and there is at least one of every nation , from whence they take their distinction , one calling himself the french assistant , the other , the spanish , the third , the italian , the fourth , the english , the fifth , the austrian , and so of all the other kingdomes and provinces . the charge of each assistant , is to inform the general of all transactions of state that pass , either in the kingdom or province , of the which he is assistant . this he does by his correspondents , who residing in the principal city of that kingdom , or province , make a diligent enquiry of the estate , nature , inclination and designs of the prince : of which they advise the assistants , giving them notice especially of the discoveries they have made , or any thing that falls out new . thus when all their pacquets are come to rome , the father general calls together his assistants , who lay open to him the affairs of the whole world , discovering to him the interest and practices of all christian princes . after which when they have consulted about all that is written , and examined and compared the several accompts , they draw the conclusion , which is to assist one prince , and oppose another , according as it suits with their interest and profit . and as the stander by sees more , than the gamester ; so these fathers having before them , the interest of all the princes , do with much more ease contribute to the affairs of him , they know disposed to serve them. the next point best worth consideration is the great pity , that regulars should interest themselves in affairs of state , when their order obliges them only to attend the saving their own souls and others . for the iesuites , who do concern themselves more in the civil government , than the seculars themselves , make it absolutely necessary that some course should be taken to prevent so great a disorder , for fear of most dangerous consequences . first , the iesuites confess a great part of the nobility of the popish states , for the more effectual carrying on of which , the poor are no longer admitted to confession , besides very often they are confessors to the princes themselves . by which means is it not hard for them to dive into all the designs , and sift out all the resolutions , as well of princes , as of their subjects , of which immediately they give notice to the general or his assistants at rome . how eafie is it then to judge , what prejudice this may do to sovereigns , when it is by a party that drive on nothing but their own advantage ? for doubtless all the world will grant , that nothing can be more essential to the preservation of a state , than secrecy , by the disclosing of which the other frequently is broken . and this is certainly the reason that all wise princes conceal their minds so carefully , learning by experience what advantage they get by knowing the designs of others , which , for the better carrying on of their affairs , they spare no cost to inform themselves of by embassadours , and spyes : though the intelligence proves oftentimes not so faithful for want of employing skilful officers . but i dare always undertake that the father iesuites , that is , the general and his assistants have the advantage of true information one way or other , of all things that pass in the most private counsells , what by confessions , and inquiries of their correspondents placed in all the principal cities of christendom , and by the mediation of other their complices , of which we shall say more hereafter . thus they know what strength , revenue , expence or designs any prince has , than he himself . and all this at no more charge , than the portage of letters , which indeed are something chargeable too . for , as i have been informed by the post-masters , each courier costs them fifty or threescore pounds , and sometimes more , to the sum of an hundred pounds . by which you may easily conceive , having so perfect notice of the interest of each state , they are likewise able to lessen one prince to another , weaken their authority over the people , raise against them , what enemies they please , and make insurrections at home so much the easier , because by the same means of confession , and sifting , they get into the very souls of subjects , and so find out , who are well , or ill-affected . for , by those accounts they have of all state-affairs , they may easily set princes at variance , and possess them with a thousand suspicions : and by understanding the subjects minds so well , they may with the same facility encourage their contempt of government , to the breaking out into all manner of sedition and confusion . from all this every man ought to conclude , that interest of state forbids any prince to choose for his confessor of that sort of men , who are so industrious in prying into affairs of state , and make that benefit of what they are acquainted with , to use it for a means , to ingratiate themselves with other princes . and much less reason have princes to suffer their chief ministers and counsellors , or the officers of their houshold to confess to them : especially since we live in an age replenished with persons , which , neither yeelding to the iesuites in learning , or piety , may be as serviceable , without running such a hazard , being such as only concern themselves in the direction of souls and discharging their ecclesiastical functions . but for the better understanding of what we have said hitherto , and what hereafter shall be said : it must be abserved , that there are three sorts of iesuites . the first consists of certain lay-people of both sexes ; which having associated themselves with that society , live under it in the performance of a certain blind obedience , steering all their actions by the directions of iesuites , and are ever in a readiness to execute , what they command . these are for the most part gentlemen , and ladies that pass the rest of their dayes in widowhood , as likewise wealthy citizens , and rich merchants , who like good fruit-trees bring plenty of good things to the iesuites , that is , store of gold and silver . of this sort are those women , which are commonly called rigotes , who being perswaded by these fathers to despise the world , are by them in requital made a harvest of , being wheedled out of rich moveables , and other considerable matters . the second kind takes in only men , of which some are priests , and others lay , who though they live abroad in the world , and many times by the iesuites good word obtain pensions , canonries , abbeys and other revenues , are yet under a vow to take the habit of the society upon the first order from the father general , for which reason they are called iesuites in vow . it is by these , the father iesuites carry on their business so smoothly , for the establishing their monarchy , keeping them in all places , and in all princes courts , and in short , wherever any thing of moment passes throughout christendom , and this for such service , as shall be declared in the seventh particular . the third sort is of those politick iesuites , in whom all the authority rests , who hold the reins of government over their order , and who being accosted by the devil with the same temptation our saviour underwent in the desart , all these things will i give thee , if thou wilt fall down and worship me , have taken him at his word , and thus in compliance with sathan do with might and main prosecute the universal monarchy . now as almost all the important affairs of christendom are passed at rome , and that there it is , the chief of these noble politicians reside , that is to say , their general with a great number of the order ▪ so is it upon the same place they have determined to begin their dominion , as they may easily perceive , who will but take notice of their behaviour there . very hardly shall you transact any thing in that court , but the iesuites who have notice of all that passes of importance will presently meet in counsell to determine an issue that may be favourable to their interest . there you shall find them running to the cardinals , the embassadours , and the prelates , where bringing about the discourse to the affair then in treaty , or to be treated of they represent it , as they please , always considering their own advantage , and for that cause often so disguising the matter , as to make white appear black , and black white . thus the first relation , especially from men of a religious order , making the greatest impressio● upon the spirit of him , that hears , it falls out frequently that business of importance proposed by embassadours and other great men to the court of rome , hath no● that success , as princes could wish : and all this by having spirits prepossessed by these worthy iesuites wit● partial accounts , which forestalls the credit , that ough● to be given to others , who explain themselves with mor● truth and sincerity . nor is this at rome alone that the impose these cheats : but likewise in other courts , eithe● by themselves , or the iesuites of the second rank whence we may conclude , that the greatest part of the affairs of christendom pass through the iesuites hands , and that those only succeed which they think not fit to oppose . all this while i must confess , that their address to engage themselves in affairs , either for the 〈◊〉 or favouring of them , is so artificial , that 't is im●●●ble throughly to see into it , so as to give a perfect description : however it shall be no hard matter for any particular prince to discover so far as his own concern requires , if he will but take the pains to peruse this short account that i shall give ; because i know it will make him reflect immediately upon what is passed , by which calling to mind the several circumstances of his former treaties , by comparing them with my observations , it is impossible but he must descry the subtle dealing of the society . notwithstanding this sly ▪ and close management be the chief engine they work with , to accomplish their monarchy , which is their principal aim ; yet they do not omit other means now and then ( so has their passion blinded them ) that lays open their ambition to all the world. was it not a pleasant request they made , under pretence of a publick good for the church , to gregory the thirteenth , that he would give order to his legates and nuncio's , each of them to take a iesuite for his confident , to advise in all business ? the fourth thing that requires our consideration , is that by these devices , and their understanding in affairs of state ; the principal iesuites are struck into a great league of friendship with many princes , temporal and spiritual ; whom they make believe , that they have done them great service : and from this one advantage have proceeded very great mischiefs . the first is , that by making ill use of the princes kindness , they take upon them to wrong a great many private families , which though wealthy and noble , have been brought to utter ruin by the iesuites ingrossing of widowes estates , and by indirect means ▪ inveigling many young gentlemen into their order , th●●●ave been sent to their colledges for education . f 〈…〉 w often do we find it , that when these young gentlemen grow sickly , or are found uncapable of performing the duty belonging to their order , they are dismissed without ever having restitution of their estates made to them , or theirs , the iesuites having got possession before ever they would let them profess ? this is far from that justice ignatius has enjoyned them ; and no way consonant to that first intention their founders had , who left them not according to their insatiate avarice , but enough to keep them in a condition to serve the church . the second misfortune , which follows from the access these iesuites have to princes , is , that the fathers boast , and cunningly make the world believe , their intimacy with great men to be more , than indeed it is . and by this they awe the very ministers of state , and cause them to seek their favour , and petition them for whatsoever they would have pass . nay , their vanity is encreased to that degree , as they are so impudent to boast themselves able to make cardinals , nuntio's , lieutenants , governours and other officers , so far that some had the face to say , their general could do more , than the pope himself ; and others , that it was better to be of that order which could make cardinals , than be one themselves . i am not at all afraid , that what i have said will make me pass for a slanderer ; because the fathers speak it all so openly themselves , that hardly any one , who has conversed with them , has not heard them say the very same thing . the fifth point is , after the foundation of policy laid , that the first thing they demand of those princes , into whose good opinion they are got , is to obtain leave to advance or suppress whom they please , always pretending religion , to make their request more acceptable . and when it so unfortunately falls out , that they have their will , which is but too often ; you must not expect that they fill up vacancies with men of desert , and such as are best able to discharge the duty of the place ; quite contrary , if any one recommend such persons to the prince , they shall use all their interest to hinder it , unless they prove to be some of their intimates , such as are wholly devoted to their service . but those they recommend and stand for , it is no matter how ill affected they are to the prince , or how great knaves , capable of the imployment or not , that does not at all concern them . by which ordinarily we find , that such officers , as they prefer , serve for nothing but to torment their prince , and cherish the people in discontents , which in the end break out into sedition . the sixth observation cannot be made out better , than by the comparison of the captain of a ship , who perceiving a favourable gale for his voyage , has no sooner given notice by his whistle , but all the slaves are at their oars , to make for the place appointed . for it is almost after the very same manner , when the general has concluded with his assistants , that such a person should be so preferred ; the first notice he gives of his purpose to those that reside upon the place , has a general influence to set them all at work , tooth and nail , to set 〈◊〉 the person so marked out . it follows then that he which has received so signal an obligation , must be very ungrateful , if he does not requite it , when it lies in his power , by which it comes to pass many times , that they esteem themselves more beholding to the iesuites , than the prince who gives them the office , and so more devoted to their interest , than to his honour and advantage . thus are princes fooled , who whilst they fancy they have got a faithful servant , have taken into their breast a spy of the iesuites , who oftentimes by that means work the ruin of the prince , that raised him . this and all the rest i have mentioned are so great truths , that i could easily give many examples of them by sad experience . but because i would not unnecessarily contract an odium upon my self , i shall omit them , and content my self to draw only this conclusion from what i have said in this last point , that this device of the iesuites to place their own creatures in great charges , is perchance the reason why they call their order a great monarchy ; forasmuch as by this way they dispose of princes and their ministers . and therefore it ought not to seem strange , that one of their chief fathers , having a publick address to make to a great man in the name of the society , let fall this arrogant expression , you know very well ( sir ) that our society have alwayes held a fair correspondence with your highness ; importing , no doubt , that they were monarchs , as well as he . in the seventh place , these fathers endevour , as much as in them lies , to make the world believe , that all those that receive any favour from a prince , are to acknowledge it from their intercession , or some of their creatures . and this gives them a greater power over the subject , than his natural prince ; which cannot certainly be without very great danger ▪ it being against all reason , that such froward and amb●●ous youths , as the iesuites are , should have the will of ministers of state at their dispose . for besides that they have an opportunity by this means to work what treason or distubance they please , they have an infallible expedient by these ministers ( their creatures ) to place their iesuites in vow , of which we spake before , about princes , either in the capacity of counsellors , secretaries , or what else offers it self . and no sooner these are in , but that they plye the prince night and day to perswade him to take a iesuite for his confessor , or chaplain at least , and all to make spies for the father general , to whom they give account of the most private passages . which is , no doubt , the cause that it so often comes to pass , that what has been thought to have been carryed most secretly , has become publick when least dreamt of ; and that we find undertakings of the highest importance frustrated , without being able to imagine who was the traytor ; and what is yet worse , oftentimes they undergo the blame , who least deserv'd it . the eigth particular to be noted , is , that as it is natural for the subject to follow the inclination of his prince ; so all those who have given themselves up to the father general , when they observe his close and passionate application to state-affairs , and that he makes it his own business , by this means to aggrandise and enrich his society , they , like apes , immediately take after their leaders , and turn all politicians to help in carrying on , as they suppose , so glorious a project . to this end they set their relations and friends at work to get into the hearts of princes , and discover their most secret thoughts , ever making report to the assistants and general upon the first notice . for being well assured , that it is the only way to procure their superiors good will , and by consequence preferment ( which is bestowed upon none but such as are thought capable of exalting their society to that pitch they aim at ) they make it their business to recommend themselves , by some politick atchievement , that they may be looked upon as fit to manage greater affairs . my ninth observation therefore shall be , that as by virtue of the alembeck , chymists know how to extract ointments for the cure of almost mortal wounds , and as the bee makes her honey up of the choice of diverse flowers ; so the iesuites by strength of reason , compose their own interest out of the faithful intelligence they have of the concerns of all princes , and of all occurrences of state ; by which they do not only refresh that inward thirst of becoming great , but make likewise a mighty advantage in understanding their own emolument , in prosecution of which , they beat down all before them to accomplish their ends . but , what is most remarkable , when , as we have said before , they are got into the hearts of princes , they are used to play them off , by assuring them , what excellent expedients they have for putting such a plot in practice , and to bring about such a design . but scarcely will they have begun in their assistance according to engagement , but that upon consideration of some inconvenience this addition of greatness to a prince , whom they have hitherto fed with fair hopes , may bring to them , they create a thousand delaies , like advocates in a process at law , and then upon a sudden , by some excellent sleight of contrivance , turn all into confusion , and so break the neck of that plot themselves had laid . he that will but reflect upon the league of france , which being carryed on , and concluded by them , was likewise detected , when they saw the king was like to get the better ; and upon england , which they so often promised to the spaniards ; will need no other proof to make out the truth of what i have said . may we not then very justly draw this conclusion from the whole , that the iesuites having no real or sincere kindness for any , nor will oblige the world beyond their own interest , neither prince nor prelate can make use of them without injury to themselves . for at the same instant they pretend a like respect to all , becoming monsieurs with the french , dons with the spaniard , and so with all other countreys , as occasion serves , and hopes of advantage . they are very indifferent who it is they do harm or good to . and , no doubt , it is that excessive self-interest , and the little regard they have to any mans concern else , which makes few enterprises succeed , in which they have a hand . however i must allow , that they have an incomparable art in concealing this indifference , some of them still pretending a great zeal for the crown of france , others for that of spain , others for the emperour , and for all the rest of the princes from whom they expect any favour . but if it so fall out , that some one of these princes takes a iesuite into his cabinet-counsels , this fellow shall no sooner know any thing , but that he will advise the father general of it , who presently sends back his result upon it , in order to which he proceeds , without consideration either of his princes will or service . and though these i have already declared , are very great inconveniences ; i will shew you yet greater . the first is , that the iesuites being fully informed of the several interests and counsels of princes , they amongst them that feign themselves to be of the french faction , propound to the king , or his chief ministers , certain considerations of state , which may be of some weight , such as have been sent from rome in their politick letters . those which flatter the court of spain or any other government , where they have access make other propositions in these places , quite contrary to the former , or at least such as may keep christian princes at a distance to be in perpetual jealousies one of another , which disturbs the common peace more than can be imagined , and brings a misfortune upon all christendom . for , such a defiance hinders all possibility of joyning against the common enemy ; and indeed makes all treaties of peace between princes signifie very little . the second inconvenience is , that by these subtle practices they have so opened the eyes of all people , that no body minds any thing else but the politicks : so as nothing is done now a dayes , that is not first weighed in this balance , nor any business that is not directed by this iesuitical compass . but all this would be nothing to what mischief would ensue , if they of the reformed churches should take up this example , and abuse their interest with princes after this manner . for then in stead of lutherans ( with whom some accommodation may , it is hoped , be found out one day ) we should have spring up a politick brood of irreconcilable antichrists . and to make it appear , that i have said nothing but the truth , when i have charged the iesuites with such abominable artifices , and collusions , above all when they are upon insinuating themselves into the favour of princes , i must not forget what was done amongst them some years since upon the concern of great britain . one of their fathers , an assistant of that kingdom , called father parsons , having writ a book against the right of the king of scots to the crown of england ; father criton with others of the same order defended the kings cause , in a book intuled , the discourse of the king of scots against the opinion of father parsons , or to that purpose . and though you may suspect by this , that they are divided among themselves ; yet i do assure you , they do understand one another perfectly well . for this game was played by the directions of their general , to the end , that if the scotch were disappointed of the succession , then should be shewed , to whoever came in , father parsons his book ; or if otherwise , scotland should carry it , then they should ingratiate themselves by presenting criton's work : and so whatever came uppermost they were provided with that should make their society acceptable . by which you may judge how true it is , that i told you , princes are the main object of all the iesuites designs and actions , and therefore reason good , they should esteem their order a great monarchy . nay , is not this an undeniable argument of my assertion , the small care they take to please any prince , when their interest comes in competition ? we have have many experimental examples that convince it beyond dispute , if it were worth the trouble to set them down : i will only give you one , which shall be as good as a thousand . every one knows , that there is none in the world , that the iesuites are in so high a nature obliged to , and to whom they owe more fidelity , than the pope , not only for the particular vow of obedience they make to his person , but for many other reasons besides . and yet for all this pius quintus of blessed memory , having a mind that these fathers should officiate in the chore , and do all things after the manner of other regulars ; they would never obey him , but pretended still some great prejudice it would bring upon them : only there were some amongst them that submitted to his holiness , and did as they were commanded . but how did the rest serve them ? were they not by way of reproach called aviatins , or starters aside ? and was ever any of them afterwards preferred in the least ? just so they set themselves against that worthy person charles boromeo archbishop of milan , when , as legate à latere , he would have visited their society amongst the other regulars . but ( alas ! ) what is all this ? they break even the holy canons by trading , expresly against their injunctions , in pearls , rubies and diamonds , which are brought them from the indies . and it is generally believed , that the greatest part of the jewels which come from the indies and are sold at venice , pass through their hands . neither is this a bare rumour spread abroad by their enemies ; for i have it from those very men , whom they imploy , as brokers to put them off . i could produce other stories , that should make it as clear , how ill they serve the pope , and how dishonestly ; but because i can say nothing in it , without mentioning a prince , who would not very well relish my discourse , i will be silent . for i desire to serve all the world , and offend no man , not so much as the iesuites , which otherwise i honour , and against whom i do not in the least pretend to write an invective ; only a little to abate their pride , and , if possible , make them behave themselves with more moderation , than hitherto they have done . for who is there almost that has not reason to complain of the iesuites ? and yet , just as it falls out many times with men in desperate diseases , whilst they make lamentable complaints to heaven , such as startle every body that hear them , though each patient very well knows what kind of a disease he is visited with , yet not one in a thousand can tell from what inward cause it proceeds ; so , notwithstanding all the world cries out upon the iesuites , some for being oppressed by them , others for not being so honestly dealt with , as was to be expected from men of their robe ; yet the inconvenience continues , few perceiving what is the original of this mischief . however if one would but look a little into the business , it would appear plainly , that the immoderate and boundless passion of making themselves great , provokes them to neglect the satisfaction of princes , and to deceive them , to oppress the poor , embezel widows estates , ruin great families , raise suspicions and promote enmities betwixt christian princes , to introduce themselves into their affairs . but would it not be a strange irregularity in nature , if one of the meanest parts of the body , which was made only , as a servant to the more noble , should take to itself the best blood , and the greatest share of the vital spirits ? could one after such a disorder expect less , than a dissolution of the whole ? the abuse in church and state is no less ; when we see the iesuites order , which is come in , one of the last , and erected for the conversion of infidels , and drawing sinners to repentance , assume to itself the concerns of prince and prelate , drawing out the best , and very life itself of their affairs for their own use : which most assuredly cannot be done without , both a publick and private disturbance , by keeping under those subjects who most deserve advancement , and raising none , but the unworthy , with thousands of other divels , such monstrous proceedings must call up . i could easily bring many reasons here from experience , besides those i have given , to prove of what a vast extent the ambition of the iesuites is , and that there is no measure in their desires of growing great . but because i hate to be tedious , i will only lay before you the project of father parsons upon england , as he himself has set it down , in his book called the reformation of england . where after he has fallen upon cardinal pole ( a man of singular piety and worth ) and has observed certain faults and defects in the council of trent ; he concludes at last , that supposing england should fall back to the church of rome , he would put it into the condition of the primitive church . for this purpose , all the ecclesiastical revenues must be brought into one common stock , the care and dispensation of which , he would have committed to seven discreet persons , taken out of the iesuites society , to distribute , as they should think fit . moreover , he would have all other orders forbid coming into this kingdom under severe penalties , only such as they shall permit , which according to his judgment must be none but the begging orders . but as it is the usual fate of self-love to blind those it has mastered , and be they never so wise , make them guilty of the greatest follies : i do not much wonder at what this father adds , england ( says he ) being once brought back to the truth , the pope must not , for at least five years after , think of making any profit out of the church-revenues , but remit the whole entirely to the seven , who shall dispose of them , as they think best for the churches advantage . in good earnest a man must be very dull , that should not perceive their whole design to be to amuse , or rather cheat the pope by such a proposal , hoping at the five years end to find out some other trick , which seldom fails them , to keep it five years longer , and so by degrees shut his holiness quite out . does not this demonstrate their greedy ambition to an undeniable degree ? can any man after this , doubt of their aspiring thoughts of a monarchy ? do not the arts they use , put it past dispute ? and do they not at the same time , make it manifest , that so they have their ends , they are indifferent , as to the rest , whether advantaged or ruined by it ? in the time of gregory the thirteenth , they made it their request , to be invested with all the churches of rome , no doubt that they might found their empire in the capital city of the world : but that which was deny'd them for rome , was upon their importunity , granted them for england , where they made him confer the dignity of arch-priest upon a iesuite in vow , who instead of protecting the ecclesiasticks , plays the divel against all priests , that have no dependance upon the iesuites , so far as to hinder their communication one with another , though but to discourse , which has made them almost desperate . therefore it is no marvel if at present most of all the priests in england are iesuites in vow ; since , besides the reasons i have already given , they admit none into the colledges , but such as pass their word to take the habit of the society . so that if england should slide back again , there is no question of it , but that it would give beginning to an established monarchy of the iesuites ; because the bishopricks , dignities , and generally , all the other benefices and church-revenues would be bestowed upon iesuites . no wonder then , if after this we hear of so few converts , especially in that nation we last spoke of . for first , the old stock of priests which formerly made a great harvest , that the iesuites falsly attributed to themselves , is near worn out . and these youths are more zealous in promotihg their own interest , than in saving of souls . and then besides the protestants observing the tyranny of the jesuites over other priests of their own religion , and how they juggle in all their dealings , have taken so great an aversion , that for fear of coming under the same lash themselves , they think of nothing less , than a change . i will say nothing here of their imaginary pretences to a certain state , nor the discourses they continually buz in a princes ears of the great share they boast to have in the hearts of his people , by which they make him believe , they keep them in their allegiance and loyalty towards him . it shall suffice for conclusion of my discourse , only to propose four considerations . i. that men so ambitious , and that drive on such designs , must needs be lovers of change and novelty . and therefore being able to create them , when they please , by putting men in arms , the conduct of which i have shewed you , how good they are at , it is in a manner impossible they should forbear ; hence you may easily judge , that no prince ought to have any kindnes● for them , who loves peace and the preservation of hi● state. for i have already made it appear , they can do him no more service , than what may , as well be don● by others : but then they may ingage him in a thousand troubles , and it may be , promise his dominions to another , if he entertains them in his territories , and does not shew them respect enough , by governing himself after their directions , which is of equal danger . ii. if without any temporal jurisdiction they make suc● a bussle in the world ; what would become of us , if unluckily any of them should happen to be pope ? no doubt , h● would fill the consistory with iesuites , and so entail th● papacy upon themselves . going on then , as they have done and setting their interest for a rule , and having a pop● with all his power to back them ; were it not to b● feared that the dominions of many princes would be in jeopardy , especially those that bordered upon st. peter'● patrimony ? iii. such a pope , chose out of their own society , would certainly do his utmost to invest them with some town and temporal jurisdiction , which could not be done without injury to some prince . iv. if the consistory were filled with iesuites , the whole patrimony and revenue of the church would be in their hands ; and as we see a man that has a dropsie , the more he drinks , the dryer he is ; so doubtless , these fathers with such an addition of greatness , would be but the more covetous of riches and honour , in prosecution of which , the whole world should be disquieted . now , all the world knows , nothing is so liable to change as states , especially where there are those , that never want boldness to attempt . so that it is very likely the iesuites in the case we suppose them , would quickly alter the present state of affairs , to bring it to their fashion , and thus to confirm their absolute monarchy . for , though hitherto they have done their best to make themselves acknowledged monarchs , by drawing into their company the sons of free princes , who were to give up their rights to them ; yet could they never compass it , because still some other power perceiving their aim , has crossed their purpose . but if a iesuite once came to be pope , then would be their time , after full possession of the church-revenues , by their crafty methods to attain to that so long wished for condition . however i hope , though such an accident might not prove so fatal , yet the apprehensions of what may fall out , will be so well considered in behalf of all free princes , that the conclave will never run the risk of so dangerous an importance . from what i have said we may gather this general consequence , that it is necessary for the preservation of the publick peace , and the security of government , that his holiness and other christian princes give some check to this society , whose ambition is got up to that excessive pitch , as without some speedy prevention will become remediless . when my advice shall be asked for the effecting of this , i am confident they shall be so far from taking it amiss , that they will give me thanks for it . all i would have , being only to make them monarchs of their souls , which are the elect of jesus christ , and leave off the thoughts of this world , which is but dirt : and i offer in charity to contribute all the help god has inabled me with the power of . the jesuites private instructions . chap. i. how they must behave themselves in any place upon their first entrance into a new foundation . to make our order acceptable and welcome to the inhabitants , amongst whom we are to settle , it is very requisite to make them understand the rule of our constitutions ; that it is to no other end , but as much as in us lies , to procure the salvation of our neighbour and our selves . for that reason we ought with all submissive and humble deportment frequently to visit the hospitals , the sick , and those that are in prison , to confess them ; that by a charity to the poor not known to other orders , and being new-comers , we may have the reverence , and respect of the best , and most eminent persons in our neighbourhood . care must always be had to remember that written rule , to request , with all modesty and shew of piety , leave to perform our functions , and to make sure of the good will both of clergy and laity within the parish , whose favour or power may avail us any thing . we must go far and near , and beg the little collections for the poor ; that the inhabitants , taking notice of our necessities , may be the more liberal . we must appear to have but one soul , and one design amongst us all ; that by the shew of a submissive compleisance , every body may approve of it : and if any be obstinate in this point , let him be thrust out of the company . we must inform our selves of the value of all estates personal and real , but seek our acquaintance with them rather through liberality , than purchase . and if we get any thing that is considerable , let the purchase be made under a strange name by some of our friends , that our poverty may still seem the greater . such revenues as we have near any town , in which there are any colledges of ours , let our provincial assign them to some other colledges more remote , that neither prince nor people may discover any thing of our profits . we must never settle in a town that is not rich and wealthy . and this must be pretended in imitation of our saviour , who went not up to ierusalem , or any other place , but to save souls . and doubtless he understood iudea much the better by so often frequenting it with his disciples . and this more is to be said for a populous place ; if our society design the saving of souls , they have the proverb their own , where the people is , there must the prey be made . as well for our advantage , as that we may be thought poor , we must search and scrape up all that can be spared in town or the villages adjacent . our preaching must be directed by the humour of the people we live amongst ; and it must be insinuated that we are come to catechise and teach their children . and this we must do gratis , without regard had to any quality ; and yet so , as in order to serve our selves , by not seeming burdensome to the people , as all other begging orders are . we must profess to be of the number of the other begging orders , till our house has got a sufficient income , to which we must have a particular aim . chap. ii. what must be done to get the ear and intimacy of princes and great men . there is great care to be taken in this business . to bring over any prince to us , we must be sure to take off that prejudice of believing , they have no need of us , and perswade them , what interest we have , that no man dares lift up his hand against us. princes have always desired a jesuite confessour , when they have been engaged in hateful practices , that they might not hear of reproof , but still have some favourable interpretation put upon them. this often falls out upon matches contracted with near relations ; which are very troublesome , by reason of the common opinion , that such marriages never thrive . and therefore when princes are set upon such things , we must encourage them , and espouse their concerns , putting them in hopes , that we can have what we will of the pope , and alledge some reasons , opinions , or examples , which may feed the humour , by shewing how matches of higher consequence have been approved of for a publick good , and have many times been indulged to princes for the greater glory of god. thus when a prince attempts any thing ; as for example : he has a mind to make war ; we must go along with him ; fix his mind and resolution upon it , without enquiring into particulars , for fear , if things should happen otherwise than well , the fault should be laid at our door . and this we may do by pretending our rule , which forbids us to take knowledge of affairs of that nature . to confirm the good will of princes , it is good to undertake some little embassy , always provided it bring us in some advantage : by which we may render our selves as necessary , as welcome , and let them see how great our power and credit is , as well with the pope , as all other princes . there is no better way in the world to win princes , and great men at court , than by presents , which though never so mean , are better than none at all . and to give them a full testimony of our affections , manners and inclinations , we must , than which nothing is more acceptable to princes , discover to them the deportment and manners of those they have an aversion to . by this means we shall creep into the hearts of princes and grandees . now if they be not married , when we receive their confession , we must propose to them the matching into some noble alliance , to some beautiful lady , and a great fortune , and such , as if they are not related , at least are very intimate with some of ours , set out such virgins with commendations suitable to our end to please these great ones . thus we may by preferring a wife make new friendships , as we find by experience in the house of austrich with the kindomes of poland , and france , and the dutchies . when women of condition come over to us , we must possess them with as great a love to our society as is possible , and that as well by those that are our friends of their relation , as by our selves , to the end they may become the more liberal towards us. now the way to gain their affections , is by little services and trifling presents , which will make them lay open their hearts to us. to conduct the consciences of noble persons , we must follow the opinions of those authors that write in a more gentle stile against the rigorous morals of the monks : which will make princes reject the latter , to embrace our advice and counsel : and thus they shall wholly depend upon us. therefore to have the good will of princes , prelates and other great personages , it is requisite that they be acquainted with our great deserts , and that we shew them , how considerable we are in all parts of the world , and that we are able in a high measure to dispense with reserved cases , which other monks cannot do : as to absolve from fasting , or paying any just debt , untie the impediments of marriage , and a thousand other obligations and vows . we must endevour to breed dissention among great men , and raise seditions , or any thing , a prince would have us to do to please him. if a chief minister of state to any monarch that is our friend , oppose us , and that prince cast his whole favour upon him , so as to add titles to his honour ; we must present our selves before him , and court him in the highest degree , as well by visits , as all humble respect . chap. iii. how we are to deal with persons of great rank , that are not rich , but have great power in the common-wealth , that we may make our advantages by their credit . if they be secular lords , we must under the protection of their assistance and kindness , carry any process against our enemies , and make use of their partiality to hook in houses , villages , gardens , quarries of stone for building , especially in the towns where we have colledges , always purchasing under a strange name of some confident of ours . we must be very careful to uphold the bishops and parishioners revenues for us ; lest they should hinder the exercise of our function , where they have to do . for , in germany , poland , and france , the bishops have great power , and can with a great deal of ease obtain from their prince any convenience for us , as monasteries , new erected parishes , the priviledges of serving at certain altars , places devoted to holy uses , and other things , which must be facilitated by stopping the seculars mouths with some small consideration . besides , we may transfer to our own use , what foundations we please , where catholicks and hereticks inhabit together . these bishops should be made 〈◊〉 ●●derstand , that besides the meritoriousness of the act in such a case , they will reap a great benefit : whereas the secular priests and the monks would pay them with nothing , but a song . they ought to have immortal praise for their zeal in so good a deed , that are the cause of our getting into the foundations of some seculars , and canons , which may be effected with ease by the assistance of these bishops . we must see , that when the bishops and princes are founding any colledges , we have a perpetual licence conferred upon us to assist the vicar of the parish-churches in the cure of souls ; and that for some time the superiour be a parishioner himself , so to have the church wholly at our dispose . the bishops must be perswaded to build us colledges in those universities that are our enemies , and where the catholicks and hereticks hinder us from having any foundation ; and that as well there , as in any other great town , we may have liberty to preach . when there is any design of canonizing one of our order ; the business must be followed by letters of grace from great men to his holiness . if occasion so require , that the princes must appear in person to solicit , we must look to it , that no regular go along with them , or attend them , with whom we hold not correspondence , for fear they steal away the princes affection from us , and procure our colledges , where they have any thing to do already , to be joined to them to our prejudice . therefore when any person of quality comes within our walls , we must treat him with all modest respect , and shew of piety . chap. iv. the duty of chaplains and confessours to princes , and great lords . that princes and other men of degree may be fully satisfied that our whole design is the great glory of god , which our society has chose for their particular cognisance ; we must pretend all the resolution and sincerity in the world. and afterwards try , how pliable they are to our instructions , not all at once , but by degrees , screw our selves into their politick concerns of government and revenue . to arrive thus far , we must often inculcate , that they ought not confer honours , charges , offices , or other preferments , but upon such as are able , and of integrity , and that have merited by some notable service . make them sensible , how great a sin it is to do the contrary , always dissembling our intention to meddle in any thing of that nature , protesting against it with all asseverations , making it only a case of conscience , in the station we are to speak the truth . if then the prince be put to a stand what to do : he must be told , what endowments and capacity they ought to have who are to fill up such or such places , and how they ought to demean themselves . we must suffer none to come in , that are not of our intimates . therefore let the prince hear again and again , that to employ men of integrity and good lives , will be highly for his honour , absolutely necessary for the maintenance of true religion , and the good of his people . which persons must never be nominated by any we are not sure of , but by some of our fast friends . thus we shall strike up a mutual obligation , and be the more cheerfully served upon all occasions . the confessours and chaplains must get out of our friends , what lands or money the eminent men have , whether virtuous , and bountiful , and be sure to keep a catalogue of their names , and then neatly recommend them to the prince , that so the way may be laid open for preferment , when any falls worthy of them . but they must mark out those in the first place , that by confession they discover to be well enclined to us. above all , they must be sure to handle princes , and others , with all easiness and satisfaction , and not to press them too much in their confessions , or sermons . they that retain to princes must have very little money , and be mean in their furniture , contenting themselves with some poor little hole , as in appearance most mortified persons , and avoid the suspicion of flattery . for by such a discreet carriage they may prevail easily with the prince to do nothing , in church or state without their advice . all diligence must be used to get the names of all the officers of state , to change or continue , as shall be thought most expedient , but without giving ground to suspect the removalls come from us. and this must be brought about by some of our friends , that are near the prince , who may effect it without mistrust . chap. v. what must be done with those orders that comply with ours ▪ and by that means often get , what should otherwise have fallen to our share . vve must disgest this sort of people , as a medicine for a mad dog. and therefore to remedy the mischief , as much as in us lies , we must possess any prince , that will give us the hearing of the perfection of our order above all the rest , and that if the other seem to excel us in the strictness of discipline , yet ours in the whole is the most glorious star in the church's firmament , and that the rule of other orders is wholly directed by ours . we must lay open the defects of other orders , and shew how they that concur with us in the same designe , come fart short of us in the performance . we ought to set our selves chiefly against those orders , that ape us in the education of youth , principally , in those places , where it depends upon our credit , and where good advantage may be made . such orders must be represented to the prince , as contentious , and apt to cause tumults and seditions . the universities must be made believe , that those other orders are like to prove much more pernicious to them , than ours . and if such chance to have letters recommendatory from the pope , or cardinals : we must procure the prince to mediate on our behalf to his holiness , that we may produce more authentick authority for our selves . we must get the good word of the inhabitants of that town where we have colleges , to confirm the excellency of our institution , uprightness of our conversation , and incomparable method in teaching scholars . besides it must be suggested , that the opening diversity of schools will be liable to breed opposition and tumults , especially if under the tuition of several orders . all possible industry must be used to make our studies flourish , and win applause , giving proofs thereof to prince and people . chap. vi. how to procure the friendship of rich widows . for this purpose must be called out some of the fathers of the livelyest fresh complexions , and of a middle age . these must frequent their houses , and if they find a kindness towards our society , impart to them its great worth . if they come to our churches , we must put a confessour to them , that shall perswade them to continue in their widowhood , representing to them the great pleasure , delight and advantage will accrue to them by remaining in that state : and this they must be assured of , and promised an eternal reward , and that this only thing will exempt them from purgatory . set them up a little chappel , and an altar neatly furnished , the minding of which may put the thoughts of a husband out of their heads . for the better effecting of which , frequent masses must be said there , and exhortations given . to facilitate the business they must be induced to lessen their family , and to take stewards , and other officers of our recommendation , and place some of our creatures about them in the house . so that by degrees , having got a perfect knowledge of all the circumstances of their concerns , and their devotion to our society , we may at last place what officers we please about them . the first thing that their confessours are to do , is to get into their counsels , and to let them understand how necessary it is for the good of their souls to give themselves wholly up into their hands . they must be advised to receive often , to assist at divine service , to repeat the litanies over , to take a daily examination of themselves , and their confessours must assist them in choosing out some men and women-saints for their tutelaries , especially recommending the founder of our order . let them be exhorted to make an entire confession , that knowing their faults , humours , and instructions , from beginning to end , it may serve them as a direction to bring them about to our purpose . twice or thrice a week must be given them a lecture in commendation of a widows life , and how many thousand vexations and charges a second marriage incurrs . being thus induced to continue in their widowhood , presently they must be put upon entring into some religious order , not in a cloister , but after the manner of paulina . thus when they are caught in the vow of chastity , all danger of their marrying again is over . they must then be earnestly pressed not to admit young people into their court , such as are given to courting of ladies , play , musick or poetry ; that they avoid much company . but let all this be done with such a moderation , as may prevent any complaint of our rigour towards them , for fear of a just repriment . all presentations , chaplains , and the like , in their gift , must be disposed of by us . by this we shall insensibly get ground upon them , perswading them to deeds of charity , and giving alms , without which they can never gain the kingdome of heaven . always provided , they never bestow any charity without the advice and consent of their ghostly father : because it is very material to be assured upon whom , or how a charity is placed to make it acceptable to god. for they must understand , that alms ill-bestowed will rather do hurt , than good . and if they do not believe , how much it contributes to the expiation of their sins ; they must neither be allowed so much liberty nor liberality . chap. vii . how to keep widows to our selves , so far as concerns the disposing of their estates . vvidows must be frequently minded of continuing in their devotion , of performing charitable offices , to let no week pass without doing some good work of their own voluntary motion , to the honour of the holy virgin , cutting off all superfluous expences , and distributing something extraordinary to the poor , and the churches of jesus christ. now , if besides this general good disposition , they give any testimony of a particular bounty towards us , whether by any great sum of money , or otherwise : we must make them entire partakers in the merits of our company , and to set the better gloss upon it , let it be confirmed by the provincial , or if need be , by our general . if any of our widows break their vow of chastity , they shall be shrived by their confessours twice a year with a renewing of their vow , that the freshness of the memory of it may oblige them the more to us . and upon the day of their reconciliation , they may have leave to recreate themselves with any civil divertisement . it must be proposed to them to live after our rule , and if they think fit , that all their attendants and domesticks do the like . they ought to be perswaded to come to confession every month , as well upon the feasts dedicated to our saviour , as those to the holy virgin ; the apostles , the patron they have made choice of , and principally st. ignatius , and st. xavier . place syndikes with them to have an eye upon both men and women in their court , and to discover their miscarriages , for our better information , but not to take any notice of the widows vow of chastity . the domesticks must be forbid to look scornfully , or talk of things behind peoples backs , which grows ordinarily into contempt . and therefore offenders in that kind are to be severely chastised , or else by the widows leave turned out of doors . these widows must be served by civil maids of our recommendation , such as have skill in working several ornaments for our churches , which may be a means to give their ladies a pious divertisement . we must place a governess over these maids of our own choosing , that may keep them constantly at work , and have a strict eye over them . visit the widows , as often as we may be welcome , entertaining them with pleasing discourses , and godly stories , and keep up the cheerfulness of their humour , and never be too severe with them in confession , lest they take distaste at us : unless there be no hopes left of making any advantage by them . we must comfort them , and advise them to go often to confession , that in relyance upon this consolation , they may be wholly ours , body and goods . if there be any hopes of frighting them into good nature , we may be a little more rough with them : but a confessour must do this with great caution , and not before he hath consulted with the superiours . it is of great importance for the gaining a widow's friendship , to give them a particular privilege of coming into our colleges upon some solemn performances , as the acting a tragedy , or such like : and not to let them go abroad in extreme cold weather : and to dispense with their fasting , or wearing sack-cloth , which may be taken off by alms. that thus they may be satisfied we are not less sollicitous for the health of their bodies , than their souls . we must hinder them , as much as in us lies , from going to the churches of other orders , upon their festival days : and convince them , that all the indulgencies of other orders are comprised in ours . let them be as sensual as they please , provided they are liberal , kind to our society , and handle the matter so , as not to give scandal . when they are in consideration , how to dispose of their estates : they must have laid before them the perfection of the saints , who have forfeited their blood , parents and friends , and cheerfully relieved the poor members of christ. here it is , that we must represent that crown they shall receive , if they give themselves , and theirs , up to us . to induce them the more willingly to this mind , we must let them see the 123 articles in the 4 th chap. of our constitutions , that by this means they may be informed of the drift of this perfection , and may be weaned from that fondness after their relations . so that their whole affections may be set upon the glory of god , by the advice of their ghostly father ; who must therefore lay home to them the great hazard of death worldly grief carries along with it , which does constantly attend the too great tenderness for near kindred . the escaping of this danger wholly proceeds from that sincere resignation of themselves up into our hands : which nevertheless was wrought by our importunity ; a thing all other orders are strangers to ; then tell them of others , who for this only act of resignation have obtained the kingdome of heaven : and that they may one day be canonized , if they will be diligent to prosecute so glorious a design ; promising them moreover under the seal of confession , that they shall be sure of our interest with the pope for the effecting of it . when therefore the widows are ready to put their estates into our hands , and to give themselves up to the directions of their ghostly father ; to avoid clamour and opposition , they must immediately confirm this conveyance , if they be willing , and that they are fully perswaded that such counsel comes from god , the protectour of widows , who has greater care of their souls , than bodies . they must be likewise possessed that god takes great pleasure in good works and alms bestowed upon religious orders , and such poor people , as give themselves up to devotion . and this advice their confessour must give them , letting them understand , that a cheerful giver is a delight to god , when he acts within the bounds of obedience , which is the sister of humility . but they must be sure , when they determine any charity , to give an account to their confessour , that he may add , retrench or alter , as he shall think fit . above all , they must be forbid the visiting of other orders , lest they intice them away from us . for generally , this sex is unconstant . they must therefore be made see , that our order is superiour to all the rest , more necessary to the church , of greater reputation in the cities , and has greater interest with princes . so that it will be impossible for them to make a better choice . for the other monks have none of these advantages : nor ever look after the salvation of their neighbours , being generally ignorant , dull , heavy , sottish fellows , that mind nothing but their bellies , and voluptuous living . when we have got good store of money and other things out of our widows , for fear they should take a freak to marry again , we must put discreet confessours to them , who will take care that they assign us pensions , and certain tributes , or alms , to help pay the yearly debts contracted by our colleges , and professed houses , particularly for those at rome , and such colleges where the poorer sort of our order study ; as also for the re-establishing of novitiates , who have long since been dispersed . dispose them to lay out a good sum yearly for the buying of chasubles , chalices , and other accommodations for altars . before a widow comes to die , if she has not left us to be executors , for fear of displeasing her friends , want of affection , or any other cause , let her be acquainted with our poverty , the number of our new colleges not as yet endowed , the zeal and numerousness of our order , the great want our churches are in , and advise her to finish those buildings of our colleges which are left imperfect , and to be at the charge her self , for the greater glory of god , of erecting temples , refectories , and other foundations , of which we poor servants of the society of jesus christ stand in need . and let all this be done warily and with dispatch . after the same method must we treat princes , and other benefactours , that have raised us any great structures , or founded any place . first , letting them understand , that their good works are consecrated to eternity , that they are the true model of piety , that they are those , we make a particular remembrance of , and that they shall have their reward in the next world . but if they object to us , that jesus christ was laid in a manger at his birth , and that he had not where to lay his head ; and therefore that we who are in a more particular manner his companions , ought not to enjoy the perishable vanities of this world : then must it be pressed home to them , that indeed at the beginning , the church was in that condition , but that now by divine providence she is become a monarch ; she was then but a broken rejected stone , but is now grown into a high rock . chap. viii . how to draw into our society the sons and daughters of our devotes . that the mothers may the more willingly consent to this enterprise , we must perswade them gently , that they must be a little harsh with daughters that are stubborn , whipping them with rods , if young ; with mortification , and threats of worse usage , if more gone in years . they must be chastised , and denied what were otherwise befitting their quality . but if they will comply with our rules , they must be cherished with all tenderness , and promised a greater portion , than if they should marry . the mother must lay before them the austerity of a husband , and the chargeableness of that condition : represent to them the hardships and vexations of marriage , the torments and anguishes they are to endure , and that nothing but sorrow is to be got by it ; whereas the entring into some religious vow , brings along with it all content . the same doctrine must be applyed to sons that are inclinable to marry . we must get familiar with their sons , and invite them to those colleges we think fittest to place them in , carrying them into our gardens to walk , and to our countrey-houses , where we go for diversion . shew them the great content those retreats afford , and how great respect all princes pay us . in short , we must make it our business to draw in the youth , by carrying them to our refectories and chambers , letting them see the agreeableness of our conversation , and how easy our rule is , which has the promise of the glory of the blessed . our sharpness in disputations of things appertaining to this world , or that to come , the eloquent discourses that are made amongst us , from delightful entertainments so heavenly pleasant , which seem to be bestowed upon us in the name of the holy virgin , by way of revelation , must not be omitted , as so many inducements to bring them to our order : convincing them how great a sin it is to resist a call from heaven . let them likewise be present at our exercises , to see what that will do . the preceptors that teach widows sons in the house must be of our preferring ; who must be perpetually inviting them over to us , and promise them , rather than fail , that if they will enter into our society , they shall be received gratis . we must order it so , that their mothers disappoint them of their necessaries from time to time , to make them consider into what troubles , and difficulties their affairs are fallen . chap. ix . how to encrease the revenues of our colleges . none of our order shall be admitted to the last profession ; so long as they are in expectation of any inheritance to befall them : unless he has a brother amongst us younger , and more likely to live than himself , or for some other beneficial reason . in the first place , above all things we must endeavour the aggrandizing of our order according to the will of our superiours , who alone must be acquainted with these things , and must do their utmost to advance the church of god to the highest sphere , for his greater glory . to which end , the confessours of princes and rich widows , must be sure to tell them , that since they receive at our hands spiritual good , for the salvation of their souls ; it is but reasonable , they should make us partakers of their temporal good things . we must refuse nothing that is offered us . and if they promise us any thing , it may be committed to writing , if there be any danger of giving them distaste by over-hasty importunity . we must prefer no confessours to princes , or others , but such as are able and fit to prevail with them , and to reprove them now and then for not being kind enough to the society . and therefore if any of them act not their part , as they should do , let them be called back immediately , and others sent in their room . for we have found to our grief , that many times persons have died suddenly , and by their confessours neglect have left nothing of value to our church . and the reason was , for want of being dexterous enough to make them sooner ours , whilest they lived : which might easily have been done , had we watched to have taken them in the humour , and not waited any other opportunity . we must visit the nobility and rich widows , and sift out with a christian address , whether they will leave any thing to our churches , as well to get remission of their own sins , as those of their relations and friends . after the same manner must we handle prelates , and others of their diocess , which will bring us in no small gain . our confessours must be sure to enquire of those that come to confession , their names and sir-names , allies and friends , what they intend upon the hopes of any succession , how they resolve to bestow themselves , how many brothers , sisters , or heirs they have , how old , what estate , of what vocation , or breeding , and perswade them such an information imports much to the cleering their conscience . then if there be any hopes of advantage , let them be enjoined for penance to confess every week : that what was omitted in the first weeks ▪ confession , may be made out in the next . thus when all is got out of a penitent , the superiour must have notice , and resolve how he shall be managed for the future . what has been spoken in the concern of widows , must as well be executed upon rich and wealthy merchants , that are married , and have no heirs , and upon rich virgins that have an esteem for us. for if we once get into their estates , we shall soon make them ours . but we must by no means be too forward in driving on such a design , lest we spoil all . to procure any mans good will , we must take our measure from his conversation , and study to humour him in his inclinations . and our provincials must send discreet persons to those places , where the people are rich , that a good account may be given to the superiours of a hopeful success . as soon as our people find they are got into their favour , they must presently cry up their great bounty and deserts : which the other poor begging fryars , never think of doing . our receivers must take an inventory of all the houses , gardens , quarreys , vineyards , villages , and other emoluments , in and about the town they reside in ; and , if they can , learn how we are beloved among the inhabitants . moreover , they must find out every man's imployment and income , what land he has , and what encumbrances are upon his estate . which may be done easily by confessions , the discourse at several meetings , by way of entertainment at visits , and by the assistance of our fast friends . so soon as ever a confessour has discovered a man to be very rich , and that there is hopes of working upon him ; he must immediately give notice . they must likewise inform themselves exactly of such , as will part with any thing considerable , in exchange for their sons , whom we have admitted into our society . enquire if any of those , that wish us well , have any inclination to be benefactors to our colleges ; or if they have made any purchace , upon condition to return it to us after their decease : or what better advantage , we are to expect from them . every body must be acquainted with our great necessity , the debts that swallow us up , and the continual great charge we are obliged to be at . when our friends bestow any thing upon us , we must get it to be upon this condition , that after a little time , we may have power to incorporate it into the rest of our demains . if any of our women-friends , that are widows , or marryed , chance only to have daughters , we must neatly perswade them to put them into a nunnery with some small portion , that the rest of the inheritance may be ours . so for sons , when they have any ; we must do all we can , to get them into our society , by terrifying them first , and bringing them under perfect obedience to their parents . afterwards we must make them despise all things here below , and shew them the greater duty of following jesus christ , who calls them , than their parents , if they regard their souls . it will likewise be a sort of sacrifice to our order , to draw in one of the younger children , unknown to his friends ; whom we must take care presently to send to some novitiate , a great way off , having first given notice to the general . if a widower , and widow marry , that have children by their former marriages , and likewise by the latter . those of the last venter must first be sent into a cloister , and then the former will easily follow . if a widow has sons and daughters , that will not be induced to a monastick life ; the superiour must for the first default , blame the confessour , and put another in his room , that may be more likely to bring the business about . but if that fail ; then must the good woman be perswaded to make money of all that she has in her power ; and give it us , for the expiation of her own sins , and her husbands . when we meet with a widow that has no heirs , and is wholly devoted to us , and gives her self up to prayers , and is in possession of land , or any other estate : we must perswade her to assign it over to our colleges , and content her self with some small yearly allowance from us , that she may have more leisure to serve god , and be quit of the incumbrances of this world. afterwards take off her pension , and maintain her in common with our selves , that under pretence of mortification and poverty , she may become as one of our domesticks . for we must bring her thus to our bent , lest some wicked relation of hers should take her off from so good a work. therefore it will be very convenient to send her to some remote place to spend the remainder of her days ; telling her , that such a course will be in the nature of an hermitage , which is held the most devout and commendable of all ways . that our friends may be the more easily induced to beleeve our poverty , our superiour must borrow of the moneyed men , giving bond before a scrivener . perchance , when they lie a dying , they will send to the scrivener , for the good of their souls , to deliver us up the bonds . and a piece of paper is easier given up , than the counting over a heap of money . for the same reason , we should take up all the money we could of our friends , though we put it out again : that so being sensible of our great indigency , this may be a more ready way to provoke them in compassion at the hour of death , to leave us the whole , or a good share , for the erecting some new college . we must not fail to be in fee with the physicians , that they may recommend us to their patients upon all occasions . our confessours must be sure not to neglect visiting the sick , especially those that are in despair , laying before them the pains of purgatory , and hell , which are no ways to be avoided without charity . they which have been formerly covetous are used for the most part to be very liberal to our society : and , it may be , put all their estates presently into our hands ; which our people must press , as much as they can , for fear the opportunity should slip by . if a woman in confession , blames the vitious and harsh humour of her husband , that hinders her from observing our discipline , and that she be rich , and well inclined towards us : she must be convinced , that she can do nothing more pleasing to god , than to lay out a good sum of money unknown to her husband , or else spare it out of her own allowance , as being the only means to procure her quiet for the future , and remission both of her , owns sins , and her husbands . and we find many times by experience , that this course has abated much of the husband's rigour . chap. x. of the rigour and discipline within our society . the superiours shall declare the rigour of this discipline to be such , that , excepting some reserved cases , whosoever among us , of what age or condition soever , shall have taken off any of ours , or our friends , from doing us good , or put them upon entring into any other order , but ours , or upon bestowing their patrimony on us shall shew a coolness and backwardness , and rather perswade them to give it to some other order ; or if any that receive confessions , shall perswade their penitents to bestow their charity upon their poor kindred : such ought to be esteemed mortal enemies to the society . and though they must not be dismissed immediately , yet let them be forbid hearing any confessions , and mortified by undergoing the most vile and abject offices , be put to teach the lower forms in the school , hindred from taking any degree , and as well in private , as at meals , let them be perpetually jobed , grumbled at , debarred of all recreations , and solemn meetings ; whatever they value most in their chambers , let it be taken away ; that being thus hard put to it , they may first complain themselves ; which is the best way to get rid of such incorrigible fellows . they which scruple the procuring any manner of advantage for the society , shall be turned out without any more to do . in short , the superiour must never stick at dismissing any , that continue not in perfect obedience and submission . chap. xi . how to order a dismission . to the end , that they we turn out , become not irreconcileable to us : we must handle them after this manner . before they are dismissed , they shall give it under their hands , and confirm it over the sacrament that they will never speak , nor act any thing against our society . hinder their access to great men , whether of the spiritualty , or tempralty : for fear they should curry favour with them to our prejudice . lay open their vices , and miscarriages , and ill conditions ; with a testimony of our great resentment , that they should so far forfeit themselves with us , past hopes of reconciliation . write word to all our colleges of their names , and sirnames , we have dismissed , with a large account of their mis-demeanours . in whatever power or credit he may be , that is turned out ; we must still be before-hand with him , in our address to the sober , and powerful men , letting them understand , what hainous offences he has committed , that were the cause of his disgrace . then lay before them the love , power , reputation and advantage , our society has brought to the church of god , by the approbation of all men ; the great esteem is had of our learning , for which kings , and other great princes , take us for their confessours and chaplains , and admit us into their most secret counsels . and besides , if we acknowledge our selves obliged in christian zeal , to have a particular love for our neighbour ; how can it be imagined , that we should do the least wrong to any we have admitted companions under the same rule with us . we must have a great care , how we let any of those , we have dismissed , into a benefice , before having first cried peccavi , given us a good sum of money , and assigned all they have , over to our society : or at least given some particular and sufficient testimony that they are ours , body , and soul. chap. xii . what choice ought to be made of those novices we take in amongst us , and how to keep them . vve must be very careful in choosing youths well-disposed , of good parts , and comely persons , well born , and rich . to intice them , they must be carryed into our gardens , or into our best appartments , by the prefect of the classes , who shall satisfie them , how acceptable an undertaking it is to god their coming into our society . the governours of our colleges must be very gentle with them , to let them see what an affection we have for them ; which to manifest the more , when any others chance to be in the same fault with them , we will pardon them meerly for their sakes , and then let them privately understand as much . we must tell them with some seeming kind of passion , that youth is always ill-disposed : and if they render not up themselves upon such warning , they must be threatened with eternal damnation . for the more easie winning upon them , we must present them with some small trifles , little images , books , or the like ; walk with them in the gardens , and there give them some of the best fruit , sweeten them up with good words , place them in the best seats upon any publick solemnity , and sometimes entertain them in our refectories , giving them a tast of our best and choicest wines . we must perswade them that god has designed them for us , and that we are most assured of it , by the revelation of our holy fathers . but they must have a care not to speak of it again to any body . then must we threaten them , that they are eternally damned , if they despise the call of the holy ghost , who has inspired them to enter into our order . when they come to desire to be admitted , it must not be granted them presently , but put off a little , to try the strength of their resolution . they must be advised to conceal their intention , not to let their relations know any thing of it , nor so much as their play-fellows at school . all this while we must cherish their good purpose , of coming into our society , with the best words we can give them . so that by heightening their desire every day more and more , they may covet their admission with more pleasure and satisfaction . but , if it so fall out , that any change their mind ; and would go out again : they must be remembred , why they sought this admission with so much zeal and earnestness ; and made know , that this inconstancy will turn to their damnation . now , because it is very difficult to draw in , and afterwards to keep the children of rich magistrates and lawyers , if we have them in their own countrey : therefore in such a case , we must send them privately to the novitiate in rome , having first advertised the provincial and general . and if any germans come to us into france , with any such design , as entring into our society ▪ they ought to be admitted without any farther dispute . we must be sure to send such , as there is any danger of keeping , to some novitiate , where the governour of the place is our friend ; lest the insolency of the people should prevail against us . now , to reconcile the friends and relations of these young-men we have admitted : we must extoll the bravery of their resolution , particularly in that they have put themselves into the number of the faithful servants of jesus christ , without any leave of parents , and that the whole drift of our order is to live in all holiness , and good doctrine , to the admiration of all men . and therefore great princes have been pleased to do us that honour , as to enter into our society , for a retirement there to end their days . lastly , we must tell them , how acceptable so great a devotion is to god , when so young a man puts himself into the list , to fight under the banner of jesus christ. chap. xiii . concerning our women devotes . our confessours must have a great care , to use our nuns gently : because they are our greatest benefactrices for the endowing our colleges , and many times give us half their estates , when they enter into a monastery . we must get out of our devout women to vow chastity and obedience in our presence , that we may be sure of them . let them know , how well god is pleased with their vail and spiritual subjection , which comprehend chastity and obedience , and their voluntary poverty , which argues their service to god , to be from the whole heart and will. thus into whatever good way we put them , they will certainly recompence us with all their temporalties . chap. xiv . of reserved cases and dismissions from the society . besides the reserves in our instructions , which our superiour , or an ordinary confessour , with leave , has power to dispense with : there is in the case of sodomy , adultery , fornication , a rape , or any other uncleanness , or any thing committed against the honour , or profit of the society , a private order to let such know , that their offence amounts to a dismission , which can have no pardon without first promising out of confession to the superiour all the particulars of their enormity . no confessour shall accuse a penitent once dismissed , and out of confession . but if any such acknowledge his fault freely , let him be turned out : and if he will not own it ▪ he must be kept up for some time . when any of our confessours take the confession of an extern , and that they accuse themselves , for having been dishonest with one of our society : let them have no absolution , before they have first acknowledged their fault out of confession . which if they do , let ours be well chastised , and give the others absolution . if a woman that is a stranger to us , has committed simple fornication , and confesses that she has been naught with some of us : let her not have absolution before she has sworn never to reveal what has been done , and that upon receiving absolution , she shall declare with whom she committed this folly . when two of our own people have committed sodomy one with the other : he that disowns it , shall be turned out , and he that first confesses it , shall be kept in . but with such mortification , as shall make him afraid ever to do the like again : and presently after , whether willing or no , let him be dismissed . such as are lewdly given amongst us , whether in word or deed , we must avoid ; and having first acquainted the general with our reasons , let us use them with all severity , deny them whatsoever they desire , be it never so inconsiderable , and appoint such over them as shall never let them lead a happy hour , put them upon all the meanest offices : till they begin to murmur , that we may have occasion to set them going . and be sure , we never suffer such to stay with us , as rebel against their superious , or that can never agree with their companions . but chiefly if any seem to be dissatisfied with their superiours , for making unjust acquisitions for our society , cross our interest , diswade people from being charitable to us , or do not set themselves against those , that bear us an ill will : they must never be suffered . for , we must take this for a rule , that if any scorn their obedience to their superiours , and presume to be governed by their own fancies : they will have as little regard for christ's own commands . it is sufficient cause of dismission to commend , or have any esteem for a state or university , that is enemy to our society . at the dismission of any one , he must be more severely , and sharply reproved , and have it laid home to him , what a fault he has committed in forgetting his duty . he that shall be appointed at dinner , shall lay open the crimes of such heinous offenders , so as they themselves may be convinced of their errour , and sensible of our just resentment . but we must never think of keeping such fellows . for they can only serve to bring a scandal , and breed dissention among us . chap. xv. concerning those of the society that are appointed for entertainment and conference . such as have the care not only of our spiritual affairs , but temporal also , for the improvement of our company , as the confessours of great princes and rich widows our preachers and directors of these private instructions , must be ranged with the first of our society . when the confessour of a rich widow is grown old , let him be changed for one that may be more proper for the place . but in the mean time , let the good old man that has done us so much service , have whatever he shall demand , either for meat , clothing , fire , or any thing else that his age may require . the superiours shall not vex him with penance , nor take much notice of his faults , for the profits sake , and good harvest he has brought into the society by his industry , and well disposing of souls . and as to their servants and under-waiters , bedels and others , they must not be roughly handled , lest their decrepit age become more chargeable to us . it would not be handsome for us to send away the old knaves that have taken so much pains in our behalf , for faults , which the infirmity of old age makes them liable to . their relations , that wish both them and us well , would never forgive us . all incouragement must be given to our young jesuites that are noble and rich , and bring us in , benefactours and founders : they must have all they can desire . we must be kind to those that have not yet given their estates to us , and that expect large inheritances ; and not forget those that have been instrumental in drawing in such youths , or have any way shewed their affection to our society . chap. xvi . of the devotion of the society . vve must all of us take up this opinion , that the rule of our society is much more excellent , than that of other orders , and therefore particularly press this to all our friends , that they follow the doctrine of our fathers , and that our society is that foretold by vincentius ferrerius , as has been proved out of the revelation by abbat ioachin , our whole design being to pursue the prescription of the son of god , jesus christ crucified , and that it is our business to avoid giving any scandal in the least , so that we are the paterns of all government , and are they that make learning flourish , and give education to most people of quality . for it is our sense , that whosoever shall do or say the contrary must not stay with us : because a kingdom divided against it self must needs fall . and therefore we are the more zealous in keeping up these principles by which we expect to prosper . our people must be sure to take all occasions of declaring , that it is impossible the church should flourish under any monarchy without the concurrence of the temporal power : that by this means we may win upon the great ones , ever making appearance of living after the strictest rules of any upon the place we are . this shall be sure , not only to make us welcome to princes , but procure us a reputation of wisdom , which in time will bring us into their most secret counsels . where though we serve the society , all must be pretended for the publike good , which will advance our credit . above all things we must still lay before us the glory of god , and good of our society . following the proverb , that bids us love our selves in the first place , and afterwards our neighbours . therefore no matter what mischief we create ; since the advance of our society is above all other considerations . for we see by experience , what a help the dissention of princes is to us , as likewise their ordinary follies and weaknesses . but we must be cautious not to be suspected as the fomenters of war , or to meddle in state-affairs : though we avoid no means to serve our society . when we are got into good credit : we must teach , that learning is needless in a parish-priest , being only requisite for regulars , that write controversies : and that if they understand the gospel , it is sufficient : thus shall we at last make them beholding to us for doctrine . so soon as our reputation is got to the height , and that we are well advanced in riches , learning and the favour of great men : then is our time to enter upon canonical cures and abbies . which other orders are never able to attain to , for want of parts , and discretion . thus we may be in hopes one day to govern the whole church ; which would be our golden age , and is a blessing we may expect from god , as protectour of our society in a more peculiar manner . for we have so ordered it ; that for the time to come , if we look well about us , nothing can fall out but peace and tranquility : since our society has taken jesus christ for its shepheard , who will not fail to make it flourish in all respects . chap. xvii . concerning the contempt of riches . that we may not seem too greedy after gain , it will sometimes do well to omit taking up the lesser alms , that are given to discharge our ordinary expenses : though on the other side , we must not refuse the least thing that is profered us by our good friends . but when we are in pursuit of a great sum , we must now and then let slip a less . there shall be no monuments or epitaphs set up in our churches , though it were for any of our best friends ; lest the number of them should make people mistrust how rich we are ▪ — nay we must not permit it so much as to a widow , that we have drained to the last mite . our society being made up of choice persons ; if any of them grow scrupulous , and effeminate in their devotion : let them be dismissed . also , he that conceals any thing from us , or that is dull , or sickly , or becomes mad by over-studying himself , though he has given us all he had : we must not give him a farthing back again . but to make his dismission the more plausible , we must pretend to keep what he brought to us for defraying the great charge we have been at with him . those that are rich we must avoid being rude with in the least : but send them away quietly , as out of compassion , and great kindness . for by this means , when they die , they may leave us all they have . therefore we ought to cherish their devotion , and if they seem inclined to a monastick life , advise them to make choice of st. francis. as for such as are very rich and nobly born , we must not dismiss them for any fault whatsoever : for it is an easy matter within our own walls to conceal their miscarriages . and therefore we must do it , for fear their wealthy relations should take it ill , if we handle them so rudely . chap. xviii . what the superiours ought carefully to observe . the superiours must keep these instructions very private , and look upon them , as the true directions they are to observe : nor may they impart them but to very few of us , and those such as have occasion to make use of them . now , forasmuch as the greater part of our order , that have made the last vow , is acquainted with these private instructions : therefore the society has provided , that none that are capacitated to know these things , shall have it in their power , to enter into any other order but the chartreux , whose austerity , and perpetual silence will keep them safe enough . we must be very careful they fall not into the hands of our enemies , who may make an ill interpretation of them . but if it should happen , which god forbid ; we must absolutely renounce them , and deny that ever our society so much as dreamed of them . and therefore in their stead we must produce our general rule , that is in print , and which is quite contrary to these private instructions : our superiours must be very inquisitive to find out , whether any of our people have given a copy of them to an extern . no superiour shall have them transcribed without leave from the general : and if the society find that any superiour has been backward in executing these private instructions ; let him be sent straight to the chartreux . no man must know what revenue we have in the several provinces : nor what advantages we make of the church-revenue . finis . newes from the low-countreyes. or the anatomy of caluinisticall calumnyes, manifested in a dialogue betweene a brabander, and a hollander vpon occasion of a placcart, lately published in holla[n]d, against the iesuites, priests, friars &c. by those that there assume vnto themselues, the tytle of the high-mighty-lords, the states &c. translated out of the netherland language, into english. by d.n. anatomie van calviniste calumnien. english. verstegan, richard, ca. 1550-1640. 1622 approx. 97 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08075 stc 18443 estc s120471 99855667 99855667 21169 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08075) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21169) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1689:11) newes from the low-countreyes. or the anatomy of caluinisticall calumnyes, manifested in a dialogue betweene a brabander, and a hollander vpon occasion of a placcart, lately published in holla[n]d, against the iesuites, priests, friars &c. by those that there assume vnto themselues, the tytle of the high-mighty-lords, the states &c. translated out of the netherland language, into english. by d.n. anatomie van calviniste calumnien. english. verstegan, richard, ca. 1550-1640. d. n., fl. 1622. cresswell, joseph, 1556-1623, attributed name. 100 p. english college press], [saint-omer : m. dc. xxii [1622] by richard verstegan. a translation, possibly by joseph cresswell, of: verstegan, richard. anatomie van calviniste calumnien. 1622. place of publication and press from stc. reproduction of the original in the emmanuel college (university of cambridge). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -netherlands -early works to 1800. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-12 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion newes from the low-covntreyes . or the anatomy of caluinisticall calumnyes , manifested in a dialogue betweene a brabander , and a hollander . vpon occasion of a placcart , lately published in hollād , against the iesuites , priests , friars &c. by those that there assume vnto themselues , the tytle of the high-mighty-lords , the states &c. translated out of the netherland language , into english. by d. n. m.dc.xxii . the translatovr to his friend . syr , you shall please to vnderstand , that this present yeare of our lord 1622. came forth a placcart in holland ▪ there published by the authority of the states ▪ wherin the iesuytes are accused of no lesse cryme thē to be the murtherers of princes . against which placart came foorth soone after an answere made dialogue-wise , vnder the title of the anatomy of caluinisticall calumnies . and seeing this accusation of the iesuytes to be the murtherers of princes , is made by such as are knowne to be no friendes to princes , i was desyrous to see what could be sayd agaynst it . and finding this answere to conteyne very serious matter , and so many proofes for the manifesting of this accusation to be but a meere calumny , i considered with myselfe that euery man , in reason and charity , is obliged to preferre truth , & to excuse the falsly-accused . heerupon i resolued to enforce so much tyme out of my other affaires , as to translate it into english , and chiefly for your sake ▪ because i know you to be a man curious , and desirous to penetrate into the truth of thinges , and not cōtented to be carryed away with vulgar noyses wherwith idiots are soone satisfyed . this when you shal h●ue read it , i leaue vnto your owne iudgement to censure , & my selfe still to remayne at your comaund . from the low-countreyes , the last of iuly 1622. your euer louing friend d. n. the wryter of this dialogve in the netherland langvage , vnto his friend . my very especiall friend . i could not leaue to let you vnderstand , that being aryued heere in cullen , this present moneth of aprill , about my affayres , certayne merchants came to lodge in the same inne where i am loged , that also intend to take their iourney to franckford mart , among these a merchant of brabant , and a merchant of holland , hauing one night supped togeather at the table wherat myselfe among others was present , they chanced after supper to fall into discourse : which seeming vnto me to be worth the wryting i haue taken paynes to pen it , and heere i now send it you , supposing you may be asmuch pleased with reading it , as my selfe & others were with hearing it , when we willingly sate vp late in the night to that end . it was then occasioned by this meanes . whē ( according as the custome is , when men from different places happen to meete togeather ) we began to aske one another what newes there was stirring abroad . the brabander demaunded of the hollander what newes there was in holland ? the hollander as som-what dissembling , sayd he knew of no newes there . heerupon sayd the brabander . when a reformed brother comming out of holland , knowes no newes , it is a signe that the brethren there haue no newes to their liking . the hollander . it is your pleasure so to say : but when there is no newes , then can none be told . the brabander . then must i tell you what newes i heare out of holland . it is told me that your holland-states , of what trades soeuer they haue byn heertofore , they doe now all of them practise pressing-worke . the hollander . what meane you by that ? i vnderstand not what you say . the brabander . then are you more fortunate then many thousandes , that both know it well , and feele it well , by reason that their very harts are in effect pressed out of their bodies , through the intollerable and vnsupportable taxations which are layd vpon them , in so much that many do now begin to say , god be with the good duke of alua , that demaunded no more but the tenth penny of our goods . and that which is yet more grieuous is , that of these most grieuous exactions no end appeareth , but to the cōtrary they do dayly increase more , as though they were but in their beginnings , which falleth out in a fit tyme for the comon people , when things are so good cheap , especially food & fuell , that the price is double as much as but a whyle since it was , and where traficke so flourisheth , that merchants , marryners , and artifices , are forced to keep more holy-dayes , ( or rather play-dayes ) then are set downe in the almanacke . the hollander . concerning trade , it may be compared vnto the tyde , which ebbes and flowes . if it be not so good now as it hath byn , we must haue patience vntill it mend . and as for the exactions , they are not ordayned without reason by our high-mighty lords the states , who well know what they haue to doe . the brabander . they know it well , and the poore comons feele it well : you comfort your selues with patience vpon hope of amendment of traficke , but the patience is much more certayne , then the amendment . i agree with you in opinion that the exactions are not ordayned without reason , for lawlesse necessity is the reason , and need it is that enforceth them . and therfore your high-minded lords the states , that well know their heauy charge , their great debts , and their small in-comings , must consequently well know what they doe , & happy it were that they also well know , wherin they do not well . the hollander . i note your words very well , you call our high-mighty lords the states , the high-mynded lords the states : you ought not so to abuse , & mis-name our lords , and land-rulers . the brabander . i see not wherein i abuse or misname them , because in very right and reason the tytle of high-mynded , farre better befitteth them , then high-mighty , for lownesse they haue inough , but highnesse none at all , except in their myndes , which agrees but ill with such as liue so low that they should sit vnder water , if they did not hemme thēselues from it with walles of earth . being then such as they are , and dwelling so low as they doe , the high-nesse of their minds appeareth the more in that they will needes assume vnto themselues the tytle of high-mighty , or high-powerfull lords and states . the hollander . they assume vnto themselues this tytle , in regard of their authority . the brabander . whence haue they authority ? the hollander . from god. the brabander . haue they heeretofore byn princes , or subiects ? the hollander . our countrey was sometime belonging vnto the king of spayne , but so is not now . the brabander . god hath comaunded that subiects must be obedient vnto their kings and princes . shew me where god hath graunted a priuilege vnto the states of holland , to relinquish and reiect all obedience vnto their lawfull and soueraigne lord the king of spayne ; and to band agaynst him in publike rebellion , and to assume vnto themselues the princely authority belōging vnto him . the hollander . we haue obtained our freedome by the sword . the brabander . put the case that now in our intēded iorney to frankford ( where by the leaue of god we meane to go ) we should happen to be set vpon by theeues , who with their swords should hurt & wound vs , and take our money & goods from vs ; i demaund of you whether they ought lawfully to possesse it as their owne , because they got it by their swords . the hollander . i am not obliged to shape you an answere to euery tryfling question you may aske me . the brabander . and i am of opinion that no man is obliged to answere vnto any questiō , whereunto he is not able to answere . but yet i know that if such robbers by the high-way-side should fall into the handes of iustice , they should not be freed frō the hands of the hangman by excusing thēselues , that our money & goods belonged vnto them , because they had gotten it from vs with their swordes . the hollander . let it be , as be it may . our high & mightfull lords and states generall of the vnited netherlands , haue power and authority : and because at the beginning of our discourse you asked me for newes , know now that these our lords and states , haue lately published a placcart , wherein , in spite of all that are agaynst it , they haue shewed that they haue authority . this placcart conteyneth a prohibition , that no iesuytes , priests , friars , or other ordayned persons of romish profession , shall come into these vnited prouinces , or being there , may still remayne and continue . moreouer that no man shall send any children to schoole , or to remayne in any cittyes , places , vniuersityes , or schooles vnder the commaund of the king of spayne , in the enemies countreys or in other colledges of iesuites . and that no gatherings or collectiōs of money , gold , siluer , coyned or vncoyned , or of other goods , or wares shal be made , to , or for the benefit or behoofe of any churches , hospitalls , spirituall , or other colledges , or conuenticles . the brabander . in this tytle of a placcart , published by authority of such as haue not any authority all , i note three points . 1. the first is , the prohibition or forbidding of priestes and iesuytes the countrey . 2. the second is , that no children may goe to schoole in any place vnder the commaund of the king of spayne , or in colledges of iesuytes . 3. the third is , that no money may be giuen to the vse or benefit of any churches , hospitals , spiritual , or other colledges . the hollander . so it is , and so enacted and established in the assembly of the aforenamed high-mighty lords the states generall , in the earles-hage the six and twentith day of february , in the yeare of sixteen hundreth & two and twenty , and there printed by hillebrand iabobson , sworne printer vnto the high-mighty lords the states generall . the brabander . heerby i am brought to vnderstand that this placcart of the high-minded lords the states is printed in the earles-hage , ergo , there is an earle to whome this hage appertayneth , & this earle notwithstanding that he is lawfully issued and descended , and consequently the true heyre vnto those ancient earles , that haue gouerned there ; yet is he of new states which are no earles , wholy thurst out , who haue now made thereof a states-hage , but must neuerthelesse suffer it to continue the name of an earles-hage in memory of the true claime , which the earle & owner thereof hath vnto it . heere then is this placcart printed by hillebrand iacobson , sworne printer vnto the high-minded lords the states : wherby may be noted , that this sworne printer vnto those states , is not to leaue out any lye that they shall please to giue him in any placcart of theirs to print , for feare of being found periured . the hollander . the lords the states do giue him no lyes to print . the brabander . doe they punish him when lyes are found printed in their placcarts ? the hollander . he is not punished , because no such lyes are found . the brabander . they that know not a lye from a truth or will not know it , fynd it not ; but they that can discerne vntruthes from truthes , can find them out , albeit they stand in established proclamatiōs of highly named netherland states . and surely , this must needes proue a more lucky placcart then many forgoing haue proued , if no lyes were to be found in it , and especially where there is mention made of iesuytes , and ecclesiasticall persons . the hollander . indeed the iesuytes in this placcart are called a pernicious & murtherous sect ▪ & that they of this sect & other priests , friars , and spiritual , or religious named persons , of the romish religion doe endeauour to bring the good inhabitants of these vnited netherland prouinces , by meanes of their fals doctrine & idolatry , to an auersion from their lawfull superiours , to the murthering of princes and potentates , & to instruct them in all kyndes of treason agaynst them , thereby to preferre the tyranny and absolute domination of the king of spayne , and his adherents in worldly , and of the pope of rome and his dependants , in spirituall causes . the brabander . haue i not ghessed right ? i see now that this placcart will not for lacke of lyes make any fore-going placcart ashamed : for heere they fall so fast one vpon another , that i had need of some breathing tyme to note them . the iesuytes are heere named a pernicious and murtherous sect , which is a shamefull lye . that the iesuytes & other priests , and spirituall named persons , of the romish religion , doe seeke to bring the inhabitants through their false doctrine to idolatry , is a blasphemous lye . that they seeke to bring these inhabitātes to an auersion from their lawfull superiours , is a needlesse lye , for the caluinian preachers , and the states themselues , haue already done the same . that they seeke to bring them to the murthering of princes and potentates , is a diuelish lye . that they instruct them to all kind of treason agaynst princes and potentates , is a horrible lye . that they seeke , in these countreys to preferre the tyranny of spayn , is a villanous lye . the hollander . it is not inough to say that these are all lyes , but they must be prooued so to be . the brabander . how els ? haue you but the patience that i may haue tyme to doe it . seeing then , that the iesuytes are heere put in the first place , and called by the epithere of a pernicious & murtherous sect , and that they , and other spirituall persons , do seeke to procure the murthering of princes and potentates : this also being a common slaunder and calumny which dayly rydeth on the serpētine tonges of your holland caluinian ministers . it is then needfull to examine and call into consideration what murthers of princes and potentates , haue hapned in christendome in this age of ours , and since the tyme that the order of the iesuits by saint ignatius de loyola was founded . the number of princes and potentates , that haue come to such violent and vnfortunate endes , i fynd to haue byn eight . the first of these was the most reuerend and illustrious lord , melchior zobel bishop of herbipolis , and duke of franconia in germany . this prince was cruelly murthered , as he was going frō the bridge , ouer the riuer of mayne , from the citty of herbipolis or wirtzburge , to the castle where he held his court or residence , which castle is neere vnto the sayd citty . his murther was caused by a gentleman of the same countrey of franconia , called grumbagh . what kynd of iesuit this gentleman was , resteth in consideration , for catholike he was not , but a professor of the new pretended reformation , and so were also the actours which he imployed in committing of the murther . the second in this vnfortunate nūber was henry , king of scotland by his mariage with mary queen of scotland , father to his maiesty king iames , now king of england & scotlād &c. this prince was a catholike , and was murthered by a conspiracy of caluinists , and by caluinists which thereunto were imployed he is thought to haue byn strangled . these then must needes haue bin caluinisticall iesuites , aswell those i meane that were of the conspiracy , as the executors of the fact , for there was not one catholike among them . the third was iames earle of murray in scotland , bastard brother vnto mary queene of scotland before named . he was a rebell and a persecutour of the queene his soueraygne , and sister by the fathers side : he forced her to fly into england , and tyrannically vsurped the gouernment of her kingdome , vntill the time that a gentleman named hamilton slew him with a gun , in the towne of lithquo , when being on horsbacke he was accōpanyed with many gentleman that came with him to make his entry into that towne . hamilton notwithstanding escaped and fled into france . the earle was in religion caluinist , and so was hamilton also that slew him . it may be that he afterward in france became a catholike . if the holland caluinists wil make a iesuyte of him , then must he haue byn a caluinisticall iesuite when he committed the fact ; for catholike-iesuite he neuer was . the fourth in this number was francis duke of guyse . this valiant prince seruing the king of france agaynst his rebells , was by one iohn poltrot , who came behind him , shot throgh the body with a pistoll , as he was on horsebacke in his iourney : & it is worthy the noting that this poltrot being well horst , and hauing discharged his pistoll vpon the duke , put spurres to his horse and made a way with all speed possible ; and hauing ridden the whole night , and not otherwise weening but that he was many myles from the place where he committed the murther , was in the morning apprehended neere vnto the place where the deed was done . if this poltrot must now be made a iesuyte , he must then be a geneuian iesuyte : for geneua was his schoole , and beza the caluinian rabbin , his schoolmayster that instructed him , to murther this prince . the fifth in this nūber was william of nassaw prince of orange , who being in open rebellion agaynst his lawfull soueraygne lord , king philip second of spayne , the which by all the lawes of the world is crimen laesae maiestatis , was at delfe in holland slayne with a pistoll by one baltazar gerard , alias seragh a burgundian . of what religion this prince was , there is no certainty , but baltazar , that slew him was a catholike : that he was a iesuyte was neuer knowne , but if caluinistes haue gotten the skill to make him a iesuyte eight and thirty yeares after his death , who in his life was neuer any , it may be registred for a caluinisticall miracle . the sixt in nūber was mary queene of scotland , mother vnto his maiesty that now is king of scotland and englād &c. this princesse being an absolute and soueraygne queene , & being enforced by her rebellious subiects , fled into england , vpon hope and promise to be by queene elizabeth succoured . she was with the queene of england in good peace and amity , and was by her through her letters inuyted for her more defence and safety to come into england ; but so soone as she was there arriued , she was layed handes on , and detayned as a prisoner , directly against all right and reason , and so detayned about the space of twenty yeares . in all which tyme , queene elizabeth did neuer so much as once vouchsafe to see her , or heare her speake . in the end when she accepted of the meanes that was offered her for the escaping out of her vniust imprisonment , she was murthered with an axe , by the hands of the comon hang-man ; which most foule and great murther was cōmitted to the euerlasting dishonour & shame of false iustice , because it was done vnder the cloke and colour of true iustice : for she being an absolute & soueraigne princes of herselfe , was no subiect vnto queene elizabeth , or vnto her lawes , and yet notwithstanding she was condemned as a criminall subiect . a most tyrannous example , of very murther , and iniustice , vnto all ensuyng posterity . and most contrary to the doctrine of caluinists that will haue princes subiect to no authority or power vpon earth , but only vnto god , vnlesse they can heere make a god of bul the hangman . this act doth the more remain to the greater shame of the actors , because vpon the committing therof , great bonfyers were made in the streets , and the belles rung , in manner of a triumph , for ioy of obtaining some great victory . this queene was a catholike . the hangman that murthered her was a caluinian protestant , whose handes had byn imbrued in the bloud of diuers iesuytes & priestes , in the raigne of the forsayd queene elizabeth . if holland caluinistes will now make a iesuyte of of him , he must then be a gewse-reformed iesuite , & that can be no great disreputation vnto them , seeing that mayster paul bafous a hangman in liuonia or liftland , left his office of hangmanship , and turned preacher of the word , according to the holland reformation . vpō the death of this holy queen , the calumnies of caluinists raised against iesuytes , are contradicted in the ensuing epigramme . ovr caluinists of iesuites complayne , that they of kings and princes killers be , but if heerin they did not falsely fayne , they must some such , the world let know and see : but since so much as one they do not show , to what end then serues this calumniation ? to seeme to hate for sooth prince-killing so , as hauing thereof no imagination . and that meane whyle they heerof others taxe , they as vnseene , may bring them to the axe . the seauenth in this number is henry the third king of france , who after he had caused henry duke of guyse & his brother the cardinall to be muthered , was murthered himselfe by one iacques clement a lacobin or dominican friar . this king was a catholyke & so was also the fryar that killed him . if our holland-gewses wil now make a iesuyte of him that dyed in the habite of a dominican fryar ( for he was presently killed by those that then were about the king ) they can do more then the french hugenots , who would as fayne haue had him a iesuite as the holland-gewses would , but they must notwithstanding be contented to let him be a dominican fryar , as he liued and dyed . heere can i not omit also to note , that if so be , that for this fact of iaques clement , the caluinists should giue vnto the fryars of s. dominikes order the name of a pernicious and murtherous sect , or that they sought to bring subiects to the murthering of princes , and potentates , they had in all truth done the religious men of this order much wrong : for there can be no reason that a whole order should beare the blame , & reproach of the fault , that one of the same order hath committed , and wherin the others were innocent . how much lesse reason can then be found , that the iesuites ( of whose order no one was euer knowne that euer killed prince or other person ) should of slaunderous gewses be calumniated with the name of a murtherous sect , and to be stirrers vp of the inhabitants of holland to the murthering of princes and potentates : which were a greater pitty , for the inhabitants of holland to doe , considering that princes & potentates are not among them in so great aboundance , vnlesse the meaning of the placcart should be , that the iesuites and priestes , did intend to imploy the inhabitants of holland to goe & murther princes and potentates in other countreys the eight and last of this vnfortunate number and ranke , was henry the fourth king of france , who was murthered by one francis rauaillac : and if so be the holland gewses will make of him a iesuite also , yet the administers of iustice in france , which are as far-seeing as those of holland , and haue throughly enformed themselues of this mans condition and state of life , and done their vttermost endeauours to come to the full knowledge of all that might concerne the matter of the kings death , could neuer find that he so was . and yet the sharp-sighted states of holland , that can looke further into milstones then other men ▪ can better discerne who are the murtherers of princes and potentates , in other countreyes , then the officers of iustice themselues , in whose handes they happen to fall , that commit such criminall facts . the hollander . but can there no princes els be found that haue byn killed or murthered since the iesuites haue had ther beginning , then only these you haue named ? the brabander . i know not of any more , but of this number of eight . marry heere by the way is to be noted , that fiue of this number haue byn murthered by caluinists , and three by catholikes : king henry 3. king henry 4. both kings of france , & william of nassaw prince of orange , by catholikes : melchior zobell bishop of wirtzburge and duke of franconia , henry king of scotland , iames earle of murray , francis duke of guyse , and mary queene of scotland by caluinists . and if thinges had succeeded according to intentions , caluinists had , had the honour to haue had six of these eight to haue byn murthered by them : for william prince of orange , before named , was in very great possibility to haue byn murthered by a protestant also , and i wot not how many zeland states with him , to haue borne him cōpany in the ayre , when he and they should haue byn blowne vp togeather with gunpowder , wherof i may take occasion to speake more anone . in the meane time behold whether in this odious busynesse of prince killing , caluinists haue not the precedence by oddes , notwithstanding they cry out so lowd , and so falsely vpon iesuites , giuing thē the name of a pernicious and murtherous sect , when themselues in this foule fact , fall foulest of all that therein are to be touched , & the iesuites not found to be touched at all . let all the world now iudge , to whome it is , that the odious epithete of prince-killing is best befitting , either to iesuites or calumists . who might not laugh at this mad accusation , and thinke that reformed holland-gewses are turned fooles , not knowing what they say ? they seeme through the vehemency of their malice to be become blind , and giue occasion themselues of the manifestation of their owne shame which before lay vndiscouered . what strange kindes of iesuites haue heere byn found , among the murtherers of princes and potentates ? the holland gewse-reformed brethrē may heere see what comes of lying . that their preachers continew their lying in their pulpits i can in some sort tollerate ; the poore fellowes haue charge of wife & children , their preaching is their trade to liue by , and to mayntaine their families . but the worshipfull lordes the states to lye , and to publish lyes in printed placcarts , that indeed is somwhat to grosse : you may please to excuse me for beeing so free with your lords and states , because he that speaketh what he should not , must heare for his answer what he wold not . me thinkes they that practise lying , should in reason become more cūning , then to make lyes that are so grosse and palpable , and doe indeed bring credit and reputation to iesuites , and shame vnto themselues that spred them : for alwayes it is found that when any one is accused and afterward found innocent , the accuser is cursed and hated , & the false accused pittyed , beloued , and belieued . these caluinian calumniatours will seeme by calling iesuites & priests the murtherers of princes and potentates , as if they ( poore innocent soules ) were becom great care-takers for princes & potentates safeties . this surely is a very suddainly-growne-vp affection : they were not wont to be so , for me thinks it is not so long ago that princes can haue forgotten , that at such tyme as their subiects rebelled against them , the good hollād-gewses were alwayes readier to assist their rebelles agaynst them , then them against their rebelles . i must needes acknowledge some reason why it so should be , & that is , that simile gaudet simili , & if at this day any princes find this to be true , themselues know it best : but further to manifest their good affection to princes , we are to note that it hath not only byn shewed in the fiue aforenamed , who they murtherously haue bereft of their liues , but also in some vnto whome euen after their deathes they haue shewed indignity and villany , as vnto william the conqueror king of england who was buryed at cane in normandie ▪ where the french-hugenotes in their rebellion in the yeare 1562. vnder conduct of chastilian , when they tooke this towne , and spoyled the churches , they brake open the tombe of this great cōquerer , and threw his bones about the streets . at orleans , where they also committed their church-robbery and sacrilege , they brake open the tombe of king lewys the eleuenth , and burnt his bones . the bones of iohn earle of angolesme father to king francis the first of france , who for his vertue & deuotion deuotion was reputed as a saint , they suffered not to rest in his sepulcher , but threw them out . this hate may haue proceeded of two causes , the one because he was a prince , the other ( & posible the greatest ) because of his sanctity , for to the bones of saints or holy mē haue caluinists shewed so great hatred , that at towres they tooke the bones of the holy bishop saint martin , and the bones of the holy saint francis of paula , and ioyning vnto these bones the body of a dead asse , they burnt all three togeather , to the end catholiks should not saue any part of the bones or ashes for reliques , and yet to make more sure worke , they did cast all the ashes into the riuer of loire . they would also haue broken down & wholy destroyed the abbey of s denis in france , withall the tombes of the kings of france that there are buried , but that the prince of condy who then was their chiefe , was faine to preuent it , by appointing a guard about the abbey , which he did in regard that he was descended from some of the kings that there lye buryed . the caluinists of scotland haue destroyed the tombes of the kings of that countrey , aswell in the abbey of dunfermeling , as in the abbey of the holy crosse . in bruxelles , when the caluinian gewses had their domination there , they opened the vault in the church of s. godula , where some of the dukes of brabant were buryed ; and brake open the leaden chests , and threw out their bones . these are acts of caluinian reformed louers of princes , that not only rebell against them , and murther them , but when they are dead endure not that their bodyes may quietly remaine in their sepulchers . are not these good testimonies of the great affection , that these reformed brethren beare vnto princes and potentates ? surely kings , princes , and potentates , may take notice , of the great change in these fellowes , who so suddainly are become so great care-takers for their safties . but because there is no appearance that princes and potentates will send their ambassadors into holland , to thanke them for their care ; it seemes they can smell , it is but a dissembled care , and that they doe not heerin giue credit , vnto those reformed , or deformed brethren . the hollander . i see not for all this , that iesuytes are welcome to all princes and potentates . the brabander . they are welcome to all those that best know them , but it is no wonder that such as are misinformed by lying-teachers , and haue no good affection to catholike religion , haue an auersion from iesuites , for they neither know them , nor yet come to heare any right report of them , from the mouthes of those that truly know their piety , and vertuous conuersation . but to the end you may know whether the greatest princes of christendome do know and respect them or no , i will heere for the better knowledge of the ignorant , and in opposition to those that out of a resolued malice doe calumniate them , make it briefly to appeare , in what accompt and reputation they stand with those aforesaid princes : that thereby their caluinian maligners , and all others , may see what they haue profitted by their so loud barking against them , in placcarts , in pulpits , in pamphlets , & all kind of detraction . yet with protestation before god , that i do this , and haue resolued to doe it , wholy of my selfe , without being thereunto desyred , moued , or counselled by any iesuite in the world , or being a iesuite my selfe . let vs then begin with his holines , gregory the fifteenth , now pope , at this present , who chose for his confessor cardinall bellarmyne of the society of iesvs . the emperour ferdinand now raigning , hath to his confessor a iesuite . the most christian king of france hath to his confessour a iesuyte . the victorious king of polonia , hath to his confessor a iesuite . the ecclesiastical princes electors , with the duke of bauaria , and almost all the catholike princes and prelates of germany , haue to their confessours iesuites . and so haue in like manner the greatest prelates and princes of italy . and albeit his catholike maiesty of spayne hath no iesuite to his confessour , but a friar of the dominicans according to an ancient custome , of some former kings of spayne ; yet is he very much affected to the iesuites , of the which one was confessor to his mother ; and his brother and sister haue vnto their confessour a iesuite called father ieronimo de florentia , whome king philip the third , of glorious memory , father vnto the present king philip the fourth , caused to come vnto him for his consolation in his greatest sicknes , and to remaine with him till he gaue vp the ghost . so haue also many of the greatest prelates and princes of his court , iesuites to their confessours . in like sort haue the principallest prelates & princes in the court of the emperour , in the court of the king of france , and in the court of the king of polonia &c. are the iesuites murtherers of princes and potentates , and haue the greatest princes and potentates of all christendome , no more feare of them , then to admit them daily in their presence ? to make choice of them as of those especiall persons vnto whom they reueale the secrets of their soules & cōsciences ? this is no signe that they beliue caluinists , & hold iesuites for prince-killers , but a manifest token , that they hold caluinists for false accusers , and iesuites for true seruantes of christ , whose great learning & vnderstanding , accompanyed with true religious deuotion , with a well tempered discretion , and all kinde of vertue , these princes owne experience hath sufficiently taught them to discerne . i will neuer desire caluinists to cease from calumniating iesuites : they doe heereby make themselues the more knowne vnto catholike princes & potentates for malicious calumniatours . caluinists cannot teach catholike princes to know iesuites , because they are sure they know them better then caluinists can know them , and caluinists better then otherwise they should , by their calumniating them . heere standeth it also to be noted , that some princes who haue disposed themselues to abandon the world , and to serue god in religious state of life , haue become iesuites . as the duke of gandia in spayne , aloisius gonzaga , sonne & heyre vnto ferdinand marquis of castillion , the duke of bouino in italy . and now of late charles of lonayne prince , and bishop of verdune , prince of the empire , and cosin to his maiesty of england , with sundry other great and noble persons . now is it in all reason to be considered that if such noble men and princes , who for no other respect then the meere loue & seruice of god , entred into this society , should not therin haue foūd the deuout & godly life of these fathers , with such exercise of learning & vertue , not to be in all respects conforme to the good opinion , which they had conceaued therof , before they came among thē , there can be no doubt , but they wold haue departed frō thē , albeit they had made proofe of their conuersation for some yeares togeather , for that this order doth not oblige profession to be made at the end of one yeares probation , but alloweth an vnlimited tyme of more yeares . considering with my selfe what great persons in this our age ( notwithstanding all slaunders that calumniating aduersaries haue raysed against iesuites , priests , & friars &c. ) haue abandoned the world , religiously to serue god in pouerty , chastity , & obedience , in sundry orders , and that a duke hath byn seene to become a capuchin in paris , and the brother of a duke to become of the same austere order in bruxelles , i was mooued to thinke that it may belōg before we may see a gewse or caluinian duke , or prince become a minister , albeit that condition of life obligeth not to the making and performing of any such vowes , or to any austerity at all , but to liue with ease , in the ghospell of free liberty . there is a prouerbe in the netherland language , that herman did in tyme get on his dublet , after he had byn seauen yeares drawing on of one sleeue ; but i suppose hermans dublet might wholy be gotten on , and quite worne out , before a man might see , such persons moued by the great piety they might obserue in ministers , to enter with them into the seruice of the word . but to returne vnto my precedent purpose , me thinkes it were not heere impertinent to see , and consider what cause there may be found of the great hatred which caluinists beare vnto iesuytes ( and not caluinists alone but all other sectaryes , ) for albeit they beare il will and hatred vnto all catholikes , & especially vnto all ecclesiasticall persons ; yet is it manifest vnto al the world that the iesuites of all others haue the precedence in the malice of caluinists . and seeing something there may seeme to be , that is singular in these religious men , more then in others i haue the more endeauored to discerne what this may be , and three thinges i haue obserued . 1. this first is , that there was neuer any order in the catholik church , that in so short a space hath dispersed it selfe so farre ouer the world , to make the name of iesus christ knowne vnto heathen and pagan people . 2. the second is , that there was neuer any order that in so short a tyme , hath written so many learned bookes , aswel in diuinity , as in al other laudable sciences . 3. the third is that there was neuer any order , that in so short a tyme hath had so great a number of martyrs , as well by the persecution of pagans , as apostata christians . as for their exercises of deuotion , labour in preaching , hearing of confessions , instructing and bringing vp of youth in learning , without any recompence of their parents , making of attonements where there is dissention and discord , readines at all houres of the day and night , to visit the sicke , and to consolate their soules , is not now needfull heere to be spoken at large : but when i well consider their manifold deedes of deuotion and charity , i remember the wordes of christ vnto the iewes , when for his good deedes they would haue stoned him to death , i haue wrought many good workes among you : for which of those will you stone me ? enuy is the deadly enemy of vertue and of wel-prospering . the iesuites thankes be to god , do go well forward in al their works of piety ; and for these , sectaryes will stone them : and beeing themselues the actual murtherers of iesuytes , it is no maruell that they seeke to robbe & tak away the good name & fame of those , whose lyues they let not to take away : nor is it any wonder , that they to coulour their owne tyrannous murthering of iesuites , giue out that iesuytes are murtherers of princes & potentates : as if themselues did put iesuites to death , therby to saue the lyues of princes & potentates which iesuites would els bereaue them off . but what loue caluinists , and principally holland-gewse-caluinistes do beare vnto princes , themselues doe now adayes , the lōger the more , make better known vnto the greatest princes of christendome , then they can make knowne vnto them , that iesuites are murtherers of them , and of potentates . the hollander . i must confesse , that you haue heere manifested vnto me much more then before i euer knew , or heard of . but yet , notwithstanding that it cannot be perceaued , that the iesuites haue had any hād in the deaths of any of the eight princes heere by you mentioned , it should seeme they haue had knowledge of intentions of murthering princes , as of queene elizabeth of england , king henry the fourth of france , before he was murthered by rauaillac , his maiesty that is now king of great britayne , by the gunpowder treason , & his excellency prince maurice in holland . the brabander . for the first , concerning queene elizabeth of england , if we well consider her abandoning of the catholike religion , which at her coronation she swore to mayntayne , and that beeing a woman , she tooke vpon her supreame authority in ecclesiasticall causes ( which your caluinian deuines in holland do affirme to be idolatry either in man or woman ) ordayning also by her statutes , that those who should deny to confesse her ecclesiasticall authority vpon their oathes , should suffer death as traytors : that she deposed and put from their places , the catholike bishops and prelates , casting some in prison & forcing others to fly the realme . that she ordayned a forfayture of twenty poundes a moneth , for not comming to her caluinian-protestant church-seruice , with other lesser forfaytures for catholikes of lesse meanes , who in regard of their consciences absented themselues from the sayd seruice ; by meanes whereof the prisons euery where became so replenished with catholikes , that new prisons must be made for thē , because the old could not conteyne the number . moreouer the putting to death of so many catholike priestes , as also the putting to death , and ruyning of some gentlemen , and others that had harbored them . the question now is whether gewses or caluinists being to the contrary so treated by any prince that had sworne to maintayne their caluinian religion , they would with patience endure it ? who can belieue this ? seeing they haue not letted to rebell agaynst their princes and soueraignes that haue intruded no innouation , or change in religion vpon them , as agaynst the kings of spaine , & france , and against mary queene of scotland : who i say can belieue this , when it is apparent that the very ground-worke and foundation of caluinian religion is layed & setled vpon rebellion , as to all the world it is manifest . this queene elizabeth was so seuere and cruell , that she letted not to burne alyue some of our countrey-men , beeing netherlanders , & not her borne subiects , for their anabaptisme ; and caused some puritans which are directly concurring in religion with the caluinists of holland , to be hanged , and others to fly the realme , and lyue in exile , because they had sought both by wryting and preaching , to bring the religion of england to the iust forme and fashion of that of geneua , & holland . punishing then , the anabaptistes as heretikes , and the puritans as seditious , she hath not letted to vse a greater cloke and colour for her persecuting of catholikes , and this was , to cause to be giuen out at diuers times , that they meant to kill her . she imployed among other for one of her spyes , sometyme in france , somtyme in italy one william parry , this parry coming vpon a tyme out of italy , supposing to get more credit and fauour , came vnto her and told her , that at his being in italy where he bare himselfe as a catholike ( hauing leaue so to do ) he there demaunded of a iesuyte , if it should be a deed well done to kill the queene , and that the iesuyte answered yea , & that thereupon he had promised the iesuyte to do it . parry being then demaunded , if he had not in his trauayles abroad , byn acquaynted with one father william criton a scotish iesuyte ( who at that tyme was prisoner in the tower of london ) he answered yea . being then demaunded if he had asked the same question of the sayd father criton , he answered he had , but that father criton had disswaded him from it : he thought belike that if he had answered yea , he should haue byn brought face to face with father criton , who might haue conuinced & shamed him , and therefore he thought it easier for him to bely a iesuyte that was absent , then one that was present . father criton within a whyle after was deliueret out of the tower , and the rather for that he was a scotsman & no borne subiect , howbeit he was bannished out of the countrey . parry , because of his seruices in matter of spiery , solicited to haue a place and office that now was fallen vacāt : the place was giuen to another , parry grew malecontent , and cast out wordes of murmuration . the earle of leycester loued him not , he was known and discouered among the catholikes for a spy , & that he had broght diuers principall catholikes in trouble : & being thus discouered he was grown out of date , and vnable to do seruices of the same kind , as he had formerly done ; parry was apprehended , and charged he had an intention to kill the queene : in fine he was hanged , and this was at last the reward he got for the good offices he had done . the reason why he was hanged , seemeth to haue byn , that if they had let him liue , & not giuen him liuing according to his desyre , he might haue discouered many secrets : he wrote a letter vnto the queene out of the tower , wherin among other things he sayd vnto her : pitty poore parry , and relieue him , for life without liuing is not fit for him . it is no custome that a criminall offender , and in so haynous a matter as the murthering of a prince , shall not only wryte to be set at liberty , but to be prouided of meanes to liue by . he knew well that they knew , that the counsell which he said was giuen him by a iesuite in italy , was but an inuention of his owne head for the more conuenient persecuting of such , as might be found to haue receaued iesuytes into their howses ( of the confiscation of whose goods parry might haue had his share ) but it so fell out , that parry played wily-beguyle himselfe . for when he came to the gallovves , and savv how the matter went , he grew so ill contented , that he plainly sayd , that the queene after his death would say , that she had lost the best keeper of her parke . some yeares after the death of parry , one edward squyre was also hanged , who as it was giuen out , did meane to poyson the queene & earle of essex , ( who afterward by the sayd queene was put to death . ) this equire came out of spayne , and sayd that a iesuyte there had coūselled him to poison the queen , and the earle . the poyson he sayd was deliuered him in a bladder in spayne , & there with he should annoint the saddle wheron the earle should ryde , and the chayre wherin the queene should sit . this must haue byn a very wonderfull poyson , that a chayre & a saddle being but annoynted therewith , it would kill those who should sit in the one , & ride on the other . who cānot thinke this to be a most palpable lye ? how must he then speed that must bring this forcefull poyson in a bladder ( if any bladder could contein it ) and anoynt it on the chayre and on the saddle ? but the lying foolish knaue that came with this tale in his mouth , vpon hope of reward , because he would not performe the busines , but discouered it , was notwithstanding rewarded at tiburne with a halter , which was held necessary , because it might be thought the queene had much reasō to sustaine the quarrell of the hollanders ; seeing spayne so much hated her , that murtherers were sent from thence for her destruction : for squyre was ouerborne by the force and torment of the racke , to intend & meane the thing indeed that himselfe came to reueale , and so was hanged , notwithstanding he was a good protestant . as concerning the constant and glorious martyr father edmund campian , who with others ( to wit thirteene in number ) was condemned for hauing in rome , and rhemes conspired the queens death , as a couple of most false witnesses affirmed , is as shamefull and vniust a matter , as euer any did passe by way and course of iustice : for after these false witnesses , had taken their oathes , that these thirteene persons had at rome , and rhemes on such and such days , of such & such moneths , of such a yeare , conspired the queens death , one mayster thomas lancaster a gentleman , and one mayster william nicolson , being there present , and both credit-worthy persons , did offer to proue by diuers witnesses , that some of these thirteen persons had not byn out of england that yeare , wherin the false witnesses had sworne they conspired the queens death in rome , & rhemes : & that they had not bin out of england in some yeares , both before that yeare and after it : and the prisoners themselues protested at the barre , on their soules , that in all the dayes of their lyues they had neuer byn all togeather at one tyme in one place , but only there that very day . and albeit the protestation and offer of proofe made by the two persons before named , had byn sufficient in all law and iustice throughout the world to haue discouered these false witnesses , and to haue caused them to haue had their deserued punishment , yet proceeded the iudges forward in iniustice , and condemned father edmund campian , & almost all the rest to death , as being culpable of that conspiration , whereof by these false witnesses they were accused . but at this we need not wonder if we consider what the iustice was of this queene , who letted not to make a law , directly contrary to the law of god and all the world , that one witnesse only should be sufficient , for the condemnation of a man to the losse of life and goods , if it were in a case concerning herselfe : which without all doubt may cause wonderful iniustice in a coūtrey where such persidious people are inough to be found , as for reward will not make scruple to take any oath , agaynst whosoeuer it be , let the cause be what it will : and the more in the cause of the prince , whereby hope of fauour and greater reward , is giuen . but because the history of this glorious martyr , and of those others also that were with him condemned , is published to the world in print in the latin tongue , i shall not need in this matter further to enlarge my selfe . that king henry the fourth of frāce was hurt by one iohn chastell at paris who meant to haue killed him some years before he was killed by rauaillac , is knowne to all the world . this chastell , had somtyme byn a scholler in the schooles of the iesuytes , ergo say the hugenotes , the iesuytes instructed him to murther the king. surely a very fayre conclusion : many youthes go to other schooles , wherof some come afterward to comit criminall offences , as treasons , murthers , thefts , and the like ; is it not a good argument & great reason , that for this their school-maisters must be punished or defamed ? the fact of chastell came to be iudged & looked into by certayne politykes , and great enemyes of iesuites , and in a fury the iesuytes were commaunded out of paris , a piramide was erected in memory of this fact , and in accusation of the iesuites , the iesuites patiented this calumny , vntill tymes daughter might be admitted to haue audience : which in the end so came to passe , that this king ( thankes be vnto god ) vnto whose view the iesuites had byn by their hugenotes and politike backe-friends so vgly painted out , and described , receaued at their handes so great satisfaction of their innocency , that he not only caused the fathers of this society to be receaued agayne into paris , and caused the scandalous piramide to be raced downe to the ground ; but by many benefits done by him vnto these fathers , besides the erecting for them the fayrest church and colledge they haue in all france , he shewed himselfe their very great affectioned & true friend : yea he made choyse of thē , to be the preceptors and scoole-maisters vnto his owne children , to declare vnto the world that he held them not for euil instructors of youth , as they had byn vniustly reported to be . who can desire greater testimony of these fathers acquyting , from this great calumny ? let vs now come vnto his maiesty the present king of great britaine , concerning the acculation of father henry garnet in the matter of the gun-powder treason . this treason was without all doubt , a most wicked intention of some catholikes , that with patience would not endure the persecution which so many of their catholike-brethren had so long , & so patiently endured , and as the good christians in the persecutions of the roman emperous also did . but who wotteth , whether this might not be a deuice , first practised in the subtill brayne of the secretary , sir robert cecil , who by some subtill deuice might get it put into the heades of some catholikes , aswell as the secretary sir francis walsingam had before , that imployed one polie a favgned catholik , to draw those gentlemen into the conspiracy of deliuering out of durance mary queene of scotland his maiesties mother that now raygneth : by which meanes of those gentleman came all to lose their hues , and that good queene also . but let that be , as be it might . one of those catholikes that was priuy to the sayd powder treason , confessed on the torture , that he had in confession giuen father garnet knowledge of the matter . he sayd not that father garnet was one of the conspirators , or that he animated him , or any of them vnto it , but to the contrary , that he had earnestly diswaded him from it . they were put to death : father garnet was apprehended ; he was accused to haue byn priuy to the treason ▪ and that he had not discouered it . father garnet answered that he might not in any sort vtter ought that was reuealed vnto him in cōfessiō , for secrecy of all that which is vttered in cōfession must euer be an inuiolable precept in the catholike church : for the priest that should do the contrary is to be degraded , and to be shut vp , and put to pennance all the dayes of his life . but father garnet declared that he was so earnest in forbidding him to comit this foule fact , that he denyed to giue him absolution , vnlesse he would desist from this intention : what could the father haue done more , if the conspiracy had byn against the pope himselfe ? thus then was this innocent father put to death , not for that he was a conspiratour or actour in this treason , but because he would not violate the strong seale and obligation of the holy sacramēt of cōfession , which no priest vpon earth can be licensed to doe . it hapned at such tyme as the caluinian-gewses had vsurped through their rebellion , the gouernement of the citty of antwerp , that a spanish merchant there dwelling named iaspar de enastro , hauing vnderstood that king philip the second of spayne , had declared by sentence , that william of nassaw prince of orange , of whome he was the lawfull soueraigne lord , was fallē in crimen laesae maiestatis ▪ for his publike rebellion agaynst his beforenamed soueraygne , and did thereby deserue to suffer death , & that he had put the execution of the said sentence in the hands of any such person or persons as would vndertake it : he thereupon counselled and perswaded a young fellow that was his seruant , called iohn de iauregny borne in biscay , to performe this act . but when this iauregny was ready to goe about it , the aforesayd enastro his mayster , got himselfe out of the way . iauregny with a pistoll shot the prince of orange through the checkes , whereof he dyed not , but iauregny was presently killed by some of the prince his seruants : heerupon enquiry being made , it was vnderstood that iauregny did vse to go to confession to one father antonius timmerman , a religious man of the order of s. dominicke . this religious man was apprehended and asked what iohn de iauregny had vttered vnto him in confession . the religious father well knowing the strict commaundement of the catholike church , that nothing that is vttered in confession must be reuealed , made answere that he knew not ; because that he indeed did know nothing , concerning this mans confession that he might vtter . his examiners then caused him to be hanged by his thumbes , with weightes fastned to his toes , to force him by this torture to reueale vnto them what had by iauregny byn reuealed vnto him in confession ; but the reuerend and resolute father , would in no sort violate therein the law and commaundment of the vniuersall church of god , but alwayes whyle he hung in this great torment , he called vpon god , saying out of the 140. psalme , keep o lord my mouth and my lipps , that i sinne not with my tongue . heerupon they sentenced him to death , and to the deuiding of his body into foure quarters : which death & martyrdome he constantly endured . of the before-mentioned powder-treason , was also accused father william baldwine , of the society of iesvs . this father as he trauailed in germany was by frederike the fourth , then palsgraue of the rhene , apprehended neere vnto franckendale , & by him sent prisoner vnto the ambassador of his maiesty of england , then resident at duyseldorp in the countrey of cleue . and worthy it is to be noted , that on the very same day that this father was deliuered into the handes of the english ambassadour at duyseldorp , the sayd palsgraue dyed at heydelberge , & so came to tast of death himselfe , sooner then the father , which he intended to send to the slaughter . the father was carryed into england , where after he had remayned prisoner many yeares in the tower of london , and not the least point in the world could be proued against him cōcerning the aforesayd treason , ( notwithstanding that in some printed bookes it was published that he was culpable ) he was at last deliuered out of prison , and dismissed the realme . concerning one peter pan , sayd to be sent by the iesuytes of ipres in flanders to kill prince maurice in holland , the matter hath byn throughly examined , and the calumny raysed agaynst those fathers sufficiently refuted in a printed booke , wherein is also set downe an attestation of the magistrates of ipres ( of whence this peter pan was ) wherin this accusatiō is shewed to be false . peter pan was knowne to be a fellow that was frantike , but the madnes of his braynes could not free him out of the handes of the holland-hangman : for the iustice of holland found it wisdome , to put this poore foole to death . i trust i haue heere cleerly declared , how the iesuites haue by their caluinian enemyes byn most falsly calumniated : and albeit that themselues do in such cases recomend their cause to god , disposing themselues to beare with patience all iniuryes , for the loue of christ iesvs , notwithstanding they well know how false they are : yet my selfe euen of zeale vnto truth and equity , could not omit to vtter thus much , vpon the occasion now giuen . the custome of giuing out , that iesuites and priests do intend to murther princes , was first takē vp in england & put in practise by some of queene elizabeths caluinian counsellers , who to haue the better colour to persecute catholikes , whome they feared might encrease to fast , as also to make them the lesse compassionate of the people , did seeke to make them odious by ordinarily giuing out that they went about to kill the queen . but that the sayd queen and her counsellers themselues did not belieue this , reason maketh manifest : for whē is it found that a prince or ruler fearing that for some certaine notorious cause he is in dāger to be killed by any of his subiects , will notwithstāding continue the same cause , yea and daily more & more increase it , as this queen did her persecution ▪ how can this agree with reason of state ? for through continuance and increase of persecution , those that are persecuted doe comonly also increase : and it might fall out that among the number of the persecuted , for all do not alwayes endure with like patience , some might be found , that being driuen to desperate termes might attempt some such thing ( for as the philosopher sayth , the fly hath her splene ) but the patient suffering for religion is especially taught , and recomended by catholike teachers , and the contrary by others of contrary religions , and especially caluinists , of whose hoat and reuengefull spirits the world hath already had testimony inough . father william criton the scottish iesuyte before named , being before some of queene elizabeths counsell , a little before his departure out of the countrey , sayd vpon occasion concerning this matter : my lords , you vse heere a manner of giuing out among your subiects , that iesuites and priestes do go about to kill your queene ; but in very truth , if we intended any such thing , she could not liue : for you must vnderstand , that there are a multitude of people of the catholike religion , that haue wholy abandoned the world , and haue chosen to liue in all strictnes and austerity , sequestring themselues from all worldly pleasures , desiring and indeauouring nothing more then to leaue this world , and to liue with god in his kingdome of heauen . among these men that so little respect the world diuers may be found , who beeing perswaded that it were so meritorious a deed before god , that he who should deliuer the world from an enemy and persecutor of the catholike religion , and therfore loose his life , should straightwayes enter into the eternall ioyes of heauen ; without all doubt this matter would not be left vnattempted . the counsellers hearing this had little to say to the contrary . the hollander . to say the truth , i must needs confesse i haue heere heard much more thē i supposed could be sayd . i do now well perceaue a man can neuer come to the true vnderstanding of what standeth in controuersy , before he haue heard both partyes . the brabander . i haue first recounted , what princes and potentates haue byn murthered , or made away in our dayes ; and after that , i haue spoken of intentions or meanings to make away princes : it resteth that i now speake of the intentions of gewses , or caluinian reformed brethren , about the murthering or making away of princes ; those innocēt wolues i meane , that haue had their handes in the bloud of fiue of the eight princes before named , to the end we may also see how pure and vnspotted they are in their good meanings & intentiōs , to haue put that busines in further practise . first then it is a thing cleere & notorious that the hugnenots of france had a resolued purpose to haue murthered the most christian king francis the second , with his mother , and sundry of the nobility , in the citty of amboise . it is also most certayne that a zeland gewse or caluinist , meant to haue blown vp william of nassaw prince of orange , with some of the holland and zeland states , with gun-powder , in the towne-house of flushing , if it had not byn discouered by him that assisted him to conuey the powder into the seller or vault of the sayd towne-house . and had this succeeded according to the purpose of the authour thereof , baltazar gerard , that afterward killed the sayd prince of orange , had saued his life , and his labour , and the gewses reformed brethren had , had the honour of murthering six of the eight princes before named . when i consider this prince , and these intentions of his death , me thinkes it must needes be a great signe , that he was not in the fauour of god , since as well caluinists , as catholikes , went about to kill him . heerto may also be added the earle of gowry in scotland , a caluinist also . the history is publike in print , how he meant to haue killed the king , wherof yearly memory both in scotland & england is continued , on the fifth day of august , for his maiesties deliuery . the hollander . you make me almost ashamed of my selfe , to consider that our people in holland do make such exclamations agaynst iesuytes and priestes , and are shewed to be in those foule facts faulty themselues , and the iesuyts and priests whome they accuse , not faulty at all . the brabander . i am well content , & thinke my labour well bestowed , when i fynd my selfe to haue to doe with such as wil affoard place vnto truth and reason , before passion and partiality . but heere are you also to vnderstand that , that which i haue sayd , concerning the cleering of the iesuites of this calumny , doth also serue for the cleering of other catholike priests , and spirituall persons , that secretly remayne in holland , & in the adioyned prouinces , or in any place els , where they are fayne to remayne in like manner , who haue not any charge , nor can haue any charge to commit , or endure others to comit such foule and euill facts , but are to meddle in matters concerning their priestly function , as in administration of sacraments , and instruction of catholikes in all piety & vertue . the hollander . the placcart saith notwithstanding , that the iesuytes and priests do seeke to bring the good inhabitants of these prouinces with their false doctrine , to idolatry , to an auersiō from their lawfull superiours , and to the murthering of princes and potentates , to preferre therby , in these countreys the tiranny and absolute domination of the king of spayne &c. the brabander . heere haue we agayne a whole heape of calumnyes togeather : iesuites and priests are heere accused for falfe doctrine & idolatry . of intending to bring the good inhabitants of these countreys to an auersion from their lawfull superiors . to the murthering of princes and potentates , and to the furthering of the tyranny & domination of the king of spayne . let vs now vpon examining of these points , see what may be sayd , with truth and reason . concerning the false doctrine wherwith caluinists do accuse iesuites and other catholike priestes : that is , that among other points , which they hold contrary to their heresyes , that god is not so vniust and tyrannicall , that he doth ( as caluinists affirme ) take yoūg infants euen frō the brests of their mothers , and vndeseruedly cast them into the euerlasting fire of hell . the true doctrine then according as caluinists do teach ▪ is , that god so doth ; and the doctrine of iesuites and priests which caluinistscal false , is that god is so good , so iust , and so mercifull that he doth not so . concerning their idolatry , this especially is , as caluinists affirme , that they belieue and teach ▪ that the body of christ is really present in the sacramēt of the altar , that they adore it , and pray vnto it , and that in their churches they haue images . now must i demaund of you , from whence it proceedeth that catholiks belieue the reall presence of christ in this sacrament ? the hollander . i know it is true that christ at his last supper taking bread , and blessing it , sayd vnto his apostles , take and eate : this is body : but for all that , he did not so meane it . the brabander . but withal you cōfesse that the cause of this beliefe commeth from the very mouth of christ himselfe : if it come from the mouth of christ , then taketh it not originall from the mouth of any pope . christ must haue lyed when he sayd it was his body , if it were not his body ; or caluinistes must now lye , in saying it is not his body , notwithstanding christ sayd it is . the hollander . neither of both do lye , christ meant that it was the figure , or signe of his body . the brabander . where is it written , that christ meant it so ? the hollander . our preachers doe so interprete it . the brabander . i perceaue your preachers will not only take vpō them to reforme the catholike church , but they will also reforme gods word it selfe , and make it vtter that which therein is not to be found . but shew me where it is written that aboue 1500 ▪ yeares after christ had said it was his body , and that all christians throughout the world did thereupon so beliue it to be ; he would then send new teachers into the world , to reforme this ancient fayth , with teaching christians to belieue , that it was not his body , and that he did not so meane as he spak , when he instituted this sacrament . the hollander . the oldest christian fayth was , that it was not the body of christ , and therfore our teachers do call themselues the reformers of religion , because they reforme and bring religion to the first & most ancient manner : for if this were not so , they could not appropriate vnto themselues the name of reformers of religion . the brabander . they giue themselues the name of reformers , but with their appropriating this name vnto themselues , they oblige themselues in the sight and iudgement of all men , of vnderstanding , of the whole world , & in al honour & reason , if they wil be accompted worthy to be belieued , cleerly to demonstrate two thinges . the first is , that they are expresly sent from god to reforme religion : for if so be that a reformation was needful , thē was it also needfull that god should thereunto send and imploy fit persons , that must be men of great holynes , and haue power from himselfe , to make it appeare to the world , that they were sēt from him . the second is , that they must be able to stop the mouthes of all others , that at the same tyme should also appeare in the world , pretending reformation of religion as well as they , albeit in diuers different manners , setting thē at defiance , and chalenging to combat with them , with the weapon of the word , as long as they dare . if men of vnderstanding seeme to imbrace your caluinian reformation without seeking such requisite satisfaction therein as heere is noted , they can be no other then politikes , whose motiue is their owne particuler temporall end , or matter of state , and not matter of religion . but whereas you say that the most ancient christian beliefe was , that the reall presence of christ was not in the sacrament ; whereas the wordes which christ spake and wherhence this faith is deriued , is the most ancient cause of this beliefe : there is then to be considered , if the apostles themselues when christ sayd , take and eate this is my body , did so belieue it to be or not : but certayne it is that they all belieued it , vnlesse it were the false traytor iudas : for if they had doubted thereof , the had without all doubt demaunded or proponed some question vnto him about it , aswell as when he sayd , that it was as easy for a camell to passe through the eye of a needle , as it was for a rich man to enter into the kingdome of heauen for them , they straight wayes demaunded of him , who could then be saued ? whereupon he answered them , that with god all thinges are possible . is it possible with god that a camel , or the cable of a ship , can go through the eye of a needle ? then can the body of christ be in the sacrament . but the apostles among sundry other great miracles which they had seene our sauiour doe , whereof we fynd some written ( though many of them were left vn written ) did also see him worke some great miracles in his owne body , when he so altered the naturall course therof , that he did sundry thinges therewith aboue the course and possibility of nature : and therefore it is no wonder that the apostles , were all silent , and without reply belieued the wordes of christ , which they knew to measure by his power . there is also to be considered , that if so be the first christians , to wit those of the primitiue church , haue belieued as caluinists now do , that the body of christ is not really in this sacramēt , or that this sacramēt is but a figure , signe , or token of the body of christ , how & when began the beliefe in the world , that the body of christ was really there ? through whose ordayning was it so to be taken & belieued ? by whome was it taught ? by whom was it writtē ? at what time was it that communion-tables were taken out of churches , and altars erected there in their places ? the hollander . that know i not . the brabander . nor no man els . but all christendome knowes where , when , and by whome , altars in churches haue byn broken downe , & communion-tables there brought in : no lesse to be seene and noted to all the christians of the world , must it needs haue byn , if in any foregoing age since the time of christ , communion tables ( if they had byn in churches ) had byn caryed out , and in place thereof , altars had byn builded , and masse then begun to haue byn said at them , & christians then first taught that the reall presence of christ was to be belieued to be there . the hollander . verily you do now tell me much . the brabander . i will yet tell you more , howbeit but in briefe : for i will leaue these matters that concerne controuersies in religion to be debated more largely & learnedly by catholike deuines , but that which i haue to tell you is this : that besydes the catholike christians of the roman church , there are great numbers of christiās of the greeke church : there are many christians of the abissine or ethiopian church : there are christians of malabar in the east indies which were at first conuerted by saint thomas the apostle , with sundry other sorts of ancient christians aswell in asia as in africa : for the apostles themselues haue byn in those countreys , & first preached among their ancestors , and brought them to the fayth . these do differ in some points and ceremonies one from another , & also from the church of rome , but all these christians can shew out of their ecclesiasticall annales and church histories , that they haue had masse euen from the very tyme of the apostles , and haue alwayes belieued that the body of christ was really in the sacrament of the altar : and albeit that these are sequestred from the church of rome , and all of them who vnto that church haue not reconciled themselues , are by the same holden for schismatikes ; yet will they all beare witnesse for the church of rome against all our european new & different sectaries , that they doe all of them falsely bely the said church , in affirming those things to be corruptions , which they take vpon them to reforme . the hollander . doe they affirme that the apostles themselues haue first planted the masse in their countreyes ? the brabander ▪ all of them with one consent doe resolutly affirme it , assuredly knowing that the masse hath not had among thē any other originall . the hollander . i haue in holland both read & heard somthing , but this that you now tel me did i neuer read , nor heare before : but how is it then , that the apostles haue not mentioned this in their writings ? the brabander . the apostles well knew that they had no need to write that , which they instituted and taught to be daily in vse among christians , seeing it could not then be forgotten , and therefore needed not for the preuenting of obliuion , to be putit dovvne in vvryting . of the greatest number of the apostles we haue no wrytings at all , and those that wrote , haue left many things vnwritten , aswell concerning christ himselfe , as concerning their owne selues , not hauing written , when or by whome themselues were baptized , nor whether they were baptized or no , and yet were they without all doubt baptized . they knew that christ had promised to send the holy ghost vnto his holy catholike church , to teach the sayd church all truth , and to remayne therewith to the end of the world , what necessity was there then for them to put downe all thinges in wryting , whereas their expresse charge was to go ouer all the world , and preach , and baptize , and this may well be the cause that but fiue of the twelue apostles of christ haue written , and those but briefly neyther ; and the other seauen not at all , or not whereof we haue any notice . but neuer will i belieue , that any of the apostles that haue written , haue euer intended , that their wrytings aboue fifteene hundreth years after their deaths , should then first come to be truly interpreted by a iohn caluin , or such like , who in our miserable dayes haue afflicted the whole christian world . the hollander . you haue heere told me so much , and with so cleere apparence of truth that i stand wondering thereat , and by gods grace i will not leaue , to reflect well vpon it . the brabander . your gewses-reformed , will also make catholikes idolaters , for hauing of images in their churches . they may make moyses an idolater also , who notwithstanding he forbad the making of idols , erected images in his temple , for he well knew the difference betweene the one and the other . the heathenish idolls , agaynst which the sacred scripture inueygheth , so much , the heathen did offer sacrifice vnto , which is the highest and greatest honour that is done vnto god himselfe . the belyers of catholikes may put on their spectacles to see what sacrifice , or godly honour is done by them vnto images , albeit they be images of christ , of his blessed mother , and of his saints , not of the gods of the heathen , which were all diuells . no catholikes offer sacrifice to any images : no catholikes pray to any images , for so to doe were not only a most grieuous offence vnto god , but a great folly & madnes in humayne creatures . a dog will neuer run at a carued or painted hare . doe sectaries weene that catholikes haue lesse sense then brute beasts ? can they not vnderstand as well as vnreasonable beasts that they are things without life ? catholike christians haue them in vse , for memory of god and of his saints , and in reuerencing them , the reuerence is meant and referred vnto those they represent : as when at hearing the name of iesvs , we doe not reuerence the sound , but our thoughts are straightwayes by that sound transported to christ himselfe , as by the sight of his image they also are . but your caluinian pulpit-fellowes , to seduce & bring the people in false conceyts of catholikes ▪ will perforce make them idolaters , and belye them , in despyte of truth . but let vs now proceed to to the rest . the hollander . so i pray you do , for i haue heard inough of this wrong-named idolatry . the brabander . concerning the point that iesuites and priestes , do go about to bring the good inhabitants of these vnited prouinces to an auersion from their lawfull superiours , is in troth , as good a iest to be laught at , as it were , that a thiefe hauing cut a purse , should cry out among the people to looke well vnto their purles , for being cut by the cut-purses . the gewses themselues of holland haue long since brought the inhabitants of those partes to haue an auersion from their lawfull superiours ; and now they say , that iesuytes and priests do go about to do it , as though it were not by themselues done already , and as though the present rebellious vsurpers of superiority there , were true and lawfull superiours . but what goodly fellowes will heere be lawfull superiours ? doth this lawfull superiority belong vnto them , because they haue by fraud and violence made themselues the maysters of cittyes and prouinces , & chased the lawfull superiours away ? why was not then iohn buckleson , the tayler of leydon , a lawfull king of munster in westphalia , when in like sort he had chased the lawfull superiours thence ? and why haue your holland-states by strong and forcible opposition hindred the arminians from making thēselues maysters of some cittyes , that so they might become the lawful superiours in them , as well as they in others ? but how greatly are the poore hollanders all the world ouer pittyed , because the king of spayne doth so much trouble them , to put them out of their lawfull superiority ? they haue vnderstood that catholike religion obligeth to the restitution of ill gotten & detayned goods , and therefore they are in feare , as if they also knew that they are the vniust detayners of that which belongeth vnto another . but considering that caluinists or gewses , that haue the power and authority in their hands to make restitution , are not such as goe to cōfession to iesuites or priestes , they may therefore haue the lesse feare . as touching the murthering of princes and potentates , there hath already sufficiently byn spoken : but it seemeth by the wordes of the placcart that the iesuytes and priestes doe seeke to bring the good inhabitants of holland to become the murtherers of princes & potentates ; as if iesuytes and priestes went into holland , to seeke to make prouision of murtherers among the good inhabitants there , to the end they might employ them where need should be , in the murthering of princes and potentates , in other countreyes ; as though none els for such purpose could be found more fitting , then among the good inhabitants of holland . that they there should also further the tyranny & domination of spayne , are two lyes . no subiects of the king of spayne are by him tyrannized , neyther haue the iesuites or priests in holland medled , or haue had charge to meddle in matters of state or gouernment , as thinges beeing out of their profession . the hollanders cry out , and take on very much about the tyranny of spayne : but if it were so , that the king of spayne had no subiects out of spayne but only hollanders , the hollanders might perhaps be better belieued : but he hath other subiects also in europe , and out of spayne , and of seuerall nations . he hath portugeses , neapolitans , sicilians , milaneses , burgundians , germans , walons , and netherlanders , that are not vnder holland gouernement . and which of all these nations is it , that liueth not now in a more free and better state , then in former tymes vnder the comaund of their particuler kings , princes and lordes ? and where among all these differēt nations is there any one found , that is so tyrannized ouer at this day , as are the subiects of holland , with so great and so intollerable exactions and taxations . and whereas they haue alwayes made profession , to leaue people to the liberty & freedom of their consciences , they do notwithstanding forbid some of their good inhabitants vpon great paynes , the exercise of their religion according as their consciences do require , which they deny not vnto anabaptists , nor iewes . they cry out , and take on about the tiranny of spayne , to make the inhabitants afrayd of a faygned tiranny , that in the meane tyme they may the better goe forward , as vnseene , with their owne true and great tiranny indeed . no children may be sent to schoole in any places vnder the comaund of the king of spayne , or in colledges of iesuytes &c. belike there is no good gewses-latin , or caluinian-reformed sciences there taught . neyther may any children of holland be sent to schoole in any enemyes countrey : but this being obserued i do scarsly see where any youth of holland may out of holland be sent to schoole ; seeing the hollanders haue behaued themselues so well , and do so continew to behaue themselues , that they make all the world their enemyes . all collections of money , gold , siluer , goods &c. for , or to the vse of any churches , hospitailes , spirituall or o●●er colleges or conuenticles , are pro●●bited . heerby may be perceaued that they 〈◊〉 ●etayne memory of their church-robbing . they know catholike religion teacheth to make restitution of ill gotten or wrongfully detayned goods , and now they feare that some of their good inhabitantes iesuyts or priests to haue some scruple in conscience about the restoring agayne of some such goods , & therefore they haue held it necessary to settle their consciences in quiet , by prohibiting them to come among them ; & so not to come to know that for any church-robbing they ought to make satisfaction , nor yet to extend any charity insteed thereof to any hospitalls , spirituall or other colledges &c. for the worth-full superiors of holland , haue occasion inogh to vse money , gold , siluer , and other goods themselues , or can fynd occasion to make vse thereof , rather then it should , by collections , be transported out of those prouinces to other places . the hollander . when i well consider of all that you haue heere recounted , i am not farre from belieuing , that it may all be true , but in holland we may not speake so . the comons in holland are made belieue that all thinges are there as they ought to be , that they do well , and also prosper well . the brabander . those neuerthelesse in holland that beare the heauy burthen of those great taxations , must needes feele the contrary . and they that do not y●● feele it though , do stand in good po●●●●●lity to feele it better : for the states without all doubt , will from hence-forward be more and more carefull to employ all their vnderstandings , so to inure their subiects to the burthen of pressures and taxations , that they shall not easily by any apoplexies loose their sense of feeling . heere will i make an end , for it is now late inough to go to bed . the hollander . i thanke you much for your discourse , i will not forget to thinke vpon it . and therfore thinke not i pray you , that your wordes haue byn vttered to deafe eares . the brabander . then i hope i haue not strawed roses before swyne , but haue shewed reason to reasonable creaturess . ¶ the rest of the company who with silence had listned to that which was spoken , did giue thankes to the brabander for his discourse ; & so euery man went to his rest . and heerewith wil i also rest from writing for the present : and recomending my selfe vnto the continuance of yours good fauour ▪ leaue you to god. from cullen the eight of aprill 1622. yours , vnto whom my handwryting is sufficient to let you know my name . finis . the jesuits gospel according to saint ignatius loiola wherein their impious doctrines against the christian faith, their pernitious maxims against christian princes, and their unjust practices destructive to all humane society, contrary to the sacred scriptures, the laws of god, and right reason are declared. 1679 approx. 133 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46856 wing j716a wing s2573_cancelled estc r24520 08231532 ocm 08231532 41125 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46856) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41125) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1741:23, 1239:16) the jesuits gospel according to saint ignatius loiola wherein their impious doctrines against the christian faith, their pernitious maxims against christian princes, and their unjust practices destructive to all humane society, contrary to the sacred scriptures, the laws of god, and right reason are declared. sergeant, john, 1622-1707. [2], 35 p. printed for norman nelson ..., london : mdclxxix [1679] sometimes attributed to john sergeant--cf. nuc pre-1956 imprints. item at reel 1239:16 identified as wing s2573 (number cancelled). reproduction of originals in the harvard university library and huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ignatius, -of loyola, saint, 1491-1556. jesuits -controversial literature. 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the jesuits gospel , according to saint ignatius loiola wherein their impious doctrines against the christian faith , their pernitious maxims against christian princes , and their unjust practices destructive to all humane society , contrary to the sacred scriptures , the laws of god , and right reason , are declared . veni gladium mittere non pacem : sicut serpentes . london , printed for norman nelson , at grays-inn gate in holbourn . mdc lxxix . the jesuits gospel , acccording to saint ignatius loiola . chap. i. of the pope . 1. the bishop of rome is god. dist. 96. ca. satis evidenter . 2. the pope is no man. lib. 1. sext. de electione tit . 6. c. fundament . in gloss . 3. the pope is neither god nor man. in. prolog . clement in glossatore . 4. it 's lawful for no man to imagin or practise to transgress the precepts of apostolical see. dist. 20. c. nulli dist. 12. 22. 5. an heretick is he who is not obedient to the pope's decrees . ibidem . 6. the pope is lord of all temporalties upon earth . lib. 3. sext. tit . 16. c. bericuloso . 7. no man ought to say unto the pope , why dost thou thus , or thus ? decret . lib. 7. c. 5. gloss . 8. no mortal man may sit in judgment upon the pope . dist. 40. c. si papa . c. non omnes . gloss . 9. it 's lawful for no creature to call into question the judgment of the apostolical see , or delay the sentence thereof . caus. 17. q. 4. c. memini . 10. the pope may dispense against the apostles . dist. 34. col. in gloss . dist. 82. c. presbyter in gloss . caus. 15. q. 6. c. authoritatem in gloss . 11. the pope hath celestial arbitriment , lib. 1. decret . greg. c. 5. 12. the pope's will is a law. ibidem . 13. the pope may cause an unjust decree to be received for just . ibid. 14. all nations and kingdoms are under the pope's jurisdiction . ext. com. tit . 1. super gentes . 15. god hath delivered over unto the pope the power and rule of heaven and earth . ext. jo. 22. tit . 5. dist . 22. c. omnes . 16. the whole world is the pope's right and inheritance ; therefore if emperours or kings have at any time given any privileges or lands , to any pope , ( as they say constantine did to sylvester ) they did not give that which was their own to give ; but only restore that which was formerly taken from them by tyranny and injustice . aug. de anconade potestate ecclesiasticâ , part . 1. q. 1. ar . 1. 17. the pope is above all principalities and power , and every name that is named , not only in this world , but in that which is to come : and that he is the sun and light of the world. b. 20. de roman pontific . ca. 6. p. 56 , 57 , 58 , 66. eph. 1. 21. 18. the pope hath an almighty infallibility , and cannot err . sanch. suarez . g. valentia . chap. ii. of the papal grandeur , or greatness . 1. when the emperour goeth to be crowned by the pope , he , as soon as he espyeth his holiness , is to kneel and worship him bare-headed , then to approach nearer and kiss his feet ; and the same is to be done by the empress when she is crowned : sacrarum ceremoniarum , lib. 1. fo . 22. edit . rom. 2. when the emperour is crowned at the publique procession before the people , he is to go to the pope's house , and then to hold the stirrup till his holiness mounts on horseback ; and then like a lacquey must he hold the pope's rosinant some wayes by the reins . ibidem , fo . 25 , 26. 3. this piece of service must the emperour , king or chief potentate perform when the pope is chosen , in his procession to the lateran church . ibidem . 4. if there be two kings present , then the pope doth command the one of them on his right side , the other on his left must lead his palfray along by the bridle . ibid. 17. and therefore when frederick barbarossa held the left stirrup of his holiness as he alighted from his horse , his holiness pope adrian the fourth took great displeasure , because he held the left stirrup of his saddle and not the right ; which if he had intended to have honoured us , he would have held the right , which ought to have been holden . funcii chronicon . bar. de vita pontific . 5. the best lay-man though he be emperour or king , must carry water for the pope to wash his hands in , and must carry up the first dish of meat to his table . ibidem , fo . 20. 6. if the pope will not ride on horseback , but be carried in a chair , then four of the greatest princes , yea though the emperour be one of them , must put their shoulders to the said chair , and so carry him some space : ibidem , lib. 1. fo . 17. by this all the emperours , kings and princes of the earth must learn to obey , fear and reverence him . 7. when his holiness is elected and carried to the lateran , he takes up as much money as he can in his hand , and throws it amongst the people , saying , silver and gold have i none , but such as i have , give i thee . ibid. fo . 17. act. 36. 8. we must bow at the name of the virgin mary , and of the pope , as well as at the name of jesus . par. crassus de ceremoniis card. & episc. lib. 1. c. 22. 9. whosoever obeyeth not the command of the pope , shall die the death . ribadeniera , lib. 1. de principe , c. 17. p. 108. 10. the cross hath precedence before the eagles or ensigns of the empire ; the sword of peter before that of constantine ; and the apostolick seat judgeth , and is above the imperial power . baronius in paraen . p. 9. 11. that the pope cannot be judged by any person ; for it 's written , that the spiritual person judgeth all things , but he himself is not judged , 1 cor. c. 7. 12. all the princes of the earth must do honour and reverence to the pope as a great god. blondus lib. 3. rom. instaurat , 13. an appeal can be made from the council to the pope . johannes de sylva de beneficiis , part 4. p. 4. n. 28. t. 15. part 1. fo . 109. 14. no appeal can be made from the pope to the council . jacobatius de concil . ar . 1. n. 36. t. 13. part . 1. fo . 352. 16. 26. fo . 270. chap. iii. of the power of the pope . 1. the pope can do all things that god himself can do , only sin excepted . jacob. de griffiis decis . aureae . part . 1. c. 31. 2. the pope hath no limits or bounds in the whole world , but those which it self had . jacob. fuligattus vitâ card. bellarm. lib. 3. c 5. 3. he hath power of making sin more sin ; and that which is no sin , to be sin . bellar. contra barclasum , c. 31. 4. the pope can give empires and kingdoms to whom he pleaseth , and depose the possessors of them . jul. ferrettus de re & discip . militari , p. 516. celsus mancinus de juribus principum , lib. 3. c. 3. p. 76. greg. de valentia , to. 3. disp . 1. 4. 12. punct . 2. col . 439. 443. 5. the pope may depose kings by his power , if they be either negligent in the administration of their government , or do not extirpate all hereticks out of their dominions . hostien . sum. lib. 5. tit . de haeretic . 8. quae poena . s. 11. johannes de tuzz . cremala sum . de eccles . c. 14. propos . 44. panormitanus , lib. 5. decret . de haeretic . c. 13. 6. if a king turns heretick , he hath no right to his kingdom , and so no man ought to think it strange if the pope depose him . dom. à soto . in 4. sentent . dist . 25. q. 2. a. 1. n 3. alphons . à castro de justa hereticorum punitione . lib. 2. c. 7. col . 12. 45. 1246. 7. if kings will not be obedient to the church , then may the pope by his great power from heaven very justly turn them from all their royalties and government ; and the subjects themselves , if the pope bid them , must take up arms against them . gre. nunnius coronel . de vera christi eccles. lib. 9. p. 345. 8. the pope can quit subjects from the obedience and allegiance which they owe to their kings . joh. maria bellettus disq . clerical . part . 1. p. 282. p. 109. panormitan . in decret . de haereticis . c. 13. 9. if the king doth tyrannize , and doth not execute his office duly , or when there is any other just cause for so doing , then the people may dethrone him , and elect another . em. sa. aphoris . 5. principis . 9. 2. molina de just . tom . 1. tract . 2. disp 29. col . 213 , 214. jacob. simonica de cathol . inst. 7. 9. § . 257. 10. the pope may make an ordinance contrary to the epistle of st. paul. char. ruinus cons. 109. n. 1. vol. 5. 11. the power of the pope is greater than that of the apostles , having power to derogate from the sayings and words of the apostle . the decis . of the rota at rome . decis . 1. n. 3. antonius maria in addit . ad decis . novas , n. 9. 12. the doctrine of the pope is the infallible rule of faith , and the holy scripture hath taken its force , and doth take it from his holiness ; and he that doth not believe this is an heretick . silvester prieras in epitom . resp . ad luther . c. 7. to. 1. 13. the pope is he by whom kings reign , according to that which is said , by me kings reign . fr. bosius de temporal . eccles. monarchia . lib. 1. ca. 3. 11. and therefore henry the fourth emperour , being excommunicated by pope gregory the 7th , he puts off his royal and imperial habiliments with his wife and young son bare-footed and clothed in canvas ( being made a spectacle to angels and men to admire at ) in a most bitter winter , and most dangerous kind of travel , cometh to canasium , where the pope then resided ; fasting and suiter like from morning till evening he danceth attendance ; for three dayes he patiently endureth this lamentable affliction , being often told his holiness was not at leisure to attend his suit , and denyed admittance ; but after great importunities and solicitations , and giving oath and security for his good behaviour for the future , he is absolved . nauclerus , p. 36. urspergensis , platina in vita grego . 7. by this the power and supremacy of the pope is to be seen over emperours and kings . 14. the pope may do , what god doth . decret . de major . et obedient . c. solicit . 6. chap. iv. religion , prayer , faith , charity . it 's in the precept of prayer , as in that of faith , hope , and charity , there is no certain time wherein this precept obligeth directly ; but only indirectly , to wit , when its necessary to acquire some good , or to remove some evil . he that prayes not to god in a temptation against chastity , sins only against chastity ; for he sins not in omitting prayer , but because of the danger he is in to violate chastity . tamber . decal . c. 4. sect . 2. n. 5. so that we are not at any time obliged directly to pray unto god any more than to love him , believe , or trust in him ; but indirectly , and as it were by accident , when we have need , as in a temptation , or the like . 2. in our private prayers which we make to god , it 's not necessary to use any attention ; nor are we obliged to attend : for this obligation goes no further than to venial sin ; and those prayers which are made by command , in that case none is obliged upon pain of mortal sin , to an inward attention in saying his office , provided he rehearse it outwardly and entirely . fliut . mor. q. q. tom. 2. tr . 23. c. 8. n. 252. 3. whatsoever distraction or evil thoughts there are in the mind of man in prayer , and when he rehearses the divine office , though it be voluntary , if it comes of negligence and not of contempt , it 's but a venial sin : when it comes from a formal and deliberate contempt , yet we fail not in satisfying the church , and discharging our duty . escobar . tr . 5. exam . 6. n. 157. p. 679. for it 's not necessary to satisfie the command of the church , to have any inward attention ; but it 's sufficient to give some outward respect , and behave ones self decently . coninck 3. part q 83. art . 68. 247. n. 286. n. 301. p. 286. the outward act of prayer , which is done with the outward circumstances which it ought to have , is a true exterior action of the virtue of religion , though it be done with voluntary distraction , which is it self a sin . coninck , ibidem . for the outward adoration which is rendred to an idol , is a true and outward act of adoration , and of idolatry ; though he who makes this adoration outwardly , hath no intention to adore the idol . bauny in his sum. ch . 13. p. 176. so we must believe that they pray who recite the office , though without intention , yet not without exterior decency and composure such as the action requires . bauny . ibidem . 4. christ commands us to receive baptism , a tyrant forbids us to receive it , upon pain of our lives ; we are obliged not to receive it . escob . lib. 1. theol. mor. sect . 2. 67. problem . 29. 5. in receiving the sacrament of the lord's supper , it 's not necessary to have actual devotion ; for he who is voluntarily distracted in the receiving the sacrament , provided he contemns it not , puts no obstacle to the effect of the communion , because he sins not mortally . fillut. tom. 1. mor. q q. tr . 4. chap. 6. n. 163 , 164. p. 87. 6. if actual sin be committed in the very communion it self , it hinders not at all from the receiving the grace of the communion ; because this sin makes not the person unworthy of the participation of the body and blood of jesus christ ; for there is nothing but mortal sin that is capable of causing this unworthiness . fillut. ibidem . 7. he who hath sinned mortally , and hath remorse for his sins , and hath confessed them , may absolutely communicate , though the very night before , or even a little before the communion , he hath sinned mortally . filut. tr . 4. c. 8. n. 224. 8. if a man after he hath communicated many times in a bad state , cometh to be converted , he shall receive in an instant all the graces which were due to so many communions , though they were received in an unworthy manner . mascarenhas . tr . 1. de sacr. in gen . disp . 4. c. 5. n. 211. from this admirable doctrine it followeth , that a man may become most holy in an instant , and will surpass in holiness , many of those who have lived in innocency , when he was plunged in sin ; and the greater and more sins he hath committed , the more holy he is . 9. it 's not necessary that the priest who finds himself guilty of mortal sin , should confess himself before he administers the sacrament . discast . tr . 2. de sacr. d. 3. d. 10. n. 200. 10. the priest may administer the sacrament to one who sinneth publickly , provided that he doth not receive it publickly through contempt of the sacrament or of religion , but for some other end ; and that he threaten the priest with death or loss of reputation , or to do some great wrong to him in his goods ; and this is rather to permit sin in another for some just cause , than to co-operate therewith . escob . lib. 4. theol. mor. c. 3. 11. in extream necessity we are obliged to do alms of such things as are not necessary unto life , though they be needful to support us in our condition . escob . tr . 5. exam. 5. n. 43. p. 632. by extream necessity , we must understand that on which the life of man depends ; so that if he be not assisted , he will surely dye : in this case we are obliged to give that which is superfluous . 12. a person who hath abundance , after he hath satisfied all his own necessaries , and those of his own family , having yet a superfluity , is not obliged in a public famine to give unto the poor , nor to any one whomsoever , if he see him not in eminent danger to die with famine . escob . tr . 5. exam . 5. n. 47. p. 633. 13. we are not obliged to assist or give alms unto the poor with any notable diminution of our wealth , honour or life . tolet. lib. 4. inst. sacerd. c. 10. n. 5. p. 635. 14. we may fulfill the precept of alms , by lending only , without giving any thing . tolet. lib. 8. c. 85. n. 2. p. 1242. and that unless in extream necessity , ( in evident danger of death ) alms are not commanded under mortal sin . ibid. and in that case we are not obliged any further to provide for them , if we have not wealth to spare , and riches which are superfluous ; which very few persons believe they have , because covetousness and ambition make all men in a manner necessitous : so that it 's clear by the doctrine of these doctors , the rich are not obliged to give alms , but out of their superfluity ; and not then , but in case of great necessity . those things which may exalt us unto a better condition , as honour , preferment or places , are not to be accounted superfluous . granad . 22. controver . 4. d. 2. lib. 4. n. 18. so that rarely it happens that we can have superfluous goods ; and so by consequence we must rarely give alms . tamb : lib 5. decal . c. 1. sect . 1. n. 14. 15. amongst christians there are few who are damned for failing to exercise the works of corporal mercy , none being obliged thereunto under mortal sin , unless in the utmost and greatest necessity of his neighbour , which happens very rarely , so as to impose any great obligation on any particular person . less . lib. 13. de perfect . divin . v. 22. n. 142. and though we are not to give alms , but in the greatest necessity , yet when that happens , no person is particularly obliged to provide against it ; because the obligation is to assist our neighbour in general to all those who have means to do it , but none in particular ; so that a poor man may die of hunger in the view of many persons who may and ought to assist him , while they expect and attend one another , none being bound in particular to satisfie an obligation which is in common to them all . 16. it 's certain , there is no obligation to love our neighbour by any intern al act of the will , expresly terminated in him ; whence it is , if you hate him not , and for his sake observe the outward works of good will , you love him sufficiently . suarez . c. 5. d. 1. lib. 4. n. 4. filut. tom. 2. mor. q. q. tr . 22. c. 9. n. 283. p. 92. of 32 parables , which is the most frequent manner of christ's discourse , he applyes but one for the recommendation of the love of our neighbour , in the person of the distressed poor man abused by thieves betwixt jericho and jerusalem . sermond . tr . 2. p. 121. it 's no mortal sin to have such a hatred against our neighbour , as not to be willing to keep company with him , to have such and so violent an aversion from him , as upon no terms or occasion to be willing to speak with him , nor help him in his business , nor at all to forgive him , when he acknowledgeth his fault , and offers satisfaction . bauny's sum. p. 81. 17. there is no absolute commandment to love god , because every command carries some threatning with it to keep them in their duty to whom it is made , and then some penalty or punishment against those who violate it ; now the commandment which god gave us to love him , contains neither threat nor punishment , and so by consequence it 's no commandment truly so called . sermond in his defence of virtue , tr. 2. p. 28. god commanding us to love him , contents himself that we should obey him in his other commandments : for god hath not obliged us absolutely to testifie our affections to him , otherwise than by yielding obedience to him . ibid. p. 11. and god hath not commanded us so much to love , as not to hate him . ibid. p. 19. and all those which in scripture are vulgarly called commands to love god , they are advices and counsels , but not commands . ibidem , p. 20 , 21. god ought to be content that we love him a little as we please , because to love him more , and to a certain degree , is only an advice ; it sufficeth that we love him much under what we could , if we would ; because the least degree of love , is enough for him , and to satisfie the commandment . amic . tom. 4. d. 23. sect . 2. n. 21 , 22 , 19. whereas it 's said we must love god above all things ; we must not extend these words ( all things ) to the rigour in its utmost extent , and according to its natural sence , so as it comprehend under it all creatures , but that we must understand ( by all things ) only those which are evil , contrary to god , and which destroy the friendship we have with him by grace ; ( that is to say ) mortal sin only . amic . tom. 4. disp . 29. sect . 2. n. 16. and if we be obliged to love god , we are not obliged to love him above three or four moments in our life , whereof the first is when we begin to have the use of reason ; secondly , at the point of death . thirdly , every fifth year during life . filut. tom. 2. mor. qq . tr . 22. c. 9. n. 286 , 290. p. 93. the rest of our time we may love god or the world as we please . 18. if a man hath committed any mortal sin , he is not obliged to contrition and sorrow for the sin before the article of his death . filut. tom. 1. qq . mor. tr . 6. c. 8. n. 198 , 199 , 157. so that ( according to this doctrine ) who is in mortal sin , may with a safe conscience persist voluntarily all his life in a state of enmity and aversion to god , and delay his conversion until the point of death , demanding only forgiveness of god , when he is ready to die and can offend him no longer . 19. if a man being at the point of death , endeavours to do what he can , and having in his mind only an act of attrition present , he saith unto god these words , lord have mercy on me , with design to pacifie him , he shall be justified , god himself supplying the want of absolution . escob . tr . 7. exam. 4. n. 122. p. 819. 20. faith and charity are not such supernatural graces and vertues as the world takes them to be ; for a man may be a martyr and merit the crown of martyrdom , not only without any act of charity , but also without any act of faith ; and though he suffers without love to god , and though he never thinks of him , it 's sufficient that he be killed out of hatred to the faith , though he have not so much as a thought of confessing it ; as it happens in a suddain eruption of barbarians , one is killed in his sleep through hatred of faith. connick 3. par . q. 66. de baptis . a. 12. n. 136. p. 8. celot . lib. 3. c. 3. p. 125. 21. it matters not , if death had been proposed to this man , the fear it would have brought on him , would possibly have forced him to forget god ; yet because this conditional supposition produces no real thing in the man , it cannot hurt him . connick 3. par . q. 66. de baptis . p. 139. so then to be a martyr , it 's not at all necessary to have so much as a conditional will to die for god , if occasions were presented , that the contrary disposition , rather to forsake god than lose his life on this occasion , cannot hurt him ; and by consequence it 's not bad , nor hinders a man from being in a state to receive a crown of martyrdom , if he die without ever thinking of it in this disposition by the hand of a tyrant . 22. he who outwardly recites the office of the church , doth perform the duty of prayer , though he doth it without any inward intention or devotion , so as the outward appearance and precept be observed , which such an action requires ; for the outward action wherewith we attend on god , is of the same nature , and appertains to the virtue of religion . bauny in his sum . c. 20. p. 335. and the duty of prayer is satisfied though there be no intention . escob . tr . 5. exam . 6. c. 13. n. 136. p. 677. for he that doth in substance , that is to say , outwardly , that which is commanded , satisfies truly the commandment of the church , though he hath no will to accomplish it , but rather the contrary . layman . lib. 1. tr . 4. c. 4. n. 6. p. 49. 23. the blessed virgin is more easie intreated than jesus christ , therefore her protection is more assisting and helpful to us . fr. de mendoza virid . lib. 2. probl . 2. 24. there is as great efficacy , as to salvation , in the virgin mary's milk , as in our saviour's blood. andr. rivet . apol. lib. 2. c. 5. p. 248. idem , lib. 1. c. 19. p. 155. idem , jesuita vapul . c. 14 , 15. p. 3 , 307 , 808. 25. a man may be saved without ever loving god in all his life . let. provinc . 11. p. 160. 26. it 's lawful to consult a conjurer . addit . myster . jesuit . p. 111. and that an expert conjurer in diabolical arts is well worthy a reward . let. provinci . p. 116. and a fortune-teller is not obliged to restitution , if he hath consulted the devil . addit . p. 20. § . 19. chap. v. of sin. 1. he that from the impression of an inveterate custom , as it were dy a sort of impetuous necessity , is transported to do evil , as to speak words of blasphemy , sins not at all ; because a man cannot sin without rational knowledg and deliberation . layman , lib. 1. tr . 2. c. 3. n. 6. p. 20. an evil custom takes away the use of reason , and so by consequence it doth not augment but diminish sin ▪ nay , sometimes it takes it away ; so that man who hath these evil habits , is in a better condition than he that hath them not : and by often sinning , is put into a condition or state of not sinning any more . 2. perjury , which one commits through natural inadvertency , or because of the custom he hath to swear , is no mortal sin , though he who doth it , hath his will effectually addicted to sin by an evil habit . filut. mor. tom. 2 tr . 25. c. 1. n. 27. p. 173. by this admirable doctrine , although a man perjure himself , he having not a full knowledg , or transported with some violent habit , it 's no mortal sin in him . 3. if a man customarily curse his horse , dogs , hawks , or other creatures , which are without reason , setting aside choler by which he suffers himself to be transported , it 's no sin at all ; because this evil custom is become natural , and makes him do it without any passion , and even so as he perceives it not , therefore he commits no sin , in the most strange curses and execrations . bauny's sum . c. 6. p. 73. c. 5. p. 66. 4. those who in their youth , have committed many actions of a vitious nature , which they did not believe to be such , are not obliged to confess one word of them , when they know and understand their nature . bauny in his sum . c. 40. p. 650 , 651. because when they were committed , they had not the full use of reason , and knowledg , and at most they were but venial sins , if any sin at all . 5. if any one shoots an arrow by which he hits his enemy , supposing invincibly that it was a beast , he is altogether innocent of this man's slaughter , though he was in such a disposition , that if he had known that it had been his enemy , he would have killed him with more joy . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 16. n. 13. p. 70. 6. the pleasure which is taken in an action of mortal sin , which is done in sleep , drunkenness , madness or through ignorance , is no sin . filut. mor. tom. 2. tr . 21. c. 8. n. 290. p. 26. ignorance is a great asylum for innocency , for it doth not only protect men from the greatest sins , but it giveth them liberty and power to rejoyce and take pleasure in them as good actions , when one comes to know them or call them to remembrance . 7. he who knows that it is a mortal sin to commit an action , but knows not that it is a sin to command another to commit it , through invincible ignorance , is excused from sin in doing it . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 16. n. 19. therefore if a peasant should hear it spoken by a man reputed to be pious and knowing , that it was a sin to steal , and commit fornication outwardly , but that it was lawful to desire the one or the other , in this case the interior act is exempt from all sin , because of invincible ignorance . ibidem . 8. to sin mortally , it 's not enough to see the evil that is done , and the danger incurred in doing , but he ought to have a full and perfect knowledg , and besides this , both time and means to deliberate on it ; therefore such actions which are committed out of ignorance , evil habits , or passion , are not mortal sins ; it 's not enough to commit a mortal sin , to consider and to will with deliberation the evil that is done , but this consideration and deliberation must be full . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 16. n. 21. therefore when there occur in one and the same action two sorts of different wickedness , it 's not sufficient to perceive one , to make him guilty of both , but we must have or be obliged to have an actual knowledg of the other ; therefore when a man lyes with a woman whom he knowes to be not his wife , but is invincibly ignorant that she is his kinswoman , he is guilty of fornication , but not of incest . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 1. n. 8. p. 2 , 70. amic . tom. 3. d. 17. s. 8. n. 172. p. 205. escob . tr . 2. exam. 1. c. 3. n. 8. p. 275. 9. he who doth some unlawful act , knowing well that it 's forbidden , but not remembring it to be such when he doth it , is exempt from mortal sin ; because forgetfulness or negligence which is the cause we think not of it , the evil we are about to do , is not imputed for sin , if it be not voluntary : and it 's not voluntary , if we bethink us not to consider that we are obliged to examin what we are about to do . layman . lib. 1. tr . 12. c. 4. n. 6. p. 20. 10. to sin , it 's not sufficient to do the evil that is forbidden , or not to do that which is commanded by the law of god , nature or the church ; but it 's necessary to have a knowledg of the evil that we do , and an intention to do it : by this rule we are free from the greatest sins , so we have a good intention in committing of them , or that we have no evil intention : we may wish evil or death to our neighbour , without sin , when we are induced thereunto by some good motive , as that he is given to suing ; or that he is a person of good reputation for his well living , and therefore doth eclipse our credit . bauny's sum . c. 6. p. 73. 11. he who doth maintain an heretical proposition without believing it , or who shall be a communicant or auditor amongst protestants without having his heart there , but out of pure derision , or to comply with the times , and to accomplish his designs , he ought not to be esteemed a protestant therefore ; be cause his understanding is not infected with their errors . bonacina . d. 3. q. 4. n. 7. 12. he who hath knowledg of the law , and is ignorant of the penalty which it ordains against those who violate it , doth not incur the penalty which he is to undergo if he obey not . tambur . decal . lib. 1. c. 2. sect . 10. n. 12. 13. god cannot command or forbid a matter that is in it self slight under the penalty of mortal sin . em. sa. verb. praecept . n. 1. p. 575. amit . tom. 5. a. 5. de lege humana . s. 8. n. 194. p. 64. 14. he that hath a will to commit all venial sins if he were able , sins only venially . escob . tr . 2. exam . 1. c. 12. n. 57. p. 385. 15. to make an action evil and unlawful , is required first to make it appear , that the reasons which prove the malice of the action be demonstrative ; that is , that they be such as whereunto no probable answer can be given . secondly , that the reasons which prove this same action to be good and lawful , be not so much as probable . thirdly , that the opinions which maintain that this action is good , hath not sufficient authority to be held probable ; all these must be observed , otherwise the action is not evil . caram . fund . p. 138. 16. to tell a lye in preaching on any doctrinal point , is but a venial sin . escobar . tr . 7. exam . 4. n. 107. p. 816. 17. to perform the most sacred actions , as to administer the sacraments , or to receive them , or to celebrate the mass for vain-glory , is but a venial sin , though vain-glory be proposed as the principal end . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 3. n. 1. p. 9. 18. when a slight thing is commanded , the commandment obliges not unto mortal sin , although that be the intention of him who commands . em. sa . verb. praecept . n. 1. p. 575. 19. the greatness of the sin ought to be estimated from , and according to its matter and subject . escobar . sanch. 20. no person is obliged to avoid the next occasion of sin , when thereby some great loss will befall him ; in this case it cannot be said that he wills this occasion , but permits it only ; because that he withdraws not from this occasion , is not that he would absolutely abide in it , but because he would decline the damage which this withdrawing would bring on him . sanch. in select . disp . 10. n. 20. for this reason a man is not obliged to put away his concubine , if her company be very advantagious to him , and in departing with her he lose any great benefit . 21. a thing is not the next occasion of sin , unless it be vitious and a sin of it self . bauny's theol. mor. par . 1. lib. 4. de poenit . q. 14. p. 94. 22. to sell a woman paint , which he knowes she will use to draw young men to unchast love , it 's lawful ; otherwise he would lose a customer , and suffer loss and damage : so to build the temple of an idol , or to sell an idol it self , or to sell an infidel a lamb , which he knew he would use in sacrifice to an idol , is no sin . tamb. lib. 5. decal . c. 1. s. 4. n. 38 , 34 , 35 , 36. 23. all the breaches of the first and second table of the decalogue are no sins at all , when they are committed by any out of ignorance , surprise or passion . myst. of jesuit . add . p. 125. london . 1658. 24. it 's no sin to contract a marriage by personation , as if it were in a play upon the stage , by using equivocal expressions in the church , when one is forced thereunto by great fear . add. myst. of jesuitism , p. 45. § . 24. so that you may learn how comfortable and holy these sacred doctrines of the jesuits are , and how far their gospel doth exceed that of jesus christ ; for he hath made the way to heaven so narrow , and the gate so streight , that few can enter in : whereas by the indulgence of these holy fathers the way to heaven is made so broad , that the people may safely go thither without jostling one another , and may with less pains go to heaven than to hell ; and indeed let men do what they will , they cannot ( according to their pious doctrines ) go to hell ; for none go thither but for mortal sins : and how difficult a thing it is to sin mortally , you may observe by what hath been delivered unto you ; and in case they go to hell , these great and learned doctors have a holy knack , and mysterious exorcism to fetch them out . chap. vi. of directing the intention of good and bad intentions . 1. to do evil , there must be an evil intention ; but to do good , it 's not necessary to have a good intention . the commands of god and the church may be satisfied by an outward execution of what they ordain , though it be done without intention to fulfil them , or with an evil intent ; and contrary to the commandment , and even with an express intention not to fulfil it , and on the contrary , to render a man guilty of having violated the commands of god , and the church , it 's not sufficient to violate them , but it 's required to have thereof a formed design and express intention . 2. ecclesiasticks satisfie the precept of the church in saying prayers , when they sing or read them , though they do it without any inward intention or devotion ; provided they observe outward modesty and decency : nay the precept is satisfied , though the intention be express and formal not to satisfie it . bauny's sum . ch . 20. p. 335. escob . tr . 5. exam . 6. c. 13. n. 136. p. 677. so that the outward appearance is more necessary to prayer , and to the actions of religion , then the inward motions of piety ; because they can subsist without this inward motion , but not without external shew : and we may perform the duty of prayer , though we have a formal design not to obey the church , and to despise its commandement . if a man fast for vain-glory , or to content his sensuality in eating and drinking wine ; and so act contrary to the intent of the church , yet he doth not violate her commands ; for he that doth in substance , that is to say , outwardly , that which is commanded , satisfies truly the commandement , though he hath no will to accomplish it , but rather contrary . laym . lib. 1. tr . 4. c. 4. n. 6. p. 49. 3. if a man hears a sermon , or be present at the divine office of the church , a bad intent thereunto joyned , as an intent of looking on a woman dishonestly , is not contrary to the commandements of the church , neither doth he therein sin , but fulfil the precept of hearing prayers . fillut. mor. qq . tom. 2. tr . 5. c. 7. n. 2 , 12. p. 128. 4. if a man speak never so dishonourably and irreverently of god , it 's no blasphemy , if he had not a formal intent to blaspheme god and dishonour him . bauny's sum . c. 5. p. 66. bonacina . d. 3. q. 8. p. 2. n. 2. 5. no man is responsible for the evil effects which are adherent to any action , except he formerly intend and procure them ; therefore though a woman knowes that a man loves her dishonestly , she sins not , how often soever she presents her self before him , and in his view , so as she hath not an intent to stir up the dishonest love which he hath towards her . fillut. to. 2. tr . 28. c. 10. n. 232. because he that loves her dishonestly , doth rather take this occasion of offence from his own malice , then she gives it him by the use of her own right and liberty . 6. if a man be to do an act , and makes protestation that his intention is not to do any evil ; let the act be never so wicked , it 's no sin in him . bauny's sum . c. 14. p. 219. therefore to kill an heretick , if your intention be to propagate the roman catholique faith it 's no sin ; and an usurer who giveth his money to interest to make profit thereof , may deliver himself from usury and restitution , with protestation that it 's not in his intention to make any usurious contract , but to lend it him for his good , and that he would do nothing therein against god and his conscience . bauny . ibidem . 7. a mother which desires the death of her daughters for want of beauty or portions , because she cannot make them according to her desire , or because perhaps by occasion of them , she is ill treated by her husband ; this good intention of the mother is sufficient to excuse the mother from all sin , who desires the death of the daughters . bonacina . d. 3. q. 4. n. 7. 8. if a servant by the command of his master goes and tells a woman with whom he knowes his master intends to commit adultery , that his master will be found at home such an hour ; or if by the command of his master he followes a damosel to see and enquire where she lodges , if by his command he doth not only open the door , but shew her where his master is , if he aid his master to get up by the window to enter the house where he is to commit the sin , the servant by directing his intention , may free himself of any such or the like sin ; by intending that he did it for some good end , as for the just reward which he expected , or for fear of the loss of his master's favour , or some other damage : and protesting that he is not pleased with this sin of his master . tamb. lib. 5. decal . c. 1. sect . 4. n. 30. 9. you may desire the death of an enemy who might do you much hurt , not of hatred to him , but to avoid the damage and hurt which he would do you ; you may also rejoyce in his death , because of the good which you receive thereby . em. sa. verb. charitat . n. 8. p. 65. and all this may be done without sin , by that excellent science of directing the intention . 10. to lye with a woman ( by the rule of directing the intention ) whom he representeth to himself as under a condition , and as if he were married to her , is a thing which is not ill , and which on the contrary is good . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 2. n. 34. p. 9. fillut. mor. tom. 2. tr . 21. c. 8. n. 269. p. 27. 11. it 's lawful for persons of all qualities , conditions and sexes , to go to the the stewes or places of common prostitution , ( intending to convert women ) though it be very probable ( as frequently before ) they will there commit sins themselves . myst. of jesuitism . p. 146 , 147. 12. if any man hath done me an injury or wrong , i may pursue him , not with an intention to be revenged of him , or to render evil for evil , but out of an intention to preserve my honour . reginaldus in praxi . lib. 21. n. 62. p. 260. there is no more to be done , than to divert the intention from the desire of revenge , which is sinful , to incline it to a desire of maintaining our honour , which is allowable ; and by this means you may acquit your self of all obligation both towards god , and towards man , for you satisfie the world by permitting the action , and satisfy the gospel by purifying the intention . 13. a man may accept of a challenge and fight a duel in maintenance of his honour ; and come to the place appointed , not with an express intention to fight the duel , but only with that of defending himself , if he , by whom he was challenged , comes unjustly to set upon him ; for what hurt can there be for a man to go into the field to walk there , in expectation of another , and to defend himself if any one sets upon him ? it's no sin at all ; for when the intention is directed to other circumstances , the challenge is not at all accepted ; for the acceptation of a challenge consists in the express intention of fighting , which such a man hath not . provincial letter . 7. 14. in the indies in china , they allow their proselyte christians to commit idolatry by this craft , viz. that of enjoyning them , to hide under their cloaths an image of jesus christ , to which they teach them by a mental reservation to direct those publick adorations , which they render the idol . cachins . choan . succum . myster . of jesuit . lib. 5. p. 53 , 54. chap. vii . of adultery , fornication . 1. virgins have power to dispose of their virginity without the consent of parents ; for when that is done with the consent of the maid , though the father hath just cause to be troubled at it , yet neither she , nor the person to whom she hath prostituted her self , hath done him any injury , nor as to what concerns him , violated any law ; for the maid is in possession of her virginity as well as of her body , she may dispose of it , as she pleaseth , and to whom she pleaseth , death or mutilation of member only excepted . bauny's sum. p. 148. 2. it 's no sin to let a house to a whore , though he knows she will abuse his house to sin ; because he let his house to lodg in , and not to prostitute her self therein . molina de inst. & jur. to. 2. tr . 2. disp . 500. p. 1122. gre. valentia . tom. 3. d. 5. q. 21. escob . tr . 3. exam. 9. c. 4. n. 28. 8 , 9. p. 155. 3. to lye with a married woman is not adultery , if the husband doth consent thereunto . addit . to the myst. of jesuit . p. 110. § . 3. 4. if a woman presents her self to the view of a man whom she knows to love her dishonestly , doth not commit any mortal sin , because she is not obliged to deprive her self of the liberty of standing at a dore or a window , or to walk forth into the town . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 6. n. 16 p. 19. 5. to lye with a woman considered as ones wife , is no sin ; for the pleasure that the will takes in a thing which is represented to it as good , is no mortal sin . escob . tr . 3. exam. 9. c. 4. n. 28. therefore the will may without mortal sin , not only desire this action , considered in this manner , but may regard it simply with pleasure . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 2. n. 34. p. 9. filut. mor. tom. 2. tr . 21. c. 8. n. 269. p. 27. 6. an ecclesiastick is not faulty who procures an abortion , if he doubts whether the fruit of the womb were quick . myst. jesuitis . addit . p. 93. § . 13. 7. that which one receiveth for being a pander to a debauched person , or for committing of fornication , he is not bound to any restitution , but may conscionably be detained , if the fact be already done . filut. mor. 22. tom. 2. tr . 32. c. 4. n. 103. p. 364. 8. if a drunken or mad-man lyeth with a woman , it is no mortal sin , because there was no use of reason , and the action without liberty , and therefore indifferent as the coupling of beasts . filut. mor. tr . 21. c. 5. n. 290. p. 34. 9. if a peasant hath heard it said by a man that is in reputation for a knowing or honest man , that fornication is sin , but the desire of it is lawful ; this interior act of concupiscence is exempt from sin , because the opinion was probable . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 16. p. 71. 10. there may be a dispensation granted for fornication , because it 's not evident that it 's forbidden by the law of nature ; and it 's probable that it is only by the positive law. tamb. lib. 7. decal . c. 1. s. 2. n. 1. and so it may be made lawful when authority shall think it convenient to take away the prohibition , which alone renders it evil and criminal . 11. a man may be invincibly ignorant that fornication is a sin ; and in that case if he doth commit fornication , it 's no sin , because invincible ignorance excuseth from sin , therefore a man in state of ignorance may commit fornication without sin . fillut. mor. tom. 2. tr . 30. c. 2. n. 50. p. 389. azor. tom. 1. lib. 1. c. 13. p. 34. 12. masters and maid servants , and cosins of both sexes living together , and mutually induced by that means unto sin , if their relapses be but once or twice a moneth , they may continue therein , when they cannot avoid them without finding the world matter of discourse , or running into some inconvenience thereby . myst. of jesuit . p. 146. 13. if the concubine be very useful to the fornicator to cherish him , and to keep him in good humour , so that without her he lives in melancholy , and hath great distast of the food which is prepared for him ; he cannot be obliged in this case to put away his concubine , because his satisfaction in these circumstances are more worth than any temporal good . sanctius in select . disp . 10. n. 20. 14. if you be desired by your friend to carry a present to be given on the account of dishonest love , unto a concubine , to whom he sends it , you may carry it without sin , if you have a just cause of fearing a considerable loss . tamb. lib. decal . c. 1. s. 4. n. 30. as the loss of your friend . 15. absolution may be given a woman who entertains at her house a man with whom she offends frequently , if she cannot handsomely send him away . bauny's theol mor. p. 1. tr . 4. de poenit . q. 14. p. 94. 16. it 's lawful for a married woman to retain to her self the price of her adultery ; and the reason is excellent , because the husband is not so master of the body of his wife , that he hath a perfect dominion over it ; but he hath only the power to use it according to the law of marriage , which certainly takes not from the woman power to gain something by prostituting her body . tamb. lib. 1. decal . c. 2. s. 6. n. 12. 17. if a concubine dyes or withdraws her self , it 's lawful for the man to take another maid-servant , what fear soever he hath of falling into sin with her , if he cannot find some other who is capable to assist him in his affairs and conveniences ; for if this reason dispense with him for not putting her away whom he hath already taken , it will give him a right to take her whom he hath not as yet . sanct. select . disp . 10. n. 20. 18. by the bull cruciata , a man may be dispensed with the vow he hath made not to commit fornication or any other sin . addit . to the mysterie of jesuitism . p. 95. § . 25. chap. viii . of murder . 1. it 's lawful for an honourable person to kill an assailant who would strike him with a cudgel , or give him a box on the ear to affront him , if he cannot otherwise avoid the disgrace . lessius de justitia & jure , lib. 2. c. 9. dub . 8. n. 41. p. 83. otherwise the reputation of the innocent person would be perpetually exposed to the affronts of the insolent . azor. inst. mor. par . 3. p. 105. hurtado de mendoza 22. disp . 170. s. 16. § . 137. 2. if a man endeavour to deprive me of my honour before a prince , judge or person of great quality , by accusing me of some feigned crimes , and i have no other way to divert this loss of reputation , it 's lawful for me to kill him secretly . less . lib. 2. c. 9. dub . 12. n. 77. p. 81. and the same may be done against him , though the crime be true , so it be hid and secret . bannes . q. 64. a. 7. dub . 4. and molina gives the reason , because it 's lawful to imploy all sorts of means , and to make use of all sorts of ways , and of all sorts of arms , to do that which is necessary for self-defence . molina . de just. & jure . tom. 4. tr . 3. disp . 2. n. 5. p. 175. 3. to defend our selves from an affront which would be given us , it 's lawful to prevent the aggressor by killing him , in the same manner as when a man endeavours to deprive us unjustly of life or member , it 's lawful to kill him before he execute his design . amicus , tom. 5. de justi . & jure , disp . 36. s. 7. n. 106. p. 542 , 410 , 407. 4. it any person doth unjustly detain your goods from you , you may kill him when you cannot without great trouble and difficulty recover them by the way of justice . less . de just . & jure , lib. 2. c. 9. dub . 11. n. 70. dicast. lib. 2. tr . 1. disp . 10. dub . 5. n. 46. this is an excellent invention to cut off all suits , there is no need of judges or counsellors ; but any may do themselves justice ; and instead of sending a serjeant to arrest the party who detains the goods , he may send one to take away his life . 5. if any person shall take from you an apple , or any thing to the value of five shillings , and will not restore it , if it will be a shame to you not to take it out of the thief 's hand , you may endeavour to take it from him , and even kill him if it be necessary . less . de just. & jure . lib. 2. c. 4. c. 9. d. 11. n. 68. p. 88. 6. if a man hath committed a crime which is not publickly known , and he understands that another hath a design to inform against him , before a magistrate , if he fears lest his accuser should cause him to be condemned to lose his life , or goods , he may lawfully kill him . molina de just. & jure , tom. 4. tr . 3. n. 39. p. 121. dicast. lib. 2. tr . 2. disp . 12. par . dub . 2. n. 410. 7. it 's no murder to kill excommunicated persons . grat. caus . 23. q. 5. c. omnium & exam . fo . 460. edit . paris . 1531. 8. it 's lawful to kill all those who do us wrong , and all other persons who offend us , though we be assured that they shall be damned by dying in that state . escob . tr . 1. exam . 7. c. 2. p. 1154. s. 1. n. 21. and this right doth not only appertain to one private man , against another private man , but to a publick person ; to a subject against his prince or superior ; to a son against his father , or the father against the son. amicus de just. et jure , disp . 36. s. 5. n. 76. p. 407. 9. if any person shall endeavour to take away from you your estate unjustly by foul practices and vexatious suits at law ; it 's lawful to accept or give a challenge ; nay , a man may dispatch his enemy at unawares ; nay in such occurrences a man need not confine himself to the ordinary ways of duels , if he can secretly murder his adversary , and thereby put an end to the business ; for by that means he shall not only avoid the hazard he may be in , by exposing his life in sighting , but also not participate of the sin which his enemy would commit by the duel . sanch. theol. mor. lib. 2. c. 39. n. 7. provinc . letter , 7. fo . 90. so if persons shall conspire to ruin you , or shall unjustly hinder your creditors from paying you what they owe unto you , it 's lawful for you to kill them . less . de just. & jure , lib. 2. c. 11. n. 67. p. 88. 10. a man may lawfully kill ( by ambush and behind his back ) an informer that prosecutes us in any court , provided there be a right direction of the intention ; he may lawfully kill the false witness which such a prosecutor produceth against him ; and the judge also , if there be any correspondency between him and the witness . molina , tom. 4. tr . 3. disp . 12. reginaldus , lib. 21. c. 5. n. 57. tannerus , tr . 3. disp 4. q. 8. n. 83. provinc . letter , 7. fo . 90. 11. a priest is obliged to kill a detractor . myst. of jesuit . p. 94. 97. 12. if a man hath made use of a woman , he may kill her if she offer to discover what passed between them . myst. of jesuitism , p. 18. § . 6. caramuel . fund . 55 s. 7. p. 551. 13. when he who is assaulted be a person whose life is of importance , and necessary to the weal publique and others , whether it be in temporals or spirituals , he is obliged under mortal sin to kill if he can the aggressor in defence of his life . molina de just. commutat . tr . 3. d. 14. p. 1754 ; because he cannot give away the right of those who belong unto him , to whom his life is necessary , being obliged to maintain and defend them ; therefore he sins mortally in not killing the aggressor if he can , for the preservation of his life . 14. he commits not the sin of manslaughter , who kills him who invades him unjustly , though he gave him an occasion to assault him . amicus de just. & jure , disp . 36. dub . 5. n. 25. p. 538. and when it 's lawful to kill an invader , it 's lawful to desire his death , as a means necessary for our defence . dicast. lib 2. tr . 1. disp . 10. dub . 4. n. 4. 15. it 's lawful to kill him who says to you , you lie . bandellus , lib. 3. disp . 24. n. 24. provincial letter . 7. fo . 93. 16. an adulterer may lawfully kill the husband of a woman with whom he hath committed adultery , if her husband , having surprised him in the fact , doth assault him . molina de just. & jure , tom. 4. disp . 14 p. 1765. tamb. lib. 16. decal , c. 1. sect . 1. n. 7. this is an excellent way for an adulterer to expiate his crime , by making away the husband's life , after he hath taken away the wifes honour . 17. a thief being entred into a house to steal , may in consequence kill him who would kill him for his theft , if he cannot escape death . molina de justitia & jure , tom. 4. p. 1766. n. 2. 18. if a thief fly away on horseback , he may be pursued with a weapon , or killed with a pistol-shot , when after he hath been threatned to be killed , he cease not to bear away what he hath taken ; and though he be not threatned nor admonished thereof , because time permit not , and there is danger never to recover what he carries away . dicast. lib. 2. tr . 1. disp . 10. dub . 5. n. 46. 19. it 's not against charity to kill a thief who robs me of things which i cannot recover at law without much trouble . dicast. ibidem . 20. if an honourable person be assaulted , and in danger to lose his reputation , if he fly , though by flying he might preserve his own life , and his who assaults him , he is not for all that obliged to fly ; but it 's lawful to kill him , who invades him unjustly in defence of his life and honour . mol. tom. 4. p. 1778. for when a man hath only his honour to defend , he is not obliged to fly , because he is to set more by his honour , than money or goods ; therefore there is no reason to oblige christians to lose possession of so pretious a thing as honour ; by flying from him who assaults them so unjustly . 21. it 's lawful to kill a slanderer or false witness secretly in an affair , wherein not only life , but even outward goods also of great importance are in question . amic . tom. 5. de just. & jure , disp . 36. sect . 4. n. 76. p. 537. 22. if any one assault you , and makes use of an innocent person to shelter him , you may kill him , that you may hit him who invades you . escob . tr . 1. exam 7. n. 52. p. 121. if a man fly from his enemy and cannot escape but through some strait way , wherein he will crush to death some infant or lame person , he may kill or ride over him , though he be assured that he will die thereof ; because every man hath right to defend himself , and his meeting with or interposure of an innocent person doth not take away his right . less . de just. lib. 2. c. 9. dub . 9. n. 57. p. 86. you may observe how highly this new theologie of the jesuits hath obliged the world , in granting this liberty to defend mens lives , honours and goods against any aggressor , which the gospel of jesus christ hath denyed unto them . by this indulgence people are kept in obedience from invading the rights of others , and peace established amongst them , for fear of offending , when the person offended , is both judge , party , and executioner ; by their divinity you may kill an enemy , a slanderer , a thief , an informer in false crimes , and even in true ones , but secret ; and which is yet more , an innocent person , and from whom you never received any displeasure ; an infant , a prince , a king , without excepting fathers or mothers ; you may challenge into the fields , assassinate publickly , kill by surprise , cause to die secret , by poyson or otherwise , for preservation of the life , honour or goods , and even for the least thing , as for an apple ; and all these without sin or punishment ; what mortals can desire more , we know not . chap. ix . of theft . 1. theft is no mortal sin , if he that steals doth believe that his father , master or he from whom he steals the goods , would have given him them , if he had asked him , or if he had known he had need of them , or when he makes no account of the goods which are stollen from them , or when he is of such a disposition , that he would not have him that had stollen them from him , obliged therefore to any great punishment . less . de just. & jure , lib. 2. c. 41. d. 9. n. 79. p. 496. 2. theft , which men and maid-servants commit in meats and drinks , are no great sins , though insensibly they amount unto a notable value ; if they steal them only to eat and drink them , themselves . less . de just. & jure , lib. 2. c. 12. d. 8. n. 48. p. 118. escob . tr . 1. exam. 9. n. 25. p. 162. 3. a woman may take and purloin money from her husband upon divers occasions ; and amongst others , she may take it to game withal , to buy her cloaths , and to get other things she stands * in need of . escob . tr . 1. exam . 9. n. 13. 4. the poor in extraordinary necessity may steal from the rich with a safe conscience . vasquez de eleemosyna . c. 4. n. 45. provinc . letter . 11. fo . 177. tambur . lib. 5. decal . c. 1. sect . 1. n. 12. 5. he who taketh what is anothers , doth him no wrong if he made no use of it , or was not like to use it ; neither is he obliged to restitution . em. sa. verbo , furtum . c. 6. p. 292. 6. he who steals frequently by little at a time , so to gather together a notable sum , is not obliged to restitution when it 's not done with intention to steal this great sum . exam. sa. verb. furtum , n. 8. escob . tr . 1. exam. 4. n. 23. p. 161. 7. where a man hath by many petty thefts proceeded unto a great sum , he is not obliged under pain of damnation to restore any of it , because he only sinned venially . bauny in his sum. c. 10. p. 143. by this a man may enrich himself with the goods of another , provided he takes not too much at once . 8. if a man finds any thing which doth belong to another , he may appropriate it to himself ; and though the true owner appears afterwards , he is not obliged to quit the possession of it ; and if he shall alienate or spend it without fraud or unjust contrivance simply and honestly , the owner comes and presents himself , he is not obliged to restore any thing unto him , but what he hath put out to use , and whereby he is become more wealthy . bauny in his sum. c. 13. p. 185 , 186. layman . lib. 3. tr . 1. c. 5. n. 24. 9. a person after he hath made a renuntiation of his goods unto his creditors , may in conscience substract and keep one part of his goods to maintain his family and his port. bauny's sum. c. 11. p. 154. 10. it 's lawful for servants to rob their masters to make their wages proportionable to their service . myst. of jesuit . p. 126. letter . 6. fo . 8. 11. a religious man may quit his habit , and go and steal , as well as go incognito to the stewes . myst. of jesuit . p. 69. 12. a son may with a safe conscience steal money from his father . addit . to the myst. of jesuit . p. 93. § . 12. chap. x. of deceit . 1. avintner who hath better wine than ordinary , for that he may not sell it by reason of some publique order , above the common price , he may recompence himself therein by mingling water therewith , because those who buy this wine have no prejudice thereby . escob . tr . 3. exam . 6. n. 70. p. 423. the same may be done with grain , he may mingle so much of rie with his wheat to reduce it to the quality of common grain which is sold at the same price with his . amicus de just. & jure , disp . 21. sect . 6. n. 87. p. 282. 2. a treasurer , a factor , solicitor , a servant , and such like , may traffick with their master's money without his privity , and retain the profit for themselves . escob . tr . 3. exam . 4. n. 95. p. 392. 3. a taylor who hath been accustomed to buy cloath or silk by command from another to make his cloathes , goes on this occasion most commonly to a shop of a merchant , who for this reason sells him a good pennyworth ; the taylor may retain to himself the benefit of his good market ; because the merchant finds his advantage therein , therefore the taylor ought to have his advantage thereof . secondly , because this practice is past into a custom . fillut. tom. 2. tr . 35. c. 6. n. 149. escob . tr . 3. exam . 6. n. 60. p. 421. 4. if the magistrate hath regulated the price and weights of flesh , and the measures of wine , so that the price is not sufficient for the charge , and for their pains , and the wayes of those who sell these merchandizes , they may diminish the weight and the measure so far , as is necessary , to satisfie all these things . amicus , de just. & jure , d. 21. sect . 6. n. 87. p. 282. and being examined by a judge , whether he hath sold it too dear , or hath changed the weight or measures , he may say he hath not , and assure him , that he hath sold according to the price appointed , and that he hath observed the weight and measure intending , according to the money that he hath received . sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 29. p. 28. 5. if one thinks and probably believes that the price which is set upon any merchandize , is unjust , and that for this reason , he who sells recompences himself for this injustice by selling by false weights , or by some other way , being afterwards examined by a judge upon these facts , he may deny all upon oath . escob . tr . 1. exam . 3. n. 34. p. 75. 6. if a man hath run into debt to supply his debaucheries , he may frustrate all his creditors , and continue to live in luxury , by renouncing his estate ; for he that renounceth his estate with safety to his conscience , may retain so much thereof , as is necessary for him and his family to live in honour . escob . tr . 3. exam . 2. n. 163. 7. if a man gets mony unjustly , and mingles it with his other the like money which did belong unto him , insomuch that one cannot distinguish them ; by this means he gains to himself the property of the money , and is become the just owner and lawful possessor of it : therefore if a merchant or tradesman hath received more mony of his customers than is due to him , if he mingles this with his other mony that they cannot be distinguished from each other , the party who hath paid this mony comes to the merchant and demands it , he is not obliged to repay it ; because that he received it in payment and so took it on good account , and in honest simplicity . esc. tr . 3. exam . 2. n. 107. p. 362. vasquez de restitutione , c. 9. sect . 2. dubium ultimum . 8. when children are grown up and are imployed by their fathers in their shops , trades , or other their affairs , if their fathers do not content them and give them a just recompence for their pains , it 's lawful for them in conscience to take so much of their father's goods secretly for their recompence according to the proportion of their labour and pains . escob . tr . 1. exam . 10. n. 31. p. 163. so that children are permitted to estimate and rate their own labour and pains , and pay themselves with their own hands ; and this estimation depends on their own judgments and wills. 9. cheating is lawful by virtue of the contract moliatra : as when a man buys a commodity for 30 l. to be paid within a year , and then sells it immediately to him of whom he bought it , for half so much mony . myst. of jesuit . p. 10. he who prudently maketh use of these maxims of the divinity of the jesuits , may do all his affairs by deceipt , and yet not pass for all that for a cheat ; and it 's but reasonable , that if a butcher , vintner , or other person be ill husbands , or an ill chapman , or suffer himself to be cheated or buy too dear , that the publique pay for all this : for if the merchant be an ill buyer , he may be a wicked seller ; and cheat in selling , because he was cheated in buying . chap. xi . of oaths , promises , mental reservations , and of equivocations . in conduct of affairs to be well instructed in the subtilities and inventions of the jesuits are of great use ; which may be referred to equivocations in words ; and want of intention in oaths and promises : the one is a means to say what you will without lying ; and the other an expedient to swear and promise all things without being obliged to perform any thing . 1. a man may make a promise without any intention to promise ; but in case he had an intention to promise , but no intention to perform , then he is obliged to his promise , but not obliged to perform what he promised ; the same of an oath . sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 10. n. 7 , 8. p. 42. gr. valentia . 22. d. 6. q. 6. p. 1. 2. a man may make a promise without any intention to promise , and so he is not obliged to perform ; because he had no intention to promise : and therefore if he be asked if he made any such promise , he may with a safe conscience say , no ; intending that he had not promised by any promise to oblige him ; and by consequence he may also swear ; for otherwise he should be constrained to pay that which he owes not . fillut. tom. 2. tr . 25. n. 323. p. 161. and therefore he may safely say , that he owes not that which he hath promised , and that he lies not , in forswearing it ; because , in promising and in swearing , he had no intention to promise or swear , no more than to perform what he promised . 3. if you have made a promise or an oath , and you doubt whether you had an intent to oblige your self ; it 's probable you are not obliged to keep it . tamb. decal . 1. c. 3. sect . 7. tit . v. n. 6. 4. to feign in an important matter , and to vow only with ones lips , is but a venial sin , because it 's only a lye which contains no irreverence towards god. tamb. decal . 3. c. 12. sect . 1. n. 3. 5. if to promise without an intention to promise , and to promise without an intention to do what is promised , be not sufficient , the better to carry on designs , and to cause your projections to prosper , and to gain belief , it 's lawful to add an oath . 6. he who desires not to swear , ( the better to obtain belief ) may find out many wayes to speak , and to affirm , which passeth commonly for oaths , but indeed are not ; as for example , if i swear by god , wherefore do you not believe me ? if this be not , i have no faith in god , i renounce god. this is as true as the gospel ; before god this is so ; god knows it 's so ; on my faith , by my faith , god be my witness ; i may swear by god , by jesus christ ; i will swear by god ; though the ignorant , and those who do not look nearly to them , take these speeches for oaths , but they are not , because they assert nothing , and they are imperfect discourses , and have no determined sence . escob . tr . 1. exam. 3. n. 17. p. 72. sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 2. n. 16 , 17 , 19 , 20. p. 8. 7. when one is resolved to swear , you may choose words of double meaning , and make use of a mental restriction the better to effect your ends ; and this is warrantable according to the most learned doctors amongst the jesuits : for no man is obliged by virtue of his oath , beyond his intention ; for an oath cannot oblige in conscience beyond the intent of him which swears ; and by consequence he that hath no intention to swear , cannot be obliged to any thing at all . sanch. op . mor. lib 2. c. 10. n. 12 , 13. p 49. 8. the art of mental restriction or reservation , is an art of great use , and must be well studied , and none can teach the theorie or practice of it so well as the jesuits ; they being the great doctors of the faculty of equivocation . this doctrine shall be illustrated by some few examples ; if a promise by oath to pay a certain sum of money , be drawn from a man unjustly , or by force , he that swears in this manner , may use an equivocation in these terms ; i swear to you , i will , give this mony ; intending that he would give it to him , to whom he sware , or to some other ; because these words may receive either of these two sences . sanch. op . mor. lib. 2. c. 10. n. 37. p. 29. if a woman be excommunicated for departing from her husband , because she knows of some secret impediment which makes the marriage void , being at the point of death , she is obliged , that she may receive absolution to swear , that if she recover her health , she will return to her husband ; she may promise and swear it , intending in her mind , if i be obliged thereunto , or if it shall please me at that time . sanch. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 40. p. 30. 9. if in the tongue in which one express an oath , the name of god signifie divers things , it will be lawful to swear by the name of god , taking it in some other signification : according to this rule a man may safely swear by the name of jesus christ , because there are others named jesus , besides the son of god , and that this word , christ , is attributed to divers persons in scripture , and that not only christians , but to jews . 10. when one is required to make oath unto a person in a case in which he believes that he is not obliged to swear ; he may do it without fear of perjury ; he may make use of the one or the other of these two expedients ; first to take the words wholy he uses in swearing , and which are false in their true sence , in a quite different sence , such as he pleases , provided it be true : secondly , to give no sence at all to his words , and to take them materially , that is to say , as sounds which signifie nothing . sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 10. p. 24. 11. if a person be ignorant , and cannot make right use of mental reservation , upon occasion , he may swear plainly without obliging himself in any sort whatsoever , provided he hath no intent to swear , nor to perform that which he swears . escobar . tr . 1. exam . 1. n. 37. p. 76. 12. to establish this knowledg of equivocation in the world , and to facilitate the practice of it amongst all sorts of people , the jesuits have delivered to their disciples divers excellent rules , and examples for the perfecting of them in this marvellous art of equivocation ; therefore , if you be asked , if you have eaten of such a dish ; you may answer , i have not eaten of such a dish ; intending in your mind , to day ; though the intention of him that asked , was to know it you had ever eaten of it . fillut. op . mor. tom. 2. tr . 25. c. 11. n. 327. p. 204. if one enquire whether the prince be at court , he may say and swear it too , without any great sin , that he is there , ( though he be not there ) intending that he is there in picture . escob . tr . 1. exam . 1. n. 35. p. 76. if one demands of a man to borrow mony , which he indeed hath , but which he will not , and which he is not obliged to lend ; he may swear that he hath it not at all ; meaning not to lend him , or meaning not in another place than in that where he laid it up to be kept . fillut. op . mor. tom. 2. tr . 25. c. 11. n. 15. if a witness be interrogated juridically if he know a thing ; provided the judge ask him not whether he hath heard it spoken ; he may swear he knows it not , having only heard it spoken . fillut. op . mor. tom. 2. tr . 25. c. 7. n. 5. p. 32. if he be interrogated by a judge , whether he had done such a thing ? he may safely swear he hath not done it , when he hath done it ; intending in his mind some other thing , which he hath not in truth done , or some other day than that on which he did it , or some other circumstance as he pleases , so it be true ; he doth not lye , neither is he forsworn . sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 15. this is a rare way to justifie all manner of lies , and perjuries : the greatest impostors may make use hereof to maintain themselves in these crimes . and it 's always justifiable when necessary , or advantagious in any thing that concerns a man's health , honour or estate . zanch. op . mor. p. 2. lib. 3. c. 6. n 12. provinc . letter . 9. § . 129 , 130. fillutius assigns a way much more secure than the former , to avoid lying ; and that is when a man having said , i swear i have not done such a thing , he adds , whispering to himself , this day . fillut. tr . 25. c. 11. n. 331. this is to speak truth towards himself , and lie to others . men will be often at a loss if they have not this science . 13. it 's not enough to know the rules of any mystery , if it be not known how to reduce them to practice . therefore there are two rules given by the jesuits , that men may have change , and make use sometimes of one , and sometimes of the other . the first is , to have an intention to pronounce the words materially , that is to say , as if they signified nothing ; and to take from them in his mind their proper signification not desiring they should have any at all . and that this method may be made easie to understand , take this example : if a man be interrogated by a judge if he did such a fact ; he may safely swear he did it not ; with this mental restriction ( this day ) , though he did it at another day . fillut. op . mor. tom. 2. tr . 25. c. 12. n. 328. p. 204. the second rule or method is , to have an intention to compose ones discourse , not only of words , which are audibly pronounced , but also of those which are secretly reserved in ones mind , it being free for those who speak , to express their thoughts wholly or in part . fillut. ibidem . 14. it 's lawful in our defence at all times to make use of equivocation , though he who doth examine us , do press us and make us swear not to use them , but to answer him without making use of equivocation : he may safely swear , understanding secretly that he doth it as far as he is obliged to speak clearly , and to expound himself , or by forming some other thought , which may make him answer true . sanch. op . mor. lib. 3. c. 6. n. 45. p. 30. if any one be examined by a judge if he did such a thing ; he may swear he hath not done it ; intending his answer , not in that manner as the judge examins him maliciously , but in the manner he ought to examin him in the quality of a judge . sanch. ibidem . 15. when a prince commands a subject to do such a thing when he receives his orders , he promises to obey him ; though he be resolved to do nothing of that he shall command him , by making use of this mental restriction , saying in himself , i will do this not as you command me , but as you ought to command me . sanch. ibidem . 16. a wife or children being called before a judge to declare and confess what they have put aside or taken out from , or usurped of the moveables or goods of the deceased , are not in conscience obliged to confess , or declare the same ; but because they may be brought to swear , they may make use of this expedient that they may not lie , and so doing forswear themselves , the prudent confessor may teach them that they are to frame a conception in their mind , according to which they may form their answer and oath , which they may make by the command of the judge , to justifie and make him believe their innocence . bauny his sum. c. 11. p. 156. 17. one is discharged of his oath , though in doing what he swears to do , he hath an express intent not to do or fulfil it . less . lib. 1. c. 37. d. 10. n. 59. 18. if i swear to do such an act , and have no intention to swear , though i do not perform the act , i am not forsworn , because an oath depends on the intention of him who swears . em. sa. verb. jurament . n. 1. p. 295. 19. if a man lies in using equivocation without any necessity obliging him thereunto , and swears to confirm this equivocation , he doth neither lie nor commit perjury ; because he that speaks and swears in that sort , hath no intention to speak or swear falsly . fillut. to. 2. tr . 25. c. 11. n 331. p. 205. this maxim is of admirable use to licence the lies and oaths which some do make use of ordinarily to deceive others , and those who forswear themselves before judges . 20. oaths , which are made without actual advertency and consideration , which of themselves are sufficient to a mortal sin , are not of themselves new sins properly , because of the custom of swearing , how great soever they be , though no retraction be made of them . sanch. mor. par . 1. lib. 3. c. 5 , 8 , 28. p. 21. 21. if one commit perjury through natural inadvertency , or because of an ill custom he hath to forswear , it 's no mortal sin ; because he doth forswear himself without perceiving it at all . fillut. mor. to 2. tr . 25 c. 1. p. 173. 22. when a man blasphemes customarily without having full knowledg thereof , he doth not sin mortally . fill. ibidem . 23. it 's a less sin to swear in common talk by the holy name of god , than it 's to eat an egg in lent. sanch. fillut. 24. it 's lawful as well in judgment as out of judgment , to swear with a mental reservation without any regard to the intent of him who obliges a man to swear . myst. of jesuit . p. 10. 25. to call god to witness to a light inconsiderable lie , is not so great an irreverence , as that a man should or must be damned for it . myst. of jesuitism , p. 10. s. 5. chap. xii . of the doctrine of probability . 1. that opinion is probable which hath one only author of reputation , or one reason to maintain it ; and that which is supported by a probable opinion , is simply good and lawful ; and a man may safely in conscience act by it . em. sa. verbo dubium . n. 3. p. 183. nay , though many doctors do positively hold the contrary , yet if any one doctor who hath examined and weighed the reasons of those who hold the contrary , doth say , that the action is good and lawful ; the opinion is probable , and you may in conscience act by it . therefore if a priest , of whom i have a good opinion for his integrity and parts , shall tell you ; it 's lawful for you to burn a city or any other place , though it be against the principles of justice or charity ; yet to you it 's probable , and so you may safely fire the city without sin : and the most universally condemned crimes may become lawful to you for to act , if a priest in whom you have a confidence for his learning and honesty , shall tell you they are lawful . escob . in praefat . theolog. problemat . and in case you have a great desire to do any thing , and can find no opinion to rely on , and to assure you it 's probable ; it 's enough that you are probably assured , that the opinion is probable ; so that probability is not only sufficient to excuse sin , but probability of a probability . tamb. lib. 1. decal . c. 3. sect . 3. n. 126. 2. when two opinions are probable , the one as well as the other , we may justly prefer in the practice that which is less probable , though not so safe , if you like it best , or may be more acceptable to others . azor. lib. 2. c. 16. p. 126. dicast . de confessione , tr . 4. d. 9. d. 8. n. 134. a councellor at law may counsel his client that adviseth with him , not according to his own opinion , but the contrary which other councellors hold probable , if it be more favourable and acceptable to the client , though he doth know and believe assuredly that the opinion of the other councellor is false in the theory , and therefore not to be followed in the practice . layman . lib. 1. tr . 1. c. 5. nay , a learned councellor may give to plaintiff and defendent , counsels quite contrary according to contrary probable opinions . layman . ibidem . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 9. n. 20. 3. it 's lawful in conscience for a man to quit his own proper opinion , though more probable to follow the probable opinion of another though less sure ; because , he who believes an opinion probable , acting according to that opinion , ought not to be deemed as rash and imprudent : upon this principle pilat acted when he put jesus christ to death , quitting his proper judgment , by which he believed him to be innocent , to follow the opinion of the jews , who maintained that he was worthy of death . nay , pilat herein , according to the jesuits , ought to be justified , because he followed a probable opinion , and more than probable , because it was not the opinion of one doctor , but of all the doctors and priests of the jews , that jesus was a malefactor and deserved death . matth. 25. 4. when one believes assuredly that an opinion is false , and that we cannot follow it directly in the conduct of some person , we may send this person to those who hold with it , and counsel him to follow their advice . layman . lib. 1. c. 5. p. 7. 5. if you meet with two contrary opinions , you may follow them both in different affairs , and even in the same affair also , acting and giving contrary counsels , now after the one , and then after the other . layman . lib. 1. c. 5. p. 6. 6. a man may hold an opinion probable , when he is persuaded that he himself or some other can answer the reasons upon which that opinion is grounded ; and it 's safe in conscience to act according to such a probable opinion . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 9. n. 6. p. 28. 7. when a superior and those which are under his charge be of different opinions , the inferior is not bound to obey his superior : and therefore when a subject believes according to a probable opinion , that the commands of his prince are unjust , or that he exceedeth the bounds of his jurisdiction , he may disobey him , because it 's lawful for all men to follow a probable opinion . escob . in praem . exam. 3. n. 31. p. 30. 8. the priviledges of probability cannot only dispense with an inferior for the obedience which he owes to his superior , but may elevate him above his superior , and to oblige the superior to obey his subject . upon this principle a confessor is obliged to follow the probable opinion of his penitent , and quit his own opinion , though more probable ; because the penitent grounding himself upon a probable opinion , hath a right unto absolution . escob . in praem . exam. 3. c. 6. n. 27. p. 25. and the confessor is obliged to absolve the penitent against his own proper opinion , when the penitent following the maxims of a probable opinion , believes that he may do that , which the confessor believes he may not do , according to his probable opinion . amicus . tom. 3. disp . 15. sect . 2. n. 90. p. 212. 9. it 's probable that an excise is justly established by a prince ; it 's probable on the other side ; that it 's unjust ; you being at present appointed by the prince to collect this impost , require it according to this opinion , which maintains that it 's just , and therefore it 's lawful for you to levy it without doing any injustice : but if to morrow , or the same day , you being a merchant , may secretly defraud this impost or excise , following the opinion that it 's unjust . tamb. lib. 1. theol. c. 3. sect . 5. n. 1 , 2 , 3. p. 21. 10. a man may , relying on an opinion sweet and indulgent , but probable , disobey his prince or superior in a thing in which it's probable that he is not obliged to obey , but it 's more probable that he is obliged to the prince or superior following the opinion which is more safe , judges that he ought to obey , and therefore that he hath sinned ; the prince or superior hath reason to command obedience , the inferior hath reason not to obey , both founded upon probable opinions ; inthis case the prince or superior is rash , if he judges that the inferior sins , because it 's not probable , that he sins who follows a probable opinion , and so it being probable , that the inferior hath not sinned ; the prince or superior shall be unjust , if he treats him as guilty ; for where there is no fault , there is no punishment . cat. in com. in reg. 6. bernard . lib. 1. n. 65. 11. he who believes that it 's more probable that we cannot in conscience follow that of the two opinions which is most probable , may yet follow it himself , if he believes that it 's also probable that he may follow it . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 17. p. 30. 12. it 's probable , that the loss of reputation may , and may not be compensated with mony ; therefore this day , you being defamed , desire satisfaction in mony , and to morrow or this day you having defamed another , may safely deny to allow him the same compensation . tamb. lib. 1. theol. c. 3. sect . 5. n. 1 , 2 , 3. p. 21. 13. a lawful prince doth publish just laws for his subjects to obey , and they have no cause to complain thereof ; or just reason to refuse them : the subjects do sin , and it may be said they do not sin at all ; for there is great authority and reasons on each side to make both opinions probable , and to give liberty to which the jesuits please ; but the more safe , and more probable is to disobey . esc. tom. 1. lib. 5. s. 2. c. 14. prob . 13. p. 160. but priests and ecclesiastics , must be exempted from obedience to the laws of princes ; for they are not subjects of necessity and obligation , but only out of respect and good example towards princes laws , which regard the government of their states , and which derogate not from the ecclesiastic state. escob . theol. mor. to. 1. lib. 5. c. 15. prob . 19. p. 162. 14. all probable opinions are of themselves as safe the one as the other ; but the more pleasant , though they be less probable , are always more profitable and more safe , because they are more easie , and by consequence more favourable to temporal interest . cat. in com. in regal . sancti bernardi . lib. 1. d. 6. n. 58. idem , theol. fundam . p. 134. 15. as it 's impossible that an opinion which hath the approbation of many learned doctors should not be probable , so it 's impossible to reject it ; none of their propositions can cease to be probable , if the contrary doth not become an article of faith. layman . lib. 1. c. 5. p. 2. by these maxims , following a probable opinion , you are exempted from all sin : you may act , do , or say what you please , and you are safe . the gospel of christ made men sinners , but these make them all innocent . if there be two persons which do the same thing , he who knows not this doctrine , sins ; and he who doth , sins not . if things and actions should be measured by the scripture and the fathers of the church , they could not be done without sin ; therefore it was necessary that the jesuits should by their prudence moderate things so , that those things which persons could not act by the law of god without sin , they may safely do and act by these maxims . they have discovered many new ways to heaven , which were heretofore unknown to the church and jesus christ himself , who hath not spoken any thing of them in his gospel ; if he doth , it hath been only to condemn them . following the principles of these good men , you will find it 's not only easie to be saved , but it 's almost impossible to be damned ; there can be no affair of conscience so troublesom or so desperate , for which expedients may not be found ; nor any crimes so black , which may not easily be excused and justified ; there was never a better contrivance invented in the world , than this of probable opinion ; for there are but two conditions required to make an opinion probable ; first , that it be founded on reasons in some sort considerable , which will be very easie ; for no man hath formed an opinion , but doth believe that the reasons which he brings are good enough to support what he maintains . the second condition , that there be no convincing reason for the contrary ; which is no less easie than the former ; for a reason may be convincing in respect of one man , which is not to another : and an obstinate man will always think his reasons best ; but in case you cannot answer the reasons on the contrary , you may persuade your self some other more learned may do it ; and so it doth remain probable , and you may safely act in conscience by and according to it , though that which you act or do be against the divine law , and condemned by god in scripture . sanch. op . mor. lib. 1. c. 9. n. 17. p. 30. chap. xiii . of judges and witnesses . 1. if the right of the parties seem equal on both sides , the judg may take money or a present of one party , to give advantage whether he pleaseth , because he may do favour , and this favour may be valued by money , and because for the most part the judg loseth the friendship of one of the parties . esc. tr . 3. ex . 2. n. 111. p. 363. 2. if the opinions are so doubtful and divided , that its in the power of the judges to follow which he pleaseth ; if one of the parties make him a present to gain him to his side , the judg doth not offend against justice in receiving that which is given him to follow one of the two parties rather than the other . esco . tr . 6. exam. 6. n. 44. p. 743. 3. a judge giving judgment , may follow a probable opinion , leaving that which is more probable ; nay he may judg against his own proper opinion , as did pilat , who condemned jesus christ , after he had declared publickly , that he believed him innocent . escob . in proem . exam. 3. c. 3. n. 10. p. 25. 4. when the right of the parties is not clear , or when it happens that there are different opinions concerning the sence of the law ; when the one opinion is as probable as the other , it 's in the power of the judge to chuse which he pleaseth , and to follow it in his judgment . sanch. lib. 1. c. 9. n. 45. and he may , if it gives no scandal , judge one while according to one opinion , and another time according to another opinion . ibidem . for if he may choose of two probable opinions , that which he pleaseth , it follows , that he may follow sometimes the one opinion , and sometimes the other , as he pleaseth ; but if one of the two opinions be more probable than the other , the judge may pronounce judgment according to that he likes best , and even to follow that which he believes to be less probable . ibidem . and the judge doth not herein behave himself imprudently or rashly , guiding himself as he doth by a probable opinion . ibidem . 5. if a person who hath born false witness through ignorance or inadvertency , which occasions the condemnation of a man , and the loss of life or member to another ; he is not obliged after that he understands the truth , to retract his false testimony , for fear of exposing himself to great evils . tolet. lib. 5. c. 59. dicast. lib. 2. tr . 2. disp . 8. dub . 7. n. 92. for it 's lawful to kill an innocent person , after we have slandered him , rather than to expose our selves to danger by retracting ; though it 's not so much the offence or hang-man , as the false witness which puts him to death : 6. if a witness corrupted by mony , hide or retire himself before he hath been legally examined or cited into the court ; he is not obliged to restore the mony he received in this manner . dicast. lib. 2. tr . 2. d. 4. dub . 8. n. 156. 7. if a man is accused of a crime which cannot be legally proved by the accuser ; he may not only deny the crime , but say , that the accuser lies and slanders him . tamb. lib 9. decal . c. 2. sect . 2. n. 2. for it 's no lie to say unto a man he lies , when he knows that he speaks truth , and to slander an accuser as a slanderer , where he accuses us of a crime which we have committed , of two accusers the one speaks the truth , the other lies ; the one objects a true crime , and the other a false , yet in that saith the truth is the liar ; and he who objects a true crime , is a slanderer ; which is admirable divinity , and may be made use of in conduct of affairs . 8. if a man cannot defend himself against a false and unjust witness but by slandering of him , he may without sin impose on him so many false crimes as will be necessary for his defence . tamb. lib. 9. decal . c. 2. s. 2. n. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. if he doth it , he sinneth not against justice , and by consequence he is not obliged to restitution . ibidem . so that by this maxim to defend our selves from true but secret crimes , and whereof there is no publick proof , we may say to the honestest man in the world , who would inform against us in a court of justice , that he is a sodomite , heretick , excommunicate , &c. and we may for proof of this slander , make use of false witnesses , counterfeit false deeds and writings , and corrupt publick notaries to subscribe them , without committing of any injustice at all , though the scriptures do forbid it as a sin. so that you may observe the pious care of these holy fathers , in framing maxims stable to all times , persons and things . the gospel of christ may be useful to some ends and designs , but being not equally serviceable to all , many times it 's to be laid aside ; for if you make too much use of it , it will give a check unto your actings , and obstruct your designs if you act according to its directions . 9. a false witness , is he who chargeth one with a false crime ; an unjust witness , is he who accuses one of true crimes , but secret , and which he cannot prove according to the form of justice . that witness is to be held for a slanderer , who cannot prove the crime which he accuses one of ; and by consequence having accused unjustly , he is obliged unto restitution . dicast. lib. 2. tr . 2. d. 12. p. 3. dub . 18. n. 285. chap. xiv . of restitution & satisfaction . 1. they which by traffick , merchandize , usurious contracts or bargains , believing them to be good , have gained great wealth , being invincibly ignorant , that such manner of dealings were forbidden , and unlawful , are not obliged to make restitution of those goods so gotten , although they have so gained them , they not being informed of the injustice of such contracts . bauny in his sum. p. 156. 2. if you intreat a souldier to beat his neighbour , or to burn the farm of a man who hath offended you ; if the soldier doth these outrages , you are not obliged out of your estate to repair the damage , which proceeds from thence ; for no man is obliged to restore , if he hath not viola●●d justice ; and he doth not , who submits himself to another's pleasure , and only intreats of him a favour . bauny in his sum. c. 11. p. 200. 3. a person who is indebted for very great sums of money , to the prejudice of his creditors gives away part of his goods ; he to whom the gift is made , is not obliged to restore any part thereof to his creditors , if he be not constrained thereunto by law. bauny in his sum. cap. 11. p. 200. 4. there is no natural precept which obliges us in this life to make satisfaction for temporal pains . fillut. mor. tr . 6. c. 9. n. 213. p. 159. 5. god punishing sins in purgatory , when satisfaction is not made in this life , the sinner may without injustice refer satisfaction unto the other life . fillut. ibidem . and though the sinner defers satisfaction until the next life , he loses not by this , neither bliss or the love of god ; and though he retards the injoyment thereof , yet the loss made by this delay may be repayed . ibid. 6. that which one receives for doing any dishoncst action , as to cause a man to be killed , for committing of fornication for defaming our neighbours , for bearing of false witness , may in conscience be detained , and is not subject to restitution , if the action be done . fillut. mor. tom. 2. tr . 32. c. 4. n. 103. p. 364. but if the action be not done , you ought not to pay him till he hath performed the action , as if a man promises to pay unto titius 100 l. to assassinate caius . till he hath done the fact ; he can require nothing , and if he hath executed it , common right requires that you pay him what you promised to him . layman . lib. 3. tr . 4. c. 6. n. 8. p. 377. for the pains which he hath taken , and the danger which he exposed himself unto for your sake , deserves to be well recompensed with money . 7. a judge who hath taken money for an unjust judgment , is not obliged to make restitution , no more than a murderer who hath taken money to commit a murder . lessius de just. et jure , lib. 2. c. 14. disp . 8. n. 54. p. 145. but if the judge hath taken money to give a just sentence , he is obliged to restore that which he hath received , because he hath done no more than he ought to have done ; but in giving an unjust judgment , he runs the hazard and loss of his place , and so is not bound to restore that which he hath received . 8. this divinity of these good fathers is very indulgent , and merciful to sinners ; for by their doctrine , this judge doth deserve a reward ; but by the laws of god , a most severe punishment . 9. if a man hath done wrong unto another , he is obliged to make restitution , if he did it not expresly on design , and with knowledg . escob . tr . 3. exam . 2. n. 8. p. 348. for only sins of malice oblige us to restitution , and not those of infirmitie or ignorance . 10. where it 's impossible to make restitution without diminishing ones retinue and expence , so as to be taken notice of ; he is not bound to restitution . escob . tr . 3. exam . 2. c. . 4n . 37. p. 353. 11. whatsoever wrong a man hath done or caused to be done , to ones neigbour to hinder his wealth , or to procure his hurt , no restitution is to be made if he hath used no violence , but only prayers , promises , presents to deceive him or cause another to deceive him or wrong him . escob . tr . 3. exam . 2. n. 160. p. 370. 12. a man is not obliged to restore what he hath stollen , by trivial and inconsiderable theft , whatsoever the total sum thereof may amount unto . add to the myst. of jesuitisme . p. 112. § . 16. a summary account of the sacred doctrines , holy principles , and pious maxims , contained in this gospel , necessary for all christians to understand , and which will much advance devotion and holiness of life . chap. 1. 2. 3. 1. the bishop of rome is god. 2. the who is not obedient to the decrees of the pope , is a heretick . 3. the pope is lord of all temporalties upon earth . 4. no man ought to say unto the pope , why dost thou thus ? 5. the pope may dispense with or against the commands of christ or the apostles . 6. the pope's will is a law. 7. all nations and kingdoms are under the pope's jurisdiction . 8. god hath delivered over unto the pope , the power and rule of heaven and earth . 9. the whole world is the pope's inheritance . 10. the pope hath an almighty infallabilitie and cannot err . 11. the pope can do all that god himself can do , only sin excepted . 12. he hath power of making sin , to be no sin ; and that which is no sin , to be sin. 13. he can give empires and kingdoms to whom he pleaseth , and depose the possessors of them . 14. the pope may depose kings by his power , if they be either negligent in their administration of their government , or do not extirpate all hereticks out of their dominions . 15. if a king turns heretick , he hath no right to his kingdom ; and no man ought to think it strange if the pope depose him . 16. if kings will not be obedient to the church of rome , then may the pope by the great power from heaven , very justly depose them ; and the subjects themselves if the pope commands them , must take up arms against them . 17. the pope can quit subjects from their obedience and allegiance which they owe to their king. 18. the power of the pope is greater than that of the apostles , having power to derogate from the sayings and words of the pope . 19. the doctrine of the pope is the infallible rule of faith , and the holy scripture , hath taken its force , and doth take it from his holiness , and he that doth not believe this is an heretick . 20. the pope is he by whom kings reign , according as it 's said , by me kings reign . chap. iv. 21. there is no precept which obligeth us directly to pray to god to love , believe or hope in him , but only when it 's necessary to acquire some good , or to remove some evil . 22. he who prayes not to god in a temptation against chastity , sins only against chastity ; for he sins not omitting prayer , but because of the danger he is in to violate chastity . 23. in our private prayers which we make to god , it 's not necessary to use any devotion or attention ; nor are we obliged thereunto : and in those which are made by command , we are not obliged unto any inward intention , provided that we rehearse them outwardly , and behave our selves decently and with respect . 24. whatsoever distractions or evil thoughts come into our minds when we are at prayer , if they be not on contempt , but negligence , the sin is but venial . 25. christ commands us to receive the sacrament of baptism , a tyrant forbids us upon pain of our lives , we must obey the tyrant rather then christ. 26. in receiving the sacrament of the lord's supper , it 's not necessary to have actual devotion ; for let one be distracted with evil thoughts in the receiving the sacrament , provided he contemns it not , yet he is a worthy receiver , and only sins venially ; and so if he commits any sin , in the communion it self . 27. he who hath sinned mortally , and hath remorse for his sins , and hath confessed them to a priest , may well communicate , though a little before the communion he hath sinned mortally . 28. if a man after he hath communicated many times in a bad state , cometh to be converted , he shall receive in an instant , all the graces which were due to so many communions . 29. it 's not necessary that the priest who finds himself guilty of mortal sin , should confess himself before he administers the sacrament . 30. a person who hath abundance , after he hath satisfied all his own necessaries and those of his family , having yet a superfluity , is not obliged in a publick famine to give unto the poor , nor to any one whomsoever , if he see him not in eminent danger to dye with famine . 31. the precept of giving alms may be fulfilled ; by lending only , without giving any thing . 32. rich men are not obliged to give alms but out of their superfluity , and not then , but in case of great necessity ; those things which may exalt us to a better condition , as to places or preferment , are not to be accounted superfluous : therefore alms are rarely to be given ; for it seldom happens that we have goods superfluous . 33. there is no obligation to love our neighbour ; it 's sufficient not to hate him . 34. there is no absolute commandment to love god ; but when in scripture we are commanded to love god , they are but counsels and advices , and no commands ; for god hath not commanded so much to love him , as not to hate him ; and he ought to be content that we love him , as little as we please , and it sufficeth that we love him much under that we could if we would ; for the least degree of love is enough for him . 35. if we be obliged to love god , we are not obliged to love him above three or four months in our life ; whereof the first is when we begin to have the use of reason . 2. at the point of death . 3. every fifth year during life . for the rest of our time we may love god or the world , as we please . 36. if a man hath committed any mortal sin , he is not obliged to contrition or sorrow for that sin before the article of his death . 37. a man may be a martyr not only without any act of charity , but also without any act of faith ; and though he suffers without love to god , and though he never thinks of him . chap. v. 38. he that by custom is transported to do evil , as to swear or blaspheme , sins not at all , because a man cannot sin without reason , but by an ill custom the use of reason is taken away ; so that he who sinneth out of those ill habits , is in a better condition than he that hath them not ; and by often sinning , is put into a state of not sinning any more . 39. perjury which one commits through natural inadvertency , or because of the custom he hath to swear , it 's no mortal sin . 40. those who in their youth , have committed many actions of a vitious nature , which they did not believe to be such , are not obliged to confess them , when they know their nature ; because when they committed them , they had not the full use of reason ; and at most they were but venial sins , if any sin at all . 41. the pleasure which is taken in an action of mortal sin , which is done in sleep , drunkenness , madness , or through ignorance , is no sin . 42. he who doth some unlawful act , knowing well that it 's forbidden , but not remembring it to be such , when he doth it , is exempt from mortal sin ; because forgetfulness or negligence which is the cause we think not of it , the evil we are about to do , is not imputed for sin , if it be not voluntary , if we do not consider that we are obliged to examine that we are about to do . 43. god cannot command or forbid a thing that is in it self slight , under the penalty of mortal sin . 44. he who hath knowledg in the law , and is ignorant of the penalty which it ordains against those who violate it , doth not incur the penalty . 45. he who hath a will to commit all venial sins , if he were able , sins only venially . 46. no man is obliged to avoid the next occasion of sin , if some great loss will thereby befall him . 47. a thing is not the next occasion of sin , unless it be vitious and a sin of it self . 48. to tell a lye in preaching on any doctrinal point , is but a venial sin . 49. all the breaches of the first and second table of the decalogue are no sins at all , when they are committed by any man out of ignorance , surprise or passion . chap. vi. of directing the intention . 50. to do evil , there must be an evil intention ; but to do good , it 's not necessary to have a good intention . 51. ecclesiasticks satisfie the precept of the church in saying prayers , when they read them without any inward intention or devotion , so they observe outward decency . 52. if a man speaks never so dishonourably and irreverently of god , it 's no blasphemy if he had not a formal intent to blaspheme god and dishonour him . 53. if a man be at prayers , and hath a bad intent thereunto joyned ; as an intent of looking on a woman dishonestly , it 's no sin . 54. if a man be to do an act , and makes protestation that his intention is not to do any evil ; let the act be never so wicked , it 's no sin in him . 55. a mother may wish the death of her daughter , because she cannot match her according to her desire for want of a portion . 56. you may desire the death of an enemy , who might do you much hurt ; not of hatred to him , but to avoid the damage he might do you . 57. to lye with a woman , when he representeth to himself , that he is married to her ; it 's no evil , but good . 58. a man may accept of a challenge to fight a duel , not with an intention to fight the duel , but only of defending himself . chap. vii . of adultery or fornication . 59. to lye with a married woman is not adultery , if the husband doth consent thereunto . 60. a virgin may dispose of her virginity , and prostitute her self without the consent of parents , and it 's no injury to them . 61. to lye with a woman considered as his wife , is no sin . 62. if a drunken or mad-man lyeth with a woman , it 's no sin ; because he hath not the use of reason . 63. there may be a dispensation granted to commit fornication , because it 's not forbidden by the law of nature . 64. men and women being together , and by that means induced to sin , if their relapses be but once or twice a month , they may continue therein , if they cannot separate without some inconvenience . 65. it 's lawful for a woman to retain to her self the price of her adultery . chap. viii . of murder . 66. it 's lawful for an honourable person to kill an assailant , who would strike him with his cudgel , or give him a box in the ear. 67. if a person endeavour to deprive me of my honour or reputation before a person of great quality , by accusing me of some crimes ; i may kill him , and the same may be done against him , though the sin be true , so it be hid and secret . 68. to desend one's self from an affront which would be given us , it 's lawful to prevent the aggressor , by killing him . 69. if a man doth detain from me my goods , and i cannot in course of justice receive them without much trouble ; it 's lawful for me to kill him , though the goods be but an apple , or to the value of five shillings . 70. it 's no murder to kill an excommunicated person . 71. it 's lawful to kill all those who do us wrong , though we be assured that they shall be damned dying in that state . 72. if any person shall endeavour to take away from you your estate unjustly by foul practices and vexatious suits at law ; it 's lawful for to kill him . 73. a man may lawfully kill by ambush and behind the back an informer that prosecutes in any court , and likewise the witness which the prosecutor produceth ; and also the judge , if he holds a correspondency with the witness . 74. if a man hath made use of a woman , he may kill her , if she offer to discover what passed between them . 75. he commits not the sin of man-slaughter , who kills him who invades him unjustly , though he gave him an occasion to assault him . 76. it 's lawful to kill him who sayes to you , you lie . 77. an adulterer may lawfully kill the husband of a woman with whom he hath committed adultery , if her husband , having surprised him in the fact , doth assault him . 78. it 's not against charity to kill a thief who robs me of things which i cannot recover at law without much trouble . 79. it 's lawful to kill a slanderer or false witness secretly in an affair , wherein not only life , but even outward goods also of great importance are in question . chap. ix . of theft . 80. it 's no mortal sin in him who steals , that doth believe that his father , master , or he from whom he steals the goods would have given him them , if he had asked him , or if he had known that he had need of them , or when he makes no account of the goods which are stolen from them , or when he is of such a disposition that he would not have him that had stolen them from him , obliged therefore to any great punishment . 81. theft which men and maid-servants commit in meat and drink , are not great sins , though insensibly they amount unto a great value . 82. a woman may take and purloyn money from her husband to game withal , and upon divers other occasions . 83. the poor in extraordinary necessity may steal from the rich with a safe conscience . 84. he who taketh what is anothers , doth him no wrong , if he made no use of it , or was not like to use it . 85. he who steals frequently by little at a time so to gather together a great sum , is not obliged to restitution , when it 's not done with intention to steal the great sum. 86. if a man finds any thing which doth belong to another , he may appropriate it to himself though he knowes the owner , and he demands it . 87. it 's lawful for servants to steal from their masters , to make their wages proportionable to their services . 88. a son may with a safe conscience steal money from his father . 89. a religious person or priest may quit his habit , and go and steal ; as well as go incognito to the stews . chap. x. of deceit . 90. a treasurer , factor , solicitor or servant , and such like , may traffick with their master's money , without his privity , and retain the profit for themselves . 91. if a tax be imposed upon wine , the vintner having better wine then ordinary , to recompence himself may mingle water with wine ; and he that buyeth , hath no loss thereby . 92. a taylor who is imployed to make cloathes for another person , buyes a good bargain of cloath of a merchant of whom he uesth to buy ; the taylor may make his benefit of this good penyworth , and make his customer pay what it's truly worth . 93. if the magistrate regulate the price and weights of flesh , and the measures of wine , so as the price is not sufficient for the charge , pains , and the wayes of those who sell these merchandizes ; they may diminish the weight and measure so far as it 's necessary to satisfie all these things ; and if they be examined before the magistrate concerning the same , they may deny all upon oath . 94. if a man hath run into debt to supply his debaucheries , he may frustrate all his creditors , and continue to live in luxury by renouncing his estate ; for he may with safety to his conscience retain so much thereof , as is necessary for him and his family to live in honour . 95. if a man gets money unjustly , and mingles it with his own , so as they cannot be distinguished the one from the other ; by this means he gains to himself the property of the money , and may justly detain it . 96. cheating is lawful by the contract moliatra . chap. xi . of oaths , promises , mental reservations and equivocations . 97. if a man makes a promise without any intention to promise , or makes a promise without any intention to perform ; in neither case he is obliged to perform what is promised , though an oath be superadded , because he had no intent to oblige himself either by his promise or his oath . 98. if you have made a promise or an oath , and you doubt whether you had an intent to oblige your self , it 's probable you are not obliged to keep it . 99. to seign in an important matter , and to vow only with one's lips without any intention , is but a venial sin ; because it 's only to lye , which is no great irreverence towards god. 100. he who desires not to swear ( the better to obtain belief ) may find out many wayes to speak and to affirm , which commonly passeth for oaths , but indeed are not . 101. when one is resolved to swear , you may choose words of double meaning , and make use of a mental restriction , the better to effect your ends ; no man is obliged by his oath beyond his intention , so by consequence if you have no intention to swear , you are not obliged . 102. the art of mental restriction or reservation is of great use , and must be well studied ; if a promise by oath be drawn from a man unjustly by force to pay a certain sum of money ; he that swears in this manner may use an equivocation in these terms , i swear to you , i will give this money , intending to give it to him to whom he swears , or to some other ; because these words may receive either of these two sences . 103. if in the tongue in which you swear , the name of god signifies divers things , it will be lawful to swear by the name of god , taking it in some other signification . 104. when one is required to make oath unto a person in a case in which he believes he is not obliged to swear ; he may do it without fear of perjury , though that he saith be false . 105. if a person be ignorant and cannot make use of mental reservation upon occasion ; he may swear plainly without obliging himself in any sort whatsoever ; provided he hath no intent to swear , nor to perform that which he swears . 106. this art of equivocation in the conduct of affairs is of marvellous use , and the jesuits have given many rules and examples for the facilitating of it . if one desires to borrow money of a man , which indeed he hath , but which indeed he will not lend ; he may swear he hath it not at all , meaning , not to lend him . 107. it 's lawful in our defence at all times to make use of equivocations , though he who examines us , do's press us , and makes us swear not to use them ; yet he may safely make use of them . 108. one is discharged of his oath , though in doing what he swears to do , he hath an express intent not to do or fulfill it . 109. it 's a less sin to swear in common talk by the holy name of god , than it 's to eat an egg in lent. 110. if i swear to do such an act , and have no intention to swear , though i do not perform the act , i am not forswern , because an oath depends on the intention of him who swears . 111. if a man lyes in using equivocations , without any necessity obliging him thereunto , and swears to confirm this equivocation , he doth neither lie nor commit perjury ; because he that speaks and swears in that sort , hath no intention to speak or swear falsly . 112. if one commit perjury through natural inadvertency , or because of ill custom he hath to forswear , it 's no mortal sin ; because he doth forswear himself without perceiving it at all . chap. xii . of the doctrine of probability . 113. a probable opinion is that which hath one good author , of reputation , or one reason to maintain it ; that which is supported by a probable opinion is simply good , and we may lawfully and safely in conscience act by and according to it . 114. where two opinions are probable , the one as well as the other , we may justly in the practice prefer that which is less probable ; though not so safe , if you like it best , or may be acceptable to others . 115. it 's lawful in conscience for a man to quit his own opinion , though more probable , to follow the probable opinion of another , though less sure . 116. if you meet with two contrary opinions , you may follow them , both in different affairs , and even in the same affair also , acting and giving contrary counsels now after the one , and then after the other . 117. a man may hold an opinion probable , when he is persuaded that he himself or some other can answer the reasons upon which that opinion is grounded ; and it 's safe to act in conscience accordingly . 118. he who believes that it 's more probable , may yet follow it himself , if he believes that it 's also probable , that he may follow it . 119. all probable opinions are of themselves as safe the one as the other ; but the more pleasant although they be less probable , are alwayes more profitable and more safe . chap. xiii . of judges and witnesses . 120. if the right of the parties seem equal on both sides , the judge may take money or a present of one party , to give the advantage to whether he pleaseth . 121. if the opinions are so doubtful and divided , that it 's in the power of the judge to follow which he pleaseth ; if one of the parties make him a present to gain him to his side , the judge doth not offend against justice to receive that which is given him . 122. a judge giving his judgment may follow a probable opinion , leaving that which is more probable . 123. if there be two probable opinions , the judge may give sentence according to which he pleaseth ; and one while he may judge according to one opinion , and another time according to another opinion . 124. a person who hath born false witness through ignorance , who occasioned the loss of life , after he understands the truth , he is not obliged to retract his false testimony , for fear of exposing himself to punishment . 125. it 's lawful to kill an innocent person , after we have slandered him , rather than expose our selves to danger by retracting . 126. if a man be accused of a crime which cannot be legally proved by the accuser ; he may not only deny the crimes , but slander the accuser , and may impose so many crimes upon him as will be necessary for his defence ; and he sinneth not against justice . 127. a false witness is he who chargeth one with a false crime ; but an unjust witness is he who accuseth one of true crimes , but secret , and which he cannot prove . chap. xiv . of restitution . 128. if any man hath by merchandize , usury , or otherwise , being invincibly ignorant , gained a great estate ; though afterward he be informed of the injustice , he is not obliged to restitution . 129. there is no natural precept which obliges us in this life to make satisfaction for temporal pains . 130. a sinner may refer satisfaction without injustice , unto the other life , if he maketh not satisfaction in this . 131. a person who is indebted in great sums of money , and gives away part of his goods , to the prejudice of his creditors ; he to whom the guift is made , is not obliged to restitution . 132. that which one receives for doing of an unjust action , as for bearing of false witness , for killing of a man ; he is not subject to restitution . 133. if a judge hath taken money to give an unjust judgment , he is not obliged to restitution ; but if he hath received money to give a just judgment , he is obliged to restore what he hath received . 134. if a man wrongeth another out of ignorance or infirmity , he is bound to make restitution . 135. where a man cannot make restitution without diminishing his retinue or expence , he is not bound to make restitution . 136. where one hath done wrong to another not by violence , but by promises , prayers or presents ; he is not obliged to restitution . 137. a man is not obliged to restore what he hath stollen by trivial and inconsiderable thefts , whatsoever the total sum may amount unto . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a46856-e120 it 's true of pope joan. true of pope clement the 7th , when he was cooped up by charles the 5th in the castle of st. angelo ; then papa non potest errare . god commands one thing , and a tyrant another ; we must obey the tyrant rather than god. ●ide contr . ●oh . 13. 34. ●o . c. 15. v. ●2 , 17. mar. ● . 22. v. 40. by this maxim , he that doth not know that hell is the punishment of mortal sin , shall not be in danger of going thither . * a gallant . satyrs upon the jesuits written in the year 1679, upon occasion of the plot, together with the satyr against vertue, and some other pieces by the same hand. oldham, john, 1653-1683. 1681 approx. 150 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 83 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53298 wing o244 estc r3124 12185578 ocm 12185578 55776 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53298) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55776) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 614:2) satyrs upon the jesuits written in the year 1679, upon occasion of the plot, together with the satyr against vertue, and some other pieces by the same hand. oldham, john, 1653-1683. [8], 154, [1] p. printed for joseph hindmarsh ..., london : 1681. errata: p. [1] at end. first edition. each part has special t.p. reproduction of original in huntington library. a satyr against vertue -the passion of byblis in ovid's metamorphosis imitated in english -a satyr upon a woman, who by her falshood and scorn was the death of my friend. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -anecdotes 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion satyrs upon the jesuits : written in the year 1679. upon occasion of the plot , together with the satyr against uertue , and some other pieces by the same hand . london : printed for ioseph hindmarsh , at the black bull in cornhill . 1681. advertisement . the author might here ( according to the laudable custom of prefaces ) entertain the reader with a discourse of the original , progress , and rules of satyr , and let him understand , that he has lately read casaubon , and several other criticks upon the point , but at present he is minded to wave it , as a vanity he is in no wise fond of . his only intent now is to give a brief account of what he publishes , in order to prevent what censures he foresees may colourably be past thereupon : and that is , as followeth : what he calls the prologue , is in imitation of persius , who has prefix'd somewhat by that name before his book of satyrs , and may serve for a pretty good authority . the first satyr he drew by sylla's ghost in the great johnson , which may be perceiv'd by some strokes and touches therein , however short they come of the original . in the second , he only follow'd the swing of his own genius . the design , and some passages of the third were taken out of the franciscan of buchanan . which ingenuous confession he thinks fit to make , to shew he has more modesty than the common padders in wit of these times . he doubts , there may be some few mistakes in chronology therein , which for want of books he could not inform himself in . if the skilful reader meet with any such , he may the more easily pardon them upon that score . whence he had the hint of the fourth , is obvious to all , that are any thing acquainted with horace . and without the authority of so great a president , the making of an image speak , is but an ordinary miracle in poetry . he expects , that some will tax him of buffoonery , and turning holy things into ridicule . but let them read , how severely arnobius , lactantius , minutius felix , and the gravest fathers , have railly'd the fopperies and superstitions of the heathen , and then consider , whether those , which he has chosen for his argument , are not as worthy of laughter . the only difference is , that they did it in prose , as he d●es in verse , where perhaps 't is the more allowable . as for the next poem ( which is the most liable to censure ) though the world has given it the name of the satyr against vertue , he declares 't was never design'd to that intent , how apt soever some may be to wrest it . and this appears by what is said after it , and is discernable enough to all , that have the sence to understand it . 't was meant to abuse those , who valued themselves upon their wit and parts in praising vice , and to shew , that others of sober principles , if they would take the same liberty in poetry , could strain as high rants in profaness as they . at first he intended it not for the publick , nor to pass beyond the privacy of two or three friends , but seeing it had the fate to steal abroad in manuscript , and afterwards in print , without his knowledge ; he now thinks it a justice due to his own reputation , to have it come forth without those faults , which it has suffer'd from transcribers and the press hitherto , and which make it a worse satyr upon himself , than upon what it was design'd . something should be said too of the last trifle , if it were worth it . 't was occasion'd upon reading the late translations of ovid's epistles , which gave him a mind to try what he could do upon a like subject . those being already forestal'd , he thought fit to make choice of this of the same poet , whereon perhaps he has taken too much liberty . had he seen mr. sandys his translation before he begun , he never durst have ventur'd : since he has , and finds reason enough to despair of his undertaking . but now 't is done , he is loath to burn it , and chooses rather to give somebody else the trouble . the reader may do as he pleases , either like it , or put it to the use of mr. jordan's works . 't is the first attempt , he ever made in this kind , and likely enough to be the last , his vein ( if he may be thought to have any ) lying another way . satyrs upon the jesuits . prologue . for who can longer hold ? when every press , the bar and pulpit too has broke the peace ? when every scribling fool at the alarms has drawn his pen , and rises up in arms ? and not a dull pretender of the town , but vents his gall in pamphlet up and down ? when all with license rail , and who will not , must be almost suspected of the plot , and bring his zeal , or else , his parts in doubt ? in vain our preaching tribe attack the foes , in vain their weak artillery oppose : mistaken honest men , who gravely blame , and hope that gentle doctrine should reclaim . are texts and such exploded trifles fit t' impose and sham upon a iesuit ? would they the dull old fisher-men compare with mighty suarez and great escobar ? such threadbare proofs and stale authorities may us poor simple hereticks suffice : but to a sear'd ignatian's conscience , harden'd , as his own face , with impudence , whose faith is contradiction-bore , whom lies , nor nonsence , nor impossibilities , nor shame , nor death , nor damning can assail ; not these mild fruitless methods will avail . 't is pointed satyr and the sharps of wit for such a prize are th' only weapons fit : nor needs these art or genious here to use , where indignation can create a muse : should parts and nature fail , yet very spite would make the arrant'st wild , or withers write . it is resolv'd : henceforth an endless war , i and my muse with them and theirs declare ; whom neither open malice of the foes , nor private daggers , nor saint omer's dose , nor all that godfrey felt , or monarchs fear , shall from my vow'd and sworn revenge deter . sooner shall false court favourites prove just and faithful to their king's and country's trust : sooner shall they detect the tricks of state , and knav'ry suits and bribes and flatt'ry hate : bawds shall turn nuns , salt d — s grow chast , and paint and pride and lechery detest : popes shall for kings supremacy decide , and cardinals for huguenots be tried : sooner ( which is the great'st impossible ) shall the vile brood of loyola and hell give o're to plot , be villains , and rebel ; than i with utmost spite and vengeance cease to persecute and plague their cursed race . the rage of poets damn'd , of women's pride contemn'd and scorn'd , or proffer'd lust denied : the malice of religious angry zeal , and all cashier'd resenting statesmen feel : what prompts dire hags in their own blood to write , and sell their very souls to hell for spite : all this urge on my rank envenom'd spleen , and with keen satyr edge my stabbing pen : that its each home-set thrust their blood may draw , each drop of ink like aquafortis gnaw . red hot with vengeance thus , i 'll brand disgrace so deep , , no time shall e're the marks deface : till my severe and exemplary doom spread wider than their guilt , till i become more dreaded than the bar , and frighten worse than damning popes anathema's and curse . satyr i. garnet's ghost addressing to the jesuits , met in private cabal just after the murder of godfrey . by hell 't was bravely done ! what less than this ? what sacrifice of meaner worth & price could we have offer'd up for our success ? so fare all they , who 're provoke our hate , who by like ways presume to tempt their fate ; fare each like this bold medling fool , and be as well secur'd , as well dispatch'd as he : would he were here , yet warm , that we might drain his reeking gore , and drink up ev'ry vein ! that were a glorious sanction , much like thine , great roman ! made upon a like design : like thine ? we scorn so mean a sacrament , to seal and consecrate our high intent , we scorn base blood should our great league cement : thou didst it with a slave , but we think good to bind our treason with a bleeding god. would it were his ( why should i fear to name , or you to hear 't ? ) at which we nobly aim ! lives yet that hated en'my of our cause ? lives he our mighty projects to oppose ? can his weak innocence and heaven's care be thought security from what we dare ? are you then iesuits ? are you so for nought ? in all the catholick depths of treason taught ? in orthodox and solid pois'ning read ? in each profounder art of killing bread ? and can you fail , or bungle in your trade ? shall one poor life your cowardice upbraid ? tame dastard slaves ! who your profession shame , and fix disgrace on our great founder's name . think what late sect'ries ( and ignoble crew , not worthy to be rank'd in sin with you ) inspir'd with lofty wickedness , durst do : how from his throne they hurl'd a monarch down , and doubly eas'd him of both life and crown : they scorn'd in covert their bold act to hide , in open face of heav'n the work they did , and brav'd its vengeance , and its pow'rs defied . this is his son , and mortal too like him , durst you usurp the glory of the crime ; and dare ye not ? i know , you scorn to be by such as they outdone in villany , your proper province ; true , you urg'd them on , were engins in the fact , but they alone share all the open credit and renoun . but hold ! i wrong our church and cause , which need no foreign instance , nor what others did : think on that matchless assassin , whose name we with just pride can make our happy claim ; he , who at killing of an emperour , to give his poison stronger force and pow'r mixt a god with 't , and made it work more sure : blest memory ! which shall thro' age to come stand sacred in the lists of hell and rome . let our great clement , and ravillac's name , your spirits to like heights of sin inflame ; those mighty souls , who bravely chose to die t' have each a royal ghost their company : heroick act ! and worth their tortures well , well worth the suff'ring of a double hell , that they felt here , and that below they feel . and if these cannot move you , as they shou'd , let me and my example fire your blood : think on my vast attempt , a glorious deed , which durst the fates have suffer'd to succeed , had rival'd hell's most proud exploit and boast , ev'n that , which wou'd the king of fates depos'd , curst be the day , and ne're in time inrol'd , and curst the star , whose spiteful influence rul'd the luckless minute , which my project spoil'd : curse on that pow'r , who , of himself afraid , my glory with my brave design betray'd : justly he fear'd , lest i , who strook so high in guilt , should next blow up his realm and sky : and so i had ; at least i would have durst , and failing , had got off with fame at worst . had you but half my bravery in sin , your work had never thus unfinish'd bin : had i bin man , and the great act to do ; h 'ad dy'd by this , and bin what i am now , or what his father is : i would leap hell to reach his life , tho in the midst i fell , and deeper than before . — let rabble souls of narrow aim and reach stoop their vile necks , and dull obedience preach : let them with slavish aw ( disdain'd by me ) adore the purple rag of majesty , and think 't a sacred relick of the sky : well may such fools a base subjection own , vassals to every ass , that loads a throne : unlike the soul , with which proud i was born , who could that sneaking thing a monarch scorn , spurn off a crown , and set my foot in sport upon the head , that wore it , trod in dirt . but say , what is 't , that binds your hands ? do's fear from such a glorious action you deter ? or is 't religion ? but you sure disclaim that frivolous pretence , that empty name : meer bugbare-word , devis'd by us to scare the sensless rout to slavishness and fear , ne're known to aw the brave , and those that dare . such weak and feeble things may serve for checks ▪ to reign and curb base-mettled hereticks ; dull creatures , whose nice bogling consciences startle , or strain at such slight crimes as these ; such , whom fond inbred honesty befools , or that old musty piece of the bible gulls : that hated book , the bulwark of our foes , whereby they still uphold their tott'ring cause . let no such toys mislead you from the road of glory , nor infect your souls with good : let never bold incroaching virtue dare with her grim holy face to enter there , no , not in very dream : have only will like fiends and me to covet and act ill : let true substantial wickedness take place , usurp and reign ; let it the very trace ( if any yet be left ) of good deface . if ever qualms of inward cowardice ( the things , which some dull sots call conscience rise ) make them in steams of blood & slaughter drown , or with new weights of guilt still press 'em down shame , faith , religion , honour , loyalty , nature it self , whatever checks there be to loose and uncontroul'd impiety , be all extinct in you ; own no remorse but that you 've balk'd a sin , have bin no worse , or too much pitty shewn . — be diligent in mischief's trade , be each performing as a dev'l ; nor stick to reach at crimes most dangerous ; where bold despair , mad lust and heedless blind revenge would ne're ev'n look , march you without a blush , or fear , inflam'd by all the hazards , that oppose , and firm , as burning martyrs , to your cause . then you 're true iesuits , then you 're fit to be disciples of great loyola and me : worthy to undertake , worthy a plot like this , and fit to scourge an huguenot . plagues on that name ! may swift confusion and utterly blot out the cursed race : thrice damn'd be that apostate monk , from whom seize , sprung first these enemies of us and rome : whose pois'nous filth dropt from ingendring brain , by monstrous birth did the vile insects spawn , which now infest each country ; and defile with their o'respreading swarms this goodly i le . once it was ours , and subject to our yoke , 'till a late reigning witch th' enchantment broke : it shall again : hell and i say 't : have ye but courage to make good the prophesie : not fate it self shall hinder . — too sparing was the time , too mild the day , when our great mary bore the english sway : unqueen-like pity marr'd her royal pow'r , nor was her purple dy'd enough in gore . four or five hundred , such-like petty sum might fall perhaps a sacrifice to rome , scarce worth the naming : had i had the pow'r , or bin thought fit t' have bin her councellor , she should have rais'd it to a nobler score . big bonfires should have blaz'd and shone each day , to tell our triumphs , and make bright our way : and when 't was dark , in every lane and street thick flaming hereticks should serve to light and save the needless charge of links by night : smithfield should still have kept a constant fire , which never should be quench'd , never expire , but with the lives of all the miscreant rout , till the last gasping breath had blown it out . so nero did , such was the prudent course taken by all his mighty successours , to tame like hereticks of old by force : they scorn'd dull reason and pedantick rules to conquer and reduce the harden'd fools ▪ racks , gibbets , halters were their arguments , which did most undeniably convince : grave bearded lions manag'd the dispute , and reverend bears their doctrins did confute ▪ and all , who would stand out in stiff defence , they gently claw'd and worried into sence : better than all our sorbon dotards now , who would by dint of words our foes subdue . this was the riged discipline of old , which modern sots for persecution hold : of which dull annalists in story tell strange legends , and huge bulky volumus swell with martyr'd fools , that lost their way to hell . from these , our church's glorious ancestours , we 've learnt our arts & made their methods ours : nor have we come behind , the least degree , in acts of rough and manly cruelty : converting faggots and the pow'rful stake and sword resistless our apostles make . this heretofore bohemia felt , and thus were all the num'rous proselites of huss crush'd with their head : so waldo's cursed rout , and those of wickliff here were rooted out , their names scarce left . sure were the means , we chose , and wrought prevailingly : fire purg'd the dross of those foul heresies , and soveraign steel lopt off th' infected limbs the church to heal . renown'd was that french brave , renown'd his deed , a deed , for which the day deserves its red far more than for a paltry saint , that died : how goodly was the sight ! how fine the show ! when paris saw through all its channels flow the blood of huguenots ; when the full sein , swell'd with the flood , its banks with joy o'reran ! he scorn'd like common murderers to deal by parcels and piecemeal ; he scorn'd retail i' th' trade of death : whole myriads died by th' great , soon as one single life ; so quick their fate , their very pray'rs and wishes came too late . this a king did : and great and mighty 't was , worthy his high degree , and pow'r , and place , and worthy our religion and our cause : unmatch'd 't had bin , had not mac-quire arose , the bold mac-quire ( who , read in modern fame , can be a stranger to his worth and name ? ) born to outsin a monarch , born to reign in guilt , and all competitors disdain : dread memory ! whose each mention still can make pale hereticks with trembling horrour quake . t' undo a kingdom , to atchieve a crime like his , who would not fall and die like him ? never had rome a nobler service done , never had hell ; each day came thronging down vast shoals of ghosts , and mine was pleas'd & glad , and smil'd , when it the brave revenge survey'd . nor do i mention these great instances for bounds and limits to your wickedness : dare you beyond , something out of the road of all example , where none yet have trod , nor shall hereafter : what mad catiline durst never think , nor 's madder poet feign . make the poor baffled pagan fool confess , how much a christian crime can conquer his : how far in gallant mischief overcome , the old must yield to new and modern rome , mix ills past , present , future , in one act ; one high , one brave one great , one glorious fact , which hell and very i may envy — such as a god himself might wish to be a complice in the mighty villany and barter's heaven , and vouchsafe to die . nor let delay ( the bane of enterprize ) marr yours , or make the great importance miss . this fact has wak'd your enemies and their fear ; let it your vigour too , your haste , and care . be swift , and let your deeds forestall intent , forestall even wishes ere they can take vent , nor give the fates the leisure to prevent . let the full clouds , which a long time did wrap your gath'ring thunder , now with sudden clap break out upon your foes ; dash and confound , and scatter wide destruction all around . let the fir'd city to your plot give light ; you raz'd it half before , now raze it quite . do 't more effectually ; i 'd see it glow in flames unquenchable as those below . i 'd see the miscreants with their houses burn , and all together into ashes turn . bend next your fury to the curst divan , that damn'd committee , whom the fates ordain of all our well-laid plots to be the bane . unkennel those state-foxes , where they ly working your speedy fate and destiny . lug by the ears the doting prelates thence , dash heresie together with their brains out of their shatter'd heads . lop off the lords and commons at one stroke , and let your swords adjourn 'em all to th' other world — would i were blest with flesh and bloud again , but to be actor in that happy scene ! yet thus i will be by , and glut my view ; revenge shall take its fill , in state i 'le go with captive ghosts t' attend me down below . let these the handsells of your vengeance be , yet stop not here , nor flag in cruelty . kill like a plague or inquisition ; spare no age , degree , or sex ; onely to wear a soul , onely to own a life , be here thought crime enough to lose 't : no time nor place be sanctuary from your outrages . spare not in churches kneeling priests at pray'r , though interceding for you , slay ev'n there . spare not young infants smiling at the brest , who from relenting fools their mercy wrest : rip teeming wombs , tear out the hated brood from thence , & drown 'em in their mothers bloud . pity not virgins , nor their tender cries , though prostrate at your feet with melting eyes all drown'd in tears ; strike home as 't were in lust , and force their begging hands to guide the thrust . ravish at th' altar , kill when you have done , make them your rapes the victims to attone . nor let gray hoary hairs protection give to age , just crawling on the verge of life : snatch from its leaning hands the weak support , and with it knock't into the grave with sport ; brain the poor cripple with his crutch , then cry , you 've kindly rid him of his misery . seal up your ears to mercy , lest their words should tempt a pity , ram 'em with your swords ( their tongues too ) down their throats ; let 'em not dare to mutter for their souls a gasping pray'r , but in the utt'rance choak't , and stab it there . 't were witty handsom malice ( could you do 't ) to make 'em die , and make 'em damn'd to boot . make children by one fate with parents die , kill ev'n revenge in next posterity : so you 'll be pester'd with no orphans cries , no childless mothers curse your memories . make death and desolation swim in bloud throughout the land , with nought to stop the floud but slaughter'd carcasses ; till the whole isle become one tomb , become one funeral pile ; till such vast numbers swell the countless summ , that the wide grave and wider hell want room . great was that tyrants wish , which should be mine , did i not scorn the leavings of a sin ; freely i would bestow 't on england now , that the whole nation with one neck might grow , to be slic'd off , and you to give the blow . what neither saxon rage could here inflict , nor danes more savage , nor the barbarous pict ; what spain nor eighty eight could ere devise , with all its fleet and fraught of cruelties ; what ne're medina wish'd , much less could dare , and bloudier alva would with trembling hear ; what may strike out dire prodigies of old , and make their mild and gentler acts untold . what heav'ns judgments , nor the angry stars , forein invasions , nor domestick wars , plague , fire , nor famine could effect or do ; all this and more be dar'd and done by you . but why do i with idle talk delay your hands , and while they should be acting , stay ? farewell — if i may waste a pray'r for your success , hell be your aid , and your high projects bless ! may that vile wretch , if any here there be , that meanly shrinks from brave iniquity ; if any here feel pity or remorse , may he feel all i 've bid you act , and worse ! may he by rage of foes unpitied fall , and they tread out his hated soul to hell. may's name and carcase rot , expos'd alike to be the everlasting mark of grinning infamy . satyr ii. nay , if our sins are grown so high of late , that heav'n no longer can adjourn our fate ; may 't please some milder vengeance to devise plague , fire , sword , dearth , or any thing but this . let it rain scalding showres of brimstone down , to burn us , as of old the lustful town : let a new deluge overwhelm agen , and drown at once our land , and lives , and sin. thus gladly we 'll compound , all this we 'll pay , to have these worst of ills remov'd away . judgments of other kinds are often sent in mercy onely , not for punishment : but where these light , they shew a nations fate is given up and past for reprobate . when god his stock of wrath on egypt spent , to make a stubborn land and king repent , sparing the rest , had he this one plague sent ; for this alone his people had been quit , and pharaoh circumcis'd a proselyte . wonder no longer why no cure like these was known or suffer'd in the primitive days : they never sinn'd enough to merit it , 't was therefore what heavens just pow'r thought fit , to scourge this later and more sinful age with all the dregs and squeesings of his rage . too dearly is proud spain with england quit for all her loss sustain'd in eighty eight ; for all the ills our warlike virgin wrought , or drake or rawleigh her great scourges brought . amply was she reveng'd in that one birth , when hell for her the biscain plague brought forth ; great counter-plague ! in which unhappy we pay back her sufferings with full usury : than whom alone none ever was design'd t' entail a wider curse on human kind , but he who first begot us , and first sinn'd . happy the world had been , and happy thou , ( less damn'd at least , and less accurst than now ) if early with less guilt in war th'hadst dy'd , and from ensuing mischiefs mankind freed . or when thou view'dst the holy land and tomb , th'hadst suffer'd there thy brother traytors doom . curst be the womb that with the firebrand teem'd , which ever since has the whole globe inflam'd ; more curst that ill-aim'd shot , that basely mist that maim'd a limb , but spar'd thy hated brest , and made th' at once a cripple and a priest. but why this wish ? the church if so might lack champions , good works , and saints for the almanack . these are the ianizaries of the cause , the life guard of the roman sultan , chose to break the force of huguenots and foes . the churches hawkers in divinity , who ' stead of lace and ribbons , doctrine cry : romes strowlers , who survey each continent , its trinkets and commodities to vent . export the gospel like mere ware for sale , and truck'd for indigo and cutchineal . as the known factors here the brethren once swopt christ about for bodkins , rings , and spoons . and shall these great apostles be contemn'd , and thus by scoffing hereticks defam'd ? they by whose means both indies now enjoy the two choice blessings pox and popery ; which buried else in ignorance had been , nor known the worth of beads and bellarmine , it pitied holy mother church to see a world so drown'd in gross idolatry . it griev'd to see such goodly nations hold bad errors , and unpardonable gold. strange ! what a godly zeal can coyn infuse ! what charity pieces of eight produce ! so you were chose the fittest to reclaim the pagan world , and give 't a christian name . and great was the success ; whole myriads stood at font , and were baptiz'd in their own bloud . millions of souls were hurl'd from hence to burn before their time , be damn'd before their turn . yet these were in compassion sent to hell , the rest reserv'd in spite , and worse to feel , compell'd instead of fiends to worship you , the more inhuman devils of the two . rare way and method of conversion this , to make your votaries your sacrifice ! if to destroy be reformation thought , a plague as well might the good work have wrought now see we why your founder weary grown , would lay his former trade of killing down ; he found 't was dull , he found a gown would be a fitter case and badge of cruelty . each snivelling hero seas of bloud can spil , when wrongs provoke , and honour bids him kill . each tiny bully lives can freely bleed , when prest by wine or punk to knock o' th' head : give me your through-pac'd rogue , who scorns to be prompted by poor revenge or injury , but does it of true inbred cruelty : your cool and sober murderer , who prays and stabs at the same time , who one hand has stretch'd up to heav'n , t'other to make the pass . so the late saints of blessed memory , cut throats in godly pure sincerity : so they with lifted hands and eyes devout said grace , and carv'd a slaughter'd monarch out . when the first traitor cain ( too good to be thought patron of this black fraternity ) his bloudy tragedy of old design'd , one death alone quench'd his revengful mind , content with but a quarter of mankind : had he been iesuit , had he but put on their savage cruelty , the rest had gone : his hand had sent old adam after too , and forc'd the godhead to create anew . and yet 't were well , were their foul guilt but thought bare sin : 't is something ev'n to own a fault . but here the boldest flights of wickedness are stampt religion , and for currant pass . the blackest , ugliest , horrid'st , damned'st deed , for which hell flames , the schools a little need , if done by holy church is sanctified . this consecrates the blessed work and tool , nor must we ever after think 'em foul . to undo realms , kill parents , murder kings , are thus but petty trifles , venial things , not worth a confessor ; nay heav'n shall be it self invok'd t'abet th' impiety . " grant , gracious lord , ( some reverend villain prays ) " that this the bold assertor of our cause " may with success accomplish that great end , " for which he was by thee and us design'd . " do thou t' his arm and sword thy strength impart , " and guide 'em steddy to the tyrants heart . " grant him for every meritorious thrust " degrees of bliss above among the just ; " where holy garnet and s. guy are plac'd , " whom works like this before have thither rais'd . " where they are interceding for us now ; " for sure they 're there . yes questionless , and so good nero is and dioclesian too , and that great ancient saint herostratus , and the late godly martyr at tholouse . dare something worthy newgate and the tow'r , if you 'l be canoniz'd and heav'n ensure . dull primitive fools of old ! who would be good ? who would by vertue reach the blest abode ? far other are the ways found out of late , which mortals to that happy place translate : rebellion , treason , murder , massacre , the chief ingredients now of saintship are , and tyburn onely stocks the calendar . unhappy iudas , whose ill fate or chance threw him upon gross times of ignorance ; who knew not how to value or esteem the worth and merit of a glorious crime ! should his kind stars have let him acted now , h 'ad dy'd absolv'd , and dy'd a martyr too . hear'st thou , great god , such daring blasphemy , and letst thy patient thunder still lie by ? strike and avenge , lest impious atheists say , chance guides the world , & has usurp'd thy sway ; lest these proud prosperous villains too confess , thou' rt sensless , as they make thy images . thou just and sacred power ! wilt thou admit such guests should in thy glorious presence sit ? if heav'n can with such company dispense , well did the indian pray , might he keep thence . but this we onely feign , all vain and false , as their own legends , miracles , and tales ; either the groundless calumnies of spite , or idle rants of poetry and wit. we wish they were : but you hear garnet cry , " i did it , and would do 't again ; had i " as much of bloud , as many lives as rome " has spilt in what the fools call martyrdom ; " as many souls as sins ; i 'de freely stake " all them and more for mother churches sake . " for that i 'll stride o're crowns , swim through a flood , " made up of slaughter'd monarch's brains and blood. " for that no lives of hereticks i 'll spare , " but reap 'em down with less remorse and care " than tarquin did the poppy-heads of old , " or we drop beads , by which our prayer's are told . bravely resolved ? and 't was as bravely dar'd but ( lo ! ) the recompence and great reward , the wight is to the almanack preferr'd . rare motives to be damn'd for holy cause , a few red letters , and some painted straws . fools ! who thus truck with hell by mohatra and play their souls against no stakes away . 't is strang with what an holy impudence the villian caught , his innocence maintains : denies with oaths the fact untill it be less guilt to own it then the perjury : by th' mass and blessed sacraments he swears , this mary's milk , and t'other mary's tears ; and the whole muster-roll in calendars . not yet swallow the falsehood ? if all this won't gain a resty faith ; he will on 's knees the evangelists and ladie 's psalter kiss to vouch the lye : nay more , to make it good mortgage his soul upon 't , his heaven and god. damn'd faithless hereticks , hard to convince , who trust no verdict , but dull obvious sense . unconscionable courts , who priests deny their benefit o' th clergy , perjury . room for the martyr'd saints ! behold they come ! with what a noble scorn they meet their doom ? not knights o' th post , nor often carted whores shew more of impudence , or less remorss . o glorious and heroick constancy ! that can forswear upon the cart , and die with gasping souls expiring in a lye. none but tame sheepish criminals repent , who fear that idle bugbear punishment : your gallant sinner scorns that cowardice , the poor regret of having done amiss : brave he , to his first principles still true , can face damnation , sin with hell in view : and bid it take the soul , he does bequeath and blow it thither with his dying breath . dare such as these profess religions name ? who , should they own't , and be believed , would shame it's practice out o' th world , would atheists make firm in their creed , and vouch it at the stake ? is heaven for such , whose deeds make hell too good too mild a penance for their cursed brood ? for whose unheard-of crimes and damned sake fate must below new sorts of torture make , since , when of old it fram'd that place of doom , 't was thought no guilt like this could thither come base recreant souls ! would you have kings trust you ? who never yet kept your allegiance true to any but hell's prince ? who with more ease can swallow down most solemn perjuries than bullies common oaths and canting lies ? are the french harries fates so soon forgot ? our last blest tudor ? or the powder-plot ? and those fine streamers that adorned so long the bridge and westminister , and yet had hung , were they not stoln , and now for relicks gone ? think tories loyal , or scotch covenanters ; rob'd tygers gentle ; courteous , fasting bears , atheists devout , and thrice-wrack'd mariners : take goats for chast , and cloyster'd marmosites , for plain and open two-edg'd parasites : believe bawds mod●st , and the shameless stews , and binding drunkard oaths , and strumpet's vows : and when in them these contradictions meet , then hope to find 'em in a loyolite : to whom , tho gasping , should i credit give , i 'd think 't were sin , and damn'd like unbelief . oh for the swedish law enacted here ! no scarecrow frightens like a priest guelder : hunt them , as beavers are , force them to buy their lives with ransom of their lechery . or let that wholsome statute be reviv'd , which england heretofore from wolves reliev'd : tax every shire instead of them to bring each year a certain tale of iesuits in : and let their mangled quarters hang the i le to scare all future vermin from the soil . monsters avaunt ! may some kind whirlwindsweep our land and drown these locusts in the deep : hence ye loth'd objects of our scorn and hate , with all the curses of an injur'd state : go foul impostors , to some duller soil , some easier nation with your cheats beguile : where your gross common gulleries may pass , to slur and top on bubbled consciences : where ignorance and th' inquisition rules , where the vile herd of poor implicit fools are damn'd contentedly , where they are led blindfold to hell , and thank and pay their guide . go where all your black tribe , before are gon , follow chastel , ravillac , clement down , your catesby , faux , and garnet , thousands more , and those , who hence have lately rais'd the score . where the grand traitor now and all the crew of his disciples must receive their due : where flames and tortures of eternal date must punish you , yet ne're can expiate : learn duller fiends your unknown cruelties , such as no wit , but yours could ere devise , no guilt but yours deserve ; make hell confess it self out done , its devils damn'd for less . satyr iii. loyola's will. long had the fam'd impostor found success , long seen his damn'd fraternities increase , in wealth and power , mischief and guile improv'd by popes , and pope-rid kings upheld and lov'd : laden with years , and sins , and numerous skars , got some it 'h field , but most in other wars , now finding life decay , and fate draw near , grown ripe for hell , and roman calendar , he thinks it worth his holy thoughts and care , some hidden rules and secrets to impart , the proofs of long expecience , and deep art , which to his successors may useful be in conduct of their future villany . summon'd together , all th' officious band the orders of their bed-rid chief attend ; doubtful , what legacy he will bequeath , and wait with greedy ears his dying breath . with such quick duty vassal fiends below to meet commands of their dread monarch go . on pillow rais'd , he do's their entrance greet , and joys to see the wish'd assembly meet : they in glad murmurs tell their joy aloud , then a deep silence stills th' expecting croud , like delphick hag of old by fiend possest , he swells , wild frenzy heaves his panting brest , his bristling hairs stick up , his eye-balls glow , and from his mouth long flakes of drivel flow : thrice with due reverence he himself doth cross , then thus his hellish oracles disclose . ye firm associates of my great design , whom the same vows , and oaths , and order joyn , the faithful band , whom i , and rome have chose , the last support of our declining cause : whose conquering troops i with success have led gainst all opposers of our church , and head ; who e're to the mad german owe their rise , geneva's rebel , or the hot brain'd swiss ; revolted heret●cks , who late have broke , and durst throw off the long-worn sacred yoke : you , by whose happy influence rome can boast a greater empire , than by luther lost : by whom wide nature's far-stretch't limits now , and utmost indi●s to its crosier bow : ●o on , ye mighty champions of our cause , maintain our party , and subdue our foes : kill heresy , that rank and poisonous weed , which threatens now the church to overspread : fire calvin , and his nest of upstarts out , who tread our sacred mitre under foot ; stray'd germany reduce ; let it no more th' incestuous monk of wittenburge adore : make stubborn england once more stoop its crown , and fealty to our priestly soveraign own : regain our church's rights , the island clear from all remaining dregs of wickliff there . plot , enterprize , contrive , endeavour : spare no toil nor pains : no death nor danger fear : restless your aims pursue : let no defeat your sprightly courage , and attemps rebate , but urge to fresh and bolder , ne're to end till the whole world to our great califf bend : till he thro' every nation every where bear sway , and reign as absolute as here : till rome without controul and contest be the universal ghostly monarchy . oh! that kind heaven a longer thread would give , and let me to that happy juncture live : but 't is decreed ! — at this he paus'd and wept , the rest alike time with his sorrow kept : then thus continued he — since unjust fate envies my race of glory longer date ; yet , as a wounded general , e're he dies , to his sad troops , sighs out his last advice , who tho' they must his fatal absence moan , by those great lessons conquer when he 's gone ; so i to you my last instructions give , and breath out counsel with my parting life : let each to my important words give ear , worth your attention , and my dying care. first , and the chiefest thing by me enjoyn'd . the solemn'st tie , that must your order bind , let each without demur , or scruple pay a strict obedience to the roman sway : to the unerring chair all homage swear , altho' a punk , a witch , a fiend sit there : who e're is to the sacred mitre rear'd , believe all vertues with the place conferr'd : think him establish'd there by heaven , tho' he has altars rob'd for bribes the choice to buy , or pawn'd his soul to hell for simony : tho' he be atheist , heathen , turk , or iew , blaspheamer , sacriligious , perjured too : tho' pander , bawd , pimp , pathick , buggerer , what e're old sodoms nest of lechers were : tho' tyrant , traitor , pois'oner , parricide , magician , monster , all that 's bad beside : fouler than infamy ; the very lees , the sink , the jakes , the common-shore of vice : strait count him holy , vertuous , good , devout , chast , gentle , meek , a saint , a god , what not ? make fate hang on his lips , nor heaven have pow'r to predestinate without his leave : none be admitted there , but who he please , who buys from him the patent for the place . hold these amongst the highest rank of saints , whom e're he to that honour shall advance , tho' here the refuse of the jail and stews , whom hell it self would scarce for lumber chuse : but count all reprobate , and damn'd , and worse , whom he , when gout , or tissick rage , shall curse ▪ whom he in anger excommunicates for fryday meale and abrogating sprats , or in just indignation spurnes to hell ▪ for jeering holy toe and pantofle . what e're he sayes esteem for holy writ , and text apocryphal if he think fit : let arrant legends , worst of tales and lies , falser than capgraves and voragines , than quixot , rablais , amadis de gaul , if signed with sacred lead , and fisher's seal , be thought authentick and canonical . again , if he ordain't in his decrees , let very gospel for meer fable pass : let right be wrong , black white , and vertue vice , no sun , no moon , nor no antipodes : forswear your reason , conscience , and your creed , your very sense , and euclid , if he bid . let it be held less heinous , less amiss , to break all gods commands , than one of his : when his great missions call , without delay , without reluctance readily obey , nor let your inmost wishes dare gainsay : should he to bantam , or iapan command , or farthest bounds of southern unknown land , farther than avarice its vassals drives , thro' rocks and dangers , loss of blood and lives ; like great xavier's be your obedience shown , outstrip his courage , glory and renown ; whom neither yawning gulphs of deep despair , nor scorching heats of burning lime could scare : whom seas nor storms , nor wracks could make refrain from propagating holy faith and gain . if he but nod commissions out to kill , but becken lives of hereticks to spill ; let th' inquisition rage , fresh cruelties make the dire engins groan with tortured cries : let campo flori every day be show'd , with the warm ashes 〈◊〉 ●●e lutheran brood : repeat again bohemian slaughters ore , and piedmont vall●●s dro●n with floating gore : swifter than murthering angels , when they fly on errands of avenging destiny . fiercer than storms let loose , with eager hast , lay cities , countries , realms , whole nature wast . sack , ravish , burn , d●st●oy , slay , massacre , till the same grave their lives and names interr . these are the rights to our great mufty due , the sworn allegience of your sacred vow : what else we in our votaries require , what other gifts next follows to enquire . and first it will our great advice befit , what souldiers to your lists you ought admit , to natures of the church and faith , like you , the foremost rank of choice is justly due 'mongst whom the chiefest place assign to those , whose zeal has mostly signaliz'd the cause . but let not entrance be to them denied , who ever shall desert the adverse side : omit no promises of wealth and power , that may inveigled hereticks allure : those whom great learning , parts , or wit renowns cajole with hopes of honours , scarlet gowns , provincialships , and palls , and triple crowns . this must a rector , that a provest be , a third succeed to the next abbacy : some princes tutors , others confessors to dukes , and kings , and queens , and emperors : these are strong arguments , which seldom fail , which more than all your weak disputes prevail . exclude not those of less d●●●rt , decree to all revolters your foundation free : to all whom gaming , drunkenness , or lust to need and popery shall have reduc'd : to all , whom slighted love , ambition crost , hopes often bilk't , and sought preferment lost , whom pride , or discontent , revenge or spite , fear , frenzy , or despair shall proselite : those powerful motives , which the most bring in , most converts to our church and order win . reject not those , whom guilt and crimes at home have made to us for sanctuary come : let sinners of each hue , and size , and kind here quick admittance , and safe refuge find : be they from justice of their country fled with blood of murders , rapes , and treasons died : no varlet , rogue , or miscreant refuse , from gallies , jails , or hell it self broke loose . by this you shall in strength and members grow and shoals each day to your thron'gd cloysters flow : so rome's and mecca's first great founders did , by such wise methods may their churches spread . when shaven crown , and hallowed girdle's power has dub'd him saint , that villain was before ; enter'd , let it his first endeavour be to shake off all remains of modesty , dull sneaking modesty , not more unfit for needy flattering poets , when they writ , or trading punks , than for a iesuit : if any novice feel at first a blush , let wine , and frequent converse with the stews reform the fop , and shame it out of use , unteach the puling folly by degrees , and train him to a well-bred shamefulness . get that great gift and talent , impudence , accomplish't mankind's highest excellence : 't is that alone prefers , alone makes great , confers alone wealth , titles , and estate : gains place at court , can make a fool a peer , an ass a bishop , can vilest blockheads rear to wear red hats , and sit in porph'ry chair . 't is learning , parts , and skill , and wit , and sense , worth , merit , honour , vertue , innocence . next for religion , learn what 's fit to take , how small a dram does the just compound make . as much as is by crafty states-men worn for fashion only , or to serve a turn : to bigot fools its idle practice leave , think it enough the empty form to have : the outward show is seemely , cheap and light , the substance cumbersome , of cost and weight : the rabble judge by what appears to th' eye , none , or but few the thoughts within descry . mak 't you an engine to ambitious pow'r to stalk behind , and hit your mark more sure : a cloak to cover well-hid knavery , like it when us'd , to be with ease thrown by : a shifting card , by which your course to steer , and taught with every changing wind to veer . let no nice , holy , conscientious ass amongst your better company find place , me and your great foundation to disgrace : let truth be banish't , ragged vertue fly , and poor unprofitable honesty ; weak idols , who their wretched slaves betray ; to every rook , and every knave a prey : these lie remote and wide from interest , farther than heaven from hell , or east from west , far as they e're were distant from this brest . think not your selves t' austerities confin'd , or those strict rules , which other orders bind : to capuchins , carthusians , cordeliers leave penance , meager abstinence , and prayers : in lousy rags let begging friers ly , content on straw , or boards to mortify : let them with sackcloth discipline their skins , and scourge them for their madness and their sins : let pining anchorets in grotto's starve , who from the liberties of nature swerve : who make 't their chief religion not to eat , and plac't in nastiness and want of meat : live you in luxury and pamper'd ease , as if whole nature were your cateress . soft be your beds , as those , which monarch's whores ly on , or gouts of bed-rid emperours : your wardrobes stor'd with choice of suits , more dear than cardinals on high processions wear : with dainties load your board , whose every dish , may tempt cloy'd gluttons , or vitellius's wish , each fit a longing queen : let richest wines with mirth your heads inflame with lust you● veins : such as the friends of dying popes would give for cordials to prolong their gasping life . ner'e let the nazarene , whose badge and name you wear , upbraid you with a conscious shame leave him his slighted homilies and rules , to stuff the squabbles of the wrangling schooles : disdain that he and the poor angling tribe , should laws and government to you prescribe : let none of those good fools your patterns make ; instead of them , the mighty iudas take . renown'd iscariot , sit alone to be th' example of our great society : vvhose daring guilt despis'd the common road , and scorn'd to stoop at sin beneath a god. and now 't is time i should instructions give , vvhat wiles and cheats the rabble best deceive : each age and sex their different passions wear , to suit with which requires a prudent care : youth is capricious , headstrong , fickle , vain , given to lawless pleasure , age to gain : old wives in superstition over-grown , vvith chimny tales and stories best are won : 't is no mean talent rightly to descry , vvhat several baits to each you ought apply . the credulous , and easy of belief , vvith miracles , and well fram'd lies deceive . empty whole surius , and the talmud drain , saint francis and saint mahomet's alcoran : sooner shall popes and cardinals want pride , than you a stock of lies and legends need . tell how blest virgin to come down was seen , like play-house punk descending in machine : how she writ billets doux , and love-discourse , made assignations , visits , and amours : how hosts distrest , her smock for banner bore , which vanquish't foes , and murdered at twelve score . relate how fish in conventicles met , and mackril with bait of doctrine caught : how cattle have iudicious hearers been , and stones pathetically cryed amen : how consecrated hive with bells was hung , and bees kept mass , and holy anthems sung : how pigs to th' rosary kneel'd , and sheep were taught to bleat te deum and magnificat : how fly-flap of church-censure , houses rid of insects , which at curse of fryer dy'd : how travelling saint , well mounted on a switch , rid iournies thro' the air , like lapland witch : and ferrying cowls religious pilgrims bore o're waves without the help of sail or oar. nor let xaviers great wonders pass conceal'd , how storms were by th' almighty wafer quell'd ; how zealous crab the sacred image bore , and swam a cath'lick to the distant shore . with shams like these , the giddy rout misled , their folly and their superstition feed . 't was found a good and gainful art of old ( and much it did our churches power uphold ) to feign hobgoblings , elves and walking sprites , and faires dancing salenger a nights : white sheets for ghosts , and will-a-wisps have past for souls in purgatory unreleast . and crabs in church-yards crawl'd in masquerade , to cheat the parish , and have masses said . by this our ancestors in happier dayes , did store of credit and advantage raise : but now the trade is fall'n , decay'd and dead , ere since contagious knowledge has or'e spread with scorn the grinning rabble now hear tell of hecla , patricks hole , and mongibel ; believ'd no more than tales of troy , unless in countries drown'd in ignorance like this . henceforth be wary how such things you feign , except it be beyond the cape , or line : execpt at mexico , brazile , peru , at the molacco's , goa , or pegu , or any distant or remoter place , where they may currant and unquestion'd pass : vvhere never poching hereticks resort , to spring the lye , and mak 't their game and sport. but i forget ( what should be mention'd most ) confession our chief priviledge and boast : that staple ware which ne're returns in vain , ne're balks the trader of expected gain ▪ 't is this that spies through court-intrigues and brings admission to the cabinets of kings : by this we keep proud monarchs at our becks , and make our foot-stools of their thrones and necks : give 'em commands , and if they disobey , betray 'm to th' ambitious heir a prey : hound the officious curs on hereticks , the vermin which the church infest and vex : and when our turn is served , and business done , dispatch 'em for reward , as useless grown : nor are these half the benefits and gains , vvhich by wise manag'ry accrue from thence : by this w' unlock the misers hoarded chests , and treasure , though kept close as states-mens brests : this does rich vvidows to our nets decoy , le ts us their jointers , and themselves enjoy : to us the merchant does his customes bring , and payes our duty tho he cheats his king : to us court-ministers refund , made great by robbery and bank-rupt of the state : ours is the souldiers plunder , padders prize , gabels on letchery , and the stews excise : by this our colledges in riches shine , and vy with becket's and loretto's shrine . and here i must not grudge a word or two ( my younger vot'ries ) of advice to you : to you whom beautie 's charms and generous fire of boiling youth to sports of love inspire : this is your harvest , here secure and cheap you may the fruits of unbought pleasure reap : riot in free and uncontroull'd delight , where no dull marriage clogs the appetite . tast every dish of lust's variety , vvhich popes , and scarlet lechers dearly buy , vvith bribes and bishopricks , and simony . but this i ever to your care commend , be wary how you openly offend : lest scoffing lewd buffoons descry our shame , and fix disgrace on the great order's fame . vvhen the ungarded maid alone repairs to ease the burthen of her sins and cares ; when youth in each , and privacy conspire to kindle wishes , and befriend desire ; if she has practis'd in the trade before , ( few else of proselytes to us brought o're ) little of force , or artifice will need to make you in the victory succeed : but if some untaught innocence she be , rude , and unknown in the mystery ; she 'l cost more labour to be made comply . make her by pumping understand the sport , and undermine with secret trains the fort. somtimes , as if you 'd blame her gaudy dress , her naked pride , her jewels , point , and lace ; find opportunity her breasts to press : oft feel her hand , and whisper in her ear , you find the secret marks of lewdness there : somtimes with naughty sence her blushes raise , and make 'em guilt , she never knew , confess : " thus ( may you say ) with such a leering smile , " so languishing a look you hearts beguile : " thus with your foot , hand , eye , you tokens speak , " these signs deny , these assignations make : " thus 't is you clip , with such a fierce embrace " you clasp your lover to your brest and face : " thus are your hungry lips with kisses cloy'd , " thus is your hand , and thus your tongue employ'd . ply her with talk like this ; and , if sh' encline , to help devotion give her aretine instead ' o th' rosary : never despair , she , that to such discourse will lend an ear , tho' chaster than cold cloyster'd nuns she were , will soon prove soft and pliant to your use , as strumpets on the carnaval let loose . credit experience ; i have tri'd 'em all , and never found th' unerring methods fail : not ovid , tho' 't were his cheif mastery , had greater skill in these intrigues , than i : nor nero's learned pimp , to whom we ow what choice records of lust are extant now . this heretofore , when youth , and sprightly blood ran in my v●ins , i tasted and enjoy'd : ah those blest days ! — ( here the old lecher smil'd , with sweet remembrance of past pleasure fill'd ) but they are gone ! wishes alone remain , and dreams of joy ne're to be felt again : to abler youth i now the practice leave , to whom this counsel , and advice i give . but the dear mention of my gayer days has made me farther , than i would , digress : 't is time we now should in due place expound , how guilt is after shrift to be atton'd : enjoyn no sow'r repentance , tears and grief ; eys weep no cash , and you no profit give : sins , tho' of the first rate , must punish'd be , not by their own , but th' actor's quality : the poor , whose purse cannot the penance bear , let whipping serve , bear feet , and shirts of hair : the richer fools to compostella send , to rome , monserrat , or the holy land : let pardons , and th' indullgence-office drain their coffers , and enrich the pope's with gain : make 'em build churches , monasteries found , and dear bought masses for their crimes compound . let law and gospel rigid precepts set , and make the paths to bliss rugged and strait : teach you a smooth and easier way to gain heavn's joys , yet sweet and useful sin retain : with every frailty , every lust comply , t' advance your spiritual realm and monarchy : pull up weak vertue 's fence , give scope , and space and purlieus to out-lying consciences : shew that the needle 's eye may stretch , and how for largest camel-vices to go thro' . teach how the priests pluralities may buy , yet fear no odious sin of simony , while thoughts and ducats well directed be : let whores adorn his exemplary life , but no lewd heinous wife a scandal give . sooth up the gaudy atheist , who maintains no law , but sense , and owns no god , but chance . bid thieves rob on , the boistrous ruffian tell , he may for hire , revenge , or honour kill : bid strumpets preseverse , absolve 'em too , and take their dues in kind for what you do : exhort the painful and industrious bawd to diligence and labour in her trade : nor think her innocent vocation ill , whose income do's the sacred treasure fill : let griping usurers extortion use , no rapine , falshood , perjury refuse , stick at no crime , which covetous popes would scarce act to enrich themselves and bastard-heirs : a small bequest to th' church can all attone , wipes off all scores , and heav'n and all 's their own . be these your doctrins , these the truths you preach , but no forbiden bible come in reach : your cheats and artifices to impeach . lest thence lay-fools pernicious knowledge gets throw off obedience , and your laws forget : mak 'em belive't a spell more dreadfull far than bacon , haly or albumazar . happy the time , when th' unpretending crowd no more , than i , its language understood . when the worm-eaten book , link'd to a chain , in dust lay moulding in the vatican ; despis'd , neglected , and forgot , to none , but poring rabbies , or the sorbon known : then in full pow'r our soveraign prelate sway'd , by kings and all the rabble-vvorld obey'd : here humble monarch at his feet kneel'd down , and beg'd the alms and charity of a crown : there , when in solemn state he pleas'd to ride , poor scepter'd slaves ran henchboys by his side : none , tho' in thought , his grandure durst blasphem , nor in their very sleep a treason dream . but since the broaching that mischeivous piece , each alderman a father lumbard is : and every cit dares impudently know more than a council , pope and conclave too . hence the late damned frier , and all the crew of former crawling sects their poision drew : hence all the troubles , plagues , rebellions bre●d , we 've felt , or feel , or may hereafter dread : wherefore enjoyn , that no lay-coxcomb dare about him that unlawful weapon wear ; but charge him chiefly not to touch at all the dangerous works of that old lollard , paul ; that arrant wickliffist , from whom our foes take all their batt'ries to attack our cause ; would he in his first years had martyr'd been , never damascus nor the vision seen ; then he our party was , stout , vigorous , and fierce in chase of hereticks like us : till he at length by th' enemies seduc'd , forsook us , and the hostile side espous'd . had not the mighty iulian mist his aims , these holy shreds had all consum'd in flames : but since th' immortal lumber still endures , in spite of all his industry and ours ; take care at least it may not come abroad , to taint with catching heresie the crowd : let them be still kept low in sence , they 'l pay the more respect , more readily obey . pray that kind heav'n would on their hearts dispense a bounteous and abundant ignorance , that they may never swerve , nor turn awry from sound and orthodox stupidity . but these are obvious things , easie to know , common to every monk as well as you : greater affairs and more important wait to be discuss'd , and call for our debate : matters that depth require , and well befit th'address and conduct of a iesuit . how kingdoms are embroil'd , what shakes a throne , how the first seeds of discontent are sown to spring up in rebellion ; how are set the secret snares that circumvent a state : how bubbled monarchs are at first beguil'd , trepann'd and gull'd , at last depos'd and kill'd . when some proud prince , a rebel to our head , for disbelieving holy churches creed , and peter-pence is heretick decree'd ; and by a solemn and unquestion'd pow'r to death , and hell , and you , deliver'd o're : chuse first some dext'rous rogue well tried and known , ( such by confession your familiars grown ; ) let him by art and nature fitted be for any great and gallant villany , practis'd in every sin , each kind of vice , which deepest casuists in their searches miss , watchful as jealousie , wary as fear , fiercer than lust , and bolder than despair , but close as plotting fiends in council are . to him in firmest oaths of silence bound , the worth and merit of the deed propound : tell of whole reams of pardon new come o're , indies of gold , and blessings endless store : choice of preferments , if he overcome , and if he fail , undoubted martyrdom : and bills for sums in heav'n , to be drawn on factors there , and at first sight paid down . with arts and promises like these allure , and make him to your great design secure . and here to know the sundry ways to kill , is worth the genius of a machiavel : dull northern brains in these deep arts unbred , know nought but to cut throats or knock o' th' head. no slight of murder of the subt'lest shape , your busie search and observation scape : legerdemain of killing , that dives in , and juggling steals away a life unseen : how gawdy fate may be in presents sent , and creep insensibly by touch or scent : how ribbands , gloves , or saddle pomel may an unperceiv'd but certain death convey ; above the reach of antidotes , above the pow'r of the fam'd pontick mountebank to cure . what er'e is known to quaint italian spite , in studied pois'ning skill'd and exquisite : what e're great borgia or his sire could boast , which the expence of half the conclave cost . thus may the business be in secret done , nor authors nor the accessaries known , and the slurr'd guilt with ease on others thrown . but if ill fortune should your plot betray , and you to mercy of your foes a prey ; let none his crime by weak confession own , nor shame the church , while he 'd himself attone . let varnish'd guile and feign'd hypocrisies , pretended holiness and useful lies , your well-dissembled villany disguise . a thousand wily turns and doubles try , to foil the scent , and to divert the cry : cog , shamm , outface , deny , equivocate , into a thousand shapes your selves translate : remember what the crafty spartan taught , " children with rattles , men with oaths are caught : forswear upon the rack , and if you fall , let this great comfort make amends for all , those whom they damn for rogues next age shall see made advocates i' th' church's litany . who ever with bold tongue or pen shall dare against your arts and practices declare ; what fool shall e're presumptuously oppose , your holy cheats and godly frauds disclose ; pronounce him heretick , firebrand of hell , turk , iew , fiend , miscreant , pagan , infidel ; a thousand blacker names , worse calumnies , all wit can think , and pregnant spite devise : strike home , gash deep , no lies nor slanders spare ; a wound though cur'd , yet leave behind a scar. those whom your wit and reason can't decry , make scandalous with loads of infamy : make luther monster , by a fiend begot , brought forth with wings , and tail , and cloven foot : make whoredom , incest , worst of vice and shame , pollute and foul his manners , life , and name . tell how strange storms usher'd his fatal end , and hells black troops did for his soul contend . much more i had to say , but now grow faint , and strength and spirits for the subject want : be these great mysteries i here unfold , amongst your order's institutes enroll'd : preserve them sacred , close , and unreveal'd ; as ancient rome her sybils books conceal'd . let no bold heretick with sawcy eye into the hidden unseen archives pry ; lest the malicious flouting rascals turn our church to laughter , raillery , and scorn . let never rack or torture , pain or fear , from your firm brests th'important secrets tear . if any treacherous brother of your own shall to the world divulge & make them known , let him by worst of deaths his guilt attone . should but his thoughts or dreams suspected be , let him for safety and prevention die , and learn i' th' grave the art of secresie . but one thing more , and then with joy i go , nor ask a longer stay of fate below : give me again once more your plighted faith , and let each seal it with his dying breath : as the great carthaginian heretofore the bloudy reeking altar touch'd , and swore eternal enmity to th' roman pow'r : swear you ( and let the fates confirm the same ) an endless hatred to the lutheran name : vow never to admit or league , or peace , or truce , or commerce with the cursed race : now through all age , when time or place soe're shall give you pow'r , wage an immortal war : like theban feuds let yours your selves survive , and in your very dust and ashes live . like mine , be your last gasp their curse — at this they kneel , and all the sacred volum kiss ; vowing to send each year an hecatomb of huguenots an offering to his tomb. in vain he would continue — abrupt death a period puts , and stops his impious breath : in broken accents he is scarce allow'd to faulter out his blessing on the crowd . amen is echo'd by infernal howl , and scrambling spirits seize his parting soul. the fourth satyr upon the jesuits . satyr iv. s. ignatius his image brought in , discovering the rogueries of the jesuits , and ridiculous superstition of the church of rome . once i was common wood , a shapeless log , thrown out a pissing-post for every dog : the workman yet in doubt what course to take , whether i 'd best a saint or hog-trough make , after debate resolv'd me for a saint , and thus fam'd loyola i represent : and well i may resemble him , for he as stupid was , as much a block as i. my right leg maim'd at halt i seem to stand , to tell the wounds at pampelune sustain'd . my sword and souldiers armour here had been , but they may in monserrats church be seen : those there to blessed virgin i laid down for cassock , surcingle , and shaven crown , the spiritual garb in which i now am shown . with due accoutrements and fit disguise i might for centinel of corn suffice : as once the well-hung god of old stood guard , and the invading crows from forrage scar'd . now on my head the birds their reliques leave , and spiders in my mouth their arras weave : and persecuted rats oft find in me a refuge and religious sanctuary . but you profaner hereticks , who e're the inquisition and its vengeance fear , i charge stand off , at peril come not near : none at twelve score untruss , break wind , or piss ; he enters fox his lists that dares transgress : for i 'm by holy church in reverence had , and all good catholick folk implore my aid . these pictures which you see my story give , the acts and monuments of me alive : that frame wherein with pilgrims weeds i stand , contains my travels to the holy land. this me and my decemvirate at rome , when i for grant of my great order come . there with devotion rapt i hang in air , with dove ( like mahomets ) whisp'ring in my ear . here virgin in galesh of clouds descends , to be my safeguard from assaulting fiends . those tables by , and crutches of the lame , my great atchievments since my death proclaim : pox , ague , dropsie , palsie , stone , and gout , legions of maladies by me cast out , more than the college know , or ever fill quacks wiping paper and the weekly bill . what peter's shadow did of old , the same is fancied done by my all pow'rful name ; for which some wear 't about their necks and arms , to guard from dangers , sicknesses , and harms ; and some on wombs the barren to relieve , a miracle i better did alive . oft i by crafty iesuit am taught wonders to do , and many a juggling feat . sometimes with chaffing dish behind me put , i sweat like clapt debauch in hot house shut , and drip like any spitchcock'd huguenot . sometimes by secret springs i learn to stir , as paste-board saints dance by miraculous wire then i tradescant's rarities outdo , sands waterworks and german clockwork too , or any choice device at barthol'mew . sometimes i utter oracles by priest , instead of a familiar possest . the church i vindicate , luther confute , and cause amazement in the gaping rout. such holy cheats , such hocus tricks as these , for miracles amongst the rabble pass . by this in their esteem i daily grow , in wealth enrich'd , increas'd in vot'ries too . this draws each year vast numbers to my tomb , more than in pilgrimage to mecca come . this brings each week new presents to my shrine , and makes it those of indian gods outshine . this gives a chalice , that a golden cross , another massie candlesticks bestows : some altar cloths of costly work and price , plush , tissue , ermin , silks of noblest dies , the birth and passion in embroideries : some jewels , rich as those th' aegyptian punk in jellies to her roman stallion drunk . some offer gorgeous robes , which serve to wear when i on holydays in state appear ; when i 'm in pomp on high processions shown , like pageants of lord mayor or skimmington . lucullus could not such a wardrobe boast , less those of popes at their election cost ; less those , which sicily's tyrant heretofore from plunder'd gods and iove's own shoulders tore . hither as to some fair the rabble come , to barter for the merchandize of rome ; where priests like mountebanks on stage appear , t' expose the frippery of their hallow'd ware : this is the lab'ratory of their trade , the shop where all their staple drugs are made ; prescriptions and receipts to bring in gain , all from the church dispensatories ta'en . the pope's elixir , holy water 's here , which they with chymick art distill'd prepare : choice above goddards drops , and all the trash of modern quacks ; this is that sovereign wash for fetching spots and morphew from the face , and scowring dirty cloaths and consciences . one drop of this , if us'd , had pow'r to fray the legion from the hogs of gadara : this would have silenc'd quite the wiltshire drum , and made the prating fiend of mascon dumb . that vessel consecrated oyl contains , kept sacred as the fam'd ampoulle of france ; which some profaner hereticks would use for liquoring wheels of jacks , and boots , and shooes : this makes the chrism , which mixt with snot of priests , anoints young catholicks for the church's lists ; and when they 're crost , confest , and die ; by this their lanching souls slide off to endless bliss : as lapland saints when they on broomsticks fly , by help of magick unctions mount the sky . you altar-pix of gold is the adobe and safe repository of their god. a cross is fix'd upon 't the fiends to fright , and flies which would the deity beshite ; and mice , which oft might unprepar'd receive , and to lewd scoffers cause of scandal give . here are perform'd the conjurings and spells , for christning saints , and hawks and carriers bells ; for hallowing shreds , and grains , and salt , and bawms , shrines , crosses , medals , shells , and waxen lambs : of wondrous virtue all ( you must believe ) and from all sorts of ill preservative ; from plague , infection , thunder , storm , and hail , love , grief , want , debt , sin , and the devil and all . here beads are blest , and pater nosters fram'd , ( by some the tallies of devotion nam'd ) which of their pray'rs and oraisons keep tale , lest they and heav'n should in the reck'ning fail . here sacred lights , the altars graceful pride , are by priests breath perfum'd and sanctified ; made some of wax , of hereticks tallow some ; a gift which irish emma sent to rome : for which great merit worthily ( we 're told ) she 's now amongst her country saints inroll'd . here holy banners are reserv'd in store , and flags , such as the fam'd armado bore : and hallow'd swords and daggers kept for use when resty kings the papal yoke refuse : and consecrated ratsbane , to be laid for heretick vermin which the church invade . but that which brings in most of wealth and gain , does best the priests swoln tripes and purses strain ; here they each week their constant auctions hold of reliques , which by candles inch are sold : saints by the dozen here are set to sale , like mortals wrought in gingerbread on stall . hither are loads from emptied charnels brought , and voiders of the worms from sextons bought , which serve for retail through the world to vent , such as of late were to the savoy sent : hair from the skulls of dying strumpets shorn , and felons bones from rifled gibbets torn ; like those which some old hag at midnight steals , for witchcrafts , amulets , and charms , and spells , are past for sacred to the cheap'ning rout ; and worn on fingers , breasts , and ears about . this boasts a scrap of me , and that a bit of good s. george , s. patrick , or s. kit. these locks s. bridgets were , and those s. clares ; some for s. catharines go , and some for hers that wip'd her saviours feet , wash'd with her tears . here you may see my wounded leg , and here those which to china bore the great xavier . here may you the grand traitor's halter see , some call 't the arms of the society : here is his lanthorn too , but faux his not , that was embezl'd by the huguenot . here garnet's straws , and beck●t's bones and hair , for murd'ring whom some tails are said to wear , as learned capgrave does record their sate , and faithful british histories relate . those are s. laurence coals expos'd to view , strangly preserv'd and kept alive till now . that 's the fam'd wildefortis wondrous beard , for which her maidenhead the tyrant spar'd . yon is the baptist's coat , and one of 's heads , the rest are shewn in many a place besides ; and of his teeth as many sets there are , as on their belts six operators wear . here blessed maries milk , not yet turn'd sour , renown'd ( like ass's ) for its healing pow'r , ten holland kine scarce in a year give more . here is her manteau , and a smock of hers , fellow to that which once reliev'd poictiers ; besides her husbands utensils of trade , wherewith some prove that images were made . here is the souldiers spear , and passion nails , whose quantity would serve for building pauls : chips some from holy cross , from tyburn some , honour'd by many a iesuits martyrdom : all held of special and miraculous pow'r , not tabor more approv'd for agues cure : here shooes , which once perhaps at newgate hung , angled for charity that past along , now for s. peter's go , and th' office bear for priests , they did for lesser villains there . these are the fathers implements and tools , their gawdy trangums for inveigling fools : these serve for baits the simple to ensnare , like children spirited with toys at fair. nor are they half the artifices yet , by which the vulgar they delude and cheat : which should i undertake , much easier i much sooner might compute what sins there be wip'd off and pardon'd at a iubilee . what bribes enrich the datary each year , or vices treated on by escobar : how many whores in rome profess the trade , or greater numbers by confession made . one undertakes by scale of miles to tell the bounds , dimensions , and extent of hell ; how far and wide th' infernal monarch reigns , how many german leagues his realm contains : who are his ministers , pretends to know , and all their several offices below : how many chaudrons he each year expends in coals for roasting huguenots and fiends : and with as much exactness states the case , as if h 'ad been surveyor of the place . another frights the rout with rusul stories , of wild chimaera's , limbo's , purgatories , and bloated souls in smoaky durance hung , like a westphalia gammon or neats tongue , to be redeem'd with masses and a song . a good round summ must the deliverance buy , for none may there swear out on poverty . your rich and bounteous shades are onely eas'd , no fleet or kings bench ghosts are thence releas'd . a third the wicked and debauch'd to please , crys up the vertue of indulgences , and all the rates of vices does assess ; what price they in the holy chamber bear , and customs for each sin imported there : how you at best advantages may buy patents for sacrilege and simony . what tax is in the leach'ry-office laid on panders , bawds , and whores , that ply the trade : what costs a rape , or incest , and how cheap you may an harlot or an ingle keep ; how easie murder may afforded be for one , two , three , or a whole family ; but not of hereticks , there no pardon lacks , 't is one o' th' churches meritorious acts. for venial trifles less and slighter faults , they ne're deserve the trouble of your thoughts . ten ave maries mumbled to the cross clear scores of twice ten thousand such as those : some are at sound of christen'd bell forgiven , and some by squirt of holy water driven : others by anthems plaid are charm'd away , as men cure bites of the tarantula . but nothing with the crowd does more enhance the value of these holy charlatans , than when the wonders of the mass they view , where spiritual jugglers their chief mast'ry shew hey iingo , sirs ! what 's this ? 't is bread you see ; presto be gone ! 't is now a deity . two grains of dough , with cross and stamp of priest , and five small words pronounc'd , make up their christ. to this they all fall down , this all adore , and strait devour what they ador'd before : down goes the tiny saviour at a bit , to be digested , and at length beshit : from altar to close stool or jakes preferr'd , first wafer , next a god , and then a — 't is this that does th' astonish'd rout amuse , and reverence to shaven crown infuse : to see a silly , sinful , mortal wight his maker make , create the infinite . none boggles at th'impossibility ; alas , 't is wondrous heavenly mystery ! none dares the mighty god-maker blaspheme , nor his most open crimes and vices blame : saw he those hands that held his god before , strait grope himself , and by and by a whore ; should they his aged father kill or worse , his sisters , daughters , wife , himself too force . and here i might ( if i but durst ) reveal what pranks are plaid in the confessional : how haunted virgins have been dispossest , and devils were cast out to let in priest : what fathers act with novices alone , and what to punks in shriving seats is done ; who thither flock to ghostly confessor , to clear old debts , and tick with heav'n for more . oft have i seen these hallow'd altars stain'd with rapes , those pews with buggeries profan'd : not great cellier , nor any greater bawd , of note and long experience in the trade , has more and fouler scenes of lust survey'd . but i these dang'rous truths forbear to tell , for fear i should the inquisition feel . should i tell all their countless knaveries , their cheats , and shamms , and forgeries , and lies . their cringings , crossings , censings , sprinklings , chrisms , their conjurings , and spells , and exorcisms ; their motly habits , manciples , and stoles , albs , ammits , rochets , chimers , hoods , and cowls . should i tell all their several services , their trentals , masses , dirges , rosaries ; their solemn pomps , their pageants , and parades , their holy masques , and spiritual cavalcades , with thousand antick tricks and gambols more ; 't would swell the summ to such a mighty score , that i at length should more volum'nous grow , than crabb , or surius , lying fox , or stow. believe what e're i have related here , as true as if 't were spoke from porph'ry chair . if i have feign'd in ought or broach'd a lie , let worst of fates attend me , let me be pist on by porter , groom , and oyster-whore , or find my grave in jakes and common-shore : or make next bonfire for the powder-plot , the sport of every sneering huguenot . there like a martyr'd pope in flames expire , and no kind catholick dare quench the fire . a satyr against vertue . aude aliquid brevibus gyaris aut carcere dignum si vis esse aliquis — juven . sat. london , printed for io. hindmarsh , 1680. to the reader . this had never seen the light , but that the publisher does propose gain to himself by it ; and interest you know governs the world. it cannot , i am sure , do much hurt , for that there are but few will understand it ; and for the more ingenious , i hope , they will make better use of it . t. a. a poem : supposed to be spoken by a town-hector . pindarique , in imitation of mr. cowley . now curses on ye all , ye vertuous fools , who think to fetter free-born souls , and tie 'um up to dull morality and rules . the stagyrite be damn'd , and all the crew of learned idiots , who his steps pursue ; and those more silly proselytes whom his fond precepts drew oh , had his ethicks been with their wild author drown'd , or a like fate which these lost writings found , which that grand plagiary doom'd to fire , and made by unjust flames expire : they ne're had then seduc'd morality , ne're lasted to debauch the world with their lewd pedantry . but damn'd and more ( if hell can do 't ) be that their cursed name , who e're the rudiments of law design'd ; who e're did the first model of religion frame , by nought before but their own power or will confin'd : now quite abridged of all their primitive liberty and slaves to each capricious monarchs tyranny . more happy brutes who the great rule of sense observe , and ne're from their first charter swerve . happy whose lives are meerly to enjoy , and feel no sting of sin which may their bliss annoy . still unconcern'd at epithets of ill or good , distinctions , unadulterate nature never understood . 2. hence hated vertue from our godly isle , no more our joys beguile , no more with thy loath'd presence plague our happy state , thou enemy to all that 's brisk , or gay , or brave , or great . be gone with all thy pious meagre train , to some unfruitful unfrequented land , and there an empire gain , and there extend thy rigorous command : there where illiberal natures nigardise has set a tax on vice. where the lean barren region does enhance the worth of dear intemperance . and for each pleasurable sin exacts excise , we ( thanks to heaven ) more cheaply can offend , and want no tempting luxuries , no good convenient sinning opportunities , which natures bounty could bestow , or heavens kindness lend . go follow that nice goddess to the skies , who here too sore disgusting at increasing vice , dislik'd the world , and thought it too prophane , and timely hence retired , and kindly ne're return'd again . hence to those airy mansions rove , converse with saints and holy folks above ; those may thy presence woo , whose lazy case assords them nothing else to do : where haughty scornful i , and my great friends will ne're vouchsafe thee company . thou 'st now a hard unpracticable good , too difficult for flesh and blood : were i all soul , like them , perhaps , i 'de learn to practise thee . 3. vertue , thou solemn grave impertinence , abhorr'd by all the men of wit and sense . thou damn'd fatigue , that clogst lifes journey here , though thou no weight of wealth or profit bear ; thou puling fond green-sickness of the mind , that makest us prove to our own selves unkind , whereby , we coals and dirt for diet chuse , and , pleasure , better food , refuse . curst ill , that lead'st deluded mortals on , till they too late do find themselves undone , chous'd by a dowry in reversion . the greatest votary thou e're could'st boast , pity so brave a soul , was on thy service lost ; what wonders he in wickedness had done , whom thy weak power could so inspire alone ! there long with fond amours he courted thee , yet dying , did recant his vain idolatry . at length , though late , he did repent with shame , forc'd to confess thee nothing but an empty name . so was that leacher gull'd whose haughty love , design'd a rape on the queen regent of the gods above . when he a goddess thought he had in chase , he found a gaudy vapour in the place , and with thin air beguil'd his starv'd embrace . idely he spent his vigour , spent his blood , and tyr'd himself to oblige an unperforming cloud . 4. if human bind to thee , ' ere worship paid , they were by ignorance misled , that only them devout , and thee a goddess made . none hap'ly in the worlds rude untaught infancy , before it had out-grown its childish innocence . before it had arriv'd at sense , or watch'd the manhood and discretion of debauchery ; none in those antient godly duller times , when crafty pagans had ingross'd all crimes ▪ when christian fools were obstinately good , nor yet their gospel freedom understood . tame easie fops who could so prodigally breed , to be thought saints , and dye a calender with red : no prudent heathen e're seduc'd could be , to suffer martyrdom for thee . only that errant ass whom the false oracle called wise ; no wonder if the devil uttered lies . that snivelig puritan who in spight of all the mode , would be unfashionably good , and exercis'd his whining gifts to rail at vice ; him all the wits of athens damn'd . and justly with lampoons defam'd . but when the mad phanatick could not silencd be , from broaching dangerous divinity ; the wise republick made him for prevention die , and sent him to the gods and better company . 5. let fumbling age be grave and wise , and vertues poor contemn'd idea prize , who never knew , or now are past the sweets of vice , while we whose active pulses beat with lusty youth and vigorous heat , can all their bards — and morals too despise , while my plump veins are fill'd with lust and blood . let not one thought of her intrude , or dare approach my breast , but know its all possest by a more welcome guest . and know i have not yet the leisure to be good . if ever unkind destiny , shall force long life of me ; if ' ere i must the curse of dotage bear , perhaps i 'll dedicate those dregs of time to her , and come with crutches her most humble votary . when sprightly vice retreats from hence , and quits the ruine of decayed sense , she 'l serve to usher in a fair pretence , and banish with the name , a well dissembled impotence . when ptisick , rheums , catars , and palsies seize , and all the bills of maladies , which heaven to punish over-living mortals sends ; then let her enter with the numerous infirmities , her self the greatest plague , which wrinkles and gray hairs attends . 6. tell me , ye venerable sots , who court her most , what small advantage can she boast , which her great rival hath not in a greater score ingrost . her quiet calm and peace of mind , in wine and company we better find . find it with pleasure to combine . in mighty wine , where we our senses steep , and lull our cares and consciences asleep , but why do i that wild chimaera name ? conscience ! that giddy airy dream , which does from brain-sick heads and ill-digesting stomachs steam . conscience ! the vain phantastick fear of punishments , we know not when nor where : projects of crafty statesmen to support weak law , whereby they slavish spirits awe , and dastard souls to forc'd obedience draw . grand wheedle which our gown'd impostors use , the poor unthinking rabble to abuse . scarecrow to fright 's from the forbidden fruit of vice , their own beloved paradise : let those vile canters wickedness decry , whose mercenary tongues take pay for what they say ; and yet commend in practice what their words deny , while we discerning heads , who furthest pry their holy cheats , deny and scorn their frauds , and scorn their sanctified cajoulery . 7. none but dull souls discredit vice , who act their wickedness with an ill grace ; such their profession scandalize , and justly forfeit all that praise : all that esteem that credit and applause , which we by our wise manage from a sin can raise . a true and brave transgressor ought to sin with the same spirit caesar fought : mean souls ! offenders now no honours gain , only debaucher of the noble strain . vice well improved yields bliss and fame beside , and some for sinning have been deifi'd : thus the lewd gods of old did move , by those brave methods , to their seats above . e're iove himself the sovereign deity , father and king of the immortal progeny , ascended to that high degree ; by crimes beyond the reach of weak mortality , he heaven one large seraglio made , each goddess turn'd a glorious punk o' th ▪ trade ; and all that sacred place was filled with bastard gods of his own race : almighty lechery got his first repute , and everlasting whoring was his chiefest attribute . 8. how gallant was that wretch whose happy guilt , a fame upon the ruines of a temple built ! let fools , said he , now quietly alledge , and urge the no great fault of sacriledge : i 'le set the sacred pile on flame , and in its ashes write my lasting name , my name which thence shall be deathless as its own deity . thus the vain-glorious caron i 'le out-do , and egypts proudest monarch too ; those lavish prodigals who idly did consume their lives and treasures to erect a tomb , and only great , by being buried , would become , at cheaper rates than they i 'le buy renown . so spake the daring hector , so did prophesie , and so it prov'd , in vain did envious fate by fruitless methods try to raze his well-built fame and memory amongst posterity : the boutefeu can now immortal write , while the inglorious founder is forgotten quite . 9. yet greater was that mighty emperor ; a greater crime befitted his high power , who sacrific'd a city to a jest , and shew'd he knew the grand intrigues of humor best . he made all rome a bonefire for loud fame , and sung , and play'd and danc'd amidst the flame ; bravely begun ! yet pity there he stay'd , one step , to glory , more he should have made : he should have heaved the noble frolick higher , and made the people on that funeral expire , or , providently , with their blood put out the fire . had this been done , the utmost of glory he had run ; no greater monument could be to consecrate him to eternity , nor should there need another herald of his praise but me . 10. and thou yet greater faux , the glory of our isle , whom baffled hell esteems its chiefest foyl ; 't were injury should i omit thy name , whose actions merit all the breath of fame . methinks , i see the trembling shades below , all round , in humble reverence bow ; doubtful they seem , whether , to pay their loyalty to their dread monarch , or to thee : no wonder he grew jealous of thy fear'd success , envy'd mankind the honour of thy wickedness , and spoil'd that brave attempt which should have made his grandeur less . how e're regret not , mighty ghost , thy plot by treacherous fortune crost , nor think thy well deserved glory lost . thou the full praise of villany shalt ever share , and all will judg thou art compleat enough , when thou could'st dare , so thy great master fared , whose high disdain , contemn'd that heaven , where he could not reign , when he with bold ambition strove , t' usurp the throne above , and led against the deity an armed train , though from his vast designs he fell , o're-power'd by his almighty foe , yet gained he victory in his overthrow . he gained sufficient triumph that he durst rebel , and 't was some pleasure to be thought the greatest one in hell. 11. tell me , you great triumvirate , what shall i do to be illustrious as you ? let your example move me with a generous fire , let them into my daring thoughts inspire somewhat compleatly wicked , some vast gyant-crime , unthought , unknown , unpattern'd by all past and present time . 't is done , 't is done , i think i feel the powerful charms , and a new heat of sin my spirit warms ; i travel with a glorious mischief , for whose birth , my soul 's too narrow , and weak fate too feeble to bring forth . let the unpitied vulgar tamely go and stalk for company , the wide plantation below : such their vile souls for viler barter sell , scarce worth the damning , or their room in hell. we are his grandees , and expect as high preferments there , for our good service , as on earth we share . in them , sin is but a meer privative of good , the frailty and defect of flesh and blood : in us 't is a perfection , who profess a studied and elaborate wickedness . we are the great royal society of vice , whose talents are to make discoveries , and advance sin like other arts and sciences . it 's i the bold columbus , only i , who must new worlds in vice descry , and fix the pillars of unpassable iniquity . 12. how sneaking was the first debauch we find , who for so small a sin sold humane kind . how undeserving that high place , to be thought parent of our sin and race , who by low guilt our nature doubly did debase : unworthy was he to be thought father of th' fi●st-born cain , which got the noble cain , whose bold and gallant act proclaim'd him of more high extract . unworthy me , and all the braver part of his posterity . had the just fates design'd me in his stead , i had done some great and unexampled deed ; a deed which should decry the stoicks dull equality , and shew that sin admits transcendency : a deed wherein the tempter should not share above what heaven could punish , and above what he could dare for greater c●imes than this i would have fell , and acted somewhat which might merit more than hell. an apology for the preceding poem , by way of epilogue , to be annexed . my part is done , and you 'l , i hope , excuse th' extravagance of a repenting muse , pardon what e're she hath too boldly said , she only acted here in masquerade . for the slight arguments she did produce , were not to flatter vice , but to traduce . so we buffoons in princely dress expose , not to be gay , but more ridiculous . when she an hector for her subject had , she thought she must be termagant and mad . that made our spark like a lewd punk o' th' town , who by converse with bullies wicked grown , has learn'd the mode to cry all vertue down . but now the vizards off , she changes scene , and turns a modest civil girl agen . our poet has a different tast of wit , nor will to th' common vogue himself submit . let some admire the fops whose talents lie in venting dull insipid blasphemy , he swears , he cannot with those terms dispense , nor will be damn'd for the repute of sense . wits name was never to profaneness due , for then you see he could be witty too : he could lampoon the state , and libel kings , but that he 's loyal , and knows better things , than fame , whose guilty birth from treason springs . he likes not wit which can't a licence claim , to which the author dares not set his name . wit should be open , court each readers eye , not lurk in sly unprinted privacy . but criminal writers , like dull birds of night , for weakness , or for shame avoid the light ; may such a jury for the audience have , and from the bench , not pit , their doom receive . may they the tower for their due merits share , and a just wreath of hemp , not laurel , wear : he could be bawdy too , and nick the times , in what they dearly love : damn'd placket rhimes , such as our nobles write — whose nauseous poetry can reach no higher than what the codpiece , or its god inspire . so lewd they spend at quill you 'd justly think , they wrote with something nastier than ink. but he still that little wit , or none , which a just modesty must never own , and a meer reader with a blush at one . if ribauldry deserved the praise of wit , he must resign to each illiterate citt , and prentices and car-men challenge it . even they too can be smart and witty there ; for all men on that subject poets are . henceforth he vows , if ever more he find himself to th' busie itch of verse inclin'd , if e're he 's given up so far to write , he never means to make his end delight : should he do so , he must despair success , for he 's not now debaucht enough to please , and must be damn'd for want of wickedness . he 'l therefore use his wit another way , and next the ugliness of vice display . though against vertue once he drew his pen , he 'l ne're for ought , but her defence agen . had he the genius and poetick rage , great as the vices of this guilty age. were he all gall , and arm'd with store of spight , 't were worth his pains to undertake to write ; to noble satyr he 'd direct his aim , and bite mankind , and poetry reclaim , and shoot his quill just like a porcupine at vice , and make it stab in every vein , the world should learn to blush , and dread the vengeance of his — wit , which more than their own consciences should fright , and should think him for heavens just plague design'd to visit for the sins of lewd mankind . the passion of byblis in ovid's metamorphosis imitated in english. london , printed for io. hindmarsh , 1681. the passion of byblis out of ovid's metamorphosis , b. 9. f. 11. beginning at byblis in exemplo est , ut ament concessa puellae . and ending with — modumque exit , & infelix committit saepe repelli . you heedless maids , whose young and tender hearts unwounded yet , have scap'd the fatal darts ; let the sad tale of wretched byblis move , and learn by her to shun forbidden love. not all the plenty , all the bright resort of gallant youth , that grac'd the carian court , could charm the haughty nymphs disdainful heart , or from a brother's guilty love divert ; caunus she lov'd , not as a sister ought , but honour , shame and blood alike forgot : caunus alone takes up her thoughts and eyes , for him alone she wishes , grieves and sighs . at first her new-born passion owns no name , a glim'ring spark scarce kindling into flame ; she thinks it no offence , if from his lip she snatcht an harmless bliss , if her fond clip with loose embraces oft his neck surround , and love is yet in debts of nature drown'd . but love at length grows naughty by degrees , and now she likes , and strives her self to please : well-drest she comes and arms her eyes with darts , her smiles with charms and all the studied arts , which practis'd love can teach to vanquish hearts . industrious now she labours to be fair , and envies all whoever fairer are . yet knows she not , she loves , but still does grow , insensibly that thing she does not know : strict honour yet her check'd desires does bind , and modest thoughts on this side wish confin'd : only within she sooths her pleasing flames , and now the hated terms of blood disclaims : brother sounds harsh ; she the unpleasing word strives to forget and oftner calls him lord : and when the name of sister grates her ear , could wish't unsaid , and rather byblis hear : nor dare she yet with waking thoughts admit a wanton hope : but when returning night with sleep's soft gentle spell her senses charms , kind fancy often brings him to her arms : in them she oft does the lov'd shadow seem to grasp , and joys , yet blushes too in dream . she wakes , and long in wonder silent lies , and thinks on her late pleasing extasies : now likes and now abhors her guilty flame , by turns abandon'd to her love and shame : at length her struggling thoughts an utt'rance sind , and vent the wild disorders of her mind . " ah me ! ( she cries ) kind heaven avert ! what means " this boading form , that nightly rides my dreams ? " grant 'em untrue ! why should lewd hope divine ? " ah! why was this too charming vision seen ? " 't is true , by the most envious wretch that sees , " he 's own'd all fair and lovely , own'd a prize " worthy the conquest of the brightest eyes : " a prize that wou'd my high'st ambition fill , " all i could wish ; — but he 's my brother still ! " that cruel word for ever must disjoyn , " nor can i hope , but thus , to have him mine . " since then i waking never must possess , " let me in sleep at least enjoy the bliss , " and sure nice vertue can't forbid me this : " kind sleep does no malicious spies admit , " yet yields a lively semblance of delight : " gods ! what a scene of joy was that ! how fast " i clasp'd the vision to my panting breast ! " with what fierce bounds i sprung to meet my bliss , " while my wrapt soul flew out in every kiss ! " till breathless , faint and softly sunk away , " i all dissolv'd in reeking pleasures lay ! " how sweet is the remembrance yet ! though night " too hasty fled , drove on by envious light . " o that we might the laws of nature break ! " how well could caunus me an husband make ! " how well to wife might he his byblis take ! " wou'd god! in all things we had partners bin " besides our parents and our fatal kin : " wou'd thou wert nobler , i more meanly born , " then guiltless i despair'd and suffer'd scorn : " happy that maid unknown , whoe're shall prove " so blest , so envied , to deserve thy love . " unhappy me ! whom the same womb did joyn , " which now forbids me ever to be thine : " curst fate ! that we alone in that agree , " by which we ever must divided be . " and must we be ? what meant my visions then ? " are they and all their dear presages vain ? " have dreams no credit but with easie love ? " or do they hit sometimes and faithful prove ? " the gods forbid ! yet those whom i invoke , " have lov'd like me , have their own sisters took : " great saturn and his greater off-spring iove , " both stock'd their heaven with incestuous love : " gods have their priviledge ; why do i strive " to strain my hopes to their prerogative ? " no , let me banish this forbidden fire , " or quench it with my blood , and with 't expire : " unstain'd in honour , and unhurt in fame , " let the same grave bury my love and shame : " but when at my last hour i gasping lie , " let only my kind murderer be by : " let him , while i breath out my soul in sighs , " or gaze't away , look on with pittying eyes : " let him ( for sure he can't deny me this ) " seal my cold lips with one dear parting kiss . " besides , 't were vain should i alone agree " to what another's will must ratifie : " cou'd i be so abandon'd to consent , " what i have pass'd for good and innocent , " he may perhaps as worst of crimes resent . " yet we amongst our race examples sind " of brothers , who have been to sisters kind : " fam'd canace cou'd thus successful prove , " cou'd crown her wishes in a brother's love . " but whence cou'd i these instances produce ? " how ' came i witty to my ruine thus ? " whither will this mad frenzy hurry on ? " hence , hence , you naughty flames , far hence be gone , " nor let me e're the shameful passion own . " and yet shou'd he address i shou'd forgive , " i fear , i fear , i shou'd his suit receive : " shall therefore i , who cou'd not love disown " offer'd by him , not mine to him make known ? " and canst thou speak ? can thy bold tongue declare ? " yes , love shall force : — and now methinks i dare . " but lest fond modesty at length refuse , " i will some sure and better method chuse : " a letter shall my secret flames disclose , " and hide my blushes , but reveal their cause . this takes , and 't is resolv'd as soon as said , with this she rais'd her self upon her bed , and propping with her hand her leaning head : " happen what will ( says she ) i 'le make him know " what pains , what raging pains i undergo : ah me ! i rave ! what tempests shake my breast ? " and where ? o where will this distraction rest ? trembling , her thoughts endite , and oft her eye looks back for fear of conscious spies too nigh : one hand her paper , t'other holds her pen , and tears supply what ink her lines must drain . now she begins , now stops , and stopping frames new doubts , now writes , and now her writing damns . she writes , defaces , alters , likes and blames : oft throws in haste her pen and paper by , then takes 'em up again as hastily : unsteady her resolves , fickle and vain , no sooner made , but strait unmade again : what her desires wou'd have she does not know , displeas'd with all what e're she goes to do : at once contending , shame and hope and fear wrack her tost mind , and in her looks appear . sister was wrote ; but soon mis-giving doubt recals it , and the guilty word blots out : again she pauses , and again begins , at length her pen drops out these hasty lines . " kind health , which you and only you can grant , " which , if deny'd , she must for ever want ; " to you your lover sends : ah ! blushing shame " in silence bids her paper hide her name : " wou'd god! the fatal message might be done " without annexing it , nor byblis known , " e're blest success her hopes and wishes crown . " and had i now my smother'd grief conceal'd , " it might by tokens past have been reveal'd : " a thousand proofs were ready to impart " the inward anguish of my wounded heart : " oft , as your sight a sudden blush did raise , " my blood came up to meet you at my face : " oft ( if you call to mind ) my longing eyes " betray'd in looks my souls too thin disguise : " think how their tears , think how my heaving br●ast " oft in deep sighs some cause unknown confest : " think how these arms did oft with fierce embrace , " eager as my desires , about you press : " these lips too ( when they cou'd so happy prove , " had you but mark'd ) with close warm kisses strove " to whisper something more than sisters love : " and yet , though rankling grief my mind distrest , " though raging flames within burnt up my breast , " " long time i did the mighty pain endure , " long strove to bring the fierce disease to cure : " witness the cruel pow'rs , who did inspire " this strange , this fatal , this resistless fire , " witness what pains ( for you alone can know ) " this helpless wretch to quench't did undergo : " a thousand racks , and martyrdoms , and more " than a weak virgin can be thought , i bore : " o'rematch'd in pow'r at last i 'm forc'd to yield , " and to the conqu'ring god resign the field : " to you , dear cause of all , i make address , " from you with humble pray'rs i beg redress : " you rule alone my arbitrary fate , " and life and death on your disposal wait : " ordain , as you think fit ; deny , or grant , " yet know no stranger is your suppliant . " but she , who , though to you by blood allied " in nearest bonds , in nearer wou'd be tied . " let doating age debate of law and right , " and gravely state the bounds of just and fit ; " whose wisdom 's but their envy , to destroy " and bar those pleasures which they can't enjoy : " our blooming years , more sprightly and more gay , " by nature were design'd for love and play : " youth knows no check , but leaps weak vertues fence , " and briskly hunts the noble chase of sence : " without dull thinking we enjoyment trace , " and call that lawful , whatsoe're does please . " nor will our guilt want instances alone , " 't is what the glorious gods above have done : " let 's follow where those great examples went , " nor think that sin , where heaven 's a precedent . " let neither aw of father's frowns , nor shame " for ought that can be told by babbling fame , " nor any gastlier fantom , fear can frame , " frighten or stop us in our way to bliss , " but boldly let us rush on happiness : " where glorious hazzards shall enhance delight , " and that , that makes it dangerous make it great . " relation too , which does our fault increase , " will serve that fault the better to disguise ; " that lets us now in private often meet " bless'd opportunities for stoln delight : " in publick often we embrace and kiss , " and fear no jealous , no suspecting eyes . " how little more remains for me to crave ! " how little more for you to give ! o save " a wretched maid undone by love and you , " who does in tears and dying accents sue ; " who bleeds that passion she had ne're reveal'd , " if not by love , almighty love compel'd : " nor ever let her mournful tomb complain , " here byblis lies , kill'd by your cold disdain . here forc'd to end , for want of room , not will to add , her lines the crowded margin fill , nor space allow for more : she trembling , folds the paper , which her shameful message holds ; and sealing , as she wept with boading fear , she wet her signet with a falling tear. this done , at trusty messenger she call'd , and in kind words the whisper'd errand told : " go , carry this with faithful care , she said , " to my dear , — there she paus'd a while , and staid , and by and by — brother — was heard to add : as she deliver'd it with her commands , the letter fell from out her trembling hands , dismay'd with the ill omen , she anew doubted success , and held , yet bad him go . he goes , and after quick admission got to caunus hands the fatal secret brought : soon as the doubtful youth a glance had cast on the first lines , and guest by them the rest , strait horror and amazement fill'd his breast : impatient with his rage he could not stay to see the end , but threw 't half read away . scarce could his hands the trembling wretch forbear , nor did his tongue these angry threatnings spare : " fly hence , nor longer my chaf'd fury trust , " thou cursed pander of detested lust ; " fly quickly hence , and to thy swiftness owe " thy life , a forfeit to my vengeance due : " which , had not danger of my honour crost , " thou 'dst paid by this , and been sent back a ghost . he the rough orders strait obeys , and bears the killing news to wretched byblis ●●rs ; like striking thunder the 〈…〉 gs stun , and to her heart quicker 〈…〉 t'ning run : the frighted blood forsakes her gastly face , and a short death does every member seize : but soon as sense returns , her frenzy too returns , and in these words breaks forth anew . " and justly serv'd ; — for why did foolish i " consent to make this rash discovery ? " why did i thus in hasty lines reveal " that dang'rous secret , honour wou'd conceal ? " i shou'd have first with art disguis'd the hook , " and seen how well the gawdy bait had took , " and found him hung at lest , before i strook : " from shore i shou'd have first descri'd the wind , " whether 't would prove to my adventure kind , " e're i to untry'd seas my self resign'd : " now dash'd on rocks unable to retire , " i must i' th' wreck of all my hopes expire , " and was not i by tokens plain enough " forewarn'd to quit my unauspicious love ? " did not the fates my ill success foretel , " when from my hands th' unhappy letter fell ? " so should my hopes have done , and my design , " that , or the day should then have alter'd bin ; " but rather the unlucky day ; when heaven " such ominous proofs of its dislike had given : " and so it had , had not mad passion sway'd , " and reason been by blinder love misled . " besides ( alas ! ) i shou'd my self have gone , " nor made my pen a proxy to my tongue ; " much more i could have spoke , much more have told , " than a short letters narrow room would hold : " he might have seen my looks , my wishing eyes , " my melting tears , and heard my begging sighs ; " about his neck i could have flung my arms , " and been all over love , all over charms ; " grasp'd and hung on his knees , and there have dyed , " there breath'd my gasping soul out if denied : " this and ten thousand things i might have done " to make my passion with advantage known ; " which if they each could not have bent his mind , " yet surely all had forc'd him to be kind . " perhaps he whom i sent was too in fault , " nor rightly tim'd his message , as he oug●● , " i fear he went in some ill-chosen hour , " when cloudy weather made his temper lour . " not those calm seasons of the mind , which prove " the fittest to receive the seeds of love . " these things have ruin'd me ; for doubtless he " is made of humane flesh and blood like me ; " he suck'd no tygress sure , nor mountain bear , " nor does his breast relentless marble wear . " he must , he shall consent , again i 'le try , " and try again , if he again deny : " no scorn , no harsh repulse , or rough defeat " shall ever my desires , or hopes rebate . " my earnest suits shall never give him rest , " while life , and love more durable , shall last : " alive i 'le press , till breath in pray'rs be lost , " and after come a kind beseeching ghost . " for , if i might , what i have done , recall , " the first point were , not to have don 't at all ; " but since 't is done , the second to be gain'd " is now to have , what i have sought , attain'd : " for he , though i should now my wishes quit , " can never my unchaste attempts forget : " should i desist , 't will be believ'd that i " by slightly asking , taught him to deny ; " or that i tempted him with wily fraud , " and snares for his unwary honour laid : " or , what i sent ( and the belief were just ) " were not th' efforts of love , but shameful lust. " in fine , i now dare any thing that 's ill ; " i 've writ , i have solicited , my will " has been debauch'd ; and shou'd i thus give out , " i cannot chast and innocent be thought : " much there is wanting still to be fulfill'd , " much to my wish , but little to my guilt . she spoke ; but such is her unsetled mind , it shifts from thought to thought , like veering wind , now to this point and now to that inclin'd : what she could wish had unattempted been , she strait is eager to attempt agen : what she repents , she acts ; and now le ts loose the reins to love , nor any bounds allows : repulse upon repulse unmov'd she bears , and still sues on , while she her suit despairs . finis . a satyr upon a woman , who by her falshood and scorn was the death of my friend . written in the year , 1678. london , printed for io. hindmarsh , 1681. a satyr upon a womam , who by her falshood and scorn was the death of my friend . no she shall ne're escape , if gods there be , unless they perjur'd grow and false as she ; though no strange judgment yet the murd'ress seize to punish her , and quit the partial skies : though no revenging light'ning yet has flasht from thence , that might her criminal beauties blast : though they in their old lustre still prevail by no disease , nor guilt it self made pale . guilt , which blackest moors themselves but own , would make through all their night new blushes dawn : though that kind soul , who now augments the blest , thither too soon by her unkindness chas'd : ( where may it be her smallest and lightest doom , ( for that 's not half my curse ) never to come ; ) though he , when prompted by the high'st despair , ne're mention'd her without an hymn or prayer , and could by all her scorn be forc'd no more than martyrs to revile what they adore . who , had he curst her with his dying breath , had done but just , and heaven had forgave : though ill-made ●aw no sentence has ordain'd for her , no statute has her guilt arraign'd . ( for 〈◊〉 , womens scorn , and doctor 's 〈◊〉 , all by a 〈◊〉 way of murder kill . ) though she from justice of all these go free , and boast perhaps in her success , and cry , 't was but a little h●●●●less perjury : yet thinks she not she still secure shall prove , or that none dare avenge an injur'd love : i rise in judgment , am to be to her both witness , judge , and executioner : arm'd with dire satyr , and resentful spite , i come to haunt her with the ghosts of wit. my ink unbid starts out , and flies on her like blood upon some touching murderer : and shou'd that fail , rather than want , i wou'd like hags , to curse her , write in my own blood . ye spiteful pow'rs ( if any there can be , that boast a worse and keener spite than i ) assist with malice , and your mighty aid my sworn revenge , and help me rhime her dead : grant i 〈…〉 infamy , so plain , so deeply grav'd on her , that she , her skill , patches , nor paint , all joyn'd can hide , and which shall lasting as her soul abide : grant my rank hate may such strong poison cast , that every breath may taint , and rot and blast , till one large gang'rene quite o'respread her fame with foul contagion , till her odious name spit at and curst by every mouth like mine , be terror to her self and all her line . vil'st of that viler sex , who damn'd us all ! ordain'd to cause and plague us for our fall ! woman ! nay worse ! for she can nought be said but mummy by some devil inhabited : not made in heavens mint , but basely coin'd , she wears an humane image stampt on fiend ; and whoso marriage would with her contract , is witch by law , and that a meer compact : her soul ( if any soul in her there be ) by hell was breath'd into her in a lye , and its whole stock of falshood there was lent , as if hereafter to be true it meant : bawd nature taught her jilting , when she made , and by her make designed for the trade : hence 't was she daub'd her with a painted face , that she at once might better cheat and please all those gay charming looks that court the eye , are but an ambush to hid treachery ; mischief adorn'd with pomp and smooth disguise , a painted skin stuff'd full of guile and lyes , within a gawdy case , a nasty soul , like t — of quality in a gilt close-stool : such on a cloud those flatt'ring colours are , which only serve to dress a tempest fair . so men upon this earths fair surface dwell , within are fiends , and at the center hell : court-promises , the leagues which states-men make with more convenience and more ease to break , the faith a jesuite in allegiance swears , or a town-jilt to keeping coxcombs bears , are firm and certain all compar'd with hers : early in falshood , at her font she lied , and should even then for perjury been tried : her conscience stretch'd , and open as the stews , but laughs at oaths , and plays with solemn vows , and at her mouth swallows down perjur'd breath , more glib than bits of lechery beneath : less serious known when she doth most protest , than thoughts of arrantest bustoons in jest : more cheap than the vile mercenariest squire , that pli●s for half-crown f●es at westminster ; and trades in staple oaths , and swears to hire : ●●ss g●●lt than hers , less b●●●ch of oath and word has stood alost , and look'd through 〈◊〉 ●ancebo●●d ; and he that trus●s her in a death-bed-prayer , has 〈◊〉 to m●rit and save any thing but her . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 her gilt d●scription does out go , 〈…〉 it out-strip my curses too ; curses , which may they equal my just hate , my wish , and her desert , be each so great , each heard like prayers , and heaven make 'em fate . first for her beauties , which the mischief brought , may she affected , they be borrow'd thought , by her own hand not that of nature wrought : her credit , honour , portion , health , and those prove light and frail as her broke faith and vows : some base unnam'd disease , her carkass foul , and make her body ugly as her soul. cankers and ulcers eat her till she be shun'd like infection , loath'd like infamy . strength quite expir'd , may she alone retain , the snuff of life , may that unquench'd remain , as in the damn'd to keep her fresh for pain : hot lust light on her , and the plague of pride on that , this ever scorn'd , as that denied : ach , anguish , horror , grief , dishonour , shame pursue at once her body , soul and fame : if e're the devil-love must enter her ( for nothing sure but fiends can enter there ) may she a just and true tormenter find , and that like an ill-conscience rack her mind : be some diseas'd and ugly wretch her fate , she doom'd to love of me , whom all else hate . may he hate her , and may her destiny be to despair , and yet love on and die ; o●●o invent some wittier punishment , may he to plague her , out of spite consent ; may the old fumbler , though disabled quite , have strength to give her claps , but no delight : may he of her unjustly jealous be for one that 's worse and uglier far than he : may's impotence balk and torment her lust , yet scarcely her to dreams or wishes trust : forc'd to be chast , may she suspected be , share none o' th pleasure , all the infamy . in fine , that i all curses may complete ( for i 've but curs'd in jest and rallied yet ) whate're the sex deserves , or feels , or fears , may all those plagues be hers , and only hers ; whate're great favourites turn'd out of doors , sham'd cullies , bilk'd and disappointed whores , or losing gamesters vent , what curses e're are spoke by sinners raving in despair : all those fall on her , as they 're all her due , till spite can't think , nor heaven inflict anew : may then ( for once i will be kind and pray ) no madness take her use of sense away ; but may she in full strength of reason be , to feel and understand her misery ; plagu'd so , till she think damning a release , and humbly pray to go to hell for ease : yet may not all these suff'rings here atone her sin , and may she still go sinning on , tick up in perjury , and run o' th' score , till on her soul she can get trust no more : then may the stupid and repentless die , and heaven it self forgive no more than i , but so be damn'd of meer necessity . finis . errata . page 2. line 19. read there , p. 4. l. 16. r. it , p. 7. l. 1. r. an , p. 25. l. 3. r. curse , p. 30. l. 2. r. title , p. 35 , l. 18. r. bantring , p. 44. l. 14. r. meals , p. 46. l. 2. r. line , l. 9. r strow'd , p. 47. l. 5. r. natives , p. 48. l. 19. r. numbers . p. 49. l. 2. r. made , l. 8. r. write , l. 14. r. shamelesness , p. 5● . l. 1. were is wanting , p 59. l. 8. r. unknowing ▪ p. 94. l. 7. r. maniples , p. 9. l 7. r. vile , l. 8. r. with , p. 98. l. 3. r. mortality , l. 5. r. thrice cursed , p. 99. l. ● . r. goodly , l. 14. r. to providence , p. 100. l. 2. r. heretofore disgusted , p. 101. l. 7. r. iilt , l. 14. r. though , p. 102. l. 8. r. humane kind , l. 11. & 1. r. known , l. 14. r. reach'd , p. 104. l. 6. r. beards , l. 14. r. on , p. 105. l. 2. r ruines , l. 4. r. varnish with her , l 13. r. quiet and , l. 15. r. too combin'd , p. 106. l 8. r. project , p. 107. l. 5. r. defie , l. 8. r. dull unbred fools , l. 15. height of spirit , l. 16. mean soul'd offenders , l. 17. debauches , p. 108. l. 3. r. ev'n iove , l. 15. r. impiety , p. 109. l 3. r. carian , l. 4. monarchs , l. 10. r. spite , p. 110. l. 3. r. to his , l 11. pitch is wanting . p. 111. l. 4. r. around , l. 7. r. grown , l. 9. thy act , p. 112. l. 5. r. great'st in hell , l. 8. r. examples , l. 11. r. unknown , unheard , unthought of , l. 12. r. methinks , p. 113. l. 2. r. stock for company the wide plantations down , l. 17. r. that sin'd , l. 18. r. crime , p. 114. l. 5. r. he begot , p. 115. l. 11. r. her speak . p. 117 l. 9. thought is wanting . l. 18. r. the base itch , p. 118. l. 10. r. a genius , l. 15. r. by 't , l. 16. r. he 'd shoot his quills , next l. r. them , p. 119. l. 1. p●inted is wanting . l. 3. r. and all should think him heav'ns . anti-coton, or, a refutation of cottons letter declaratorie lately directed to the queene regent, for the apologizing of the iesuites doctrine, touching the killing of kings : a booke, in which it is proued that the iesuites are guiltie, and were the authors of the late execrable parricide, committed vpon the person of the french king, henry the fourth, of happie memorie : to which is added, a supplication of the vniuersitie of paris, for the preuenting of the iesuites opening their schooles among them, in which their king-killing doctrine is also notably discouered, and confuted / both translated out of the french, by g.h. ; together with the translators animaduersions vpon cottons letter. 1611 approx. 146 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 47 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19434 stc 5861.2 estc s1683 21469213 ocm 21469213 24020 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19434) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 24020) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1708:5) anti-coton, or, a refutation of cottons letter declaratorie lately directed to the queene regent, for the apologizing of the iesuites doctrine, touching the killing of kings : a booke, in which it is proued that the iesuites are guiltie, and were the authors of the late execrable parricide, committed vpon the person of the french king, henry the fourth, of happie memorie : to which is added, a supplication of the vniuersitie of paris, for the preuenting of the iesuites opening their schooles among them, in which their king-killing doctrine is also notably discouered, and confuted / both translated out of the french, by g.h. ; together with the translators animaduersions vpon cottons letter. plaix, césar de, d. 1641. du moulin, pierre, 1568-1658. du coignet, pierre. du bois-olivier, jean, d. 1626. hakewill, george, 1578-1649. [6], 76, [6] p. printed by t.s. for richard boyle, and are to be solde at his shop in the blacke fryers, london : 1611. dedication signed: p.d.c. attributed variously to cèsar de plaix, jean dubois, pierre du moulin, and pierre du coignet--cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). translated by george hakewill? marginal notes. signatures: a-l⁴. reproduction of original in the harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng coton, pierre, 1564-1626. -lettre declaratoire de la doctrine des pères jesuites. henry -iv, -king of france, 1553-1610. jesuits -controversial literature. 2002-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 chris scherer sampled and proofread 2002-11 chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion anti-coton , or a refvtation of cottons letter declaratorie : lately directed to the queene regent , for the apologizing of the iesuites doctrine , touching the killing of kings . a booke , in which it is proued that the iesuites are guiltie , and were the authors of the late execrable parricide , committed vpon the person of the french king , henry the fourth , of happie memorie . to which is added , a supplication of the vniuersitie of paris , for the preuenting of the iesuites opening their schooles among them : in which their king-killing doctrine is also notably discouered , and confuted . both translated out of the french , by g. h. together with the translators animaduersions vpon cottons letter . london , printed by t. s. for richard boyle , and are to be solde at his shop in the blacke fryers . 1611. to the qveene regent . may it please your maiestie : in as much as it is the common opinion , as well of your owne subiects at home , as of strangers abroad , that the iesuites were the workers of that damnable parricide , which striking to the heart of our deceased king ( whom god absolue ) hath stricken to the very throate of fraunce it selfe : and thereupon the iesuites complaine that they are wrongfully dealt withall , and that these reports are spread by their enemies , thereby to make them odious to the world : i thought it necessarie to make appeare to your maiestie the originall causes of this aspersion cast vpon them , to the end that if it be found to spring from sure and vndoubted grounds , your maiestie may from thence coniecture , whether it may stand with the safeguard of the present king , your sonnes life , to suffer these holy fathers to approach neere his person : as also whether it may be done without holding your subiects in continuall alarmes , and de●iances one of another . for if it were forbidden by moses law ( as father cotton hath obserued , in his epistle dedicatorie , ) to seeth the kid in the milke of the damme ; much more vnlawfull must it needs be , to deliuer the sonne into hands already imbrewed in the bloud of the father . i desire not to be beleeued without euident proofes , and professe withall , that i am no way transported with passion against their persons , nor would at all bee drawne to speake or write against them , if after the maner of other monkes and fryers , they would be content to bound themselues within the lists of instructing the people , and managing the affaires of the church : but that which i now speake , is not the suggestion of heretiques , but the testimonie of your highest courts of iustice , the consent of the greatest part of your clergie , and among them , euen of the sacred facultie of diuinitie , and in a word , the common vniuersall out-crie of all your people : all which , notwithstanding , would willingly haue learned the arte of forgetfulnesse with father aubigny , and beene content to mourne without speaking a word , were it not that wee see the murthering of princes become a custome , and that if your maiestie put not to your hand to stop it betimes , treason will shortly stand in the rancke of christian vertues , and be helde the fairest and shortest way to heauen . if then your maiestie please for a while to lay aside your important affaires of state , and to peruse this ensuing discourse , you shall finde , i doubt not , in this case the voyce of the people , the voyce of god : whom i beseech to make the flower de lice to flowrish vpon your sonnes head , and to poure downe vpon your maiestie , all possible happinesse . your maiesties most humble and obedient subiect , p. d. c ▪ an advertisement to the reader . reader , meruaile not that the author of the worke puts not to his name : it may iustly be imputed to the iniquitie of the times , in which it is hard to vtter the truth , and not thereby to procure enemies : notwithstanding , if there be any that will vndertake the answering of it from point to point ( which i hold impossible , such is the cleere euidence of truth ) the author promiseth to reioyne vpon the same subiect , and withall to discouer his name : for hee hath both courage and countenance enough to maintaine himselfe , and his cause against the malice of his aduersaries , and the troublers of the publike peace . a refvtation of father cottons declaratorie letter to the queene regent . that the doctrine of the iesuites approues and maintaines the parricide of kings , and the rebellion of subiects . chap. i. that we may take all rubs out of the way , and fully cleere the doubt in question : it will not proue vnnecessarie to search out , and discouer the dependances of the matter in hand , till wee arise to the head-spring it selfe . wee finde it registred in the french history , that in the yeare 1407. lewes duke of orleans , brother to king charles , the sixt of that name , the 22. of nouember in the twilight , was slaine by assassinates , hired to that purpose by iohn duke of burgundie , who then contested his right to the regencie against the said duke of orleans : but the duke of burgundie being no way able to inuent any colourable varnish for the shifting off the fact , grew bolde to maintaine in the presence of the princes of the bloud , and officers of the crowne , that what was acted by his command , was honourable and iust ; and thereupon set a worke iohn petit doctor of diuinitie , by birth a norman , who publikely defended , that both by the law of god and man , as well canon as ciuill , it was lawfull for any man to make away a tyrant , and that by any meanes ; whereupon the matter was so carried , partly through feare of violence , and partly by strength of perswasion , that the course of iustice for that time was stopt , and nothing done . at that time there liued in paris , iohn gerson chancellour of the vniuersitie , a man of no meane learning , ( as that age afforded , ) who strongly opposed himselfe to the fore-mentioned proposition of iohn petit , insomuch that not long after a generall councell being held at constance , gerson was imployed thither as ambassadour from charles the sixt , hauing in his instructions expresse charge to propose that conclusion to the fathers of the councell , by them to be further discussed and censured : where both parties being indifferently heard what could be obiected on either side , the councell in their fifteenth session , condemned the opinion of iohn petit as hereticall , the canon begins thus : quilibet tyrannus , &c. plainely defining that it no way rightfully fals within the compasse of the subiects reach , to set vpon the person of his soueraigne , vnder pretence of curbing a tyrant . this erroneous doctrine hauing beene now a long time quenched as it were , and buried by the authoritie of this councell , is now againe enlightened and set a foote by the iesuites , but vnder the cloake and colour of religion , that is to say , when it shall be iudged necessarie to make away a king for the good of the church : to this purpose they haue published diuers discourses , in which they permit and incite the subiect to kill his soueraigne , when his regall power degenerates into tyrannie . peter ribadenera a spanish iesuite venteth this doctrine , in a booke which he hath written of religion , and the vertues of a prince , speaking thus of the parricide of iames clement : for as much as the resolution which henry the third tooke vpon him , was the aduise of a politician , and a machia●elist , not conformable to the rules of our sauiour ; behold the reason , that by the iust iudgement of god , the said henry was made away by the hand of a simple young monke , and dyed by the stroke of a knife . carolus scribanius a flemish iesuite , who by an anagrammatisticall inuersion of letters , cals himselfe , clarus bonars●ius , hath written a booke , which he entitules , amphitheatrum honoris : in which hee stoutly maintaines the same murthering position . lib. 1. cap. 12. where he thus speakes : if it so fall out that a denis , or a machanidas , or an aristotimus , monsters of their ages , oppresse fraunce , shall not the pope haue power confidently to encourage against them some dion , or timoleon , or philopoemen ; that is to say , tamers , and quellers of tyrants ? and a little after speaking of a tyrant wasting fraunce , what ? will no man take armes against that beast ? will no pope set free that noble kingdome from the stroke of the axe ? where obserue , that he speakes not in that passage of an vsurper , but of a lawfull king , who vnlawfully vseth his power . bellarmine in his second booke against the king of england , condemneth treason and conspiracie against princes , but in such captious and ambiguous termes , that vpon the matter he seemes to approue it , and incite men vnto it , by commending the iesuite garnet , that being acquainted with the conspiracie against the king of england , by the confessions of the traytors , he would not disclose it , his words are these ; wherefore was henry garnet , a man vnmatchable in all kindes of learning and holinesse of life , so punished in the highest degree , but onely because hee would not detect that , which with a safe conscience hee could not ? see then here the doctrine of the iesuites , which is this : that if a man disclose vnto them his purpose to kill the king , he ought to conceale it , and rather suffer the king to be killed , and the kingdome to be ruined , then to breake vp the seale of confession : an opinion which the sorbon holds not , it being of the law of god to be loyall to our soueraigne , and of the law of nations to hold the receiuer of stolne goods as guiltie as the theefe , and in the case of treason equally to punish the vndertaker and the concealer , as being both principall , an offence of that nature admitting no accessorie . the same iesuite bellarmine , and together with him , the whole troupe of that societie , generally defend , that the pope hath power to dispose of kingdomes , to bestow them as he shall see fit , on whom it shall please him , and to stir vp the subiects to rebell against their prince , by vnloosing them from their sacred bond of allegiance : his words are these , in his sixt chapter and fift booke , de pontifice romano : the pope may dispose of kingdomes , taking them from one , and giuing them to another , as being the supreame prince ecclesiasticall : and the iesuite gretzer in his booke entituled ; vespertilio haeretico-politicus , pag. 159. we are not such dastards , that we feare openly to affirme , that the pope of rome may , if necessitie so require , free his catholike subiects from their oath of fidelitie , if their soueraigne handle them tyrannically : nay , the same man addes in the same place , that if the pope doe it discreetly and warily , it is a meritorious worke . consider here this new and vnknowne kinde of merit , by raising sedition , and commanding disloyaltie , from whence must necessarily issue , attempting vpon the person of the prince : for in such a rebellion it is to be presumed that the prince will take armes to safeguard himselfe , and oppose force to force , which cannot possibly be done , without manifest hazard of his life . tolet in his first booke of the instructions of priests , and 13. chapter , affirmes , that subiects are not bound to keepe vnuiolate their oath of allegiance to an excommunicate person : and againe , an excommunicate person cannot exercise the act of iurisdiction : which rule if we admit as true , we must consequently hold that henry the third was no king ; and he which killed him , killed no king. mariana , another spanish iesuite , hath set forth a booke , de rege & regis institutione , first printed at toledo , by peter roderigo , in the yeare 1599. and and since againe at mentz , by balthasar lippius in the yeare 1605. in the sixt chapter of this booke , after hauing commended iames clement , hee addes , that he had beene instructed by diuines , with whom he consulted in that point , that it was lawfull to kill a tyrant : and thereupon describing how the young frier gaue the deadly blow , hee cries out ; insignem animi confidentiam , facinus ●●emorabile ! o excellent confidence of spirit ! o memorable fact ! and a little after speaking of the same murtherer , amidst the blowes , and the wounds which he receiued , he continued full of comfort , as hauing redeemed with his bloud , the liberty of his country , and hauing ●lai●e the king , he purchased himselfe great renowne , in expiating the death of the duke of guise , ( treacherously made away ) by shedding the bloud royall ; thus dyed clement , being about twenty foure yeares of age , a young man , of nature gentle , not tough of body , but that a higher power actuated his vigor and courage . thus speakes this iesuite , and in the same chapter speaking of a lawfull king , to whom the subiects haue passed their oath of allegiance , hee sayes : if he peruert the religion of the land , or if he draw the common enemie into his country , he that labouring to satisfie the publike desire , shall assay to kill him , shall in my iudgement , not doe vniustly . in the chapter following , hee steppes yet one degree farther ; in which hee allowes the poysoning of a tyrant as iust and lawfull : notwithstanding it is worth the while to marke the nicenesse of the man , and how precisely those of his hayre obserue their cases of conscience : for fearing least by poysoning the tyrants meate or drinke , hee should by that meanes be enforced to make himselfe away , mariana brings this remedie : for mine owne part ( saith hee ) i would vse this moderation , not to constraine him ( whom i purpose to doe away ) to take the poyson himselfe , which might presently disperse it selfe through his inwards , and so kill him , but that some other lay the poyson so , that hee who is to dye , no way concurre in the taking of it ; which may be done , when the poyson is so strong , that a chaire , or a garment being annoynted with it , may worke vpon the body which sits on the one , or weares the other : which is a cunning , i finde the kings of the moores haue often vsed : such is the pietie of the iesuite , who makes vs disciples to the moores . this booke of marianaes is commended by gretzer the iesuite , in his vespertilio , alleadged once already , where hee affirmes , pag. 160. that mariana is traduced , as hauing written that it was lawfull to kill any prince who disobeyes the pope : sithence hee maintaines , that a lawfull prince , who disobeyes the pope , notwithstanding ought not to be made away by any priuate man , if sentence be not pronounced against him , or that it be not demanded by the voyce of the people , or that the consent of learned men runne not that way : but note this by the way , that by the definitiue sentence , he vnderstands the iudgement of the pope ; and by the approbation of learned men , the aduise of iesuites : and touching poyson laid vpon a garment or chaire , the iesuite gretz●r pag. 162. approues simply marianaes position , and complaines that mariana is vniustly accused , for hauing affirmed , that a tyrant ought to be poysoned , seeing he maintaines the contrarie , affirming , that a tyrant cannot lawfully be made away by poyson if himselfe take it , and apply it to himselfe , which cannot be auoyded when his meate or drinke is poysoned , so that labouring to blanch marianaes opinion , in the end he fals vpon the same himselfe . clarus bonars●ius in the 13. chapter of his amphitheater , likewise commends this mariana , both for the stile and the matter , and wisheth that all ages should reuerence him , what ? ( saith he ) what age shall not reuerence those graue and learned writings of mariana , his piercing phrase , the neatnesse and loftinesse of his narrations , the plentifulnesse of his wit , together with stuffe commendable alike ? and to the end that it may be knowne , that this position of mariana is not the opinion of a few iesuites , on the fore-head of the booke you shall finde an approbation & permission from their generall aquauiua , and stephanus hoyeda visitour of their societie in the prouince of toledo for the printing of it ; in which grant , these words may farther be obserued : these bookes of mariana haue beene approued by graue and learned men of the order of iesuites : whence it appeares , that howbeit the generall of their order were ouertaken ( as father cotton would make vs beleeue ( ( forging letters as from the said aquauiua , out of his owne braine , ) yet so it is , that their visitour and doctors who had the examining and censuring of the whole worke , before it went to the presse , could not possibly be ouer-seene . what should wee presse this point any farther ? some foure moneths before that execrable parricide committed vpon the person of the good king deceased , the very same consistoricall act , by which the arrest against iohn chastel , and mounsieur thuanus his historie were censured at rome , suspended also another book of marianaes , which treates of ●oynes , not medling at all with this booke which approues the murdering of kings , which makes mee thinke , that his holinesse being busied about other affaires , was circumuented by the cunning of the iesuites ( who dominiere at rome ) for otherwise hee would surely as i thinke , rather haue censured this booke , which plainely teacheth murther and parricide . this booke of mariana being first printed at toledo , was brought into fraunce , about eight yeares since , and shewed ( the most seditious passages being marked out ) to his maiestie , who calling father cotton to him , asked him if hee approued that doctrine or no ? the iesuite who bends with all occasions , and knowes well enough how to fashion himselfe to the times , replied , that he approued it not ; wherevpon his maiestie ▪ by the aduise of mounsieur seruin his aduocate generall , vrged cotton to write agains● it , but he found meanes to excuse himselfe , and auoid the taske , as well perceiuing that he could not oppose himselfe against it , but withall hee must of necessitie oppugne the generall of their order , the prouinciall of toledo , and a many of their societie , who had their fingers in approuing of it ; but now when he sees that through the death of the king , the iesuites are growne into a generall distaste , and perceiues himselfe to be pinched by the court of parliament , and the sorbon , he hath published an epistle dedicatorie , in which he would seeme forsooth to condemne mariana , which hee performes indeede , but in such mincing gentle termes , that a man may without spectacles perceiue , he feares to launce too deepe , onely affirming , that it was the lightnesse of a soaring quill , in stead of accusing the person of heresie and perfidious barbarous treason , and the doctrine of impietie , and enmitie against god and man : but howbiet hee had reached home in reprouing mariana , yet now ( as the abbot of boys hath well obserued ) the medicine comes after the patient is deceased : for had he done as he ought , hee should then haue put pen to paper when the king pressed him to it , and not suffered such an opinion to roote it selfe in the mindes of the people , which for want of weeding out at the first , at length growing vp , cost the king his life within a fewe yeares after : but let vs passe to some other examples . there are yet at this day left aliue in paris aboue two thousand witnesses , who vpon their credit will testifie that iames clement ordinarily frequented the iesuites , and that some of them accompanied him euen to the towne ditch , when he departed out of paris to strike the blow , and some three moneths after , was published at paris a speach of pope sixtus , made in full consistorie , the 11. of september , 1589. in which the assassinate of iames clement , is paraleld with the mysteries of the incarnation , and resurrection , and the exploits of eleazer and iudith : and after hauing set on the tenter-hooks the vices of the slaine king , he addes : for these a●d the like manifest tokens of impenitencie , we decree that his exequies shall not be solemnized . concluding with a prayer to god , that it would please him graciously to accomplish that which mercifully he had begun : this speach was imprinted at paris by nicholas neuil , and rollin thierry , printer to the holy vnion , together with the approbation of three doctors , boucher , decreil , ancelin : not that i can beleeue , that such impious speaches could drop from the lips of our holy father , but rather take it to be a meere imposture : the iesuites and other doctors of the same feather , hauing forged it , there by to make the murther allowable , and to incite some other to the dispatching of the succeeding king. at the same time iohn guignard a iesuited priest , residing in paris , at the colledge of cleremont , wrote a treatise in the praise of iames clement , together with diuers motiues for the making away of the succeeding king , who last dyed ; which since too manifestly appeared at the arraignment of the said guignard : for behold how god wrought , as the commissioners were busied at the arraignment of iohn castel , some of them , deputed to that purpose , with-drawing themselues to the colledge of cleremont , seased vpon many papers , among which was found a booke written by the hand of the said guignard , containing many arguments and reasons to proue that the murther of the king was iust and lawfull , together with diuers inductions , and incitements for the making away of his successour : some of which i will here set downe , being copied out of the original , which is yet to be seene among the records of the court : first , that the ●ruell nero was slaine by clement , and the counterfaite monke dispatched by the hand of a true monke . secondly , that the heroycall act of iames clement , tearmed by diuines a gift of the holy ghost , was iustly commended by burgoin , prior of the iacobins , confessour and martyr , and that by many reasons , as well at paris , when he read there vpon iudith , as also before the worthy parliament of tours . thirdly , that the biarnois , howbeit conuerted to the catholike faith should be handled more gently then he deserued , if he had set on his head a monasticall crowne : that if hee could not be deposed without warre , that it should be vndertaken against him , and if that might not be , he must be made away priuately . the court hauing perused these papers , and guignard being put to his answere , freely confessed that they were written by his owne hands : whereupon the court by an arrest executed the 7. of ianuarie 1595. declared the said guignard attainted and conuinced of high treason , condemned him to make honourable amends , naked to his shirt , the halter about his necke , before the chiefe doore of our ladies church in paris , and after this to be hung in the greue , and his body burnt . may it please the reader to make inquirie if euer as yet any iesui●e were heard of , who condemned this guignard of treason and disloyaltie : but on the other side , rich●ome in his apologie excuseth him as farre as he dare , affirming that guignard discussed the forementioned propositions onely by way , and in forme of scholasticall dispute , and in this wee agree : for i haue alwaies held it , that to kill a king is the vndoubted conclusion of the iesuits diuinitie : which position if any iesuite , eyther driuen to it by force of argument , or drawne to it by shame , any where condemne , it ariseth eyther from want of discretion , or learning , or some such ground . the which may from thence be made to appear in that the iesuites haue ranged guignard in the catalogue of their martyrs , which they haue caused to be printed at rome in two formes , in the one of which guignard is ; in the other he is left out , to the end that some copies at le●t , might be passable in france without danger : besides this , the iesuite bonarscius , chap. 8. of his amphitheater , extols this guignard to the skies , howbeit without naming him , for feare belike of offending the king , yet openly enough to decipher him , the words are these : i will passe thee ouer in silence , o bright star , cleerly shining both in heauen and on earth , the last expiation of an house , no more capable of sorrow , no day will euer be able to blot out the tincture of thy blood : and then presently addes ; all fraunce will concurre with me in these my vowes : which words are not applyable to any but guignard , who was a french iesuite , and the last that suffered in france . out of the same forge was shaped that detestable book , de iusta abdicatione henrici 3. of the iust degradation of henry the third . a booke whereof the authour is not certainely knowne , but onely that it was printed at lions , and beares in it forefront , the stampe of the iesuites . franciscus verona constantinus hath written an apologie for iohn chastel , which out-strips mariana in villany : for in his 2. chap. & 2. part , he plainly affirmes , that notwithstanding the decree of the councell of constance , it is lawfull for any priu●te man to murther kings and princes condemned of haeresie and tyrannie . now we see by the example of our two last kings , that at their pleasure they would make princes beleeue ( whom they purpose to make away ) that they are heretiques , or fauourers of them , if they set not their kingdomes in combustion by ciuil warres , thereby to giue aduantage to the inuasion of the spaniard , or send ayde to their neighbour princes , for feare of being vndermined by the house of austria . thus dealt the cyclope in homer , who finding no reason to misuse vlysses and his associates , and yet desirous to feede vpon them , would needes perswade them that they were pyrates . in the same apologie , hee commends the fact of iames clement , as being against a publike enemie iuridically condemned . the same author in his third chapter defends also the fact of iohn ch●stel in this manner ; that in striking at henry of bourbon , his intention was not to kill the king , howbeit he called himselfe king , sithens hee had nothing left but the appearance of a king , as being of the blood royall : adding thereunto , that henry of bourbon could not be called king , no not since his reconcilement to the catholike church . emanuel sa in his aphorismes of confessions , at the word clericus , affirmes , that the rebellion of a clarke against the king is no treason ; in as much as he is not subiect to him . bellarmine in his 28. chapter de clericis , speaks in a maner the same ; the pope of rome hath exempted clarks from subiection to princes ; kings are now no more superiours of clarkes . consider here a little their cunning ; if you demand , whether it be lawfull for a subiect to kil his king , or to rebel against him vnder pretence of being a tyrant ; vpon this demand , the iesuites fearing to speake too roughly , and thereby become odious , in affirming that a clark may kil the king ; they affirme that clarks are not subiect to princes , and from thence draw this conclusion , that being so , they cannot be held guilty of treason , since that he against whom they conspire , is not their master or lord. garnet the iesuite , with hall his companion , otherwise known by the name of oldcorne , were executed in england for tampring in the pouder treason : garnet being apprehended vpon the deposition of one of the conspirators , constantly , and with oathes affirmed that hee knew nothing of the plot , whereupon the commissioners perceiuing that they gained nothing by threats , bethought themselues of another course , which was this : they lodged hall in a chamber next adioyning to garnet , and wished the iaylor to tender to garnet all courteous offices , and withall to giue him notice that his companion hall was placed in the next roome , and that there was a little hole in the middle wall , by meanes of which they might , if they thought good , enterchange conference , which they daily did : in the meane time ▪ the iaylor sets some in a close corner not farre off , to listen what their talke was , who ouer-hearing them , by that meanes brought their secrets to light , which they discouered in this conference betweene themselues , but had before denied to the iudges : hereupon garnet being againe conuented before the court , and finding himselfe discouered , confessed indeed that he vnderstood of the enterprise , but it was opened to him in confession , which he could by no meanes vnseale , there were also produced witnesses , who deposed , that in a sermon which he made to the catholiques , he exhorted them to pray god , that an important and dangerous businesse , which was then in hand , might haue an happy successe for the catholique church . being then demanded , wherefore hee had so constantly forsworne that which now proued to be true , he made answere , that being demanded , if hee were acquainted with the plot , he told them indeed that he knew nothing of it , but that hee vnderstood in his minde this restriction , i knew it not to tell you , and thereupon was brought to confesse , that he had published a booke of equiuocations , prescribing therein the meanes to cosen the iudges by doubtfull answers , and by ambiguities to auoide the intent of their interrogatories . in behalfe of this venerable father garnet , a iesuite named iohn l' heureux , but disguising his name in an hyrogliphicall forme , cals himselfe andreas eudaemon-iohannes cydonius , hath very lately written an apologie , printed at colen , by iohn kinke , anno. 1610. together with the approbation of the generall of their order , aquauiua , and three other of their doctors , where he maintaines it tooth and naile , that it is lawfull to deceiue the iudges by equiuocations , and also that a priest , for any cause whatsoeuer , though the life of the king , and the safetie of the state stand to the stake for it , ought not to reueale any confession . vpon the first point behold his words pag. 38. when any man is drawne ▪ into question vnder an vniust tryall , no man standing bound to informe against himselfe ( as the law of nature teacheth vs plainely , ) he may peremptorily and freely denie that for which he is called into question , without any tergiuersation , because he alwaies vnderstands this clause , vt tenear dicere . here note by the way , that he stiles the iustice of the kings of england , exercised vpon the iesuites , an vniust iurisdiction , as if they stood not obliged to appeare at their command . martinus nauarus aspilcueta a spaniard by birth , and trained vp in the ●ame schoole , hath written a booke purposely of equiuocations : in which , pag. 352. he deliuers this doctrine : that it is lawfull for a man to dissemble his being a catholike , and in another place allowes the answere of him as good , who being demanded by the seriants if a murtherer whom they pursued , were not passed that way , thrusting his hand into his s●eeue , protested that he passed not that way . and in the end addeth , that the doctrine of equiuocations , is founded vpon the memorable example of s. francis , which is without all doubt a grosse iniurie offered to the vertue and piety of that holy father , by fathering vpon him the coyning of such kinds of abhominable lying and cousening . the fore-named andreas eudemon-iohannes cydonius , in his 40. pag. targets himselfe with the authoritie of siluester , in the 5. accusation , & 13. question , where he thus writes : when the iudge doth not proceede iuridically , the arraigned being not simply subiect to him , either in this case , or for some other reason ; vpon such termes , howbeit lying be vnlawfull , yet it is not a mortall sin , it being not against that which wee owe to iustice and true iudgement , but only against that which is vsurped : nay , we hold it not a veniall sin , if in answering warily , or as they terme it , sophistically , he vtter somwhat which is false according to the apprehension of the iudge , but not in his owne meaning , for that in this case , sithence he is not his subiect , he is not bound to speake the truth , according to his vnderstanding . here wee must remember , that by iudgemēt , which is not rightful , but vsurped vpō those who are not subiects , he means the passing of the iudgmēt of the ciuil magistrate vpō ecclesiastical persons , & chiefly iesuites , who are no way subiect to bishops . the iesuite tolet in his fourth booke of the instructions of priests , chap. 91. speakes thus : if the offence be secret , vpon which thou art demanded , thou maist then vse equiuocation , answering , i know it not , with this reseruation to the selfe , to tell it you ; or thou maist answere , i did it not , vnderstanding , at this present . the ancient ari●n heretiques chalked out this way long since to the iesuites : for nicephorus in the eight booke of his historie , chap. 51. saith , that arrius , hauing subscribed to the confession of the nicene councell , had another confession hid in his bosome , which himselfe had written , and therevpon confidently swore to the emperour , that hee did beleeue as hee had written , vnderstanding thereby the writing which hee had wrapt vp in his bosome . by the vertue of this doctrine , a man may denie his religion , his faith , his god , and all , telling the iudge , that he beleeues not in iesus christ , but with this mentall reseruation , to tell you : and saint peter denying iesus christ to the maide , might well haue shifted himselfe by the helpe of this sophistrie , saying ; i know him not , but softly to himselfe , to tell you . by this subtiltie the iesuites haue found a tricke , how to stirre vp instruments to assault the sacred persons of princes , and withall to instruct them in the meanes not to disclose their complices , perswading them that they may keepe their conscience safe , by such and such equiuocations , as to denie , that they neuer saw it , or heard of it ; alwayes prouided , that they keepe to themselues some secret limitation or condition , by which they may free themselues from the imputation of a lye , and not offend their conscience . this is it which makes the parricides of kings , so confidently to forsweare themselues in the face of the court , being taught by their spirituall guides , that in so doing , if they reserue some other meaning in their owne mindes , it offends not god at all . and from hence it ensues , that a man cannot fixe any certain beliefe vpon father cottons protestation , in disauowing mariana : for who knowes , whether hee haue not some reseruation locked vp in his owne breast ? or who can tell whether in saying , i condemne marianaes bookes , he vnderstands not for not hauing said enough : or thus , a priuate man cannot lawfully attempt vpon the life of the prince , speaking thus to himselfe , except the pope giue way to it , or the king be excommunicated , or be no true king ; but such , or such , is no true king , because he doth this or that , &c. but to conclude this point , as in contracts heretofore among the ancient romaines , their women were compelled to renounce the villeian decree , and the authentique si qua mulier : in like maner , father cotton if he would haue vs giue credit to his declaration , he ought first to haue renounced his priuiledge of lying , and vsing equiuocation ; and yet i feare , that in this very abrenuntiation , hee would haue vsed some other ambiguitie and craft . the other point maintained by iohn l' heureux is , that henry garnet and his companions , hauing vnderstood of the conspiracie against the life of the king and his whole race , ought not to reueale it , but keepe it close : he deliuers it in these termes , pag. 262. of his apologie : adde hereunto the scandall which catholiques would conceiue , if a priest , a iesuite , being consulted in a case of conscience , and that in the most religious act of confession , ( the most sacred mysterie among catholiques , ) should informe against one , who comes to craue aduise : for to whom would they afterward addresse themselues to be resolued in their scruples of conscience ? or whom can they trust , if they finde no faithfulnesse in priests ? and in the 290. pag. a thing sealed vp with the most holy signet of confession , cannot be broken vp without detestable sacriledge : his 13. chapter entire is spent about this subiect , in which at length he comes to this passe , to affirme , that there cannot fall out so great a mischiefe , for the auoiding of which , it can be lawfull to bewray a confession . the iesuit suares sayes the same in effect in his treatise of pennance : * yea , though the safety of the whole common-wealth should stand vpon it . of late dayes since the death of the last king , father fronton iesuite , though lesse seditious then the rest , accompanied with another iesuite , came not long since to the kings librarie at the cordeliers , and there finding mounsieur causabon , the keeper of it , they fell into dispute with him vpon this theame , fronton maintaining it stoutly , that hee would rather all the kings in the world should perish , then that he would reueale one confession . how then ? shall a sonne rather suffer his father to be slaine , then acquaint him that such or such lye in ambushment to kill him , though he haue receiued it vnder the seale of confession ? or shall a iesuite rather suffer his king and country to swimme in bloud , then open a confession ? yea , but will some man reply , the confessor must be faithfull to his penitentiaries : it is true , but i say also , that he ought to be obedient to his god , and loyall to his soueraigne : god commanding vs to be faithfull to him , to whom we haue solemnly sworne allegiance ; and if wee looke into those sacred tomes of holy writ , we shall meet with store of passages which enioyne vs loyaltie and obedience to kings , but not so much as a fillable of enioyning secrecie after confession : it is a precept which the church onely hath put vpon vs , but with this caution , that it be not preiudiciall to the commandements of god , or that vnder the pretence of secrecie we turne traytors , and by our perfidious silence become the cause of the murthering of our father or our king , which is , as if i espying one who hastning to set fire on his brothers or neighbours house , should quietly suffer him to doe it , because i had promised to disclose it to no man. no certainly , wee must beleeue that on the contrarie , rather the breach of such manner obligations is more praise-worthie in it selfe , and pleasing to god : for hee that can preuent a mischiefe , and yet suffers it to passe , was euer held as guilty . and surely for none other reason is it , that homer in the very entrance of his iliads tels vs ; that the rage of achilles against agamemnon , slew many valiant men , and gaue their carkasses as prayes to the dogges . and hence it is , that in the romaine lawes , such kinde of patience is as farre forth lyable to punishment , as the principall acte it selfe : which rule hath it place and truth , not onely in common crimes , but most especially in treason , as the lawyers teach . and to the end that no marianist may obiect that the founders of those lawes were pagans , the popes themselues haue euer heretofore maintained the same to be iust , in like case together with the whole rabble of canonists , adding their reason , that there is a great presumption of secret intelligence and corespondence betweene the delinquent and the conniuent . the iesuite then , and cardinall bellarmine , take the wrong pigge by the eare , in labouring to iustifie garnet and oldcorne , as if they had well done , especially since they might easily haue brought the matter to light without accusing any body , by writing a word or two to warne the king to looke to his person , or to search vnder the parliament house , and by that meanes might the conspiracie haue beene discouered , and not the confession . the source and spring of all this mischiefe , ariseth from that vowe which the iesuites take to obey their superiours , that is to say , the generals of their order ( who of necessiti● ought alwayes to be subiect to the king of spain ) as also to their other gouernours , and that with a simple , absolute vnlimited obedience , not such as enquiring why or wherefore , which themselues call an obedience not of will onely but of iudgement , or a blinde obedience . there is a little pamphlet , entituled , regulae societatis iesu , which themselues haue caused to be printed at lyons anno 1607 ▪ by iiques roussin , in the end of which they haue set a long epistle of ignatius loyola●s , the spanish souldier , patron and founder of their sect : in which the said ignatius , page . 254. layes downe these rules to his societie : entertaine the command of your superiour in the same sort , as if it were the voyce of christ : and a little after , hold this undoubted , that all which your superiour commands , is none other then the commandement of god himselfe , and as in beleeuing those things which the catholique faith proposeth , you are presently carried with all the strength of your consent : so for the performance of all those things which your superiour commands , you must be carried with a certaine blind imp●tuosity of will , desirous to obey without farther inquiring why or wherfore . and to the end that they might not finde any escape by the word quodā , certaine impetuositie , other passages there are in the same epistle , where that word is forgotten ; as where he sayes , perit caelebris illa obedientiae caecae & simplicitas . for in as much as those things which the superiours command , might sometimes seeme vniust and absurd , this saint ( though not yet canonized ) commands the iesuites so to captiuate their vnderstanding , that they sift not the commands of their superiours , after the example of abraham , who prepared euen to sacrifice his sonne at the commandement of god , and of abbot iohn , who watered a dry logge of wood a whole yeare together , to none other purpose but to exercise his obedience ; and another time put himselfe to the thrusting downe of a great rocke , which many men together were not able to moue , not that he held them things either vsuall or possible , but onely that hee would not disobey the command of his superiour . this rule then consequently drawes to this issue , that if the chiefe of the iesuites order , among whom their general is alwaies subiect to the king of spaine , command a young french iesuite any thing whatsoeuer , he stands bound instantly to put it in execution , without so much as casting an eye vpon the danger or difficulty of it , or any way respecting how dammageable it might proue , either to himselfe or the state . a maxime which if it be held as sound , our kings shall no longer be secure of their liues , then the heads of the iesuits command their vnderlings nothing to the contrarie : for it being once commanded , they are forbidden to enquire if the thing be iust , the matter giuen them in charge , shall be sure to carrie the name of the good of the church , and be grounded vpon a satisfaction for some enormious sinnes , or vpon the hope of being crowned martyr , and obtaining in heauen some preheminence aboue the ordinarie . this vow is also the cause , that the iesuites are exempt from the obedience of bishops , for it had beene a matter meerely impossible to obey their superiours in all things , if the bishops had had power to correct or hinder that which the superiours should command . some one it may be will tell me , that these things are indeede cleere enough , and the testimonies sufficient to settle any mans iudgement in discerning the doctrine of the iesuites : but whence comes it to passe ( then will some body here obiect ) that in some places they condemne the murthering of kings , and maintaine that a subiect ought not to attempt vpon the person of his soueraigne , howbeit he be viciously giuen and abuse his power : to which i answere , that the opinion indeede of some of the iesuites is , that a subiect ought not to rebell against his soueraigne , although he be an heretique or a tyrant , before the sentence of depo●ition be pronounced by the pope , or by some of the most learned , among which the iesuites euer suppose themselues to stand in the first degree , and that by expresse declaration the subiect may be vnloosed from his oath of allegiance , as the iesuite andreas eudemon-iohannes teacheth at large , in the third chapter of his apologie for henry garnet : but they also generally hold , that after sentence of deposition , which is commonly procured at the instance of these holy fathers , such or such a king is no longer king , and that another ought to supply his roome , and that his subiects owe him no obedience at all . this point is at large demonstrated by the same iesuite in the same chapter , and we haue already made it cleere , that the same is also the doctrine both of ballarmine and gretzer . nay , france it selfe hath by experience sensibly felt the smart of it , to her great misery and grieuance . now this is it which i affirme , that whosoeuer maintaines that the pope can at his pleasure alter kingdomes , displacing one , and setting vp another , and exempt the french from their oath of allegiance , consequently maintaines that the french in such a case ought to kil their king : for a man may well thinke that a king from whom offer is made to snatch away his kingdome , will take armes to maintaine his right , and labour to reduce his subiects to loyaltie , who stand armed against him : now in such a warre , and among so many rebels , it is impossible that the prince should not r●nne in hazard of his life , since that in defending himselfe he is resolute not to loose his kingdome , but with the losse of his life : these be the nicities of the iesuites , by which they euchant men ; they protest solemnly that they allow not the murdering of kings , but herein lyes the craft , that they acknowledge none for kings but whom themselues please , and maintaine that to kill a king , whose gouernment they cannot brooke , is not to kill a king , but a man ( as they say ) masked vnder that title . but yet marke here another mischiefe , by which they are plainely conuict to be enemies to our kings : for the french could neuer yet be brought to acknowledge , that the crowne of fraunce depended from the holy sea , or that the pope might giue it too , or take it from whom hee thought fit , and neuer approued the canon alius , which is to be found , causa . 15. decret . quest . 6. and runnes thus in plaine termes : zachary the pope of rome deposed the french king , not so much for his witkednesse , as for that he was vncapable of so great a power ; and h●●th set pippin , father to charles the emperour in his roome , and absolued all french men from their oath of allegiance . by vertue of which canon the pope attributes to himselfe power , to remoue the crowne frō the heads of our kings , without regarding whether they be here iques or catholiques ; whether of a vicious or innocent and vertuous life ; but onely if in his iudgement he finde them vnfit , and some other more capable of gouernment . whosoeuer maintaines this opinion , withall cannot but hold that our kings are meerely tit●larie , and that their crowne is held at the mercy and disposition of the pope . but the iesuites hold that the pope cannot erre in doctrine , and thereupon maintaine all and euery article which he teacheth , whereupon consequently it followeth , that the pope in pronouncing this decree , hath spoken nothing but the truth . i will adde hereunto yet one point more touching the doctrine of the iesuites , which may giue vs a fuller taste of their humour . at garnets arraignement among other matters which he confessed , he acknowledged that catesby the ring-leader in the conspiracie , was touched with remorse of conscience , because that the time drawing neere for the acting of the plot , hee considered that in blowing vp the parliament house , he must needes together with the heretiques make away many innocent catholiques ; now to be resolued of this scruple , hee addresseth himselfe to garnet , and demaunds of him whether in doing to death the bad , a man might with a safe conscience make away the good also that were found among them : garnet to this question thus replies , that hee should make no doubt but that he might iustly murtherboth the one and the other , prouided alwaies that it aduanced the good of the catholique church . is it possible to finde a more desperate rage then this , which to kill kings spareth not the dearest bloud both of brothers and friends ? and this i report not onely from the testimonie of garnets arraignement , but from the confession of those iesuites , who since his death haue written discourses in his commendation : for the apologie of garnet , composed by iohn l' heureux , and approued by their generall aquauiua , and three other of their doctours , confirmes the same , and offers to make good this fact of garnet , pag. 103. and 265. he confesseth moreouer , that garnet in his publique prayers , in a catholique assembly , exhorted the people to pray vnto god , for the good successe of an enterprise , which was to be executed at the opening of the parliament : and pag. 269. he confesseth , that the iesuite hall being apprehended and put to his answere , that wee were not to iudge by the vnfortunate successe of the enterprise , of the iustnesse of the cause . and pag. 273. he acknowledgeth , that the rebels hauing taken armes after the enterprise was discouered , the iesuite hamond in stead of perswading them to disarme themselues , and lay aside their weapons taken vp against the king , gaue them all absolution . againe , page . 275. he affirmeth , that all that were of the powder treason , were men of very tender and scrupulous consciences . the same apologie page . 310. witnesseth that the iesuite garnet in certaine letters of his , resoluing to hazard his life for the catholique cause , speakes thus ; it is necessarie that one man die for the whole people : applying to his owne person those speeches which caiaphas inspired by the holy ghost prophesied , touching the redemption of the world by the death of our sauiour . at the arraignement of the same garnet hee confessed to the commissioners deputed to examine him , that hee had offered sacrifice vnto god , for the hindering of the enterprise ; yet with this restriction , if it were not profitable for the catholique church ; hereupon the apologie labours to excuse him in these words : garnet approued not the fact , but loued the euent : as if a man should say , that hee approued not the murdering of the king , and his family , but yet was glad that it was done : these are the windings and turnings of the iesuites , ready to say and vnsay the same thing in the same line . these were the heroycall exploits for which garnet and oldcorne , iustly executed as traytors , are by b●llarmine stiled by the honourable name of martyrs , as also by the apologist , approued as i haue said before , by their generall of their order , aquauiua , and three of their doctors , and thereupon they are ranged in the catalogue of the iesuites martyrs , lately printed at rome : a copie of which is to be seene and sold , at the palace in the prisoners gallerie , and that since the death of the king. from hence then let the kings and princes of christendome duely con●ider , in what suertie they can liue hereafter , since the people is instructed by these doctors , to seeke the glory of martyrdome in the villanie of murther ; and let all good catholiques be moued with iust griefe , that the sac●ed name of martyr , so much honoured in the primitiue church , should now a dayes be giuen to bloudy barbarous parricides , and disloyall traytors . i passe ouer my iudgement to what purpose that distinction tends , which the iesuites make of two sorts of catholiques , naming the one true catholiques , and the other state catholiques : for these latter , howbeit they accord in all points of faith with the romaine church , yet are they not esteemed of them but as demie catholiques , because forsooth they will not be as factious as they are , nor approue treason and rebellion , a distinction which without all peraduenture will breede a schisme in the church of god , if his mercy preuent it not . these accusations which wee haue mustred together in this chapter , sufficiently witnesse , that mar●ana hath not alone stragled out of the way , but that all the iesuites vpon this matter erre with him , whom father cotton cannot iustifie in generall , without giuing satisfaction to the particular obiections drawne out of other bookes , as expresse for the murthering of kings as that of marianaes . chap. ii. wherein the same thing is further proued by the facts of the iesuites . wee haue already sufficiently proued by the writings of the iesuites , that it is an opinion generally currant among them , that it is lawfull euen for priuate men to kill kings : now wee come to demonstrate the same in their actions , the horrible effects of a detestable doctrine . it may from thence strongly be presumed that this mischieuous sect first set a foote this doctrine , in as much as before their arising , neuer a word was extant of attempting vpon the persons of kings , vnder pretence of religion : and beholde , since , two of our kings successiuely haue miscarried through the impression of this damnable perswasion ; and if some order be not soone taken against it , it will turne into custome . and we haue found by experience in fraunce how pernicious vnto a state this sect is , which comming out of spaine aboue fifty yeares since , yet could not the sweetnesse of the french ayre , qualifie the fiercenesse of their spirit vnto this day . a very strange thing , considering that heretofore euen lyons and tygers being brought vnto the temple of adonis in persia , were no sooner entred there , but that their rage and naturall cruelty was changed into such a gentlenesse as is almost incredible . and if it pleased the queene , and my lords the princes of the bloud , to enforme themselues throughly by my lords the presidents , and counsailors of the court , or by the aduocates and atturnies generall of his maiestie , of the proceedings taken against the iesuites , they shall finde this which followeth to be true , which wee haue drawne out of the arrests of the said court , and out of the interrogatories of the conuicted , which are yet kept in the office of the same court , namely : that in the yeare 1594. the 27. of december , iohn chastel , clarke , brought vp in the colledge of the iesuites , hauing giuen the late king a stab with a knife in the mouth , thinking to haue giuen it in the breast , was taken and committed to the prouost of the kings house , and brought into the bishops prison , where vpon an interrogatorie , he confessed , that long agoe hee had purposed in himselfe to giue this stab , and missing of his purpose , he would doe it yet if he could , being perswa●ded that it would be for the good of the catholique , apostolique , and romane religion . being brought from thence to the prison of the palace , hee was examined by the chiefe officers of the court , to whom he confessed amongst other things , that whereas he had a conceite that hee should be forgotten of god , and was certainly perswaded , he should be damned like antichrist , of two euils he made choise to auoid the worst , and being a damned person , hee had rather his damnation should be in a fourth degree then in an eight . being demanded where he had learned this new diuinitie , he made answere , that it was by philosophie . being asked whether he had studied diuinitie in the colledge of iesuites , he answered : yea , and that vnder father gueret , with whom he had continued two yeares and a halfe . being ( further ) asked whether hee had euer beene in the chamber of meditations , whether the iesuites vse to bring the greatest sinners ▪ there to behold the representation of many diuels , diuersly and fearefully shaped ( vnder colour of reducing them to a better life , ) thereby to cause a perturbation in their spirits , and consequently vpon such or such resolutions to push them forwards to the vndertaking of some great action . his answere was , that he had often been in this chamber of meditations . being demaunded whether the killing of the king were not matter of ordinarie discourse amongst those iesuites , made answere , that hee had heard them say , it was lawfull to kill the king , and that he was no member of the church , neither ought wee to obey him , nor hold him for ( our ) ▪ king , vntill hee had ( receiued ) approbation from the pope . during the foresaid proceedings , certaine of the lords of the court , came to the colledge of cleremont where the iesuites were , and ( there ) seazed on the papers of iohn guignard , amongst which there was found a booke composed in the praise of iames clement , who murthered henry the third , with exhortation to doe the like vnto hi● successour : out of which booke diuers clauses haue beene produced in the first chapter . the court vpon the sight of these writings , sent for guignard the author , who when his writings were shewed him , and himselfe examined thereupon , confessed that himselfe had composed them , and written them with his owne hand . and hereupon guignard by sentence of the court , was ( condemned and ) executed the 7. of the ianuary , 1595. by another sentence was peter gueret iesuite , the maister of iohn chastell condemned to perpetuall banishment , and all his goods seazed on , and confiscated vnto the king , with commandement for the erection of a pyramis before the great gate of the palace , with an inscription containing the causes why the iesuites were banished . in which ( inscription ) they are tearmed heretiques , troublers of the state , and corrupters of youth . which pyramis while it stood , if any did aske why it was set vp , many more now a dayes are ready to aske why it was puld down . a case like vnto this fell out at melun , the last of aprill . 1593. what time the processe criminall was made against peter barriere , who being apprehended vpon the intelligence of a fryer , an honest man and faithfull vnto the king , confessed that he came purposely vnto the court to make away the king , and that he had been incited hereunto by one varad● by name , a iesuite , whose daily practise was to defame the king with vile speeches . by the perswasion of this iesuite , the fore-said barriere had prepared a knife to doe the fear . about this he first of all asked the aduise of a●bry , curate of s. andrew des arts , to whom he made his purpose knowne , and afterwards betooke himselfe vnto varade , rectour of the colledge of iesuites , vpon the fore-said aubry his aduise . that the said varade confirmed him in his resolution to kill the king , and that by assuring him , that in case hee were apprehended and put to death , hee should obtaine in heauen a crowne of martyrdome . that the said varade adiured him vnto this action , vpon the sacrament of confession , and of communion of the body of our lord. it was also obserued , that when the late king was striken , their colledges being enuironed with a guard , certaine iesuits cried out at the doores of their chambers ; surge frater , agitur de religione : vp brother , vp , our religion is in danger . besides this , in the colledge of the said iesuites , there were found diuers theames giuen by the maisters of formes , the argument of all which was an exhortation to set vpon tyrants , and to suffer death constantly . it was also certified to betrue , that after paris was reduced vnder the kings obedience , the maisters of the colledge of iesuites , forbad their schollers to pray for the king. else-where informations haue beene made against alexander hayes , iesuite , borne in scotland , who taught openly that it was good to dissemble , and for a while to performe obedience vnto the king in shew . he was wont to say , iesuita est omnis homo . this iesuite was further charged to haue said , and that often , that he wished if the king came along by their colledge , he might fall out of the window vpon him , and breake his neck . for which cause by the sentence of the court , giuen the 10. of ianuarie , 1595. the saide hayes was condemned to perpetuall banishment ; and withall hee was wished to keepe himselfe out of the country , vpon paine of being hanged , without any other forme of arraignement . moreouer , the said fathers haue beene often conuicted for corrupting children , that so they might sende them into strange countries against the will of their fathers . as for instance , in the yeare 1595. the 10. of aprill , a iesuite , by name iohn the fayre , of the colledge of cleremont , did honourable pennance in the great chamber , during the audience , bare-head and bare-foote in a white sheete , holding in his hand a burning torch of two pound weight of waxe , and sentenced to professe and declare vpon his knees , that rashly and vnaduisedly hee practised to seduce francis veron , clarke , student in the vniuersitie of poictiers , to send him fo●th of the kingdome . and further , that he had indiscreetly reserued and kept with him lectures and treatises made by some of the said societie , which hee receiued and wrote out with his owne hand in the said colledge of cleremont , containing many damnable instructions to attempt against princes , and ( withall ) approbation and commendation of that detestable parricide , committed vpon the person of our king of most blessed memorie , henry the third . these are things so common and so well knowne , that who so should faine ought , or adde vnto it , cannot haue any hope to belieued ; and he must needes be accounted impudent that should denie them , the whole bodie of the court being witnesses of the truth of them . besides all this , there is no man that hath not by experience found , that the iesuites were neuer other then sworne enemies vnto our kings . for during these last troubles , which endeuoured to transport france into spaine , there were many of the religious persons found , and that of all orders , to ha●e taken the kings part , but there was no one iesuite found to be for him , vntil such time as for their crimes they were driuen out of the kingdome . in a word , the late king our prince , who neuer was afraide in warre , ( yet ) was afraide of these men in peace . my lord the duke of sully can testifie this , who perswading the king not to recall the iesuites , was answered by him , giue mee then securitie for my life . and if we step forth of the kingdome of france , we shall finde many examples of the like . in all the conspiracies against elizabeth the late queene of england , it was alwayes found that some iesuites or other had the tempering of them : and yet for all this they cease not to martyr her with wrongfull speeches after her death , prouoked hereunto by this , that shee suffered them not to murther her . bonars●ius the iesuite , in the first booke of his amphitheater , and fourth chapter , cals her , lupam anglican●m , the english wolfe . and the iesuite eudaemon-iohannes , in the 116. page . of his apologie for garnet , cals her sororis filiam , patris neptem : her sisters daughter , and her fathers niece . of late henry garnet , hall , surnamed oldcorne , hamond , iohn gerard , and g●inuelle , were found to be complices in that powder-mine , which was made vnder the house where the king with the states of the country were to assemble together . and for these the iesuite , iohn the h●ppy , hath writ an apologie : wherein hee confesseth that indeede they knew the intendment , but that they ought not to reueale it . it was found also that they had communication ( hereon ) by letters with bauldwin , the english iesuite , who ( then ) liued at bruxels : this iesuite was taken since as hee passed through the pals●raues country ; and we doubt not but that if he were but a little stretcht by the fingers , a man might learne strange misteries of him ; yea , & that he had some intelligence ( to ) with francis rauillac , who had been in flanders somewhat before his cursed enterprise . and if you passe into polonie , you shall finde that the iesuites doe absolutely possesse the king , and hauing as it were the tutorship of him , haue carried him vnto such violent courses , that the country by their meanes is risen vp against him , and he in great hazard of his kingdome . their factio●s humour is the cause that sueden is lost from the crowne of poland , and from the catholique church . for they haue moued the king of poland , to make warre vpon duke charles ( who now stiles himselfe king ) so by force to compell him to receiue the iesuites . neither is transyluania free . wee haue seene the letters of the baron of zerotin , dated the 2. of may last , wherein hee declareth how a lord of the country hauing a iesuite ( with him ) in his house , was by the same iesuite drawne to conspire the death of the prince of tran●yluania ; who being aduertised of the day ( appointed ) for the enterprise , went forth of the towne that day , giuing out that he went to hunt , and laid an ambush without the towne , wherein hee surprised the enterprisers , who followed after him to execute their intendment vpon him . he put them all to death , and the said iesuite was executed with the generall slaughter of his complices . the house of austria alone hath this priuiledge , ( as ) to be free from the conspiracies of this societie . of this family the princes liues are sacred and inuiolable vnto the iesuits : for the founder of their order , and the general of their societie being a spaniard , to whom they haue vowed a blinde obedience vnder oath , it is not to be feared in this respect , that euer they should be moued to enterprise ought against the kings of spaine , or against such as are of his house . and therefore it is not without cause , that the common-wealth of venice , ( whose wisedome of gouernment is to be admired ) hath driuen them out of venice , and out of all their dominions : they ( well ) perceiue that these men are creatures of bloud , and fire-brands of warre , whom they can better endure without , then within their country . for their last troubles had their beginning from the iesuites : for whereas the senate had discouered , that the iesuites by cunning fetches had gotten great store of legacies by will , and made themselues lords of much land , to the preiudice of the common-wealth : it was concluded by aduise in councell , to prohibite all clergie men thence forward to receiue any goods immoueable by testament , without leaue of the common-wealth : whereunto when other of the church submitted , the iesuites who opposed it , and wrought against it at rome , were for euer banished the state. and for these considerations it is , that the citie of orleans would neuer receiue them , albeit they haue much desired it and laboured it . they sent thither one of their companie to preach their lent sermons ; but the inhabitants were not very well satisfied : for instead of studying , he busied his braines in searching out and entertaining such as had yet in their hearts any ( remainder of the ) olde leauen of the league : by whose entercourse this iesuite set the report going , that the kings pleasure was , they should be established there . heretofore their talke was of driuing out the monkes of s. sampson , that they might get their church , and of displacing mounsieur , the marshall of chastres , gouernour of that citie , to get his house , making reckoning to ioyne it together with the houses in the way vnto the fore-said church . and besides all these preparatiues , hauing giuen the king to vnderstand , that the citizens of orleans did exceedingly desire their company , they did so importune his maiestie , that hee granted them to haue an house there , yet with this charge that the citizens should be drawne to consent vnto it . now when they were solemnly assembled together about this matter , one amongst them , touruille by name , a famous aduocate of the citie , a man of learning and iudgement , declared vnto them the inconueniences that might befall the citie if they did admit them , and by strong reasons made it good , that in france for a man to loue his king and the iesuites , were things that could not stand together . the chiefe officers of iustice following this first tune , and all the citizens concurring iointly in the same opinion , it was concluded , that they should not be receiued . this citie at other times hath drunk of the cup of rebellion , with many others , but sithens their reducing vnder obedience vnto the king , they haue at all times declared themselues most faithfull ; euen by their carriage in this last common affliction , as they haue declared more griefe then any other , so do they make the continuance of their obedience appeare by al maner of good works , more then any other . chap. iii. that the iesuites are guilty of the murther of our deceased king , henry the fourth . whosoeuer shall consider the crime of this wicked ( wretch ) rauillac , in euery part and circumstance of it shal easily perceiue that the iesuites had their fingers in the pie , and that the mischiefe came none otherwise then by their instruction . it is some fiue yeares since that at s. victors , there was a maide possessed with a diuell , whose instrument she was for the tel●ing of diuers things that seemed admirable . father cotton , either moued with curiositie , or grounding himselfe vpon the familiaritie he had with his spirits , tooke a iourney thither , to question with this spirit on diuers points which he had a desire to know . and to helpe his memory , hee wrote in a ticket the points whereon hee was to demand : amongst other points these were some : what should be the issue of the conuersion of mounsieur de la val : and of the enterprises against geneua : and of the continuance of heresie : and of the estate of madamoyselle acarie ; and about the life of the king. there were many like vnto these : but so it fell out , that father cotton , deliuering vnto mounsieur gill●t , counsailour , in in the great chamber a booke which he had promised him there , through some ouersight , left behinde him his memoriall , which falling by this meanes into the handes of the said m r. gillot , he communicated it vnto certaine others , and amongst others to my lord the duke of sully , and so the matter came abroad . had this fallen out at some other time , while some vigour of spirit yet remained in men , this had beene sufficient to haue entred an inditement against the iesuite ; it being a matter capitall for a man to enquire about the tearme of his princes life : ( and that ) not onely by the romane lawes , the authors whereof were pagans and idolaters ; but euen by the lawes of god , as we may read in the 18. chap. of deutronomie . and tertullian giues the reason of it in his apologe . ticus , to wit , that such a one hath imaginations against the princes life , that makes such inquirings about it . two yeares after this , so it fell that mounsieur de le forze , lieutenant for the king in bearne , by the intelligences which hee had from spaine , by reason of his neighbour-hood vnto it , was aduertised that a spaniard of such a stature , of such an hayre , and in such apparrell , departed such a day from barcelona , to go into france , with intendment to make away the king , by poyson or other meanes . well , this spaniard came to paris , addressed himselfe to father cotton , who brought him vnto the king , & gaue high commendations of him . a while after came the letters of monsieur de la forze : when the king had read them , hee sends ( forth ) to seeke father cotton , and shewes him the letters of mounsieur de la forze , and commands him to bring backe againe that same spaniard . father cotton answeres , he could not belieue it , and that the aduertisement was false : neuerthelesse , he would go seeke out the said spaniard , and bring him before his maiestie . whereupon he goes forth , and returning a good while after , hee tels the king , he could not finde him , and that hee was gone . to see clearely vnto the bottome of this , but a little good sight is too much . it is not aboue a yeare agoe that father cotton wrote vnto a prouincial of spaine diuers things which our king had vttered in secret , and reuealed in confession , and such as turned to the disgrace of his maiestie . the discouery whereof was the cause why hee continued in disgrace for the space of sixe moneths . neuerthelesse the late king ( through a clemencie ( that was ) fatall vnto his owne destruction ) forgaue him , and receiued him into fauour . but it may be remembred , how not many daies after , our young king being importuned by him , gaue him a gird , by such an answere as he well deserued , in these tearmes ; i will tell you nothing , for you will writo in into spaine , as you haue done the confession of my father . and to come neere the fact of rauillac : like as after the death of henry the third , a man might heare the iesuites preach sediciously , and exhort their auditors to do the like vnto his successor : and amongst others , father commolet , crying out in his sermons , we haue need of an ehud , be he a monke , or be he a souldiour , we haue need of an ehud . right so at lent last , might a man haue heard a iesuite , by name father hardy , son to one mercier , dwelling on nostre-dame bridge , preaching at s. seuerins , and saying , that kings heaped vp treasures to make themselues feared , but that there needed but a mattocke to kill a king. in witnesse whereof , i can produce mounsier le grand , and mounsier de la vau , counsailours of the court , who were present thereat , besides diuers others . at the same time father gontier preached so sediciously , and so iniuriously against the king , that mounsier the late marshall of ornano , as zealously affected vnto the catholique religion , as any man in france , being asked of his maiestie what hee thought of his sermons ; made answere to him , that if gontier had spoken as much at burdeaux , he would haue caused him to be throwne into the riuer . euery one from that time might prognosticate some great mischiefe , and the murmure was so great amongst true frenchmen , that my selfe falling on a time amongst good company , where some speach past between vs , one of them affirmed , that a iolly man of qualitie , called mounsier de la grange ▪ secretary to the prince of condy , would auouch to fathe● gontier ( s face , ) that whiles ( during these warres ) he remained prisone● at perigeus , the said gontier in presence of father saphore , rector of the colledge , did maintaine against the said de la grange , that it were a good deed to kill the king. yet this is not all : for to giue fire to the match at both ends , the iesuites by meanes of a person named guron , ( who makes shew of much deuotion ) would faine haue prescribed vnto the curates of the parishes in paris , a forme of preaching the very last lent , giuing them in writing sundry discourses tending to sedition . but diuers honest curates came to the duke of sully , beseeching him , that by his meanes they might speake with the king ; to whom they made their complaints , saying ; there were some that would prescribe them to preach things contrarie to their allegiance . the excessiue clemencie of this great king contented it selfe with making remonstrance hereof vnto father gontier ; yea , and to winne his heart , he made him his preacher , and gaue him a pension . like as before lightning a man shall heare some grumbling in the clouds : euen so , these preachings and seditious meetings were the forerunners of this great blow , that hath shaken this state in the person of so great a king , whose losse we lament now , but shall feele it much more in the time to come . adde hereunto the confession of rauillac , who iustified vnto father aubigny , that hee had told him in confession , that he had ben sent to giue a great stroke , and that hee shewed him the knife , hauing an heart grauen vpon it . but the said iesuite protested , that god had giuen him this grace , that so soone as ought was reuealed vnto him in confession , hee forgat it incontinently . the gallant saued his life by this : but had he beene in another countrey , hee would haue beene taught the art of memorie . they that haue sounded this rauillac , and haue beene present at his examination , may perceiue that the said parricide hath beene ( very ) throughly instructed in this matter : for in euery other point of diuinitie hee shewed himselfe most ignorant ; but in the question , whether it be lawfull to kill a tyrant ; he was well skilled in all manner of euasions and iesuiticall distinctions , as my lords the commissioners can testifie , the sieur coeffeteau doctor of diuinitie , and others , who had the examination of this rauillac in this matter . and this parricide being demanded what moued him to this attempt , told them more then once , what the causes were why it was requisite to kill the king , they might vnderstand by the sermons of the preachers . his meaning was , that he was induced hereunto be the sermons before mentioned . but ( more then this ) it was easie to perceiue that besides publike exhortations , he had ( withall ) receiued particular instructions at large , so well seene was hee in this argument . neyther is it a circumstance to be neglected , that father cotton , hauing obtained leaue to speake with rauillac in prison , amongest other things that he spake vnto him , this was one ; looke well to it , that you accuse not the innocent : fearing ( belike ) least hee should accuse the iesuites : but the cordeliers , carmelites , and other honest religious persons , who were not touched in conscience , they feared not lest any should accuse them . but whence was it , that at bruxelles and at prage where the iesuites dominiere , the kings death was spoken of ( some ) twelue , or fifteene dayes before it came to passe ? at roan diuers receiued letters from their friends at bruxelles , desiring to be informed whether the report that went of the kings death were true , albeit at that time it was not so . mounsieur argentier at troyes , receiued letters from the ●utor of his children at prage , wherein hee was aduertised that a iesuite had giuen it forth , that the king was dead before it fell out to be so , and withall had tolde them , that after his decease monsieur the dolphin should not be king , but the king of spaine , and that for the same reasons which father gontier gaue in his sermons at aduent and lent last . i may not omit the prediction of the prouost of petiuiers , ( who was found strangled in prison ) who being at petiuiers , two days iourney from paris , and playing at nine pinnes , amongst sundry of his friends , told them saying ; this day the king is either slaine ▪ or hath a blow . this prouost was in faction a iesuite , and had committed a sonne of his vnto them , who at this day is a iesuite . diuers haue obserued with what disdaine and generall indignation it was taken of euery one , to see the iesuites at the louure , the ( very ) morning after this abhominable assassinacie , looking with a smiling and pre●umptuous countenance , as who should say , all things went well for them ; and to be presented vnto the queene by mounsieur de la varenne , their benefactor and restorer ; and to haue that boldnesse in this common heauinesse and sorrow , so speedily to demand the ha●t of the poore deceased king , which they carryed away in a kinde of conquest , wherewithall they had done well to haue buryed also the tooth which iohn chastel , a disciple of theirs , strooke out some yeares since . but who did not wonder to see all the orders of religious persons assist the funerals of the king , and pertake of the common sorrow , sauing the iesuites ? who alone hauing receiued more good turnes of this good king , then all other ecclesiasticall persons put together , euen they alone vouchsafed not to accompany his body vnto the graue . which being obserued by diuers of the spectators , some said , the reason of their absence was , because they disdained all other orders : but the most iudicious , their opinion was , that it was no small part of their wisedome : and that tiberius and iulia , hauing procured the empoysoning of germanicus , in the publike mourning that was at rome , would not appeare openly , for feare least the people should discouer their sorrow to be but false and counterfai●e . after the kings death , they did what they could to keepe his purpose from taking effect , and to thwart such courses as he iudged to be for the good of the state. hee had resolued to send companies vnto cleues , for aide to the princes of germanie . since that , mounsieur the marshall of castres , generall of these forces , prepared himselfe for the iourney , when behold two iesuites who came to seeke him out , tolde him that he could not goe this voyage , not bring succour vnto heretiques with a good conscience , and fought to affright his conscience with threats , as that if he did this , hee could not be saued . but the said marshall giuing no credit vnto their words , within a while after , they come vnto him to change their language , and to appease him . chap. iiii. an examination of the declaratory letter of peter cotton . first of all , i say , that this letter being extorted ( as it is ) by necessitie , comes out of season , and doth not preuent the euill , but comes after it : for it should haue beene written against mariana when hee first peeped forth , and when the late king intreated father cotton to write against it . i say further , it is vtterly vnknowne to vs whether he speakes in earnest : in his letter , or whether according to the doctrine of his order , he vseth equiuocation , and suppresseth the one halfe of his meaning : or if he speakes in good earnest , who seeth not that his companions are not of his opinion , sith none of them hath subscribed his booke , nor approued it ? which yet had been most requisite in a matter so publike and of such importance . againe the authoritie of so many iesuites condemning the murthering of kings , is alledged by him in vaine : for all such passages of the iesuites are vnderstood of kings whom the pope and iesuites acknowledge for kings : but wee haue made it cleere in the former chapters by the authoritie of a great many iesuites , and by their actions , that when the iesuites do attempt vpon the life of any king , they make good their action by this , that such a one they doe not reckon to be a king , albeit he beares the name , in as much as he is excommunicated , or because hee is an enemie vnto the church : and in very deed this wretched rauillac , alledged this for the cause of his attempt , to wit , because the king would make war against the popr , and that the pope was god , and by consequence , that the king would make warre against god. and therefore the reuerend abbot of boyse , hath well obserued in his answere to father cotton , that whereas gregorie of valence , iesuite , saith ; it is no way permitted for a man to attempt vpon the life of his prince , albeit he abuse his authority ; yet he addes , if it be not done by publique iudgement . now all the iesuites maintaine that the iudgement of the generall of their order is a publique iudgement , and whereon they must rest ( themselues , ) as on the voyce of christ , as wee haue shewed before ; wee hold also the iudgement of the pope to be a publike iudgement . againe we haue formerly obserued that the apologie of eudemon-iohannes the iesuite , approued by their generall aquauiua , and of three doctors● of the iesuites , affirmes that iesuites doe no way approue the murthering of kings , notwithstanding they loue the euent : so that it serues to no purpose for father cotton to condemne him that murthered the king , if neuerthelesse he be glad for the euent , that is to say , for the death of the king. and in very deede , it is a fraudulent protestation that hee makes of approuing the decree of the councell of constance , where they condemne the proposition of iohn petit , and declare that it is not lawfull for a subiect to kill a tyrant : for the iesuites haue their euasion ready , and which is a truth , namely , that the councell of constance speaketh of such tyrants as are lawfull kings , and that they speake not of tyrants deposed by publike iudgement , and whose subiects are discharged and absolued of their oath of allegiance by the pope , nor of kings who are iudged enemies vnto the church . for if the iesuites shall vndertake to make away a king , they will easily finde ( out ) some reason ( or other ) to proue that he is no king at all , and by consequence that ( herein ) they doe nothing against the councell of constance , nor against those places which father cotton alledged out of the writings of the iesuites . that which father cotton addes , that this was the singular opinion of mariana , and not of all their order , hath beene disproued in the first chapter , by the approbation of a great many iesuites , whose names are in the front of marianaes booke , and by the bookes of sundry iesuites , who affirme the same that mariana doth ; yea , they commend him , and maintaine him : and the iesuite cotton ( himselfe ) doth so tenderly condemne him , that in his reprehensions of him , hee doth rather seeme to flatter him . as for that pretended decision , which hee would make vs belieue to haue beene made in a prouinciall congregation of the iesuites , wherein mariana was condemned by them : this seemes to mee , to marre their market , ●ith they haue concealed this decision hitherto , ) and would haue no man know it . did they feare to make french-men too well affected towards the preseruation of the king ? or did they feare to giue offence to the iesuites of spaine , by publishing their condemnation of mariana ? out of doubt it will be found that either any such decision was neuer made , or if it were , it was a matter of ( mere ) equiuocation , and ambiguous ( construction ) and this will be more easily belieued when a man shall come neare , and obserue the iesuites confession in this matter , which father cotton hath reduced to fifteene heads or articles , which are nothing but infoldings of words , and which declare the iesuites beliefe in such points whereof no man askes them any question : for behold , ( these are the points ) whereon wee would expect to heare the confession of their faith. i. whether when the superiour of the iesuites shall command them to vndertake against the king , they ought to obey him . ii. whether the pope can discharge subiects of their oath of allegiance made vnto their king. iii. whether a king being deposed by the pope , and excommunicated , is neuerthelesse a king , and whether the subiects are bound , neuerthelesse to performe obedience to him in things temporall after excommunication . iiii. whether in case some good catholique shall discouer vnto a iesuite in confession his purpose to kill the king , the iesuite ought to reueale this confession , or conceale it . v. whether the pope can giue and take away kingdomes , and at his pleasure transferre them : namely , whether the iesuites do approue that canon which ●aith , that the pope may take off the crowne from a kings head , albeit he be without blame . vi. whether kings are aboue clarkes : that is to say , whether the king hath authoritie ouer their goods , and ouer their liues , as much as ouer his other subiects . vii . whether faith giuen to the enemies of the church be to be kept . viii . whether a iesuite being accused of treason , and kept prisoner thereupon , may lawfully vse equiuocations in his answere . ix . whether to slay a mans enemies , it be lawfull for him to kill his friends . x. whether the rebellion of a cleargie man against the king be high treason . xi . whether a man can hate him that murthereth a king , and yet be glad for the euent . xii . whether garnet & oldcorne are martyres : and whether guignard were iustly condemned to death . these are the points , whereon all honest catholiques desire the iesuites might be catechised , and that it would please the queene regent , and my lords the princes of the bloud , the officers of the crowne , and lords of the counsaile , to commaund father cotton , and his companions to write their mindes clearely , and to set forth their confession , to the end these new impressions which enfeeble the authoritie of our kings , and hazard their liues , might be razed out of ( the mindes of ) the people , in stead of giuing vs articles which touch not the matter , and which ( withall ) are carried in obscure and doubtfull termes , like vnto the sword of delphos , which cuts on both sides . the first article is this : all iesuites ( saith hee ) in generall and in particular , are ready to seale euen with their owne bloud , that they haue not either in this matter or other , any other faith , doctrine and opinion , then that of the church of rome . herein he speakes against his conscience : for if all iesuites in particular are agreed in euery thing , it followes that cotton and mariana doe agree together , and that cotton doth not well to condemne him . whereas he saith , that all the iesuites are ready to subscribe , that in this matter they haue no other beliefe then the vniuersall church hath . i answere , that the iesuites may easily subscribe to any thing that a man would haue them , sith they haue their retention , and secre● conditions , which they reserue in their mindes : but i am well assured that the vniuersall church will not subscribe to any of those abhominable positions of the iesuites , which we haue formerly alledged out of their bookes , much lesse will it approue their actions . his second article is : that amongst all kindes of gouernments and administrations of common-wealths a monarchie is the best . to what purpose is this ? it is not necessarie that they who esteeme a monarchie to be better then a democratie , for this cause , must make scruple to destroy kings : or that they who desire● to kill the king , must haue an intention to change the forme of gouernment ; but only they desire another king , because he that liues mislikes them . the third article sauours altogether of the iesuites veyne , and of their termes , for therein is nothing but equiuocations , and mentall reseruations . it saith , that such as is the spirituall gouernment of the church , which relyes on the vicar of iesus christ , the succ●ssour of s. peter : such is the temporall of the state and kingdome of fraunce , that it determines in the person of the king , our soueraigne lord and maister . there is nothing spoken to the full in this , but with much dissimulation : for hee dares not affirme that the king is as simply absolute in his kingdome , as the pope in the church : for the iesuites alone maintaine that the pope can depose kings ; but they do not maintain that kings may depose popes : they hold that popes can discharge subiects of their obedience vnto kings ; but they do not hold that kings can dispense with christians touching their obedience vnto popes : they hold that the popes power reacheth vnto the temporalties of kings , either directly as some say , or indirectly as others say ; but they doe not belieue that kings haue any power either directly or indirectly , ouer the spiritualties or temporalties of popes : they hold that there are many persons in fraunce who are not lyable to tryall before the kings iudges ; but they do not hold , there is any man within th● territories of s. peter who is not triable before the officers of his holinesse : they hold that the pope can leuie money and rents vpon the ecclesiasticall reuenewes of the kingdome of fraunce ; but they doe not holde that the kings of fraunce can leuie any mony vpon the persons nor vpon the lands of italy , which are of the patrimonie of s. peter . for it is not credible that father cotton will oppose himselfe against cardinal bellarmine the iesuite , all the iesuites now adayes being his disciples and schollers , who in his fift booke , de pontifice romano , and sixt chapter , writes thus : the pope may change kingdomes , take them from one ▪ and bestow them on another , as the supreme prince spirituall , and when he shall finde it necessarie for the saluation of soules ▪ of whom also we haue formerly learned that kings are not aboue clarks . the same ( authour ) in the second chapter of his booke , of the exemption of the clergie , cals all kings and princes ingenerall , prophane men : and he holds in diuers places , that the power of secular princes , is but an humane institution , and is onely the worke of men . albeit the apostle in the thirteenth to the romanes , saith ; that there is no power but of god , and the powers that be , are ordained of god. and therefore it is no part of the iesuites beliefe , to account kings to be kings in such sort , as the pope is the head of the church , seeing they are not kings but by humane institution : but the pope is head of the vniuersall church by the institution of god. in a word , cotton speakes but with halfe a mouth , and by that which hee saith , it is impossible to apprehend what he beleeueth . and the same may be said of his other articles . the last article is a recrimination of those of the pretended reformed religion , sundry of whose books he saith are infected with this opinion , that it is lawfull for a subiect to make away his king. after this he addes ; i could note and specifie the places , alledge their words , were it not much better that they should remaine swallowed vp of the gulfe of forgetfulnesse . oh what matter of triumph here doth he giue vnto our aduersaries ? whose saying will be , that if father cotton had knowne those places , hee would not haue failed to bring them to light , and it had beene good to name the bookes , that they might be suppressed , and the authors punished if they were liuing . now hereupon i haue been moued in the humor of curiosity to cleare my selfe : and enquiring of some of the contrary religion , men not vnlearned , they haue answered mee , that indeede the councell of constance in the eight session , makes an enumeration of wickliffes heresies , and amongst other things accuseth him for being of opinion , that no m●n is a maister or lord in ciuill things , during his continuance in mortall sinne . againe , that people may at their pleasure correct princes that are faulty . and that buchanan an historian and scottish poet , in his booke , de iure regni apud scotes , speaketh ( indeed ) of handling kings roughly , and driuing them out , when they become tyrants . but the councell of constance slandereth wickliffe , not onely in this point , but also in diuers others : that this is no where to bee found throughout his writings : and that he was not present to answere for himselfe : that after the same slanderous maner , the same councell chargeth him to haue said , that god must● obey the diuell : that buchanan was no diuine : that amongst their doctors there are indeed found some free speeches against kings that persecute their churches , so farre as to say , that notwithstanding their wicked wils , they will not giue ouer to aduance the worke of god , and such like . but not so much as any one word is to be found of aduise to kill kings , nor so much as any one precept of rebellion . that luther writ indeed against king henry the eight of england , in most contemptuous sort and indiscreet termes : but that luther was none of his subiect , and that he neuer spake of killing kings , nor of rebelling against their soueraigne , and therefore that these examples are not to purpose . this i say , not that i rest satisfied with these iustifications , i leaue them as they are , but to stirre vp father cotton to speake more plainly vnto this point , for feare least our aduersaries should say , that they are accused without proofe , and without shewing wherefore . that which remaines of father cottons declaratorie letter , is onely a declamatorie discourse , wherein he talkes of otacoustes , prosagogides , and quadruplators : words that had giuen vs the stop , had they been put in the entrance ( of his discourse . ) for these are words too hard for vs , that know no other latine then that of ac●ursius , and that busie our selues to proue as good french-men , as the iesuites are good spaniards . chap. v. whether it be for the good of the state , that father cotton should be neere about the person of the king , or of the queene regent , and whether the lesuites are to be suff●red . if all the world wonders to see after the blow that iohn chastel gaue with a knife , after the condemning of the iesuites , after the erection of the pyramis for a memoriall , yet neuerthelesse a little after ( all this , ) these fathers to be established againe , and to possesse the heart of the king , whose mouth they had slit : so is it a thing as much to be wondred at , to see at this day , after so horrible a death , those , who haue set abroach the doctrine of murthering ( princes ) and who are knowne to haue a ●inger in the action , to continue still , and to be neare about the person of the king. i will beleeue that the person of father cotton is free from this crime , and that father gontier and aubigny had no communication with him , and that he had no intelligence with the iesuites of bruxelles : yet such are his maners and his profession , that it is no way fit , nor for ( the ) credit ( of the court ) for him to come neere about the person of his maiestie . first of all , i affirme that cotton , who cals himselfe a religious person , yea , of such a company who take vnto them the name of iesus , is a scandall to the whole church , being euery day a follower of the court : for this is a thing contrary , not onely to the institution of all monkes , but particularly to the rules of the iesuites , as father richeome assureth vs in his apologeticall complaint : and cardinall tolet the iesuite , in his booke of the institution of priests . 1. booke , and 40. chapter , holds it for a generall truth , that a religious person who betakes himselfe vnto the courts of princes , is an excommunicate person , albeit he hath leaue of his superiour . secondly , for the imprinting of vertue in the heart of a prince , it is fit to set about his person men that are enemies vnto vices , and such as will not flatter him in his imperfections . this was one of the ( great ) faults of father cotton , euen his conniuence at the pleasures of the late king , in stead of with-drawing him from them . and such a prince was hee , that if a man an enemie vnto vice , had helde his place about him , it had beene an easie matter to restraine him . this is the complaint that father portugais , lately made in our hearing , in a funerall sermon that he preached at s. iames in the shambles , and which afterwards he set forth in print . yet this is not all : for in stead of restrayning him , he rather humoured him , affirming euen at a full sermon , that his maiestie made amends for his sinnes with many merits : that dauid committed faults , although he were a man after gods owne heart . ( nay , ) he did well worse then this : for he was the messenger of the kings loue , and carried his loue-letters vnto ladies : a great prince of this kingdome , and who now liues in court , can testifie , that ( as hee told him ) ( how ) he wondred at this , that father cotton should be employed in bringing a certaine damsell vnto the king : the said iesuit answered him , that indeed it was a sinne , but that he was rather to regard the health of the king , whose life was so necessarie vnto the church , and that this euill should be recompenced with a greater good . and for his life ; therein he hath discouered egregious hypocrisie . he vaunted ( sometimes ) in the presence of sundry lords of the court , who yet are liuing , that since he was two and twenty yeares of age , he neuer committed any mortall sinne ; and yet neuerthelesse , the abbot of boyse hath iustified vnto him , and is ready to iustifie it , that since that time it is that a sentence hath passed against him at auignon , for getting a nun with childe . mounsieur des bordes , lord of grigny , a man that wants no good part , saue to be a catholike , hath lying by him at this day father cottons ( loue ) letters vnto madamoyselle de claransac de misme , written with his owne hand : wherein after many protestations of friendship , he tels her , that he hopes to see her shortly , to pay her the principall , and the arrerages of his absence : and that the affection h●e beares vnto her is such , that he cannot promise himselfe to haue full ioy in paradise , if he finde not her there . this damsell was entred amongst the questions which this iesuite was to propose vnto the diuell . who doth not wonder at the incredible impudencie of this man , who insinuates himselfe euery where , and shrinkes not backe for an hundred puttings by ? who thrusts himselfe into euery action , who makes himselfe a companion to princes , who in the meditations he sets forth , seemes as if hee would flatter god , and bring him a sleepe with words that sauour of his queane ? what an heart-burning would it be to see a caitife iesuite besiege the spirit of a king , and to be as a man may say , tyed to his girdle , while in the meane time , princes and lords who haue done him great seruice , haue much a doe to come neere him ? i cannot conceiue any reason why other of the clergie who for many ages haue beene the pillars of the church of fraunce , who neuer laide hand on their kings , and who neuer abandoned them in their afflictions , especially in the ( time of our ) last troubles , should not enioy the same fauour that these new come vpstarts , who are not subiect to any bishop , but immediately depending of their spanish generall , and of their consistorie : and who haue been already driuen forth , for the crime of parricide ? haue not other religious orders better deserued to be confessors vnto the king , or preachers vnto the queene ; whose confessions these men will write into spaine , to some prouinciall of castile , or to their generall at rome ? and if in seauen or eight yeares , since their reuocation , they haue bestird themselues so well , that in diuers parts of fraunce , they haue gotten aboue an hundred thousand crownes of rent , and built in diuers places , especially at la flesche , an house , that comes to aboue an hundred thousand crowns , what wil they do if they continue but twenty years more ? this is a canker that stil gets ground . they cannot be in a place but they must dominiere to : they haue already built an house for nouices in the suburbs of saint germanes , a pretie towne might stand within the precincts of it : and there the rector of the vniuersitie shall haue nothing to do , but to looke on ; and from thence are they like to draw all the youth , as being more subtile then others to insinuate into mens houses , to please women giuen to deuotion , to flatter their children , to take neither for washing nor candles of their schollers , so they may swallow lands , and whole inheritances : whence it will come to passe , that the vniuersitie of paris , shal be but a shadow , and assuredly come to nothing . from hence in tenne yeares space , the priuie councell , and courts of parliament , and the great councell , shal be full of the disciples of the iesuites , and the rest of the clergie shal no more be made reckoning of : for they haue a purpose to bring them lower , and they speake contemptuously of them , as of ignorant persons : and yet i haue heard of many that are learned , and particularly of mounsieur , the cardinal of perron , that them selues are ignorant persons , & that they wil ouerthrow learning . for the restoring whereof , my lord the said cardinall hath a purpose to erect a new colledge in the vniuersitie , where he will raise ( the study of good ) letters , which are falne , sith these men haue soyled them , by reducing them vnto a miserable kinde of schollerisme , and making them to consist of slender obseruations which themselues haue gathered . ( yet ) this were but a small matter , were it not that by bringing vp schollers , and making men learned , they hereby graspe the state , and goe about to bring kings vnder a tutorship , and stirre vp people vnto sedition , and if they were as ready to rise , as these are busie to solicite them , france by this had runne ouer with bloud , and the death of the king had beene followed with massacres both of the one and of the other religion : for this was their hope in this cursed parricide : from which if this blow cannot keepe them from falling , they will easily finde the meanes to renew their party . in the meane while let my lords of the councell , and my maisters of the courts of parliaments , iudge whether with a good conscience they can permit the hearing of confessions vnto them , who haue sworne to reueale nothing , though it necessarily concerne the preseruation of the king : and whether it be not fit to force them from so damnable a doctrine , that makes them culpable of high treason . to what purpose serues it to burn a book by the executioner , while the ( persons themselues ) are suffered ? and to execute a piece of paper , while in the meane time a man dares not name the iesuits , for feare to offend them ? let them consider whether they will be glad to see the ruine of the vniuersitie of paris , which euer since charles the great , hath beene the ornament of this kingdome : or whether in suffering the encrease of these , and their establishment in the court , they can be content to hold the kings faithfull catholiques in defiance , and in expectation to behold yet a third parricide . let them be forbidden to entermeddle in affaires of state : let them preach the gospell , and the commandements of the church : let parents be bound to send their children vnto colledges in the vniuersitie : let there not be two distinct vniuersities : let enquirie be made what the iesuites doe with all their wealth , seeing it is wel knowne they are but few in number , and that they do not spend it neither vpon apparrell , nor on horses , nor vpon seruants . to what end then serues all their reuenewes , saue to make voyages , and commissions for strange countries , and to make a store-house that may serue to wage the enemies of the state , and contribute to the charges of some rebellion , as they did in the last league ? for i finde the polander had reason , when he said that the societie of the iesuites was a sword , whose scabberd was in france , but the handle of it in spaine , or at rome , where the generall of the iesuites abides ; for the first motion to draw this sword comes from thence . this is it we had to say on this matter , whereunto my desire is , that answere should be made from point to point : or rather that we would open our eyes vnto these considerations , which are most cleare and needfull . and if in doing this we shall procure more hatred then we shall gaine commodity , yet this shall be our comfort , that wee haue not failed in our duty of proposing things necessarie for the good of the state , and for the peace and safety of the church . a qvadrane to the queene . if you desire your state continue may , then chase these cruell tygers farre away : who cutting their kings life apart , are their owne pay-maisters with his heart . finis . the svpplication of the vniversitie of paris , for the preventing of the iesvites opening of their schooles in paris . wherein their king-killing doctrine , is also opened and refuted . to the qveene regent : the lords , the princes of the blood : and the lords of the councell . may it please your maiestie : the vniuersitie of paris in all humility desires to make to it knowne to your maiestie , that the doctrine of the killing of kings by assa●sins , who of deuotion destine themselues to death , as to a martyrdome pleasing to god , is by vs held to be a pestilent deuise , neuer seene nor read in the records of antiquitie ; nor as much as knowne to the ancient pagans or christians . among the mahumetanes only , one named , the old man of montagne , is found to haue vsed this tricke , but the rest of that sect crushed it in the egge , and neuer since put it in practice , howbeit their malice a gainst christian princes be no way abared : onely about sixty yeares agoe , this poyson spread it selfe in the vaines of christendome , and began to be put in execution in england and in france ; we say in england , in as much as in regard of ciuill and temporall obedience due to kings , and for the safegard of their liues ; all christian princes , though pagans , heretiques , idolaters , infidels , excommunicates , apostates , are notwithstanding vnto vs , holy & sacred , as the apostles ●each , and the primitiue christian church , and the examples of saints , now in heauen , sometime prelates and bishops of france . now this hellish position of theirs is grounded vpon another erroneous doctrine , which is , the popes omnipotencie , whom we acknowledge head of the church , in that manner and meaning as our predecessors haue done . the doctrine of this omnipotencie , is not at all to be found in the diuinitie of paris , nor in the bosome of the vniuersitie , but we find it in the sermons and writings of the iesuits , & in the answeres of assa●sines at their arraignment before the ludges . to put this matter out of doubt , we need no more , then to heare themselues speaking . parrie , who vndertooke the murthering of the late queene of england , maintained that he might lawfully doe it , she s●anding excommunicate by the pope , and consequently her life abandoned . catesby the vndertaker of the fire-worke , which should haue blowne vp the king of great britaine , the queene , their children , & the states , stood to it , that the enterprise was holy : for since clement the eight by two briefes , forbad the catholikes to receiue him , they had better reason ( as he thought ) to make him away being receiued . iohn chastel affirmed that he thought i● a meritorious worke to kill our last king , because that although the bishops of fraunce had receiued him into the church , yet he was not in it , the pope hauing not admitted him . rauillac , the last parricide , affirmed that the king vndertooke the last warre against the good will of the pope , that god was the pope , and the pope god , by vertue of those words ; thou art peter , and vpon this rocke , &c. hereupon the bishop of cleremont , one of their disciples failed not after the execution of the murtherer to be present at the assembly of the sor●on , which was called ( accordingly as our ancestours had chalked vs out the way , ) for the censuring and condemning of that murthering doctrine , where turning himselfe from company to company , before the sitting of the doctors , he told them they should take heede what they did , for you haue here ( saith he ) two of the popes nuncioes ; and the company being sate , he told them , that the question then to be discussed had beene diuersly handled , and that in his iudgement it was needfull they should propose it to the popes nuncioes , who might giue notice of it to the pope their maister ; as is none other kings were to liue but whom it pleased the pope . after that many good preachers of this vniuersitie had contested against the murthers of kings , and the broachers and abettors of that doctrine , at last father cotton presents your maiestie with a letter declaratorie , of the doctrine of the iesuites in that behalfe , in which hee labours to giue contentment to such as complaine that their writings maintaine these three doctrines , cousen-germains , the omnipotencie of the pope , and from thence depending rebellion against kings , & abandoning of their liues , when they , or such as themselues , shall iudge them tyrants : but men of vnderstanding sufficiently perceiue the equiuocations and fallacies wherewithall they would shadow their mischieuous doctrine , following herein the vse and practise of that position where of their sect make open profession in treatises expresly allowed by the generall of their order ; as may be seene in the apologie made in the behalfe of henry garnet in the chapter of equiuocations : yet should wee be loath to discouer them , and to hinder their counterfaite coine from being currant for some profit which might might from thence arise ; were it not that by the vertue of these ambiguities , that sect hopes to get the start of vs in opening their schooles in the vniuersitie of paris , against the setled and resolued determination of the last king. in regard whereof this vniuersitie , daughter of the french kings , should hold her selfe guiltie of disloyaltie if she did not vnmaske those fallacies , and become an humble petitioner to your maiestie to prouide that this daughter ( most faithfull to her liege as long as shee is kept from being forced , ) be not stained with the company of that sect which hath long since beene found to be most dangerous to our state. he then would make your maiestie belieue , that the writers of his order affirme , that it is not lawfull to kill a tyrant but they by him alledged ▪ and by name , valentia ( their late great doctor ) addes this restriction : if it be not done by publike iudgement ; and ●o the end you may not make scruple what is mea●●● by that publike iudgement , hee afterward layes y●●● downe certaine articles of the doctrine of the iesuit●s , touching the soueraigntie of kings , in fashion as f●●lloweth : that a monarchie is the best kinde of goue●nment : that the pope is a monarch in the church for ●he spirituall gouernment , as the king is in his kingdome ▪ for the temporall ; as not allowing the king to be king● in his owne kingdome , if the pope be not absolute soueraigne in the spirituall affaires of the church . but may it please your maiestie to be informed , that this is an assertion directly opposite to the doctrine of the church , which your vniuersitie of paris hath alwaies stood for : namely , to affirme that the pope hath monarchiall power in the church : for they are indeed contradictorie speaches , to maintaine , that a counsell is aboue the pope , ( as your vniuersitie hath alwayes done , ) and that the pope is absolute monarch of the church . this doctrine of your vniuersitie if euer it were necessarie , surely now a dayes it is more vsefull then euer , aswell in regard of our owne king , as of all the states of christendome . now what are the effects of this absolute spirituall monarchie , hee cleeres in another booke , which hee hath dedicated to your maiestie , the princes of the bloud , and the lords of the counsell ; you shall finde it in the end of the second tome of his institutions , q●est . 35. where hee affirmes that the pope hath no absolute power to command and dispose the crow●es of kings : but his fallacie lyes in this word [ absolute , ] in as much as hee hath power to put of and put on the crownes of kings , but that power is not absolute : 〈◊〉 king , and your maiestie , and the lords pretend 〈◊〉 absolute power to dispose of the goods of your su●iects , but onely by the rule and guidance of iustice. m●reouer father cotton a little after affirmes that the 〈◊〉 by vertue of his spirituall gouernment , and for th● vniting of religion and the state , may by the po●er of his ecclesiasticall censures dispose of princes crownes , for the seruice of god , the good of the church , ●nd the saluation of soules . neyther is this any peculiar point , which himselfe alone defends , but it is the common tenent of that societie : but this doctrine of the vniting , as hee termes it , of religion and the state of the church and the common-wealth , is meerly opposite to the doctrine of our lord iesus christ , who hath for euer put a separation betweene the church and the state , in those words , giue vnto god , that which is gods , that is to say , religious seruice ; and vnto caesar , that which belongs vnto caesar , that is , ciuill obedience , honour , homage , and tribute . may it please your maiestie : your vniuersitie of paris hath neuer taught otherwise , holding her selfe fastto the ancient councels , and reiecting the new , in that wherein they reiect this wholesome doctrine , and this is it in which the kings , the bishops of fraunce , the courts of parliament , the kings councell , the french doctors , & lastly , this your vniuersitie , haue alwaies held the liberties of the french church and kingdome to consist . and surely , it is no final question which we haue now in hand , no lesse worth then the estate of the king , which these men leaue to the mercy of the pope , these men i say , to whose charge the training vp of our youth is euery where committed , the consciences of the people in their confessions , and by their sermons and writings the instruction of all . notwithstanding that in the meane while the life of the king , & that of your maiesty are in hazard , in as much as when the pope withdraws the right of gouernment from a prince , they hold him presently for a tyrant , as vsurping against the determination of that publike authoritie , which according to the iesuites doctrine , may of a king make a tyran●nay , they farther affirme that subiects may rebell against their soueraigne , although he be not excommunicate , if they beleeue , that those who should do it , fearing his greatnes , durst not ▪ this is the decision of the iesuite suarez , who by that means sets the estates & liues of al potent princes to sixe and seauen . such is also the practise of some murtherers of kings , men who acknowledge the omnipotencie of the pope , taught by the iesuites , and indeed acknowledge none other , but so far forth as it pleaseth the pope ; and this was apparantly the practise of that last wretched parricide , as it was cleere by that execrable discourse which he held with those diuines , who were sent to confer with him ; vnto whom he shewed him selfe to haue beene perfectly skilled , in all the shifts and cauils which sophistrie it selfe could possibly inuent , touching that subiect : this man i say , was thus cunning in this point , who was otherwise deuoid of all good literature , and almost common vnderstanding . we make no doubt , but if it would please your maiestie to consult the pope in this point , he would be drawne to performe that , which hee ought , in condemning by his bu●s to hell pit such murtherers and assassins , and by stopping ( which might be done by a word of his mouth ) the torrent of those mischiefes , which cast a shame and obloquie vpon the innocency of christian religion ; for the power which these men haue hitherto had at rome , hath giuen occasion to ●ome to giue out , that since hee labours not to preuent these mischiefes , acted by them , vpon whom he may worke what he list , it cannot be auoided but himselfe must needes be thought to be the author of them : as the rules of iustice require . the pretence which cotton drawes from the good of the church , thereby to draw to the pope power to dispose of kingdomes , is but a colourable pretext : for by vertue of that separation , which our lord iesus christ hath for euer made betweene religion and the state , through the whole world , where his gospell should be preached , wee stand obliged , notwithstanding all ecclesiastique censures , interdictions , dispensations for oaths of allegiance , or commandements whatsoeuer from the pope , not to take armes against our kings , but contrariwise to yeeld them all ciuill and temporal● obedience , and for safeguard of their liues to hazard our owne . this is the law of nature , ingrauen in the hearts of men , euen when they enter into this world , which the sonne of god clothed with our flesh , hath since established and consecrated , binding christians to the obseruance of it in a straiter maner th●n were the pagans , led by the sole light of nature ; and priests more strictly then laickes , to whom they are to preach sound doct●ine as wel by words as example ; and bishops rather then ordinarie priests , and lastly , aboue all , the chief● bishop of all , because his example in this case would more preuaile then any other , nay all the other beside . this was the true cause why the king of great britaine , to safeguard himselfe from these king-killers , was constrained to exact of his subiects an oath of allegiance , for their ciuill and temporall obedience , and the surety of his life , notwithstanding the popes buls . an oath which the frequent doctrine and practise of assassines now a dayes makes in a maner necessarie through christendome , to secure the estates and liues of gods annointed , and withall to free the catholike apostolike romaine religion toward the kings and princes of the earth , from that blame & hatred which this wicked doctrine drawes with it , and to make it more gracious in the eyes of those who maintaine a different religion . yet is this wholsome doctrine more needfull in france then any where beside , because the effects of the contrarie fall especially vpon the life and crowne of the king , and rather now in the minoritie of our king , then in his full age , this erroneous doctrine ought to beresuted , and the venters thereof punished , because the practise of the ages past hath euer taught vs , that when they would draw out their censures against the temporalties of kings , that commonly set vpon the weakest . for these reasons the vniuersitie of paris , daughter of the kings of fraunce , most humbly beseecheth your maiestie , the princes of the blood , and the lords of the councell , not to giue way to the iesuites ( sithence they defend an opinion touching the popes omnipotencie , and the suretie of the estates and liues of kings , quite contrarie to that which this vniuersitie hath alwayes taught and maintained ) to the opening of their schooles here in paris , much lesse to their incorporating into the vniuersitie , least they make the learning and manner thereof as repugnant to the estate of kings , as is their owne sect , as may appeare by those writings which father cotton dedicates to you , and puts into your hands daily , and by that experience which wee haue found of them , and yet daily find in many quarters of christendome , and th● vniuersitie shall euer be bound to pray for the establishment and happinesse of the king , your maiestie , the princes of the bloud , and the lords of the councell . finis . the translator , to the reader . reader , that thou be not ignorant of the occasion of anti-coton , bepleased to be informed , that since the last execrable parricide in france , th● doctors of the sorbon met together in solemne conuocation , condemned a booke written by iohn mariana a spanish iesuite , maintaining the murthering of kings , and before that , was it adiudged by the presidents of the parliament of paris , that the said booke should publikely be burnt by the common executioner before the great gate of the pallace , and withall as well the buying as selling of it was by them straitly forbidden ; hereupon a rumour spread it selfe , that the iesuites generally maintained the same opinion : and consequently their writings to that purpose were as lyable to censure and fire as that of mariana whereupon cotton newly returned from the fu●erals of the kings heart at la flesche , and seeming to be much appaled with this unexpected noyse , was in a manner co●strained ( for the making up of this sodaine breach ) presently to put pen to paper to disclaime what mariana had affirmed , to produce the testimonies of his associates , who seemed to defend the contrarie ; and lastly , to set downe those articles in this point , which his societie ( as he pretended ) would stand vnto ; upon this declaratorie letter of cottons ( as himselfe termes it ) dedicated to the queene regent , comes forth within a very short space this anti-coton , ( written a● it seemes by one of the same religion , and therefore cannot but carrie the greater shew of truth , ) which labours to proue against cotton , that the doctrine and practise of the iesuites made a ready way vnto , if not acted , the late horrible blow in fraunce : which booke ( as i am credibly informed by a friend of good intelligence and credit , being greedily deuoured of all sorts of the french , so ●●ung cotton , that it wrung teares from him for very griefe and indignation , and personall imputations ( as you know ) the truer they are , the deeper impressions they usually worke . now because i suppose some may be desirous more particularly to understand of the quality of this cotton ( who is so often named thorow this worke , ) for the further content of such , i can assure them , th●t 〈◊〉 france he carries the name rather of a good orator , then a deepe clark , as 〈◊〉 better what belongs to points of courtiership , then schollership , notwithstanding a man he is , much magnified by his owne societie , for hauing so thorowly understood , and fully possessed the affections of the last king , as if he had inchanted him ; to whom hee was both confessor and preacher : and was besides that both at meales and at masse continually in his eare , no man more ; insomuch that in fraunce it grew to a common iest upon any repulse from the king , or deniall of acc●sse 〈◊〉 him ; les oreills du roy sont buschees de cotton : the kings eares are stopt with cotton . whereupon about three yeares since this pasquill flew abroad in paris . le roy ne scauroit faire vn pas , que le pere cotton l'accompagne : mais le bon sire ne scait pas , que le fin cotton vient d'espagne . the king no where can step a foote , but father cotton findes him out : but the good king is not aware , that fine cotton is spanish ware . but i leaue his person , and returne againe to his letter , in the scanning of which i have somewhat to say to him , which the author of anti-coton passeth by , which is this ; that whereas he vndertakes to proue that the other iesuites accord not with mariana , in the doctrine of making away princes , and to that end produceth the testimonie of becanus , one of their chiefe pillars : turning to the passage he quotes , i finde that becanus in that very place approues 〈…〉 in expresse termes , and withall holds 〈…〉 common tenent of the iesuites , his words are these ▪ in respons ▪ ad aphorism . 9. atque haecest expressa sententia iohannis marianae loco citato , & aliorum iesuitarum qui ha● de re scripserunt , in qua non video quid caluinistae possint meritò reprehendere : and this is expresly the opinion of iohn mariana in the place alledged , as also of the other iesuites who haue written touching this subiect , in which i see not what it is which the caluinists ca●● iustly disproue . that which i now affirme is a matter of fact , and therefore needes no more adoe then the opening of the booke , and the reading of the text . againe in producing gregorie de valentia his testimonie of him , he affirmes , determine qu'il n'est nullement permis d'attenter sur la vie du prince , iaçoit qu'il abuse deson authorite : he concludes , that it is in no case lawfull to make a● assault upon the person of the prince , howbeit be abuse his authoritie ▪ whereas the said valentian in the same place by him alledged , first distinguishing of a tyrant by adminis●ration and usurpation , plainely affirmeth , de primo eadem estratio , ac de alijs malefactoribus ▪ qui solum per publicam pote●●atem puniri possint : of a tyrant taken in the first sense ( that is by administration ) there is the same reason as of other malefactors , who cannot be punished but by publike authori●ie . in which words he seemes to me to range unruly princes ( though they pretend neuer so iust a title to their crownes ) in the catalogue of common murtherers and theeues , and to make them as abnoxious to publike censure , whereas cotton would make us beleeue that he holds their persons altogether inuiolable . lastly , that 〈…〉 to say at this time against cotton , and the 〈…〉 he alledgeth is this ; against himselfe , that he prote●●eth , the opinion in this case of all the i●suites in common , and euery of them in pa●ticular , no way to dissent or vary from that of the uniuersall catholique ch●rch , which assertion of his to be meerely u●true , shall hereafter ( god willing ) be fully demonstrated , by making it cleerely appeare what the catholique church hath euer taught and practised in this point from age to 〈◊〉 downe to thes● very present times , and by comparing it with that which the iesuites now adayes generally both teach and practis● . against the authors he alledgeth this i say , that whereas they impute the occasion of the canon of the councell of constance against tyrannicides , to the doctrine of the hussites , it must needs arise either from their ignorance , or their malice , or both ; for had they but read the canon it selfe as it is laid down in the body of the councel , or iohn gerson , in his proposition on the behalfe of the french king : or lastly , the french historie in the life of charles the sixt , they might easily haue perceiued that the occasion thereof grew from a doctrine which iohn petit , a doctor of the sorbon , set a foote in ●aris on the behalfe of iohn duke of burgundie , who tre●herously shew lewis duke of orleance , as the author of this precedent booke hath rightly obserued , in the very first entrance thereof , and surely i make no doubt but the greatest part of those fathers who met at that councell , if they now liued and saw how matters are carryed in christend●m , would as willingly subscribe to the censuring of that opinion which the iesuit●● 〈◊〉 maintain touching to making away of 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 did to the condemnation of that of iohn 〈…〉 very deed and truth is little or nothing differing ●rom that of the iesuites , sa●e onely they are growne more cunning to east a fairer glasse & varnish vpon it . thus much haue i added , not that i take any pleasure in ripping vp and discouering other mens imperfections , which with my heart i rather wish were not ; or in exagitating that sect among whom reside many excellent wits , but which dwell ill , and as he said , in malum publicum , but only that i migh● a little farther search into that wound which i find cannot be cured without much launcing : in the meane time my desire is , and daily prayer vnto god shall be , that notwithstanding wee differ in some points of our religion , yet we may all agree in our obedience to our soueraigne , and striue on each side to gaine credit to our religion by the fruits of our obedience , as assuring o●r selu●s ( because truth it selfe hath deliuered it ) that obedience is better then sacrifice : iconclude with s. augustine : so are subiects to beare with their soueraignes , and seruants with their lords , that through the exercise of our patience , things transitorie may be endured , and eternall hoped for . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19434-e340 dionicij , machanidas , aristotimus saeculorum portenta , galliā opprimant , nemo pontifex dionē , tim●le●ntē , philopoemē , helenatum securus animabit ? nullus in hanc belluam miles erit ? nullus pontifex nobilissimū regnum securi eximat ? cur denique henricus garnetus , vir doctrina omnis generis , & vitae sanctitate incomparabilis , vltimo supplicio affectus est , nis● quia reuelare noluit , quod salua conscientia reuelare non potuit ? l. 13. ff . de off . praes . l. 1. ff de receptat . l. quisquis . §. id quod cod. ad leg. iul. maiest . papa potest mutare regna , & vni a●ferre atque alteri conferre , tanquam summus princeps spiritualis . tam timidi & trepidi nō sumus vt asserere palā vereamur romanum pontificem posse si necessitas exigat , subditos catholicos soluere iuramēto fidelitatis , si princeps tyrannic● illos tractet . &c. excommunicat● subditi non tenentur iuraruen . to fidelitatis . excommunciatus non potest iurisdictionis actū exercere . cognito à theologis , quos ●rat 〈◊〉 tyrānum iure interi●●i posse . su● sang●ine patriae cōm●nis & gentis libertatē redemptā inter ictus & vulnera impense lae●ebatur , scilicet caes● r●g● ingens sibi nomen fecit , c●ede caedes est expiata ac manibu● g●●isij duci● per●ide perempti regi● sang●i●e est parentatum . si sacra patriae pessumdet , publicosque hostes in patri●m attrahat , qui voti● publicis fauentes ●um p●rimere tētarit , ha●d quaquā●um inique fecisse existima●● . ho● tamen temperam●nto vti in hac quidem disputatione licebit si non ipse qui perimitur veneni●̄ haurire cogitur , quo intimis medullis cōcepto pere●t , sed exterius ab alio adhib●atur , nihil adi●●āte eo qui perimendus est , nimirum cu●● tantavis est ve●eni vt sella eo aut veste delibut● vim inter●iciendi habeat . n● tyrannum quidēprimi vel secundi generis ●tiam post iudiciariam contra illum latam sententiam ve●en● licite tolli , si tyrannus ipsem●t vene●um illud sum●re & sibi applicare debeat . quid ? marian●● grauem & decorā constructionē sonantis ver●●● splendor●m narrandique sublimitatem copiosum ingenium in no● impari materia quae ●●t●s n●n re●erebitur ? quippe approbat●s prius à viris doctis & gra●ibus ex eodem nostro ordine . propter h●ec & similia manifesta impoenitenti●e sig●a decreuimus pro ipse non esse celebrad●● exequias . tacebo ●go 〈◊〉 clarum coelo terraque sidu● & vltimū nil amplius doliturae domus innocuū piamen●um ? nullu● tui sanguinis ve●●igia dies exteret , to●aque in haec vota m●a ibit gallia● . non obstante de●re to supradicti co●cilij constanti●nsis priuatis & singulis licitū sit reges & principes haereseos & tyrannid●s condē●●atos ●ccid●r● . contra hostem publicum & i●●idice condem●at●● . vulnerando hēricum borbon●ū , non vol●erit ●●●dere aut occidere reg●m , etiams● se talem dicebat , & in quo praeter imaginem nihil regij quam quod genere regio ortus erat . cl●rici reb●llio in regem non est crimen laesae maiestatis , quia non ●st subditus regi . summus p●ntifex exemit clericos ● sub●ectio● principum . non sunt amplius reges , clericorum superiores ▪ c●m quis n●llis iustis iudicijs in iusvocatur , quianemo tenetur s●ipsum magi●●ratui prodere idque ●ex naturae satis docet apertè & liberè , sin● vlla tergiuersatione negare potest id cuius gra●ti● accersitur quia . semper clausula illa intelligitur , vt t●near dicere . in de●r . c. humanae aures . 22. quest . 5. pag. 3●8 ▪ franciscus interrogatus a lictoribus homicidam persequen●ib●● , anillac vbi s. franciscus erat talis homicid● transisset ? i●●miss●s manibus intra manicas , respondit hac non transiuisse , sub intelligend●●acit● contra cōmunem intelligentiam non trāsiuisse per 〈◊〉 manicas . quando iuridicè non pr●cedit , v●l quia accusatus e● non est subditus simpliciter , vel in hoc caus● , ●●t qu●cunque alia de caus● , tum lice● m●ndacium sit illicitum , non tamen e●t mortale , quia nec est co●tra debi●um iustitiae , nec in iudicio ve●ro , sed in vsurpato . immo ●●n erit ●tiam veniale si respond end● 〈◊〉 , & vt aiunt sophis●icè , dicat aliquid falsum apud sensum iud●●is & apud su●m verum . si crimen omni●o occultum est de quo quis in●errogatur , ●um aequiuocatione vti poterit , respōdendo nescio , intelligendo tamen intrae se vt dicam tibi , vel respōdendo non feci , intelligendo intra se nunc non feci . adde catholic●rum scandalum , & off●nsionem si sacerdos idemque i●suita conscientiae causa cons●ltus idque interposita confessionis religione q●a● nulla maior inter catholicos esse potest , consultores su●s detuliss●t ? quem enim in posterum in rebus sui● d●●bijs adire , aut cui ampli●s ●idere possint ▪ si ●e in sacerdotibus quidem fidem inueniant ? rem sacrosancto confessionis arca●o obsignatam sine immanni sacrilegi● prodi nō potuisse . * disput. 33. sect . 1. num ▪ 2. homer . il. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 1. §. ●●cis●rum ●um s●qq . ff . ad . s. c. syllania . l. 9. §. 1. ff . ad . leg . cornel. de fals . l. 1. cod. de falsa mon. l. quisquis cod. ad leg . iul. maiest . idem in cap. quantae de sentent . excommu . cap. delicto . de sentent . excommuni . in 6. cano. non inferenda . 23. quest . 3. statuatis vobiscūt ipsi quicquid superi●r praecipit ipsius dei prae●eptum esse , atque vt ad credenda qu●● catholica fides propo●it toto a●nimo affectuque vestro statim in●umbitis : sic ad ●●faci●nda quaecunq●e superior dix●rit caeco quodam impetu voluntatis parendi c●pidae sine vlla prorsus disposi●ion● feramini . romanus 〈◊〉 zachari●s s●ilicet regem franciscorū non tam pro suis i●iquitatibus , quā pro eo quod tantae p●testat● erat i●●tilis , a regno deposuit ▪ &c. m●●et omnes qui ad solemnem ecclesiae c●●tum conuenerant , vt obnix● orent deum pro felici success● grauissimae cuiusdam rei in causa catholicorum sub initium comitiorum . neq●e vero ob ●am re●● factum probabat ed ●●●●bat euentum . a●lian . de ani●alib ▪ lib. 12. cap. 23. paulus . lib. 5. sentent . tit . 21. §. 9. qui de falute principis vel summa reipub. mathematicos , ariolos aruspices vaticinatores consulit , cum eo qui responderit capite punitur . cui auté opus est serutari super caesaris salute nisi à quo aduersus illam aliquid cogitatur , aut post illam speratur & sust●nctur ? this is to be found in the records . tacitus . lib. 3. annal. tiberius atque augusta publico abstinuere , inferius maiestate sua●rati , si palam lamentarētur , anne omniū oculis vultum eorū scrutantibus , falsi intelligerentur . these are the very words of the interrogatori● . qui● dicere audeat ius e●●e profano ●n ea quae sancta sanctarū , id est , sanctissima dici meruerunt ? artic. 15. nullus est dominus dum est in peccato mortali , & artic. 17. populares possunt ad arbitrium suum dominos delinquentes corr●gere . notes for div a19434-e7590 auidissime l●ctus ab omnibus ●sque adeo ●ssit cottonum ●t ●●mini exciuerit lachrymas prae dolore & iudignatione . fin in the french signifies as vvel craftie as fine . 〈◊〉 2 2. disp . 5. quest . 8. punct . 3. azorius serarius , alijque . 1. sam. 15. 22. ita a plebibus principes , & a s●r●is domini fer●●di sunt , vt sub ●x●rcitati●●e t●leranti●e 〈…〉 a true narrative of the popish-plot against king charles i and the protestant religion as it was discovered by andreas ab habernfeld to sir william boswel ambassador at the hague, and by him transmitted to archbishop laud, who communicated it to the king : the whole discoovery being found amongst the archbishops papers, when a prisoner in the tower, by mr. prynn (who was ordered to search them by a committee of the then parliament) on wednesday, may 31, 1643 : with some historical remarks on the jesuits, and a vindication of the protestant dissenters from disloyalty : also, a compleat history of the papists late presbyterian plot discovered by mr. dangerfield, wherein an account is given of some late transactions of sir robert peyton. habervešl z habernfeldu, ondřej. 1680 approx. 120 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67878 wing t2805 wing h164 estc r21657 12226655 ocm 12226655 56562 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67878) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56562) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 617:13 or 1672:6) a true narrative of the popish-plot against king charles i and the protestant religion as it was discovered by andreas ab habernfeld to sir william boswel ambassador at the hague, and by him transmitted to archbishop laud, who communicated it to the king : the whole discoovery being found amongst the archbishops papers, when a prisoner in the tower, by mr. prynn (who was ordered to search them by a committee of the then parliament) on wednesday, may 31, 1643 : with some historical remarks on the jesuits, and a vindication of the protestant dissenters from disloyalty : also, a compleat history of the papists late presbyterian plot discovered by mr. dangerfield, wherein an account is given of some late transactions of sir robert peyton. habervešl z habernfeldu, ondřej. boswell, william, sir, d. 1649. laud, william, 1573-1645. prynne, william, 1600-1669. [4], 36 p. printed for robert harford ..., london : 1680. attributed to habervešl z habernfeldu by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. this item can be found at reels 617:13 and 1672:6. errors in paging: p. 13 misnumbered 16, and p. 16 misnumbered 13. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york and the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. jesuits. popish plot, 1678. dissenters, religious -england. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true narrative of the popish-plot against king charles i. and the protestant religion : as it was discovered by andreas ab habernfeld to sir william boswel ambassador at the hague , and by him transmitted to archbishop laud , who communicated it to the king. the whole discovery being found amongst the archbishops papers , when a prisoner in the tower , by mr. prynn ( who was ordered to search them by a committee of the then parliament ) on wednesday , may 31. 1643. with some historical remarks on the jesuits , and a vindication of the protestant dissenters from disloyalty . also a compleat history of the papists late presbyterian plot discovered by mr. dangerfield , wherein an account is given of some late transactions of sir robert peyton . london , printed for robert harford at the angel in cornhil , near the royal exchange : m. dc . lxxx . the preface . it may appear strange to some , that this conspiracy against king charles i. was never divulged till found by mr. prynn in 1643. seeing it was known both to the king and archbishop in 1640. but if they do but reflect upon the actions of those times , the wonder will cease : for these romish traytors having by their devillish cunning raised a rebellion in scotland , and fomented the divisions between his majesty and parliament to that heighth , as soon after brake forth into a most bloody and unnatural war between prince and people : his majesty ( as they design'd ) was sufficiently diverted for the present ; and afterwards ( the devil of discontent raised by these wicked incendiaries of rome , proving too head-strong for them , and threatning their ruin ) the conspirators were so disperss'd , that it would have been a difficult thing for his majesty ( if he had been free from the rebellious clamours of be-jesuited men ) to have brought them to conviction . the person who had the greatest opportunity of advancing this design , was sir f. w. a man in all outward appearance a protestant , and verily believed to be so by the archbishop , whose interest with the king made him secretary of state ; as we find it set down by the archbishop in the journal of his life , in these words , june 25. 1631. mr. fr. windebank , my old friend , was sworn secretary of state , which place i obtained for him of my gracious master king charles . how industrious this secretary was in carrying on the plot , may partly appear by the charge against him in parliament , novem. 12. and decem . 1. 1640. viz. seventy four letters of grace to recusants in four years , sixty four priests discharged by his warrants , twenty nine by his verbal order , and twenty three by his authority under read's hand : but he prevented the the necessity of answering to this or any other charge by his flight into france , where he was generously entertained by cardinal richelieu , ( no doubt for the good service he had done the catholick cause in england ) and lived and died a profest papist . his son went to rome , where he was received with the like kindness by cardinal barbarino , the chief contriver of this popish plot . as for read , he was an actor in this plot , much in the same nature as coleman was in that lately discoved by doctor oates , and others ; and because he was a profest papist , the secretary above-mentioned , ( to whom i think he appertain'd as clerk ) procured for him the following protection , which for his greater immunity was recorded in the crown-office , and in the clerk of the peace his book for middlesex in open sessions . by the king . whereas we have received good testimony of the loyalty and duty of our trusty and well-beloved captain john reade , and because he may be subject to the laws for recusancy ; these are to signifie , that we are graciously pleased to extend our special grace towards him : and do hereby command , that no indictment , presentment , information , or suit in our name , or in the name of any other , be henceforth commenced , prosecuted , or accepted against him , by any of our officers or subjects whatsoever , for or concerning recusancy : and if any such shall happen , then our will and pleasure is , that upon sight hereof , the same shall be discharged and made void , or otherwise not prejudicial to him . given under our signet at our court at theobalds , the thirteenth day of july , in the tenth year of our reign . to all and singular our judges of assize , justices of the peace , &c. whom it doth or may concern , and to every of them . thus was that good king so far abused ( by having a traytor represented to him as a loyal subject ) as to grant a protection to this read , who intended to make no other use of it , than thereby to destroy with the more safety his royal protector . this plot against king charles the first , was buried in a bloody civil war , but raised again against king charles the second , in time of peace , by the blood-thirsty jesuits ; the discovery whereof has been sufficiently made known by the tryal and execution of several of them , as well as by the printed narratives thereof . to get up their reputation again , they plotted to throw their guilt upon the dissenting protestants ; but the all-seeing eye of god prevented their villanous designs by a timely discovery : the design and discovery whereof , you will find particularly related at the end of this book . a true relation of the popish-plot against king charles i. and the protestant religion . if there be any professing the protestant religion within his majesties dominions , who are yet so wilfully blinded , as not to believe the reality of the late conspiracies , or that it has not been a long time carrying on to extirpate the protestant religion , reestablish popery , and inthral the people in all the three kingdoms , let them but advisedly fix their eyes and minds , upon the ensuing letters and discoveries , and they will easily find papistical plots have been no new things in this nation . to omit their attempts upon king edward , queen elizabeth , and king james , these papists make it evidently out , that the same design , and the same contrivances were on foot in the reign of our late sovereign charles the first , of blessed memory ; a true narrative whereof these sheets contain , as they were found in the arch-bishop of canterbury's study in the tower , may 31. 1643. the first who discover'd it , was an actor in it , sent hither from rome , by cardinal barbarini , to assist con , the pope's legat , in the pursuit of it , and privy to all the particulars ; who being touch'd with remorse of conscience , for being guilty of so detestable a crime , reveal'd the whole mystery to sir william boswell , the king's leiger embassador at the hague , who gave private notice of the same to the arch-bishop of canterbury , by whom it was declar'd to the king himself . sir william boswell's first letter to the arch-bishop , touching this plot. may it please your grace , the offers ( whereof your grace will find a copy ) here enclos'd toward a farther and more particular discovery , were first made to me at the second hand , and by word of mouth by a friend of good quality and worth in this place . but soon after , as soon as they could be put into order , were avowd by the principal party , and deliver'd me in writing by both together , upon promise and oath , which i was required to give , and gave accordingly , not to reveal the same to any other man living , but your grace , and by your grace's hand to his majestie . in like manner they have tied themselves not to declare these things to any other but my self , untill they should know how his majestie , and your grace would dispose thereof . the principal giving me withall to know , that he puts himself and this secret into your grace's power , as well because it concerns your grace so nearly after his majestie , as that he knows your wisdom to guide the same aright , and is also assur'd of your grace's fidelity to his majesties person , to our state and to our church . first , your grace is earnestly pray'd to signifie his majesties pleasure , with all speed , together with your grace's disposition herein , and purpose to carry all with silence from all but his majestie , until due time . secondly , when your grace shall think fit to shew these things to his majestie , to do it immediately , and not trusting letters , nor permitting any other person to be by , or within hearing , and to intreat and counsel his majestie as in a case of conscience , to keep the same wholly and solely in his own bosom from the knowledge of all other creatures living , but your grace , until the business shall be clear'd out . thirdly , not to enquire or demand the names of the parties from whom these overtures do come , or any farther discoveries or advertisements in pursuit of them , which shall come hereafter , until satisfaction shall be given to every part of them . nor to tell to any person but his majestie , that any thing of this nature is come from me . for as i may believe these overtures are veryfiable in the way they will be laid , and that the parties will not shrink ; so i may account , that if never so little glimpse or shadow of these informations shall appear by his majesties or your grace's words or carriage unto others , the means whereby the business may be brought best unto tryal , will be utterly disappointed . and the parties who have in conscience toward god , devotion to his majestie , affection toward your grace , and compassion to our country disclos'd these things , will run a present and extream hazard of their persons and lives . so easily it will be conjectur'd upon the least occasion given either by his majestie or your grace , who is the discoverer . these are the points and offers which they have prest me to represent more especially to his grace . for my own particular , having already most humbly crav'd pardon of any errour or omissions that have befallen me in the managing this business , i do beseech your grace to let me know , first , whether , and in what order i shall proceed with the parties . secondly , what points of these offers i shall first put them upon to enlarge and clear ? thirdly , what other points and queries i shall propose to them , and in what manner ? fourthly , how far further i shall suffers my self to hear and know these things . fifthly , whether i shall not rather take the parties answers and discoveries sealed up by themselves , and having likewise put my own seal upon them , without questioning or seeing what they contain , so to transmit them to your grace or his majestie . sixthly , whether i may not insinuate upon some fair occasion , that there will be a due regard had of them and their service by his majestie and your grace ; when all particulars undertaken in these general offers , and necessary for perfecting the discovery , and work intended , shall effectually be delivered to his majestie and your grace . upon these heads , and such other as his majesty and your grace shall think proper in the business , i must with all humility beseech your grace to furnish me with instructions , and warrant for my proceedings , under his majesties hand , with your grace's attestation , as by his majesties goodness and royal disposition is usual in like cases . may it please your grace to entertain a cipher with me upon this occasion ; i have sent the counterpart of one here inclos'd . if these overtures happily sort with his majesties and your grace's mind , and shall accordingly prove effectual in their operation , i shall think my self a most happy man , to have any oblation in so pious a work for my most gracious soveraign and master . more particularly in that your grace under his majesty shall be opifex rerum & mundi melioris origo . which i shall incessantly beg in my prayers at his hands , who is the giver of all good things , and will never forsake or fail them , who do not first fail and fall from him , the god of mercy and peace , with which i remain ever more , your grace's most dutiful and obliged servant , william boswell . hague in holland , sept. 9. 1640. stylo loci . i have not dar'd to trust this business ( without a cipher ) but by a sure hand , for which reason , i have sent the bearer my secretary express , but he knows nothing of the contents thereof . superscrib'd for your grace . endors'd by the arch-bishop with his own hand . received sept. 10 1640. sir william boswell , about the plot against the king. andreas ab habernfeld's letter to the arch-bishop , concerning the plot revealed to him , written by him in latin. most illustrious and most reverend lord , all my senses are shaken together as often as i revolve the present business , neither doth my understanding suffice , to conceive what wind hath brought such horrid things , that they should see the sun-shine by me : for unexpectedly this good man became known unto me , who when he had heard me discoursing of these scotch stirs , said , that i knew not the nerve of the business , that those things which are commonly scattered abroad are superficial . from that hour he every day became more familiar to me , who acknowledging my dexterity herein , with a full breast poured forth the burdens of his heart into my bosom , supposing that he had discharged a burden of conscience wherewith he was pressed . hence he related to me the factions of the jesuits , with which the whole earthly world was assaulted ; and shewed , that i might behold how through their poison , bohemia and germany were devoured , and both of them maimed with an irreparable wound ; that the same plague did creep through the realms of england and scotland , the matter whereof , revealed in the adjacent writing , he discovered to me : which things having heard , my bowels were contracted together , my loyns trembled with horrour , that a pernicious gulf should be prepared for so many thousands of souls : with words moving the conscience , i inflamed the mind of the man ; he had scarce one hour concocted my admonitions , but he disclosed all the secrets , and he gave free liberty that i should treat with those whom it concerned , that they might be informed hereof . i thought no delay was to be made about the things : the same hour i went to sir william boswell , the king's leiger , at the hague , who being tied with an oath of secrecy to me , i communicated the business to him , i admonished him to weigh these things by the ballance , neither to deser , but act , that those who were in danger might be speedily succoured : he , as becomes an honest man , mindful of his duty , and having hearer looked into the business , refused not to obey the monitions . moreover , he forthwith caused that an express should be dispatched , and sent word back again what a most acceptable oblation this had been to the king and your grace ; for which we rejoyced from the heart , and we judged , that a sase and favourable deity had interposed it self in this business , whereby you might be perserved . now that the verity of the things elated might be confirmed , some principal heads of the conspiracy were purposely pretermitted , that the knowledge of them might be extorted from the circumvented society of the conspirators . now the things will be speedily and safely promoted into act , if they be warily proceeded in at bruxels . by my advice , that day should be observed wherein the packet of letters are dispatch'd , which under the title of , to monsieur strario arch-deacon of cambray , tyed with one cover , are delivered to the post-master ; such a packet may be secretly brought back from him , yet it will be unprofitable , because all the inclosed letters are written characteristically . likewise another packet coming weekly from rome , which is brought under this superscription , to the most illustrious lord count rossetti , legat for the time ; these are not to be neglected : to whom likewise letters writ in the same characters are included . that they may be understood , reade is to be consulted with . the forenamed day of dispatch shall be expected : in reade's house an accumulated congregation may be circumvented ; which succeeding , it will be your graces part to order the business . the intestine enemy being at length detected by god's grace , all bitterness of mind , which is caused on either side may be abolished , buried in oblivion , deleted and quieted , the enemy be invaded on both parts : thus the king and the kings friend , and both kingdoms neer to danger , shall be preserved and delivered from eminent danger . your grace likewise may have this injunction by you , if you desire to have the best advice given you by others , that you trust not overmuch to your pursevants , for some of them live under the stipend of the popish party . how many rocks , how many scilla 's , how many displeased charybdes appear before your grace , in what a dangerous sea , the cock-boat of your graces life , next to shipwrack , is tossed , your self may judge ; the fore-deck of the ship is speedily to be driven to the harbour . all these things ( i whisper ) into your grace's ear , for i know it bound with an oath of secrecy ; therefore by open name , i would by these presents become known to your grace , hague sept. 14. s. n. 1640. your graces most observant , and most officious , andrew habernfeld . superscribed by andreas ab habernfeld , a noble bohemian , dr. of physick to the queen of bohemia , illustrissimo ac reverendissimo dom. domino gulielmo archiepiscopo cantuariensi , primati & metropolitano totius regni angliae dom. meo . the arch-bishops indorsement with his own hand . received , octob. 14. 1640. andreas ab habernfeld . his letters sent by sir william boswell , about the discovery of the treason . i conceive by the english latin herein , that he must needs be an englishman , with a concealed and changed name . and yet it may be this kind of latin may relate to the italian . or else he lived some good time in england the declaration of this treason i have by his majesties special command , sent to sir w. boswell , that he may there see what proof can be made of any particulars . the general overture and discovery of the plot , sent with sir william boswell's first letter , and written in latin. the king's majesty and the lord arch-bishop of canterbury are to be secretly informed by letters , 1. that the king's majesty , and the lord arch-bishop are both of them in great danger of their lives . 2. that the whole common-wealth is by this means endangered , unless the mischief be speedily prevented . 3. that these scotch troubles are raised , to the end , that under this pretext , the king and arch-bishop might be destroyed . 4. that there is a means to be prescribed , whereby both of them in this case may be preserved , and this tumult speedily composed . 5. that although these scotch tumults be speedily composed , yet that the king is endangered , and that there are many ways , by which destruction is plotted to the king and lord arch-bishop . 6. that a certain society hath conspired the death of the king , and lord arch-bishop , and convulsion of the whole realm . 7. that the same society , every week deposits with the president of the society , what intelligence every of them hath purchased in eight days search , and then confer all into one packet , which is weekly sent to the director of the business . 8. that all the confederates in the said conspiracy may verily be named by the poll. but because they may be made known by other means , it is thought meet to defer it till hereafter . 9. that there is a ready means , whereby the villany may be discovered in one moment , the chief conspirators circumvented , and the primary members of the conjuration apprehended in the very act . 10. that very many about the king , who are accounted most faithful and intimate , to whom likewise the more secret things are intrusted , are traytors to the king , corrupted with a foreign pension , who communicate all secrets of greater or lesser moment to a foreign power . these and other most secret things , which shall be necessary to be known for the security of the king , may be revealed , if these things shall be acceptable to the lord arch-bishop . likewise they may be assured , that whatsoever things are here proposed , are no figments , or fables , nor vain dreams , but such real verities , which may be demonstrated in every small tittle . for those who thrust themselves into this business , are such men , who mind no gain , but the very zeal of christian charity suffers them not to conceal these things : yet both from his majesty and the lord arch-bishop some small exemplar of gratitude will be expected . all these premises have been communicated under good faith , and the sacrament of an oath , to mr. leiger embassadour of the king of great britain , at the hague ; that he should not immediately trust , or communicate these things to any mortal , besides the king , and the lord arch-bishop of canterbury . subscribed , &c. present , &c. hague , com. 6. sept. 1640. in the style of the place . the arch-bishops own indorsement . recieved sept. 10. 1640. the plot against the king. the arch-bishop of canterburies letter to the king , concerning the plot ; with the king's directions in the margin , written with his own hand . [ i beseech your majesty read these letters as they are endorsed by figures , 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. ] may it please your majesty , as great as the secret is which comes herewith , yet i choose rather to send it in this silent covert way , and i hope safe , than to come thither , and bring it my self . first , because i am no way able to make hast enough with it . secondly , because should i come at this time , and antedate the meeting , sept. 24. there would be more jealousie of the business , and more enquiry after it : especially , if i being once there , should return again before that day , as i must , if this be followed , as is most fit . the danger it seems is eminent , and laid by god knows whom ; but to be executed by them which are very near about you . ( for the great honour which i have to be in danger with you , or for you , i pass not , so your sacred person , and the state may be safe . ) now , may it please your majesty , this information is either true , or there is some mistake in it : if it be true , the persons which make the discovery will deserve thanks and reward ; if there should be any mistake in it , your majesty can lose nothing but a little silence . the business , ( if it be ) is extream foul . the discovery thus by god's providence offered , seems fair . i do hereby humbly beg it upon my knees of your majesty , that you will conceal this business from every creature , and his name that sends this to me . and i send his letters to me , to your majesty , that you may see his sence both of the business and the secrecy . and such instructions as you think fit to give him , i beseech you let them be in your own hand for his warrant , without imparting them to any . and if your majesty leave it to his descretion to follow it there in the best way he can , that in your own hand will be instruction and warrant enough for him . and if you please to return it herewith presently to me , i will send an express away with it presently . in the mean time , i have by this express returned him this answer , that i think he shall do well to hold on the treaty with these men , with all care and secrecy , and drive on to the discovery , so soon as the business is ripe for it , that he may assure himself and them , they shall not want reward , if they do the service . that for my part he shall be sure of secrecy , and that i am most confident , that your majesty will not impart it to any . that he have a special eye to the eighth and ninth proposition . sir , for god's sake , and your own safety , secrecy in this business : and i beseech you , send me back this letter , and all that comes with it , speedily and secretly , and trust not your own pockets with them . i shall not eat , nor sleep in quiet , till i receive them . and so soon as i have them again , and your majesties warrant to proceed , no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on the discovery . this is the greatest business that ever was put to me . and if i have herein proposed , or done any thing amiss , i most humbly crave your majesties pardon . but i am willing to hope i have not herein erred in judgment , and in fidelity i never will. these letters came to me on , thursday , sept. 10. at night , and i sent these away according to the date hereof , being extreamly wearied with writing this letter , copying out those other which come with this , and dispatching my letters back to him that sent these , all in my own hand . once again secrecy for god's sake , and your own . to his most blessed protection i commend your majesty and all your affairs : and am , lambeth , sept. 11. 1640. your majesties most humble faithful servant , w. cant. the arch-bishop's postscript . as i had ended these , whether with the labour or indignation , or both , i fell into an extreme faint sweat ; i pray god keep me from a feaver , of which three are down in my family at croyden . these letters came late to me , the express being beaten back by the wind . the arch-bishops indorsement with his own hand . received from the king , sept. 16. 1640. the king's answer to the plot against him , &c. superscrib'd by the arch-bishop , for your sacred majesty : by the king , yours apostyled . sir william boswel's second letter to the arch-bishop . may it please your grace , this evening late i have received your graces dispatch , with the enclosed from his majesty , by my secretary oveart , and shall give due account with all possible speed of the same , according to his majesties and your graces commands , praying heartily that my endeavours , which shall be most faithful , may also prove effectual , to his majesties and your grace's content , with which i do most humbly take leave , being always hague , sept. 24. 1640. s. angelo . your graces most dutiful and humblest servant , william boswell . the arch-bishop's indorsement . received , sept. 30. 1640. sir william boswell his acknowledgement , that he hath received the king's directions in my letters . sir william boswell's third letter to the arch-bishop . sent with the larger discovery of the plot . may it please your grace , upon receipt of his majesties commands , with your grace's letters of 9 , and 18 , sept. last , i dealt with the party to make good his offers formerly put in mine hand , and transmitted to your grace : this he hopes to have done , by the inclosed , so far as will be needful for his majesties satisfaction ; yet if any more particular explanation or discovery shall be required by his majesty or your grace , he hath promised to add thereunto , whatsoever he can remember , and knows of truth . and for better assurance and verification of his integrity , he professeth himself ready ( if required ) to make oath of what he hath already declared , or shall hereafter declare in the business . his name he conjures me still to conceale , though he thinks his majesty and your grace , by the character he gives of himself , will easily imagin who he is , having been known so generally through court and city , as he was for three or four years , in the quality and imployment he acknowlegeth ( by his declaration inclosed ) himself to have held . hereupon he doth also redouble his most humble and earnest suit unto his majesty and your grace , to be most secret and circumspect in the business , that he may not be suspected to have discovered , or had a hand in the same . i shall here humbly beseech your grace to let me know what i may further do for his majesties service , or for your graces particular behoof ; that i may accordingly endeavour to approve my self , as i am , hague , octob. 15. 1640. your grace's mest dutiful and obliged servant , william boswell . the arch-bishop's indorsment . received octob. 14. 1640. sir william boswell in prosecution of the great business . if any thing come to him in cyphers , to send it to him . the large particular discovery of the plot and treason against the king , kingdom , and protestant religion , and to raise the scotish wars , written in latin. most illustrious and reverend lord , we have willingly and cordially perceived , that our offers have been acceptable both to his royal majesty , and likewise to your grace . this is the only index to us , that the blessing of god is present with you , whereby a spur is given , that we should so much the more chearfully and freely utter and detest those things whereby the hazard of both your lives , the subversion of the realm and state both of england and scotland , the tumbling down of his excellent majesty from his throne , is intended . now lest the discourse should be enlarged with superfluous circumstances , we will only premise some things which are meerly necessary to the business . you may first of all know , that this good man , by whom the ensuing things are detected , was born and bred in the popish religion , who spent many years in ecclesiastical dignities . at length being found fit for the expedition of the present design , by the counsel and mandate of the lord cardinal barbarini , he was adjoyned to the assistance of master cuneus ( con ) by whom he was found so diligent and sedulous in his office , that hope of great promotion was given to him . yet he , led by the instinct of the good spirit , hath , howsoever it be , contemned sweet promises , and having known the vanities of the pontifician religion ( of which he had sometime been a most severe defender ) having likewise noted the malice of those who fight under the popish banner , felt his conscience to be burdened ; which burden that he might ease himself of , he converted his mind to the orthodox religion . soon after , that he might exonerate his conscience , he thought fit , that a desperate treason , machinated against so many souls , was to be revealed , and that he should receive ease if he vented such things in the bosom of a friend : which done , he was seriously admonished by the said friend , that he should shew an example of his conversion and charity , and free so many innocent souls from imminent , danger to whose monitions he willingly consented , and delivered the following things to be put in writing , out of which the articles not long since tendered to your grace , may be clearly explicated and demonstrated . 1. first of all , that the hinge of the business may be rightly discerned , it is to be known , that all those factions with which christendom is at this day shaken , do arise from the jesuitical off-spring of cham , of which four orders abound throughout the world. of the first order are ecclesiasticks , whose office it is to take care of things promoting religion . of the second order are politicians , whose office it is by any means to shake , trouble , and reform the state of kingdoms and republicks . of the third order are seculars , whose property it is to obtrude themselves into offices with kings and princes , to insinuate and immix themselves in court businesses , bargains and sales , and to be busied in civil affairs . of the fourth order are intelligencers , ( or spies ) men of inferiour condition , who submit themselves to the services of great men , princes , barons , noble-men , citizens , to deceive ( or corrupt ) the minds of their masters . 2. a society of so many orders , the kingdom of england nourisheth : for scarce all spain , france , and italy , can yield so great a multitude of jesuits , as london alone ; where are found more than 50 scotish jesuits . there the said society hath elected to it self a seat of iniquity , and hath conspired against the king , and the most faithful to the king , especially the lord archbishop of canterbury , and likewise against both kingdoms . 3. for it is more certain than certainty it self , that the forenamed society hath determined to effect an universal reformation of the kingdom of england and scotland . therefore the determination of the end , necessarily infers a determination of means to the end . 4. therefore to promote the undertaken villany , the said society dubbed it self with the title of , the congregation of propagating the faith ; which acknowledgeth the pope of rome the head of the college , and cardinal barbarini his substitute and executor . 5. the chief patron of the society at london , is the popes legat , who takes care of the business ; into whose bosom , these dregs of traytors weekly deposite all their intelligences . now the residence of this legation was obtained at london in the name of the roman pontiff , by whose mediation it might be lawful for cardinal barbarini to work so much the more easily and safely upon the king and kingdom . for none else could so freely circumvent the king , as he who should be palliated with the popes authority . 6. master cuneus did at that time enjoy the office of the popes legat , an universal instrument of the conjured society , and a serious promoter of the business , whose secrets , as likewise those of all other intelligencers , the present good man , the communicator of all these things , did revive and expedite whither the business required . cuneus set upon the chief men of the kingdom , and left nothing unattempted , by what means he might corrupt them all , and incline them to the pontifician party : he inticed many with various incitements , yea , he sought to delude the king himself with gifts of pictures , antiquities , idols , and of other vanities brought from rome , which yet would prevail nothing with the king. having entred familiarity with the king , he is often requested at hampton court , likewise at london , to undertake the cause of the palatine , and that he would interpose his authority , and by his intercession perswade the legat of colen , that the palatine , in the next diet to treat of peace , might be inserted into the conditions ; which verily he promised , but performed the contrary . he writ indeed , that he had been so desired by the king concerning such things , yet he advised that they should not be consented to , lest peradventure it might be said by the spaniard , that the pope of rome had patronized an heretical prince . in the mean time , cuneus smelling from the archbishop , most trusty to the king , that the kings mind was wholly pendulous ( or doubtful , ) resolved , that he would move every stone , and apply his forces , that he might gain him to his party : certainly confiding , that he had a means prepared . for he had a command to offer a cardinals cap to the lord archbishop in the name of the pope of rome , and that he should allure him also with higher promises , that he might corrupt his sincere mind . yet a fitting occasion was never given , whereby he might insinuate himself into the lord archbishop . free access was to be gained by the earl and countess of a — likewise secretary w — the intercession of all which being neglected , he did flie the company or familiarity of cuneus , worse than the plague : he was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank , well known to him , neither yet was he moved . 7. another also was assayed , who hindred access to the detestable wickedness , secretary cook , he was a most bitter hater of the jesuits , whom he intercepted from acces , to the king , he entertained many ( of them ) according to their deserts , he diligently enquired into their factions ; by which means every incitement , breathing a magnetical ( attractive ) power to the popish party , was ineffectual with him ; for nothing was so dear unto him , that might incline him to wickedness . hereupon being made odious to the patrons of the conspiracy , he was endangered to be discharged from his office ; it was laboured for three years space , and at last obtained . yet notwithstanding there remained on the kings part a knot hard to be untied , for the lord arch-bishop , by his constancy , interposed himself as a most hard rock . when cuneus had understood from the lord arch-bishops part , that he had laboured in vain , his malice and the whole societies waxed boyling hot : soon after ambushes began to be prepared , wherewith the lord arch-bishop together with the king should be taken . likewise a sentence is passed against the king ( for whose sake all this business is disposed ) because nothing is hoped from him which might seem to promote the popish religion ; but especially when he had opened his mind , that he was of this opinion , that every one might be saved in his own religion , so as he be an honest and pious man. 8. to perpetrate the treason undertaken , the criminal execution at westminster , caused by some writings of puritans , gave occasion of the first fire : which thing was so much exasperated and exaggerated by the papists to the puritans , that if it remained unrevenged , it would be thought a blemish to their religion ; the flames of which fire , the scotch book of prayers increases , occasioned by it's alterations . 9. in this heat , a certain scotish earl , called maxfield , if i mistake not , was expedited to the scots by the popish party ; with whom two other scotish earls , papists , held correspondency : he was to stir up the people to commotion , and rub over the injury afresh , that he might enflame their minds , precipitate them to arms , by which the hurtful disturber of the scotish liberty might be slain . 10. by this one labour , snares are prepared for the king ; for this purpose the present business was so ordered , that very many of the english should adhere to the scots ; that the king should remain inferiour in arms , who ( thereupon ) should be compelled to crave assistance from the papists , which yet he should not obtain , unless he would descend unto conditions , by which he should permit universal liberty of the exercise of the popish religion ; for so the affairs of the papists would succeed according to their desire . to which consent , if he should shew himself more difficult , there should be a present remedy at hand . the king is to be dispatched : for an indian nut , stuffed with most sharp poyson , is kept in the society ( which cuneus at that time shewed often to me in a boasting manner ) wherein a poyson was prepared for the king ; after the example of his father . 11. in this scottish commotion , the marquess of hamilton , often dispatched to the scots in the name of the king , to interpose the royal authority , whereby the heat of minds might be mittigated , returned notwithstanding as often without fruit , and without ending the business : his chaplain at that time repaired to us , who communicated some things secretly with cuneus . being demanded of me in jest , whether also the jews agreed with the samaritans ? cuneus thereunto answered ; would to god all ministers were such as he : what you will may be hence conjectured . 12. things standing thus , there arrived at london from cardinal richelieu , mr. thomas chamberlaine , his chaplain and almoner , a scot by nation , who was to assist the college of the confederate society , and seriously to set forward the business , to leave nothing unattempted , whereby the first heat might be exasperated . for which service he was promised the reward of a bishoprick ; he cohabited with the society four months space ; neither was it lawful for him first to depart , until things succeeding according to his wish , he might be able to return back again with good news . 13. sir toby matthew , a jesuited priest , of the order of politicians , a most vigilant man of the chief heads , to whom a bed was never so dear , that he would rest his head thereon , refreshing his body with sleep in a chair for an hour , or two , neither day nor night spared his machinations ; a man principally noxious , and himself the plague of the king and kingdom of england ; a most impudent man , who flies to all banquets and feasts , called or not called ; never quiet , always in action and perpetual motion ; thrusting himself into all conversations of superiours ; he urgeth conferences familiarly , that he may fish out the minds of men ; what ever he observeth thence , which may bring any commodity , or discommodity to the part of the conspirators , he communicates to the pope's legat ; the more secret things he himself writes to the pope , or to cardinal barbarini . in sum , he adjoins himself to any mans company ; no word can be spoken , that he will not lay hold on , and accommodate to his party . in the mean time , whatever he hath fished out , he reduceth into a catalogue , and every summer carrieth it to the general consistory of the jesuits politicks , which secretly meets together in the province of wales , where he is an acceptable guest . there counsels are secretly hammered , which are most meet for the convulsion of the ecclesiastic , and politic estate of both kingdoms . 14. captain read , a scot , dwelling in long-acre-street , near the angel tavern , a secular jesuit , who for his detestable office performed ( whereby he had perverted a certain minister of the church , with secret incitements to the popisn religion , with all his family , taking his daughter to wife ) for a recompence , obtained a rent , or impost upon butter , which the country people are bound to render to him , procured for him by some chief men of the society , who never want a spur , whereby he may be constantly detained in his office. in his house the business of the whole plot is concluded , where the society , which hath conspired against the king , the lord arch-bishop , and both kingdoms , meet together , for the most part every day : but on the day of the carriers ( or posts ) dispatch , which is ordinarily friday , they meet in greater numbers ; for then all the intelligencers assemble , and confer in common , what things every of them hath fished out that week ; who , that they may be without suspition , send their secrets by sir toby matthew , or read himself , to the pope's legat ; he transmits the compacted packet , which he hath purchased from the intelligencers , to rome . with the same read , the letters brought from rome are deposired , under fained titles and names , and by him are delivered to all to whom they appertain : for all and every of their names are known to him . upon the very same occasion , letters also are brought hither under the covert of father philip ; ( he notwithstanding , being ignorant of things ) from whom they are distributed to the conspirators . there is in that very house , a publick chappel , wherein an ordinary jesuit consecrates , and dwells there . in the said chappel masses are daily celebrated by the jesuits , and it serves for the baptizing of the children of the house , and of some of the conspirators . those who assemble in the forenamed house , come frequently in coaches , or on horse-back in lay-mens habit , and with a great train , wherewith they are disguised , that they may not be known , yet they are jesuits , and conjured members of the society . 15. all the papists of england contribute to this assembly , lest any thing should be wanting to promote the undertaken design . out of whose treasury , a widow , owner of the houses , wherein secretary w. now dwelleth , dead above three years since , bestowed forty thousand english pounds ; so likewise others contributed above their abilities , so as the business may be promoted unto its desired end . 16. besides the foresaid houses , there are conventicles also kept in other more secret places , of which they dare not confide , even among themselves , for fear lest they should be discovered . first , every of them are called to certain inns , ( one not knowing of the other ; ) hence they are severally led by spies to the place where they ought to meet ; otherwise ignorant where they ought to assemble , lest peradventure they should be surprised at unawares . 17. the countess of a — a strenuous she-champion of the popish religion , bends all her nerves to the universal reformation ; whatsoever she hears at the king's court , that is done secretly , or openly , in words or deeds , she presently imparts to the pope's legat , with whom she meets thrice a day . sometimes in a — house , now at the court , then at tarthal . he scarce sucks such things by the claw . the earl himself , called now about three years since , this year ought to go to rome , without doubt to consult there of serious things concerning the design . at greenwich , at the earls cost , a feminine school is maintained , which otherwise is a monastery of nuns ; for the young girls therein , are sent forth hither and thither , into foreign monasteries beyond the seas . mr. p — of the king's bed-chamber , most addicted to the popish religion , is a bitter enemy of the king , he reveals all his greatest secrets to the pope's legat ; although he very rarely meets with him , yet his wife meets him so much the oftner , who being informed by her husband , conveys secrets to the legat. in all his actions , he is nothing inferiour to sir toby matthew ; it cannot be uttered , how diligently he watcheth on the business . his sons are secretly instructed in the popish religion ; openly , they profess the reformed . the eldest is now to receive his fathers office , under the king which shall be . a cardinal's hat is provided for the other , if the design shall succeed well . above three years past , the said mr. p — was to be sent away by the king to marocco ; but he was prohibited by the society , lest the business should suffer delay thereby . he is a patron of the jesuits , for whom , for the exercise of religion , he provides chappels both at home and abroad . secretary w — a most fierce papist , is the most unfaithful to the king of all men , who not only betrays and reveals even the king 's greatest secrets , but likewise communicates counsels , by which the design may be best advanced . he , at least thrice every week , converseth with the legat in nocturnal conventicles , and reveals those things which he thinks fit to be known ; for which end , he hired a house near to the legats house , whom he often resorts to , through the garden door ; for by this vicinity , the meeting is facilitated . the said secretary is bribed with gifts to the party of that conjured society , by whom he is sustained , that he may the more seriously execute his office. he sent his son expresly to rome , who was to insinuate himself into the roman pontif. sir d — sir w — mr. m — the younger , who hath been at rome ; my lord s — a cousen of the earl of a — the countess of n — the dutchess of b — and many others , who have sworn into this conspiracy , are all most vigilant in the design . some of these are inticed with the hope of court , others of political offices ; others attend to the sixteen cardinals caps that are vacant , which are therefore detained idle for some years , that they may impose a vain hope on those who expect them . the president of the aforesaid society was my lord gage , a jesuit priest , dead above three years since . he had a palace adorned with lascivious pictures , which counterfeited profaneness in the house , but with them was palliated a monastery , wherein forty nuns were maintained , hid in so great a palace : it is situated in queen-street , which the statue of a golden queen adorns . the secular jesuits have bought all this street , and have design'd it into a quadrangle , where a jesuitical college is built in private , with this hope , that it might be openly finished , as soon as the universal reformation was begun . the pope's legat useth a threefold character or cipher ; one of which he communicates with all nuncioes ; another , with cardinal barbarini only ; with a third , he covers some greater secrets to be communicated . whatsoever things he either receiveth from the society , or other spies , those he packs up together in one bundle , dedicated under this inscription ; to monsieur stravio , arch-deacon of cambray : from whom at last they are promoted to rome . these things being thus ordered , if every thing be laid to the ballance , it will satisfie in special , all the articles propounded . wherein 1. the conspiracy against the king and lord arch-bishop is detected , and the means whereby ruin is threatned to both , demonstrated . 2. the eminent dangers of both kingdoms are rehearsed . 3. the rise and progress of that scottish fire is related . 4. means whereby these scottish troubles may be appeased , are suggested : for after the scots shall know by whom and to what end their minds are incensed , they will speedily look to themselves , neither will they suffer the forces of both parts to be subdued , lest a middle party interpose , which seeks the ruin of both . 5. with what sword the king's throat is assaulted , even when these stirs shall be ended , cuneus his confession , and a visible demonstration , sheweth . 6. the place of the assembly in the house of captain read is nominated 7. the day of the eight days dispatch by read and the legat is prescribed 8. how the names of the conspirators may be known . 9. where this whole congregation may be circumvented . 10. some of the principal unfaithful ones of the king's party are notified by name ; many of whose names occur not , yet their habitations are known ; their names may be easily extorted from read. if these things be warily proceeded in , the strength of the whole business will be brought to light ; so the arrow being foreseen , the danger shall be avoided ; which that it may prosperously succeed , the omnipotent creator grant . the arch-bishops indorsement with his own hand . received , october 14. 1640. the narration of the great treason , concerning which he promised to sir william boswell to discover , against the king and state. historical remarks on the jesuits . whoever shall compare the before-recited plot against king charles the first , of glorious memory , with that against his most sacred majesty now reigning ; shall find them so like in all the parts and circumstances , that never were two brothers more : the design the same , the contrivance the same , the working and machination , all moving upon the same wheels of king-killing , and state-destruction ; and in reference to condition , quality , religion , and motive , the conspirators the very same . from whence it follows , that there is no such improbability of the late discovered plot , as the papists would have us believe . an ill name is half a conviction ; quo semel est imbuta recens , & naturam expellas furcalicet , are the jesuits morals : plot , contrivance , and cruelty are so much the essential attributes of jesuitism , as if like so many romulusses and remusses they had suckt the milk of wolves rather than of christian mothers , that when you hear of plots and designs against kings and princes , you may be assur'd what sort of cyclops were the forgers of such conspiracies . neither is this bare allegation , but matter of fact , there being nothing more frequently taught , nor more frequently practis'd , than the rebellious principles of the jesuits and their adherents . how abominably the reigns of several of our princes here in england has been pester'd with this generation of vipers and blood-suckers , the penal statutes of the kingdom , and the utter expulsion of the popish priests and jesuits out of the nation , are convincing evidences . and as to their behaviour in other countries , take this following account . first then it is a maxim most true and undoubted , that a vacuum in nature may be as soon allow'd , as that there is any court of king of prince where these jesuits do not swarm and abound , if they can but creep in at the least creviss . to come to particulars , we will begin with portugal , a kingdom altogether acknowledging the papal jurisdiction . in the year 1578. the jesuits perswaded sebastian king of that kingdom , to undertake that fatal expedition into africa , to the end that by his ruin they might transfer the kingdom to the dominion of the spaniard . the success answer'd their expectation ; for sebastian being cut off , together with his son , and the greatest part of the portugal nobility , presently philip king of spain prepares to invade portugal with two powerful armies : but well knowing how little right he had on his side , and how much he should be censur'd as well in italy as in portugal for such an action , he began to make it a point of conscience , and referr'd his scruples to be discuss'd by the jesuits and franciscans in the colledge of alcana de henares , and of them he desires to know , whether if it were apparent that he had a right to the crown of portugal by the death of henry , he were not oblig'd in conscience to submit himself to some tribunal , that should adjudge the kingdom to him . secondly , whether if the portugals should refuse to admit him for their king before the difference were decided between the competitors , he might not by force of arms invest himself in the kingdom by his own authority . to which the jesuits and pranciscans made answer , that philip was bound by no tye of conscience to subject himself to the will of another , but might act as he saw fitting by his own authority . which flattering sentence of those irreligious cusuists being approved by philip , he presently began the war. in the heat of which war , the jesuits were they that would have betray'd the chiefest of the azores islands to the spaniards , which so incens'd the people , that some would have had them try'd for their lives , others would have had them and their colledge burnt together . in france , joane albret queen of navarr , was poysoned with a pair of perfumed gloves , at the procurement of the jesuits , for being the patroness of those of the reformed religion . that rebellious league of the guizes against henry the third of france , was carried on and promoted by the jesuits , both at paris and other places : insomuch , that when the league got strength and began to appear , the jesuits making a wrong use of their power of confessing and absolving , would absolve none that professed themselves obedient subjects to the king. this unfortunate prince was not only harrass'd and tormented by this villanous and jesuitical league , not only driven out of his chief city , but at length at the instigation of the jesuits , stabb'd and murder'd by a dominican monk , by them procur'd . the murder was also applauded by pope sixtus the fifth , in a long oration spoke in a full consistory of cardinals in these words : that a monk ( saith he ) should kill the unfortunate king of france in the midst of his army , was a rare , noble , and memorable act. and a little further , this act , saith he , was done by the providence of god , design'd by the inspiration of the holy ghost ; a far greater act than that of judith , who slew holofernes . expressions rather becoming the mouth of a devil , than of a vicar of christ. after him henry the fourth was first attempted by barrier , exhorted and confirm'd in the lawfulness of the fact by varada the jesuit , and others of the same gang. secondly by john castell , at the instigation of gueret and guignard , both jesuits : and francis verona the jesuit , publisht an apology in vindication and justification of the fact : and lastly , murder'd out-right by francis ravaillac a great disciple of the jesuits . and for no worse pranks than these , they were banished out of france by decree of parliament , as corrupters of youth , disturbers of the public peace , and enemies to the king and kingdom . truly very honourable characters for those that pretend to be of the society of jesus . the venetians expell'd them upon this occasion : the senate observing that the ecclesiastics , especially the jesuits , began to engross lands and houses of their territories under the pretence of legacies , to the great damage of the public income , thought it convenient to put a stop to this jesuitical engrossment ; and provide by law that ecclesiastical persons should not possess all the temporal estates in their territories to themselves , but give leave for others to share with them , it being positively against the constitution of their order , and the institution of christ their founder . the jesuits took this in great dudgeon , and wrote to pope paul the fifth about it . the venetians being summon'd to answer , would not relinquish their right , protesting withal , that they had the supreme jurisdiction in their own territories , and consequently to make laws ; and that the pope had nothing to do with them in those matters . upon which answer , the pope thunders out his excommunication . the duke and senate by public decree condemn the excommunication as unjust and invalid ; which done , they call the whole body of their clergy , and to them declare how affairs stood . the elder sort take part with the commonwealth , and maintain the argument against the pope in writing , among whom paulus venetus was most eminently signal : the jesuits not enduring the kneeness of his reasons , hire two ruffians , and upon the fifth of october , 1607. set them to assassinate paulus venetus , who thinking they had done his work , left him for dead , and fled away . this was something near sir edmundbury godfreys case . the senate hearing this , by a new law banish the jesuits for ever out of their territories , and cut them off from all hope of ever returning : and this was their fortune in venice . in the year 1609. the bohemians made a complaint to the emperour against the jesuits , for the same encroachments of which the venetians had accused them before , desiring of caesar that they might no longer be permitted to transfer and translate into their own possession such ample patrimonies , under pretence of donations and legacies , as they did continually . of which when the emperour took little notice , they were by the bohemian states themselves in the year 1618. utterly expelled out of that nation for ever , with these characters : 1. that they were lavish wasters of the public peace and tranquility of the nation . 2. that they endeavour'd to subject all kingdoms and nations to the power of the pope . 3. that they did nothing but set the magistrates together by the ears . 4. that they made particular advantage of confessions , to the destruction of the people : with many other crimes of the same nature . the same year they were expell'd out of moravia for the same reasons ; and the next year out of hungaria for the same causes . in silesia also a decree was made , that the jesuits should not enter that province upon pain of death , as being the onely means to preserve peace in the nation . as to other villanies in poland , a polonian knight , himself a papist , in an oration by him made in a full assembly of the polonian nobility , declares , that cracow the most famous city of poland , and ornament of the kingdom , was so plagu'd by the jesuits , that several good men , though catholicks , affirmed , that they would rather live in the woods among wild beasts , than abide in the city . one time among the rest , these jesuits having brought their conspiracy to perfection , brake into the most ancient monument of antiquity in the city , and to the great danger of the whole city , set it on fire , as being granted to the evangelics by consent of the king , and states of the kingdom . in posnania another great city of the same kingdom , they set fire on the church belonging to those of the augustan confession , and committed so many insolencies without controul , that the nobility refus'd to meet at the dyet shortly after to be held at warsaw , resolving to repair further off to lublin , for the redress of these misdemeanours . neither indeed was there any thing more grievously burdensom to that kingdom than the pride and avarice of those miscreants . in muscovy , upon the death of the great duke basilowich , the jesuits set up one demetrius against the lawful heir , who had made them large promises , if he obtain'd the dukedom . thereupon by the help of these jesuits , the said demetrius gets aid from the king of poland , which was not onely the occasion of a great war in muscovy , but had like to have cost them the alteration of their laws , and loss of their ancient customs and priviledges , had they not prevented it by a desperate attempt upon the impostor , and put him to death ; surrounded with impostors and jesuits . the transilvanians publicly and with one consent laid all the cause of their miseries and calamities , upon the subtilties and contrivances of the jesuits , for which reason by a public decree of the states of that province , they were ejected out of the limits of their territories . nevertheless they secretly fomented the ruin of that country , and were the reason that sigismund bathor involv'd himself in war and trouble , and at length died an inglorious and miserable death . by their contrivance also stephen potski , prince of transilvania , opposing their bloody sect , was put out of the way , as they call it , by poyson , in the year 1607. in styria and carinthia , provinces of germany , they never left till they had voided those provinces of all the inhabitants of the reformed religion . in holland , they never left till they saw the blood of william prince of orange , spilt by the trayterous hand of balthasar gerard , a burgundian and disciple of their own . the same attempts did peter de tour , and other ruffians make upon the person of maurice his son , a brave and martial prince , and all at the instigation of the jesuits , those insatiable sons of blood and perdition . a vindication of the dissenting protestants , from being authors of the rebellion against the late king , and plotters of treason against his majesty now reigning . seeing then no corner of europe has been free from the plots and conspiracies of these jesuitical fiends , it would be a kind of crime and sleepy desertion of our own safety , to suffer our selves to be charm'd by the delusions of insinuating libels and rumors of presbyterian plots , to mistrust the truth of the continu'd jesuitical contrivances against the kingdom . neither can they be thought the best subjects of england , who are so willing to gratifie the popish party , by giving credence to such idle surmizes which they can have so little ground to believe . the jesuits have committed a great piece of villany in this nation ; they have attempted the life of the king , and have been plotting to subvert the established religion of the kingdom , and now they would throw it upon the presbyterians : which is a fourbery so plain , that common sense and policy may easily discover the full intent and meaning of it : and therefore it is fairly to be hop'd , that neither presbyterians , nor any other protestant dissenters will be so unchristian-like disloyal , as to receive any exasperation from these calumnies ; but rather unite against the common enemy , from whom they can expect no more mercy , than the severest champion of episcopacy can hope for . but you will say , the presbyterians are not accus'd of any design to bring in popery , but miraculously discover'd , as the authors of a plot to set up the classes of their own ecclesiastical government . well! if it were so , they were the arrantest bunglers of plotters that ever plotted mischief in this world : for i do not find their plot to be above a years standing ; and it was a plot that was driven on out of pure kindness to the papists . for the presbyterians understanding that the papists , ( their incarnate enemies ) were under a premunire , as being accused of treason and conspiracy against the king and kingdom ; they therefore would needs enter into a plot , which they would so order as to be discover'd a twelve-month after , to ease the papists of the load they groan'd under . so that as considering the time , it fell out most confoundedly unluckily , that the presbyteriaus should conceal this plot from the papists , till so many good , honest , pious and loyal priests of baal , and sons of belial were hang'd , which would never have been done , had there been the least inkling given of the meal-tub in season . but when the names of the persons came to be seen that were to be actors in this presbyterian tragedy , then to the laughter of the whole world , there never appear'd such a dow-bak'd plot out of a meal-tub since the creation , to bring so many great men plotting against their own prosperity and enjoyments ; so many wise and politie states-men , by whom the nation has been so long steer'd , to be plotters and conspirers against their own preservation . these are plots of such a strange nature , that if they could be thought reall , they would occasion the unhinging of the whole frame of order and government , while it were impossible for honour , probity , and reputation to remain upon the earth . obedience and allegiance to government are grounded either upon religion , or moral vertue ; or if these two fail , there is a necessity which obliges the ordinary fore-sight of prudence . against these ambition or revenge are the only combatants ; but neither ambition nor revenge can bear so great a sway in persons that understand the intrigues of policy , or the more mysterious management of prudence , as to delude them into plots and conspiracies where there is no prospect of a secure change. the presbyterians are a sort of people wary and deliberate : neither are their tenents , which had their rise and beginnings from men whom the papists themselves confess to have been men of great learning , eloquence , and exemplary lives , of that crimson constitution , as to prompt them to lay the foundations of their hierarchy in blood and massacre ; or so deeply to wound the reputation of the protestant religion , by the clandestine treachery and secret contrivances of disloyalty . for as for that design of the huguenots under francis the second , king of france , of which the prince of conde , and the admiral coligni were said to be chief ; that was no design against the life or person of the king , but against the exorbitant pride of the guises , duke and cardinal , who were at the same time papists , and were themselves contriving to take away the life of the young king , and translate the royal dignity into their own family . neither could the civil wars of france be said to be the rebellion of the hugonets : but a war of the queen regents , and the two guises own weaving , while they all strove to preserve their own authority . and the queen regent her self was the first that caus'd the prince of conde to take arms , as fearing the guises would wrest the government out of her hands , by recommending to his protection the young king charles the ninth her son , her self , and the kingdom . nay they were so far from being rebels to their king , that they joyn'd with the catholiques for the recovery of haure out of the hands of queen elizabeth , who had been their friend : and though the admiral and danaelot were not at the siege , for fear of being tared by the queen of ingratitude , yet they sent both their forces and friends . some indeed justly deserved to be blamed for the violence of their conduct in the late wars ; but it is a question , of which some make no doubt , whether those violences were not occasion'd by the papists in masquerade , who well knew how to intermix themselves both in their counsels and actions ; whether they did not stand behind the scene and prompt those sons of jehu ? whether they did not pour oyl upon those flames ? for it appears that the presbyterians ( if names of distinction may be us'd among people of the same religion ) were the first that relented , as is evident by votes of addresses , and their treaty at the isle of wight , not broke off by them , but by one that was playing his own game , and meditating the destruction both of his sovereign and them too : who having made his exit , they then considered what ill phaetons they had been before , and return'd the more skilful phoebus the reins of his chariot again . but that you may know that 't is an old dog-trick of the papists to play the devils incarnate , and lay their most wicked actions upon the innocent ; i will repeat this short story out of one of the choicest french historians , and a catholique to boot . the queen regent of france having long design'd the destruction of the protestants in france , and of all the chief heads of the reformed religion ; and among the rest of admiral coligni , the life and soul of the whole party , projects the execution , with the assistance of the duke of anjou , the counts of tavanes and raix , and the chancellor birague , and easily drew in the young king , whom they made believe that there was no safety so long as those persons were alive , and the young guises were as ready as she to revenge their fathers death . as for the king of navar , they had so order'd it , that he was to be marry'd at paris at that time , and that brought the prince of conde to the city . but the admiral more wary kept aloof , till the king had begun the war with spain in the low countries , which the admiral had so passionately desir'd , and of which the king and queen regent , had assur'd him the management . then he came an end , seeing the war begun , and two of his own favourites , noue and genlis , at the head of some thousands in flanders . and these three great personages , the king of navarr , the prince of conde , and the admiral coligni , brought such trains after them , as throng'd all paris with the flower of all the protestant nobility and gentry of france : who being all thus within the net , orders were given to make a general slaughter of all without distinction , excepting the king of navarr , and the prince of conde . hence proceeded that horrible massacre in the year 1572. which lasted for seven days together , to the destruction of above 5000 persons of all ages and sexes ; and among these above 600 persons of quality . after this deluge of blood , and that the queen had sent the head of coligny embalm'd as a present to the pope , the queen regent had contriv'd to lay the load of all the committed impiety upon the guises , who were captains of the massacre , believing that the monmor ancies would certainly seek to revenge the admirals death upon them : so that while those two factions ruin'd and destroy'd one another , she might have all the power in her own hands , and rule according to her own will. but the guises being aware of this design , and having the catholique nobility , the duke of montpensier , and the parisians on their side , caus'd the queen to change her note ; and thereupon she caus'd the king to write abroad , that all was done to prevent the detestable conspiracy of the admiral and his confederates , againsh his life and royal family . thereupon there was a court of justice erected , wherein the admiral was condemn'd , and after they had murder'd him , executed again in effigies , his goods confiscated , and his children degraded : and the better to colour this , two poor innocent gentlemen that had escaped the massacre , were apprehended for saving their lives , briquemaut , and arnaud de covagnes , as his accomplices , condemn'd to the same punishment , and executed accordingly . thus what these did , our late plotters would have done : we may then say to all protestants in general , felices agricole sua si bona norint , happy would they be , would they but know their own strength , would they but make the right use of these wicked contrivances of their enemies , and laying aside all froward puuctilio's of private opinions , joyn unanimously against the common adversary . for if it be a maxim falsly argu'd against , that peace and diversity of religions cannot be preserved in the same nation , as the ambassadors of the germane princes urg'd to charles the ninth of france ; much more truly may it be said , that little matters of difference between persons of the same religion can be no impediment to their union and conformity . but further to clear the dissenting protestants , i shall here add a perfect narration of the management and contrivance of the jesuits , to render the greater part of the principal men in this kingdom , as well those of the church of england , as the dissenters , obnoxious to the government , thereby utterly to ruin them and the protestant religion , which design god of his infinite goodness has been pleased to bring to confusion , and the instruments thereof through the same divine providence , we hope shortly to see brought to condign punishment . a compleat history of the last plot of the papists , upon the dissenting protestants . the late plot of the romish priests and jesuits for murdering his majesty , subverting the government and protestant religion , and introducing popery , being proved by undeniable evidences and circumstances ; the cunning jesuits thought it their best way ( since peoples eyes were too open to be made believe there was no plot ) to confess there was a plot , and to aggravate it too ; but withal to use their utmost skill to prove , that this plot was not a popish-plot , as was generally believed , but a pure design of the presbyterians , and other dissenters from the protestant church of england , to ruin the loyal roman chatholiques , whilst indeed themselves were the conspirators ; who ( whereas they gave out that the papists intended by murdering the king , &c. to bring in popery ) really intended by killing his majesty , to introduce presbytery and a commonwealth , and so at one blow subvert the government both in church and state , and then to set up a new one of their own under the name of conservators of the liberties of england : and for this purpose they had secretly given out commissions for raising an army , the principal officers whereof were such persons who seemed to have the greatest share in the peoples affections . this design being agreed to by these hellish miscreants , all possible diligence was used to bring it to execution ; and for this purpose they drew up the scheme of a government they intended to impeach several of the truly loyal nobility and gentry , and the whole body of dissenting protestants , of conspiring . this being done , they began to form letters of intelligence concerning this presbyterian plot , and also to provide themselves with persons to swear for the truth of their allegations . to this end mrs. cellier ( a zealous papist , and midwife to the lady powis , and other roman catholic ladies ) procures the enlargement of one wiltoughby , aliàs dangerfield , aliàs thomas ; aliàs day , who had been a prisoner in newgate about six weeks , and had been convicted once at salisbury assizes , ( where he was fined five pounds , and sentenced to stand three several times in the pillory , which he did twice , and then brake prison and escaped ; ) and twice at the old bailey , for uttering false guineys , ( where for the first offence he was fined fifty pounds , and for the second he got his majesties pardon . ) he was no sooner released from newgate , but he was arrested and thrown into the counter , from whence by the means of bannister and scarlet she got him removed to the king's-bench , where ( after some fruitless attempts to get some papers relating to captain bedlow from one strode a prisoner there ) he was furnished with money by the five lords in the tower , viz. the lord bellasis , the lord powis , the lord petre , the lord arundel , and the lord stafford , ( mrs. cellier also giving him 5 l. ) to compound all his debts , &c. before mrs. cellier would discharge him from newgate , she made tryal of his wit , by ordering him to draw up articles according as she directed , against captain richardson , which he perform'd to her liking , and confirm'd her in the choice she had made of his being a fit person to carry on the designed plot. the general esteem the conspirators had of him is evident by the trust they reposed in him ; for though they had several others to carry on their new plot , yet he appears to have the chief management of it . being now sufficiently provided with instruments to execute their damnable designs , this dangerfield was recommended to his majesty by a great person , as one who was much concerned in a plot of the presbyterians against his life and government , and that from time to time he would make discovery thereof . thus they endeavoured to insinuate into his majesties mind a belief of the plot , that he might not be surpriz'd at the discovery they intended to make . another of the intended actors in this tragedy , was thomas courtees , once a clerk to sir william bucknal , one of the excise farmers , then a servant to mr. henry nevil , and after to a worthy member of parliament ; from whose service , he fell into a lewd course of life : but being thought a man fit for the design in hand , he was entertained for one of the witnesses . this person was very industrious in promoting a belief of this presbyterian plot ; for being well acquainted with mrs. bradley , who keeps the house called heaven in old palace-yard ; and there being a club of several honest gentlemen kept at her house , he desired her to bring him into their company , which she promised to endeavour . discoursing with her about the late plot , he told her , that it would shortly appear to be a plot of the presbyterians , and that they were privately giving out commissions for raising an army : whereupon she demanded , who gave out the commissions ; to which he replyed , it was mr. blood ; and added further , that if she would use her interest with mr. blood , to get a commission for him , though it were but for an ensign , he would give her 100 l. and told her also that he should get 5000 l. by it . mrs. bradley told this to mr. blood , who fearing the consequence , acquainted his majesty therewith , and from him received encouragement to make a further inquiry into this matter . mr. blood hereupon desired the woman to keep still her correspendency with courtees , and if possible to find out the mystery of this business . courtees came several times afterwards to the house , and discoursed freely with her about the before-mentioned matter , and told her , that he knew seven or eight persons who were employed upon the same account as he was . but that which follows put a stop to his proceedings , and made these wicked agents carry themselves more warily . the jesuits thought it not sufficient to throw the plot upon the presbyterians ; unless they could likewise bring off the evidence that had sworn against them , and by getting them to recant , put their innocency out of question . for this purpose mr. dugdale , one of the kings evidence , is attempted by one mrs. price , ( for whom it is said mr. dugdale had formerly some kindness ; ) she warily discovers her design , and he as warily entertains it ; and after some treaty , one mr. tesborough appears in the case . they promis'd mr. dugdale a great sum of money , upon condition that he would recant what he had sworn , and sign a paper , which they had ready drawn up to this effect . being touched with a true remorse of conscience , and an hearty sorrow for the great evil i have done , in appearing as a witness against the catholicks , and there speaking that which in my own conscience i know to be far from the truth ; i think my self bound in duty to god , to man , and for the safety of my own soul , to make a true acknowledgment , how i was drawn into thesewicked actions ; but being well satisfied that i shall create my self many powerful . enemies upon this account , i have retired my self to a place of safety , where i will with my own hand discover the great wrong that has been done the catholicks , and hope it may gain belief : i do likewise protest before almighty god , that i have no motive to induce me to this confession , but a true repentance for the mischiefs that i have done , and do hope that god almighty will forgive me . having done this , they told him he might immediately withdraw himself beyond the seas into spain , where he should be honourably entertained , during his stay there , which should be no longer than till they had brought their designs to their desired end , and then he should be recalled , and have both riches and honour conferr'd upon him as a reward for faithfully serving the catholick interest . mr. dugdale seemed willing to agree to their proposals , ( though at the same time he acquainted several honest gentlemen of every particular that passed ) if the reward could be ascertained to him ; but as for the two proposers he would not take their security for it ; whereupon they offered the security of a forein ambassador , but he told them that he thought him a person not fit for security , because he might suddenly be commanded home , and then he could have no remedy against him . then they proposed several others , whose security they said he need not question ; but still he found a plausible excuse ; his design being onely to gain time , that he might make a further discovery who set them on work . his delays created a jealousie in them , that he never intended to answer their desires ; wherefore least he should discover this treaty , and render them liable to punishment , ( as it happened in mr. readings case ) they were resolved to begin with him first ; and by the assistance of a great person , a complaint was made against mr. dugdale , that he offered for a sum of money to recant his evidence , and that he would have signed such a paper as before-mentioned ; adding withal , that it was a lamentable thing to consider how much blood had been shed upon such evidence . upon this mr. dugdale was summoned before the king and council , where giving a full relation of the affair , and having those gentlemen ready , whom he had all along acquainted with the intrigue to prove what he said ; and it plainly appearing , that mrs. price and mr. tesbrough had endeavoured to take off the kings evidence , they were both committed to safe custody . this it was that alarm'd courtees . mr. dangerfield in this time had been employed to murder the earl of shaftsbury , which he twice attempted , but could not meet with an opportunity , the earl refusing to speak in private with him ; which he urged , under pretence that he had something to reveal to his lordship of great concern to his lordships person . he waited on his lordship by the name of day , and went armed with a dagger , which he received from mrs. cellier , to whom three or four were brought by mr. rigaut . to perform this murther , he was promised 500 l. by the lords powis and arundel , ( the lord arundel giving him then 10 guineys ) and encouraged by the lady abergaveny , lady powis , mrs. cellier , and others , and his confessor sharp conjur'd him to stab him with all possible speed . after his first disappointment , they advised him to tell the earl that he was in danger of being impeached for high treason , and that from letters under his own hand ; and that when he should find himself in the tower , he would have cause to repent that he had refused to hear what he had to tell him . these instructions he followed , and told his lordship that his servants had copied out his letters , from whence would be drawn matter to form an impeachment : but the earl would not be wheadled by this to give him a private audience , and thereby administer to him an opportunity of taking away his life ; but askt him which of his servants they were that had copied out his letters : to which dangerfield replyed , that he knew not . then the earl answered , that he knew that all he said was false , for that if his letters were made known to all the world , there would not be found matter sufficient to endanger the least hair of his head , much less to form an impeachment . whereupon dangerfield told him , that if that was his lordships opinion , he would take his leave ; and so departed , leaving his lordship a little jealous of his intentions . the lady powis would have perswaded him upon a third attempt , which he refusing , she struck him gently on the hand with her fan , calling him cow-hearted fellow , telling him , she would do it her self ; but mrs. cellier told her , that should not be , for she would perform it . in order to which , the very next day she went armed with a dagger , to wait upon his lordship , who received her very civilly ; but being made more wary than formerly , by dangerfields last carriage , he strictly observ'd her , and perceiving her fumbling about her pocket , betwixt jest and earnest , he clapt his hands upon hers , and there held them , pleasantly drolling with her till she was ready to depart ; but she was not gone so far as the door , before she offer'd to return , which his lordship observing , stept to her again , and clapping his hands upon hers , quite dasht her out of countenance ; so that she departed without attempting further . thus was his lordship thrice , by divine providence , miraculously preserved from the bloody hands of papists . the plot being now ripe for execution , and treasonable letters ready written , to be conveyed into the custody of such persons they intended to accuse , and two or more witnesses prepared to swear the delivery and receit of such letters or commissions against every man in their black list ; dangerfield under the name of thomas , takes a lodging in ax-yard in westminster , ( pretending himself a country-gentleman ) where lay one colonel mansel , whose chamber he soon made himself acquainted with , and therein conveyed about nine or ten of the aforesaid treasonable letters , superscribed to several honest gentlemen and persons of quality , some of which were favourers of the dissenting protestants : when he had so done , he informed some of the officers belonging to the custom-house , that in that house there was concealed great quantities of french-lace , and other prohibited goods , desiring them the next morning to bring a warrant with them and search the house , which they promised . at night he brought one captain bedford to lie with him ( as is supposed ) that he might be a witness against the colonel : next morning after the colonel was gone forth , came the officers to search for prohibited goods ; dangerfield was very officious in assisting them to search the colonel's chamber , and at length from behind the bed brings forth the before-mentioned pacquet of letters ; upon which , casting his eyes , and seeming surprized , he cryed out , treason , these are all treasonable letters ; whereupon the officers carried them away to the commissioners : but the colonel coming in soon after , and being acquainted with all that had past in his absence , found means to retrieve them again ; and when he had so done , he made some enquiry after dangerfield , of whose quality being well informed , he carried the letters to his majesty , with protestations of his own innocency , and dangerfield's villany . whereupon on the 23. of october , the council ordered dangerfield to be taken into custody by a messenger , and after a full hearing of the business before them , oobct . 27. they committed him to newgate . when colonel mansel had thus detected dangerfield , the above-mentioued captain bedford came in very generously of himself , and confessed several things he was privy to , amongst which , one was , that this dangerfield would have perswaded him to swear that sir thomas player spoke treason , thereby to have taken away the life of that honest gentleman . the letters before-mentioned gave light enough to perceive what the design was the papists were then contriving ; whereupon sir william waller ( who has been all along very zealous in discovering the priests , and their wicked plots , notwithstanding their threats and attempts to take away his life ) understanding that dangerfield used to lodge at mrs. celliers , went thither on wednesday , octob. 29. to search her house ; and that he might leave no place unsearcht , he ordered a tub of meal to he emptied , which being done , at the bottom thereof was found a little paper-book tyed with red ribbons , wherein was a list of several persons of quality , and others , to the number of above 500. whom they designed to ruin by this their new plot. they had set down his grace the duke of monmouth for general of the army to be raised ; the lord grey , lord brandon and his son , and sir thomas armstrong , for lieutenant-generals , sir william waller and mr. blood for major-generals , &c. the duke of buckingham , lord shaftsbury , lord essex , lord roberts , lord wharton , and lord hallifax , were to have been accused for the chief counsellors and managers of this plot. many other things were contained in these papers , relating to the management of their design : upon this mrs. cellier was committed to the gatehouse . their plot being now sufficiently laid open , dangerfield ( notwithstanding mrs. celliers encouragement to be constant and firm to the catholick cause ) thought it time to confess the truth , and being brought before the right honourable sir robert clayton lord mayor of london , on friday octob. 31. 1679. he made a large confession , which held them from five of the clock in the afternoon , untill two next morning . part whereof was , that he was sent for to the tower , whither he went in disguise , where after some discourse with the lord powis , the lord arundel asked him , if he were willing to do any thing to advance his fortune ; to which he answered he would do any thing . then the lord arundel asked him if he would kill the king for a good reward ; to which he replyed , he would kill any body but the king , or his royal brother . that then the aforesaid lord asked him the same question again ; and he answered , no. then said the lord powis , no , no , my lord arundel does onely this to try you : but my lord ( continued he ) what would you give him to kill the king ? 't is worth ( said the lord arundel ) 2000 l. that then the lord powis told him , he should have 500 l. to kill the lord shafisbury . that mr. gadbury told him , the lords in the tower were angry with him , as also chiefly the lord castlemain , for that he would not kill the king , when he might easily do it , and no hurt befall him . that here , upon he asked mr. gadbury , how no hurt should befall him , when in his opinion it could be no less than death ? to which gadbury made answer , that he knew he might do it safely , for at the request of the lady powis he had calculated his nativity , and that it was clear from thence . that the lord castlemain very angrily askt him , why he was so unwilling to do that for which he was released out of prison ; and fearing some mischief from him , he left him , and went and told mrs. cellier , that the lord castlemain was angry ; to which she replyed , that it was his custom to fall out one hour , and be good friends the next . that his confessor sharp told him he must do penance for denying to serve god , as the scriptures taught . that he askt him , if they taught him to kill his king ? to which sharp replyed , yes , if he were condemn'd by them . that when he told the lady powis and mrs. cellier , of having been alone with the king in his closet ; they both said , what an opportunity have you lost ? and the lady powis added , how bravely might you have killed him , if you had been provided ! that he was sent by the lady powis to mr. webb's at petterley in buckinghamshire , with a letter directed , for mrs. jean ; which mrs. jean he found to be a priest in womans habit. that upon reading the letter , jean administred the sacrament to him , obliging him thereby to secrecy ; and then gave him papers containing a rough draught of the plot against the presbyterians , which he told him were to be drawn up into particulars by the lords in the tower , and mr. nevil in the kings-bench . that mr. wood told him , the lords in the tower had consulted , that before mr. oates wat indicted , something should be made appear of a presbyterian plot. that one duddel brought him 27 letters , written most by by mr. nevil , which mr. turner the lord powis his priest , desired some catholiques might transcribe ; whereupon mrs. cellier sent for mr. singe who wrote there about a week . that the contents of these letters were , that there business went on well here at london , as they hoped theirs did in the country : that commissioners would shortly be ready ; ( mentioning in some of these letters the names of divers persons of quality ; ) and that they would now be their own choosers in matters of government , and use papists as they pleased . that these letters were to be sent into all parts of the kingdom where any presbyterians liv'd , and privately to be put into their houses , and then their houses were to be searcht , and these papers produced for evidence against them , as they intended against colonel mansel . saturday , novem. 1. his lordship waited on his majesty and council with dangerfield's confession ; and dangerfield being again sent for to come before the council , did further declare , that all the lords in the tower gave him money , more or less , and did desire him to go to turner the popish book-seller to get his remarks on the tryals printed . that the lord powis advised lane should be sent out of the way , lest if mr. oates should find him at his house , they should all be ruin'd . that he saw sir g. wakeman at mr. stamford's house , ( the duke of newburgh's agent ) in whose own room he lay , and that sir george told him , he hid himself there for fear of the people , who had posted a threatning paper over his door ; and that he had received 500 l. by the queens order for his transportation . that sir george asking his advice , how he might get away , he told him , he had best send for a shallop from calice to take him in about six miles from dover , which he did , and escaped to newport . that dormer was author of traytors transform'd into martyrs ; and that gadbury had writ a ballad and several pamphlets . that the second time he visited the earl of shafssbury , he intended to stab him , and then put out the candle , and under pretence of running down to light it , have made his escape . that the two books taken ( whereof one was found in a meal tub ) was writ by him , and that the names therein were all dictated to him by the lady powis . that mrs. cellier and he used the words , lady mary for the king , and lady anne for the duke . in the afternoon mrs. cellier was examin'd , and declar'd , that dangerfield had for some time lain at her house . that she paid 3 l. 10. s. out of the money to be distributed to prisoners for his release , but denyed the paying of twenty pounds , or five pounds , as had been alledged . that she employed dangerfield onely to get in some desperate debts belonging to her husband , and to bail two or three persons out of prison , and in nothing else . that she did lie at the lady powis ; but denied she sent a note to dangerfield in newgate , till the note was produced , and then she own'd it . that she knew nothing of killing the earl of shaftsbury . that she did indeed go to the said earl upon business . that dangerfield did draw up articles against captain richardson , but not by her order . then dangerfield was call'd in again , who said further , that banister and she visted him in the kings-bench , and that she order'd him to get the papers from strode about mr. bedlow ; to which end , hitton the priest advised that opium should be put into strode's drink . that margaret mrs. celliers maid brought him opium from mrs. celliers son-in-law , plasdel ; and that mounson told him how to use it . that knowles and sharp , priests , told him if he continued firm to the business , he would thereby merit heaven . mrs. cellier confess'd , that she hid the papers in the meal-tub : that she did agree with mr. dangerfield to use lady mary in stead of king , and lady anne in stead of duke . and that gadbury did calculate dangerfield's nativity , but said , he would be hang'd . then the lady powis was examined , who denied all , except , that she paid ten shillings per week to mrs. cellier for dangerfields diet. that she saw him in the stone-gallery , but was not near enough to speak to him . that once and no more she discoursed him at mrs. celliers , and that then he told her of some treasonable letters hid at westminster , and that the secretary refused to give him a warrant to search for them , unless he would make affidavit of it ; and that then mrs. cellier advised him to make use of the custom-house officers to search for them . on sunday , nov. 2. mr. gadbury was examined , who acknowledged , that he had seen mr. dangerfield once or twice at his house with mrs. cellier , and that he thought he cast his nativity under the name of thomas , and that looking on his horoscope , he did say , it prognosticated a bold and adventurous man , but does not remember that he told mrs. cellier he would be hang'd . that he likewise cast the lord powis his nativity , and that it was a usual thing with him to cast the nativities of such persons of quality , whose time of birth he could be assured of . but as to other things , he said , he was innocent . nov. 1. susan edwards , mrs. cellier's maid , deposed , that she carried notes to mr. dangerfield from her mistress , when he was in newgate ; as also a guinney , twenty shillings in silver , and two books of accounts : as likewise a message by word of mouth , importing , that mrs. cellier's life lay in mr. dangerfield's hands . and said , that the lady powis had been three times at her mistresses in five weeks time that she lived there , and that once she had discourse with mr. dangerfield . nov. 2. william woodman deposed , that mr. dangerfield was two months at the lord powis's house , and that mrs. cellier and he writ often ; and that he carried letters from them to the lady powis in the tower ; as also letters from the lady powis to nevile in the king's bench ; to whom also he had carried letters from mr. dangerfield and mrs. cellier . mary ayray deposed , that duddel and she carried notes taken by mr. willoughby , aliàs dangerfield , at langhorn's trial , to mr. nevil in the king's bench , and that they left dangerfield at a coffee-house in the mean time . that she carried a letter from nevil to mrs. cellier , and another from mrs. cellier to the lady powis . that she had seen sing often with mrs. cellier . that dangerfield writ the speeches of the five jesuits , as they were dictated to him by mrs. cellier . that she had seen lane ( by mrs. cellier's order called johnson ) at powis-house . bennet duddel a carpenter , deposed , that he had seen mr. dangerfield at powis-house . that he went with mrs. ayray to the king's bench , and mr. dangerfield stayed in the mean time at a coffee-house there by . that they brought papers back with them , and that soon after mrs. ayray went to the tower. that at powis-house he has often seen mr. dangerfield , mrs. cellier , and others , writing . that mr. lane lay in the house , and that mrs. cellier was once much concerned when she thought him lost . that dangerfield once asked him if he could make a printing-press . that he went to the gate-house once or twice with mrs. ayray , who carried money to the prisoners . that by the lady powis's order he made a private place in powis-house . to all these depositions , the lady powis being called in , answered particularly . to susan edwards , that when she came to mrs. cellier , she never lighted from her coach. to woodman , that she never receiv'd a letter from nevil , or sent one to him . that she had received several from mrs. cellier , and perhaps she might have received one from dangerfield . that going to see the lady gage in the kings-bench , some body pointed to nevil as he stood at the window : and excepting once she never saw him besides that time . to duddel , that mrs. ayray did bring her some remarks upon langhorns tryal , but she never saw any thing from nevil . to mrs. ayray , that she never brought her any message from nevil . being demanded , whether mrs. cellier had not been with her in the tower from mr. willoughby ? she answered , yes ; but that she never saw willoughby but twice . hereupon mrs. cellier being called , and askt , whether she had not been in the tower with the lady powis ; she stiffly denied it : but being told , the lady powis her self had own'd it , she then confess'd she had been there . captain bedford was then called in , and said , that he was at several clubs with dangerfield . that he was at thompsons the printers , where was printing , the presbyterian unmask'd . that dangerfield paid money to dormer in s. john's . that dangerfield would have got a list of the club at the kings-head , but the drawer would not give it him . that at the green dragon he got the names of about 60 persons that used to meet there . that he went with him to the sun and ship taverns , where he enquired if the duke of monmouth had not been there the night before he went away . that dangerfield said , gadbury brought him acquainted with sir robert peyton . that dangerfield told him , the lord shafisbury , sir william waller , doctor tongue , and others , had private meetings near fox-hall about the plot. the earl of peterborough being called in , and having an account of what was laid to his charge , made a very plausible speech in answer thereto ; and as to the business of sir robert peyton , he said , that mrs. cellier told him that among others which she had brought over to be serviceable to his majesty and the duke , sir robert peyton was one , who had declared to her , that he would gladly come in , but that he thought the duke of that temper , that he would never forget an injury . that then he assured mrs. cellier , the duke was no such person ; and then she replyed , that sir robert would willingly meet him at mr. gadbury's . that they did meet accordingly at mr. gadbury's , where sir robert did say , that he would serve the king to all purposes ; but seemed to doubt of the dukes being reconciled to him . that afterwards he waited on the duke at his lordships lodgings , and from him received all the assurance of favour he could desire . these are the principal things that were acted before the king and council , the result whereof was , that the earl of castlemain ( first ) and ( after ) the lady powis was committed to the tower , mr. gadbury to the gate-house , mr. 〈◊〉 and mrs. cellier to newgate , and several others to the custody of messengers . about this time sir william waller ( searching a house near the arch in lincolns-inn fields , leading to duke-street ) seized on several habits , vestments , crucifixes , reliques , and other popish trinkets , all very rich ; as allodivers trunks and boxes full of books and papers , that did belong to father hercourt lately executed , wherein are set down several great sums of money paid by him in about 7 or 8 years last past , for carrying on the catholique cause ; as likewise many other things that confirm the truth of the kings evidence . among the relicks was found one great piece of antiquity , and by computation of time near 800 years old . it was a cross of gold , weighing about 4 ounces , upon which on the one side was engraven these words , defendite gentes hanc partem crucis omnipotentis ; in english , defend o ye nations this part of the omnipotent cross : on the other side were engraven the arms of alfred king of england , who dyed in the year 901. besides which engraving , it was empail'd with divers precious stones of a considerable value . within this cross was another cross of ebony , to which the gold one seem'd to serve onely for a case ; and as if it had been a little nest of serpentine idolatry , the ebony cross was inlaid with another cross of a quite different wood , which it is suppos'd , they believ'd to be a piece of our saviour's cross. there was also a gold ring with a motto wrap'd up in white paper , upon which was written , the ring of the bishop of glascow , with several other curiosities , which are as yet preserv'd . on novem. 5. mr. courtees was taken and brought before justice warcup , who having taken his examination , sent him to the gate-house . at his examination , he gave an account of his first acquaintance with mr. willoughby , ( not knowing then that he went by any other name ) and that willoughby told him , that the presbyterians were conspiring against the king and government , and were privately raising an army , and that mr. blood was one that gave out commissions for that purpose ; and perswaded him to use his endeavour to get one , and if he could do so , he would bring him to the king , whereby he should get 5000 l. and that upon this he made his application to mrs. bradley in order thereto , believing what dangerfield said , and that there was really a presbyterian plot on foot : so that what he did , he said was upon a loyal design . but there is some cause to suspect what he said , if we reflect on what mrs. bradley deposed on nov. 1. and what he acknowledged now ; viz. that the last time mrs. bradley saw him , asking him when they should get the 5000 l. he replied , that he would not meddle in it , that it troubled his conscience , and that it would be treachery if it were done , and it is to no purpose to meddle in it now , for there is a list found out . however it be , he is since bailed out of the gate-house : and for a confirmation of his guilt , is gone aside . and now almost every day new discoveries are made , either of priests or their appurtenances , reliques and feditious papers . dormer a priest was seized by dr. oates at the door of the council-chamber , on nov. 4. as he was busie in discourse with the lady powis , and was sent to newgate . on nov. 11. sir william waller seized at turner's in holborn , several seditious and scandalous libels , popish books and pamphlets ; as also divers beads , and priests habits , and some reliques , one of which was a very fine handkerchief , which had been dip'd in the blood of the five jesuits lately executed . not long after sir william seized on one william russel , alias napper , a franciscan fryar , and titular bishop of norwich : with him were taken the garments belonging to his office ; as also the form of an oath of abjuration , for his proselytes , to this effect ; that they did from thenceforth renounce those damnable and heretical doctrines , wherein they had been educated and instructed , and that they did oblige themselves under the penalty of damnation to remainsted fast in the faith of the mother-church of rome , &c. together with a latin prayer , in the margin whereof was written in english , whoever says this prayer shall be free from the plague . and several popish books , &c. on friday . nov. 21. sir robert peyton , mr. nevil , mr. gadbury , mrs. cellier with her maids , and others were severally examin'd ; when it was sworn , that sir robert peyton had had frequent conferences with mr. dangerfield ; and the further hearing of the matter being put off till wednesday , nov. 26. sir robert was then ordered to give bail for his appearance at the kings-bench-bar , the first day of the next term , to answer to such informations as should then be brought against him by the attorney-general . dr. oates during these transactions had two of his servants , lane ( often mentioned in this history ) and osborn , confederated with one knox belonging to the lord treasurers family , against him , who indicted him for no less a crime than sodomy : but it being proved a malicious slander , and his accusers perjured villains , who were hired by the lords in the tower , to invalidate his evidence , the jury brought it in ignoramus . and dr. oates thereupon bringing in an indictment against them in the kings-bench , knox and lane ( osborn being fled ) were tried on tuesday , nov. 25. when the whole design was so particularly laid open , especially by mr. dangerfield , ( whose pardon was perfected the day before ) that every one present was convinc'd of the intended villany , and the jury ( without the lord chief justice's summing up the evidence ) declared them guilty of the indictment : but their sentence is deferred till next term. we shall here close our history with our prayers to god , to bring to light all the dark contrivances of jesuits and wicked men ; and to their plots , and our divis●●●●● dangers , put finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67878-e1060 ye had reason so to do . it is an unanswerable dilemma . i concur totally with you in opinion , assuring you , that no body doth , or shall know of this business ; and to shew my care to conceal it , i received this but this afternoon , and now i make this dispatch before i sleep . herewith i send his warrant , as you advise , which indeed i judge to be the better way . i like your answer extreme well , and do promise not to deceive your considence , nor make you break your word . i have sent all back . i think these apostyles will be warrant enough for you to proceed , especially , when i expresly command you to do so . in this i am as far from condemning your judgement , as suspecting your fidelity . york , sept. c. r. 13. 1640. a sparing discouerie of our english iesuits, and of fa. parsons proceedings vnder pretence of promoting the catholike faith in england for a caueat to all true catholiks our very louing brethren and friends, how they embrace such very vncatholike, though iesuiticall deseignments. bagshaw, christopher, d. 1625? 1601 approx. 159 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14830 stc 25126 estc s119548 99854755 99854755 20199 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14830) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 20199) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1015:7) a sparing discouerie of our english iesuits, and of fa. parsons proceedings vnder pretence of promoting the catholike faith in england for a caueat to all true catholiks our very louing brethren and friends, how they embrace such very vncatholike, though iesuiticall deseignments. bagshaw, christopher, d. 1625? watson, william, 1559?-1603. [16], 70, [2] p. newly imprinted [by felix kingston], [london] : 1601. by christopher bagshaw. editor's preface signed: w.w., i.e. william watson. printer's name from stc. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "aj"; the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng parsons, robert, 1546-1610. jesuits -england -early works to 1800. catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-10 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2001-12 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-12 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sparing discoverie of ovr english iesvits , and of fa. parsons proceedings vnder pretence of promoting the catholike faith in england : for a caueat to all true catholiks , our very louing brethren and friends , how they embrace such very vncatholike , though iesuiticall deseignments . eccles. 4. vidi calumnias quae sub sole geruntur , & lachrymas innocentium , & neminem consolatorem . newly imprinted . 1601. the epistle to the reader . wise was the painter in his amorous conceit , who in pourtraying out the pourport of venus , drew her picture with so great arte , sleight , and significant resemblance of her naturall blazon , as the pourtraict of her foreparts all ouershadowed with the porch where she entred in , posteriora eius on the back , being only seene going into the temple , presented an abstract to the beholders of so rare excellencie , as the type of the prototypon by signes and symptons seemed to say : giue back enamorades of ladies bewties : seeke not to see the face of the peerelesse : content your curious eyes with this , which though the meanest part of the delightfull obiect , yet of that perfection , as wherein you may behold the works of dame nature to be so farre aboue reasons reach , as wit and arte should skip beyond their skill , if they should attempt to set forth the worthiest parts of this goddesse paragon sance pere . and yet was venus but a very strumpet : a common queane , fitter for vulcane the black smith , then for mars the captayne , and more admired at , talked of and followed for her want on tricks , insatiable lust , and shape to frame an eye to vice , then for any complement all perfection to be found in the purest parts of her filthie carcasse , or lineaments of her vading , though seeming faire sweete blesfull cheekes , shrowded in the auriflame of carnation dye , dropt in euery line mathematicall with argent and gules , milke white and scarlet red . this i haue sayd , to bring into discourse the matter whereupon i meane to treate : and whereunto the treatise following doth wholy tend in chiefe , as intituled : a sparing discouery of our english iesuites , and of father parsons proceedings , vnder pretence of promoting the catholick faith in england , &c. for if wise were apelles , or whosoeuer the paynter was , in conueighing of his pensill , by such cunning to shew venus on the back , as all men did deeme her face , and foreparts to be of such exquisite perfection , as impossible by arte to counterfeit her beauty , and therefore in policie thought it meetest to ouer-vaile her in a temple : this glimpse of her seeming glory , being the only way to procure alonging desire of a full view to be had of her ; a loue in such fondlings , kernes , lobcocks , and lewde priuadoes as had neuer seene her , and a concealement of what soeuer was amisse in her , or might breede lothsomnes in her followers : then sure no fooles were the first panegyricks of the iesuites prayses in the vse of their wits , heads , hands , and pennes ; by setting forth to the worlds theater in many strange proiects , antique stewes and emblemes , the hinder parts of the iesuiticall perfection , leauing out the fore-parts ( scil . their drifts , practises , and deuises which are first in intention and framing of platformes ) ouershadowed with hypocriticall zeale pharisaicall pretence , and catholick shew of so true religion , as impossible for any one to equall them in any degree of perfection : whereas in very deede they are men of the most corrupt manners , imperfect life , and stayne of religion , that liue in the cathol . rom. church this day , as this ensuing discourse will in part declare . and yet they stand so much vpon their pumptoes in the euerweyn'd conceit of their puritanian perfection , partly by meanes of fame , which following false reports hath made them famous : partly by folly , which hath made their followers dote pigmaleon-like vpon their shrines , and shadowes of vertue and deuotion ; and partly , ( and most of all ) by cousening policy in the paynter , or her aults of their blazon , in setting forth a counterfeit of morall perfection , concealing the essentials of christian cathol . religious pietie , because these are not in them to be found . insomuch as one ( and he their chiefe polypragmon ) father parsons by name , scorneth to haue any secular priests witnesse of the iesuiticall worthinesse , and of his owne worthie deserts : but thinketh it inough to merit the honor , point of all excellencie , worth , praise , and perfection , by possessing the minds of the mobile vulgus with an opinion of their hinder parts , to be such as themselues are ( forsooth ) peerelesse , matchlesse , and none to be compared with the meanest puny father of their societie . and hereupon in one of his letters like a prowde nemrod , taking vpon him to be the holy apostles peere ( if not aboue him ) he writes , and in this manner : what ( sayth he ) an indigemus iam cōmendatitijs literis : an non vos estis literae nostrae ? who are priests and laborers in gods vineyard by our hands , and without our helps , and labors , and loue towards you , you neuer had bin such ; no , nor these that are our most contradicters or maligners there &c. least therefore we should but incurre a scoffing contempt , and receiue but a flap with a foxtaile for commending of these peerelesse perfectiues : for my part i will promise good father parsons faithfully , that hereafter he shall neuer haue my worthlesse commends , nor any of his remayning iesuites . and further , in the same letter he accounts the secular priests ingratefull , for not applauding to their owne destruction , contempt of priesthood , abuse of pope , and prince , and ruyne of all catholicks , and catholick religion , in prowdly arrogating to his societie that all we haue , comes from them . which is as false , as contradiction can make it : for all their credit , and what else they haue worth the naming , commeth from the secular cleargie and priestly prerogatiue . so then , this admonition of his giuen ( though with many absurdities ) is to be taken for a gentle caueat for all reuerend priests , and other catholicks , to beware how euer they admit , accept , or receiue from henceforth any fauour at a iesuites hand ; or yeeld them any countenance , or affoord them any furtherance in attayning to any place , office , or calling of credit , gayne , or other aduauncement : being sure by the former to be vpbrayded euer after with disgracefull speeches , making a mountayne of a molehill ( if any good be gotten by their meanes : ) and by the latter , as certayne to make a rod for their owne tailes ( as the tearme goeth ) lesse or more sharp , agreeing to the qualitie of the profit , or preferment that any one shall enfeoffe , enrich , or possesse a iesuite with thereby . and by both manifest it is , that whether you giue any thing to , or receiue any thing from them : the very gift , receit , contract , bargaine , condition , familiaritie , or act of intermedling with them ; is a plague infectiue , a poyson remedilesse , and a pitch that floods of watery teares ( nay what if i sayd bloudy ) will not wash away : so dangerous are their inchauntments and charme . for giue them but an inch , and they will take an ell . admit them to parlee , and straight they fall to practise . affoord them but a fauor in ciuill curtesie , and they incroch vpon a freedome by absolute authoritie . and once comply , comport , combine your selfe with them ; and they pray vpon you . aliene , sequester , or disioynt your selfe once from them , after acquaintance made with them , and you are sure to be deuoured by them : their baytes of calling to their lure are so sweete : their backbitings in giuing of gorges for off castings , so cruell , ( gladij enim ancipites linguae eorum : ) and their familiaritie so fatall , as like seians iade they are infortunate , mischieuous , and worke the heauie downe-fall of those that deale with them . so as some haue wished that those priests who first ( of meere charity i dare say ) procured and were meanes of the iesuites comming into england , as also of their preferment to secular priests offices in the same : had bought their absence with their dearest bloud out of the one , and the other , the english colledges , and the english dominions . but seeing the dismall dayes of our heauie calamities haue calculated to our hard fortunes , to bring those amongst vs that should augment our miseries : let father parsons and his associates from henceforth spare their pennes , and ( if they please ) their liplabor besides , from reiecting our witnes of their good names ; and receiue with gratefull minds this testimony ensuing , by a discourse of their owne words , acts , and proceedings , as letters commendatitiats of the vnsauory fruits of their lucklesse labors . and because their face and foreparts ( vnderstood by their intention , which should make their acts perfect indeed : for intentio non actus perficit actum ) are masqued with a vaile of policie in externall shew of pietie , so as the ignorant sort of their foolish enamorades haue nothing but their backs , or posteriora , that is , the fruits of their labors to iudge them by : therefore say i , by a demonstration à posteriori , or of the effects , the testimony of their owne hand-writings and deedes done , will we , or nill we , will be such letters of commendations for them , and on their behalfe , as we are vnwilling to open , were we not forced thereunto ; their friends will be sory ( for their aduersaries will put them thereby to their trials : ) angels will blush at them : feendes will laugh them to scorne : and they themselues ( if any grace , remorse , or shame be in them ) will hide both their backs and faces for euer hereafter : neuer vaunt of their vertue , of their learning , of their wisedome , of their gouernment , of their graces : neuer pluck vp their plumes againe , neuer seeke to ouerpearke , ouercrow , ouertop their betters , their ancients , their independents , of whom they do & must depend in their priestly function , their highest dignities , their whole authoritie , and the chiefe flower of their garland : spite of their pride , maugre their malice , though don lucifer be their captaine . i might ( gentle reader , deare cathol . engl. recusants , of all degrees and both sexes ) heere enlarge my selfe with a long discourse of the iesuites to too great impietie by application of the example brought out of the picture of venus : what foule , loathsome , and fearefull vices are amongst them , pharisaically ouershadowed with a pretence of a religious zeale . i could here touch 20. sundry persons in particular manner , if confession-reuealers , if murders , if extortions , if cousenage , if what not more dreadfull offences worse then these ( if worse may be ) can touch them ; and with witnesses of speciall credit , with more odious crimes then euer they can iustly lay ( as most falsely , iniuriously , and vniustly they haue already layd them ) to any of these secular priests charge : who now do stand in opposition against them . i could here set downe in a positiue discourse an historie of a great part of their whole life , euen from the beginning of ignatius layola a span. captain their first founder , to this present hower ; all within one age of a man : how they are gone from their first institution , and haue corrupted and broken the rules of their order or societie : for they are so farre out of all order , as they must needes haue a new name , scz . to be called the fathers of the societie ( euen as the puritanes haue such a like name ) scorning to be called or sayd to be of the order of this , or that man , as the benedictines are of the order of s. bennet : the dominicans of s. dominicks order : the franciscanes of s. francis , because the iesuites are of the societie ( forsooth ) or fellowship , and that of no meaner person then christ iesus : how of all other religious orders ( for religious they would be counted , though not of or in any order ) they haue the soonest failed and fallen from all religious pietie in generall ( for some of them no doubt are good men in speciall , but i doubt those are not engl. ) of any one order of religion that euer was confirmed ( as theirs was ) to this day . how many signes , demonstrations , and morall certainties there are , that their best dayes are past : their rare , memorable , and worthie fame , at the highest pitch : their haughtie-aspiring-towring-wits at a shamefull non plus : their prowde-ambitious-mounting-thoughts in the next turne to a luciferian fall . i might take occasion heere to descry in the anatomy lecture of the iesuiticall ghosts , the diuersitie of such wicked spirits , as transforming themselues into angels of light , leade more soules to hell with them , then the feends of most vglie shape appearing in their owne proper colours . i might from hence deduct a triple alphabet intire of machiuilian practises vsed by the iesuites , setting downe their rules atheall in order of their platforme layd for a perpetuity of their intended gouernment despoticon , and mock-weale publick oligarchicall : how , when , amongst whom , and by whom , this & that stratageme is to be practised : what maximes , axiomaes , or rules are generall or common to all : and which are speciall , and but proper to some in particular : how that vtiscientia , omnia ordine ad deum , omnia propter bonum publ . societ . omnia pro tempore nihil pro veritate , with many the like , makes ( by their interpretation ) all lying , periury , swearing , for swearing , murther , incest , sacriledge , simony , idolatry , and whatsoeuer else , lawfull , profitable , commendable & necessary . how this polititian or state-father is to be imployed in princes courts as a lieger for aduice : how to canton a kingdome : how to refine a monarchie into the forme of a prouince : how to insinuate himselfe in proper person or by his agents into his soueraignes fauour , or some neerest about the seate of maiesty , to know all the secrets of the land : how to alien the mindes of most loyall subiects , and draw them to consent to what vnnaturall inuasion , rebellion , conspiracie , riot , or what else , and when , and as he pleaseth : how to know the occurrents of chance and change in state affaires : and when and how to colour treacheries , treasons , and popular tumults , vnder glorious stiles of common wealths , and zealous actions . i might here dilate vpon the manifold iniuries , calumnies , and slaunders , breathed out by them against popes and princes , against the cathol . rom church and common wealth of england : nay of euery christian kingdome : against the mother citie , where stands inuiolate the fortresse of our faith and religion : against all monasticall and religious orders : against the secular clergie , and especially seminary priests : against all noble and generous blouds , titles , honors , and princely prerogatiues from the regall throne of maiestie to the seate of worship against the right of inheritance to armes , lands , and honors , euen from the soueraigne to the freeholder or tenant in fee simple of all degrees : against all and euery parcell , part , and member of the publick weale , molested , endaungered , infested by them . i might here set downe the finall conclusions of their intention , for , and to what end , they do these things : scil . to aduance themselues , and pull downe all that are not they . for this cause it is that all their cormorant crowes , are milke white doues : their black birds , swannes : their haggardhawkes , gentle fawcons of the tower . for this cause it is that their sots are salomons : their preuadoes , saincts : their silents , politicks : and all amongst them rare , matchlesse , peerelesse . for this cause it is , that they haue a more neere familiaritie with god , greater skill , and more aboundance of grace giuen them , for edifying , directing , and instructing of soules , then any other priest. for this cause it is that they dare presume to call the pope himselfe an heretick : the kings of fraunce and scotland reprobates : and to giue her maiestie and the state heere names so odious , as too oft it is once to repeate them after them . no maruaile then if the secular afflicted priests be subiect to their torturing toongs in all extreamenes that may be thought vpon . for this cause it is that they ( the spanish faction i meane ) haue labored these 30. yeers space and vpward ( for so long it is since the bull of pius quintus came out by the iesuiticall humorists procurement ) for depriuing her maiestie of her life , kingdome , crowne , and all at once : for setting this flourishing common wealth on fier and flame : for establishing their owne allobrogiall conceited soueraignty , vnder pretence of restoring this whole i le to the auncient cathol . rom. faith and religion . for this cause it is , that no religion , deuotion , pietie , charitie , no nor any face of a true reformed cathol . church ( as they tearme it ) must be spoken of , or thought to be any where , but amongst the donatistiall-africanian-spanish-iesuites : no not in rome it selfe , without the iesuites residence were any true religion to be found . for this cause it is , that all secular priests or other catholicks must be censured , iudged , and condemned by these arrogant iesuites for irreligious malecontents , atheall polititians , apostataes : and what not vile tearmes are giuen vnto them , that fauour not , nay , that will not applaude , further , and sweare to the ladies infantaes title to the english crowne : or that will seeme any way to defend , wish , or shew any fauour in their poore and worthles conceits , ( as what other opinion can afflicted subiects haue ) to the line of king henry the seauenth , or any one of the bloud royall of our owne nation , borne and liuing within the i le of albion . for this cause it is , that the secular priests must be holden for men infamous , detected of most notorious vices , scandales , passionate , ignorant , vnlearned , and vnfit for gouernment . for this cause it is that an innouate or new authoritie must be gotten and giuen to one maister george blackwell , ( a man by so much the more fit for to serue their turne , by how much as he is the most vnfit of an 100. secular priests within the realme , for the purpose in shew pretended by them ) for to extend ouer all england , scotland , and wales , with a premuniriall stile and title of regall dignity , derogating as well to the see apostolick , as to the seate of maiesty . and yet he thus authorized standeth at the deuotion of the iesuites to runne and turne like a lackey boy in a french ioupe , and is to attend on his good lord and maister fa. garnets will and pleasure , being but aduaunced to the dignitie , honor , or office of a viceroy , nay but of a viceregent , nay but of a vice-president , nay but of a viceprotonotary , nay but of a viceuiridary : nay but of a meere spirituall rackmaster at the most . for he hath nothing to do with any iesuite , among whom there is a subordinate authoritie by degrees ascendent euen to emperour robert parsons , or their generall ; but is at the commaund of the meanest puny father amongst them , to strike with ecclesiasticall censure , whomsoeuer any of them willhaue smitten downe : and therefore he must needs be said to be in some inferior calling vnder them , as the word archpriest importeth . for the meanest iesuit ( though a lay brother ) being accounted far better , and to be preferred before any ordinary seminary , or secular priest ; it followeth then , that any iesuite priest is to be preferred before an extraordinary secul . priest , that is to say , before an archpriest or chief maister & head-priest ouer the rest of the seculars . for this cause it is , that the seeming to take notice of the iesuits falshood , treacheries , & treasons against the cathol . church , and commonwelth , intended by institution of this new puritanianlike superintendency , or authority , and thereupon resisting it ( as the secular priests did , first by non-acceptance of him , and then by appealing from him ) is tearmed schisme , disobedience , disloyaltie , rebellion , and what not offence , committed against pope clement , or q. elizabeth , ( for the words schisme , rebellion , &c. must needs haue a relation to some supreme maiestie ) and seeing the secular priests haue only ( if against any ) schismatiz'd & rebelled against m. geor. blackwell and his iesus masters : ergo by necessary sequel it must ensue ; that he is the pope in respect of the schism , & the prince in respect of the rebellion incurred and committed against him . but then withal i do infer , that he is an absurd vsurper and traitor to them both alike , by his dotage in suffering such vaine iesuiticall applauses to his owne destruction . for this cause it is , that he the said m. blackwell must by the prouinciall , or other superior or inferior iesuits , commaund , excommunicate , suspend , and take away faculties from what priest they please ; yea , and their goodnames besides . nay which is not more cruell , tyrannicall , barbarous , & monstrous , then childish , ridiculous , peeuish , & indiscrete , void of all wit , sense , learning , religion , conscience , ciuility , humanity , or honesty ; he must and doth forbid men to defend their good names , to say , or thinke they are wronged by him , or the iesuits : to seeke for any iustice : to appeale from him in any thing . and in few , such absurdities are desperately diuulged by him , as neither prince nor pope in like cases can make lawfull : being against the law of god and nature , wherein the pope cannot dispence , much lesse m. george blackwell suspend , inhibite , or abrogate , at a iesuites pleasure . for this cause it is : that all manner of bookes , writings , or other passages of speech are contemned and condemned that fauor not fa. parsons popularitie in his bookes of titles , or his treasons and slanders against our soueraigne and state in the late bull of excommunication 1588 set out against her maiestie &c. or other rayling bookes of philopater , the scribe , the wardword ( derogating to secular priests in sundry places ) especially his high counsell of reformation &c. for this cause none but span. and iesuites are secretly nominated to rule the roast in england , vpon the pretended span. inuasion for restoring of religion : all the english that are not iesuits being but fooles or atheists , and libertines , vnfit for gouernment . for this cause it is , that they ( the iesuits ) haue bin plotting about this monarchie , how to bring both states ecclesiasticall and temporall vnder them aboue these 20. yeeres space : first beginning to tyrannise ouer the students and secular priests at rome : then at wishich ; after that , throughout england : and now in euery place where any of them are opposite to their ambitious designements . for this cause it is , that fa. parsons was so beneficial to some engl . soldiers though hereticks , taken prisoners in spain , that he so spedily obtained of the king cathol . there to institute three seminaries on his maiesties costs and charges : that graynes and indulgences must be published in england on the span. behalfe , for all that take his part : that all who come out of spayne , must sweare , vow , professe , or at least acknowledge an obedience to maister blackwell in all things ; yea euen to become ranck traytors against their prince and countrey , for that is principally intended . in few : for this cause it is , that the iesuites labour in all things to be holden for peerelesse , and to haue all the secular priests to be accounted of as abiects vnworthy the naming . these with many the like particular points are here and in other bookes handled more at large : of all which , as i might enlarge my selfe beyond the limits of an epistle : so desiring the gentle cathol . charitable , and friendly reader to peruse these , with this ensuing discourse aduisedly , voide of passion , affection , or other partiall doome : i craue only in recompence of my paines taken for their sakes to bring them out of error , a kinde censure of my well meant indeuors , with a charitable remembrance of my poore sinfull soule in their cathol . religious deuotions , and at the time of their best remembrance : as one that can not let passe any of my brethrens works that haue hitherto , or shall hereafter come into my hands , without an exhortatiue epistle vnto all true english hearted catholicks , to beware of the iesuiticall poyson . dixi. yours as you loue our holy auncient , apostolicall cathol . rom. church . w. w. a sparing discouerie of our english iesuits , and of fa. parsons proceedings vnder pretence of promoting the catholicke faith in england . omnis christi actio est nostra instructie . our sauiour iesus his deedes are to all true catholickes so many documents . the scribes and pharisees religious men had in processe of time through their hypocrisie vtterly discountenanced the ordinary priesthood . it is strange by iosephus report , into what credit they were growne with the people , and especially with women . but ficta non diu fallunt : dissemblers for a time may beare a sway : but being like the apples of sodome , touch them , and they turne into ashes : their continuance willnot be long . christ our lord the truth and the light , finding these maskers ietting in his church , plucked off their vizards , and with many woes disclosed their dissimulation : leauing vs an example to imitate , when we perceiue any religious persons countenanced with neuer so high titles , to shift and practise by the like fraude , how for their owne aduancement , they may discredit the secular priests , on whose shoulders , and not vpon religious mens , the cure and charge of all christian mens soules are chiefly layd by the institution of christ , and by the continuall practise of the catholick church . we do not make this mention of religious men , as disliking of those most holy and religious orders , we are verily perswaded that they were deuised and founded by the spirit of god : some of them especially to contemplation , and some to ioyne therewith their paynes and trauell for the assisting of vs that be secular priests in so great a worke committed vnto vs : but not to deale with vs , as these our new maisters the iesuites do , to oppose themselues against vs factiously , or to calumniate and slaunder vs falsely , or to allure the peoples hearts frō vs hypocritically , or to insult and tyranize ouer vs most prowdly and disdainefully . for this is plaine pharisaisme , and may not any longer be well endured : it hath already taken deeper roote in short time amongst vs then many men deeme of : and will grow to be pernicious to the catholick church , if with the greater foresight and diligence as pestilent weeds they be not plucked vp . some of their followers haue presumed by their directions to affirme in writing , that the iesuites are more free from error , more familiar with god , more particularly illuminated in all their meeds , and more specially indued with the spirit of guiding soules , then are the secular priests in the haruest of god : and thereupon an admonition is giuen to all catholicks to take diligent heed , and beware of all priests in generall , that are not either them selues iesuites , or such else , as haue relation to them , and are in all their proceedings aduised and guided by them . and concerning women , some of them are admitted by our archpriest and the iesuites into their secret counsels : and both there and elsewhere amongst their gossips , they censure vs in the depth of their great iudgement very wisely : they rayle vpon vs of their charity very deuoutly , and they condemne vs before they heare vs very iudiciously : their seducing guides do fawne vppon them , flatter , and magnifie them , and that makes the poore soules to be so fond of them , and to doate as they do , and runne ryot after them . we confesse and thanke god for it very heartily , that as yet there are many sound and graue catholicks both men and women , that are not bewitched with the syrens songs of these new inchaunters . marry the infection of this sore doth dayly as a gangrene so spreade it selfe , as we haue thought it our duties a little to seare it , vntill the disease may be vndertaken hereafter , by some more skilfull chirurgions , that may , if it mend not , haue power to cure it . in the applying of our remedy for the same , we will not tell you of the bones and rottennes that are in these graues or sepulchres , or of the inward filthines that remayneth within their pots and platters , or of any such inward vncleanes and iniquitie . for except the very out sides of their monuments and of their vessell , notwithstanding all their cunning paynting and scowring be foule inough , and loathsome to any that will not foolishly shut their eyes , we shall very greatly meruaile at it when we know it . for our parts the truth is , that brag the iesuites and their adherents neuer so greatly of their familiarity with god , and of their particular illuminations : yet we professe and glory in our calling , that we do not hold it necessary for the better credit of our functions to vaunt of our more neere acquaintance with the almighty , then our predecessors and brethren haue had : and that we are most confident , not only in the excellencie of our priesthood , but also in assurance that we in the execution of our functions haue a sufficient direction of gods holy spirit , although with the zuinckfeldians and anabaptists we neither brag nor boast of any particular illuminations . nay if the fruits that ensue from our english iesuitisme do proceede from their supposed familiaritie with god , and from what we know not more secret inspirations : we do greatly feare that their said familiaritie hath bred some great contempt in them : and do pray with all our harts that god will euermore deliuer vs poore secular priests from such familiaritie with his diuine maiestie ; and from their phanaticall dreames of extraordinary illuminations , inspirations , insufflations , or what else you will call them . we as we trust shall alwayes content our selues with the graces of god bestowed vpon vs at the imprinting into our harts of the indeleble character of priesthood , and multiplied as we trust by gods assistance in the discharging of our duties by winning of soules , and our diligent indeuour to propagate and defend the catholick faith : without any further expectation of these hispanicall conceits to winne or continue our credits and estimation with you . in this our rough draught to shadow out in some sort vnto you the contagion and practises of our english , iesuitisme and iesuites , we do first intreate of them and such like as they are more generally , and then we will be bold a little to claw father parsons where he itcheth not , as the man that hath bin and still continueth the chiefe firebrand that hath and doth inflame so many both mens and womens hearts with pride , disdayne , and malice against vs , their auncient , most louing , and faithfull ghostly fathers : who notwithstanding their vnkindnes towards vs , do loue them still vnfeinedly , and praying for them continually , are euery day ready to offer our liues for the honor of the catholick church , and for the confirmation of their faith . now for the first point , that you may more truly discerne what manner of fellowes the iesuites are , that thus haue bewitched many of you : we do referre you ( the better to ease our paines herein ) vnto certaine treatises which haue bin published to the world by sundry good catholicks , as they haue professed them selues to be against these kinde of men and their enterprises in other cuntries . a gentleman of polonia hath set them downe at large in their colours : his discourse is thus intituled : equitis poloni in iesuitas actio prima . we haue seene two treatises : and there is a third also conteyning their practises in france , and the causes of their banishment out of that kingdome . the parties that made them were the kings aduocates : men of great estimation : maister anthony arnold , maister la. dolle , and maister symon maryon . the first of these treatises is in latine , and the other two are in french : which you that vnderstand that language may easily procure . but what is this to our english iesuites ? you sayd truly , were they not all in a manner birds of one feather : and that by one you might in effect discerne the rest : yet are there also some other particular treatises that come neerer home vnto vs. maister cecill a catholick priest hath written a discourse against fa. criton a iesuite , and maister charles paget an other against fa. parsons , they are both in print , and in english . get them if you can : for in the perusing of them , although sometimes you will be much grieued , yet there are many occasions ministred now and then of some little disdainefull mirth , to see the folly of those fathers , how they thinke they can play at tennis with kingdomes . foure other treatises haue also lately bin made by our countreymen and catholicks : and three of them by the most auncient and grauest priests in england : such as haue endured the greatest affliction for the catholick faith of any that now liue amongst vs. one of these treatises is in english , written of purpose to satisfie all true catholicks concerning the garboyles amongst vs : the other three are in latine , two of them dedicated to the popes holynes , and the third to the inquisition at rome . one of them is called a memoriall , penned anno 1597. and the other is intituled declaratio motuum & turbationum : and the third , relatio compendiosa &c. the two last being set out this yeere with the sayd english treatise , are all of them in print . they do all foure discourse at large of the iesuites of our nation , and of their machiuilian practises . but because as we suppose you will hardly come to the sight of them ; and for that sundry things were omitted in them as impertinent to the matters there intreated of , or auoyded purposedly , least they should haue bin tedious , as also peraduenture because you haue seene none other of the treatises before specified : we haue heere described many ofthem after a sleight manner , vntill you may hereafter know them better , as well by the sayd treatises when they shall come to your hands , as by our small paines vndertaken of conscience ( god he knoweth ) for the benefit of y e church , that either they may be in time reformed , or with speede auoyded . the order of that society being approued by the pope is to be honoured of all good catholicks , and the men them selues are to be reuerenced ; such we meane as liue according to their calling and first institution : which few of them do . for of late yeeres many of that order take such a course , as if religion were nothing else but a meere politicall deuise , conceiued , framed , and vpheld only by humane wisedome , and sleights of wit : and they were the men that by machiuels rules are raysed vpto mayntayne it by equiuocations , detractions , dissimulation , ambition , contention for superioritie , stirring vp strife , setting kingdomes against kingdomes , raising of rebellions , murthering of princes , and by we know not how many stratagems of sathan , comming out of hell , and tending to confusion . the old saying was , let the shoemaker meddle with his slipper , the smith with his anuill , and the priests with their prayers ; but the iesuites like franke gamesters are in at all . he is not worth a rush amongst them that is not able to manage a kingdome . matters of state , titles of princes , genealogies of kings , rights of succession , disposing of scepters , and such affaires , are their chiefe studies . some feare that they are more cunning in aretine , lucian , and macbiuell , then either in their breuiaries , diurnals , or portuise : assuredly they do not behaue them selues like any other religious men . he that should tell them of liuing in a cloyster , were as good to go a myle about , as fall into their fingers : such a base kind of life is so farre vnworthie of their excellentnes . there are few kings courts in europe where some of their maisterships do not reside , of purpose to receiue and giue intelligence vnto their generall at rome of all the occurrents in these parts of the world : which they dispatch to and fro by secret ciphers ; hauing either a iesuite or some one altogether iesuited in the most of those kings counsels , who propter bonum societatis , must without scruple deliuer to them the secrets of their soueraignes to their vttermost knowledge . it is true , that all orders of religion haue an especiall estimation of their particular founders : but the iesuites are therein ouercarried with humour aboue all measure . for the inuentor of their order being a spaniard and a souldier , of what country soeuer any of his disciples are by their birth , in their harts and practises they are altogether spanish , breathing little but cruelties , garboyles , and troubles . they haue by their writings , their sermons , and by all their indeuors labored to perswade all catholicks , that the king of spayne and ourfaith are so linked together , as it is become a point of necessity in the catholick faith to put all europe into his hands , or otherwise that the catholick religion will be vtterly extinguished and perish : which is a ridiculous , nay a wicked conceit , and like themselues , building the faith of saint peter and his successors vpon the king of spaynes monarchie , as if he haue not all , the church must come to nothing . but these courtly rabbies do thinke they may easily carry vs poore secular priests after their shadowes , and make vs to admire whatsoeuer they will tell vs. how they laboured in fraunce ( euen the french iesuites thēselues ) to haue lifted the spaniard into the throane of that kingdome , with the consequent ouerthrow of their owne natiue country , you are not ignorant : all christendome to their perpetuall shame ringing so lowdly of it . with which prodigious , and more then heathenish practises , if they were only stayned , and that the contagion of them had not infected the iesuites borne amongst vs heere in england , it would much lesse haue grieued all discreete english catholicks , and especially vs the secular priests . but to our infinite danger it is farre otherwise . for what stirre haue some of them kept in spayne , to perswade the king to inuade this our country ( a designement conteyning in it the very ocean of all desperat calamities ) yeelding vnto him many reasons why he was bound to vndertake that enterprise , and assuring him of great assistance heere , if once his forces were landed . since which time , who almost is ignorant how they vrged him to a second , and to a third attempt , for the surprizing of arwennick castle , with y e hill pendenice , two other stratagems tending to inuasion . hereunto may be added ( though out of place ) how many they haue intituled to the crowne of this kingdome : as the duke of parma , the earle of darby , and others , exciting some of them by force of armes to assayle her maiestie , and buzzing into their eares how easily the scepter might be wrung out of her hands , and they obteyne it . but most pertinent to the purpose in hand is that their plotting and compassing how to set the diademe of this realme vpon the head of the princesse isabella the infanta of spayne . to this purpose they haue written a booke , and set out her title ( when none of the rest will serue their turnes ) wherein they giue her such an interest , as they make the kings of this land for many yeares to haue bin vsurpers . i omit the paynes they haue further taken to procure men by indirect meanes to subscribe to this ladies soueraignty ouer vs , and how one maister midleton was driuen for feare to flye out of spayne , because he refused so to do . if we the auncienter sort of secular priests in england could haue bin drawne to haue runne this course , whereat the new gouerment ( now obtruded vpon vs ) aymeth altogether : we had not bin so traduced and oppressed with false calumniations , as we are by them at this present . we can say for one of vs , that offers haue bin made vnto him , that if he could haue eaten gold and would but haue giuen his countenance and assistance that way , he should haue had it . the particulars last mentioned , a man would thinke were very vnmeete for priests to deale in : but what if these fathers countenanced with so great a name haue proceeded further ? we are in an horror to mention it , and would hardly haue bin drawne thereunto , were it not that the things themselues are too manifest . what ( we say ) if some of them haue conspired among themselues , and with sundry other most wicked persons at diuers times , to haue layde violent hands vpon the queene , and bereaued her thereby of her life ? it cannot be denyed , but that they haue done so : the circumstances haue shewed it , the parties themselues with whom they practised haue confessed it , and sundry catholicks beyond the seas doe very well know it , and haue charged in their writings fome of them with it . we know the iesuits many of them haue a course that there is nothing so manifest which they will not deny , when things fall not out according to their plottings : whereas otherwise if they sorted to their desires , they would glory in them . and amongst many things that giue her maiestie and the state very iust cause to thinke the more hardly of vs ( especially that be secular priests ) this is one not of the least : in that these our pretended brethren of that society , and such as follow their steps , do in their writings so calumniate , or deny , or falsifie all the actions and doings of the state , be they neuer so iudicially and publickly proceeded in , neuer so apparantly proued true , and knowne of many to be most certayne . for either they do pretend that the parties that confesse such things were vrged thereunto with tortures , or that it was a plot of the state to make all catholicks odious , or that there was no such matter , or we wot not what , but they haue alwayes some shift or other to bleare mens eyes with , to the discredite of all the proceedings in such cases within the realme . if any of our brethren dye in prison , it is sayd , they were poysoned or famished : if any kill thēselues , it is giuē out they were murthered . which we write not ( god is our iudge ) in any othersense , but to shew vnto you how much we think all good catholicks ought to detest these kinds of dealings . we haue sufficient matter to charge our aduersaries truly with concerning their hard dealing with vs , though we take not this course , which cannot choose , but make vs very odious , and doth much impaire our credits in those things which we report truly ofthem . let these men brag as much as they list of their pollicies , their foresights , and their pragmaticall wisedome , they shall neuer whilest we liue , haue in these courses our approbation . an other thing also is generally misliked in these our fathers , and breedeth vs indeede very great hatred , besides the danger ; and it is their equiuocating , which you may tearme in plaine english , lying and cogging . for this amongst others is one of their rules : that a man framing to himselfe a true proposition , when he is asked a question , he may conceale thereof as much as he thinketh good . for example : one demaunding of you whether if the pope should come in warlike manner to inuade this land by force of armes , you would take his part , or the queenes : you framing this answere in your minde : we will take the queenes part , if the pope will commaund vs so to do : may by their doctrine giue this answere lawfully : viz. we will take the queenes part , and conceale the rest : whereby he that asked the question is playnely deluded . much after this sort one standish a priest , but altogether iesuited , abused the popes holynes not long since : who asking him whether the matter which he propounded vnto him , touching the setting vp of our now hierarchie , was done by the consent of the rest of the priests in england , sayd ( but most falsely ) that it was : reseruing ( as since he hath confessed ) this to himselfe as i presuppose or presume . which lying sleights being knowne by our aduersaries , do worke vs much woe and discredit already , and we feare , will be more and more preiudiciall vnto vs. for by this meanes , they begin to giue it forth , that the catholicks are not to be trusted in any thing they say . and besides , they may charge vs by this ground with any treason whatsoeuer , and we haue no way left vnto vs to acquit our selues from it . for be our answeres neuerso direct and true ( as honest men ought to answere their christian brethren , if they will at all giue them any answere , and so much more the ciuill magistrate ) our aduersaries may say vnto vs , that we keepe this or that to our selues , which ( as they can frame it ) is sufficient to hang vs. for example : they may aske vs whether we haue taught or affirmed , that her maiestie hath no interest to the crowne of england : and we answere : that we neuer haue either so taught or affirmed . tush ( say they ) you equiuocate with vs : you keepe this in your mindes , viz. as long as the bishop of rome will suffer her , or some such like point . we answere , that we do keepe no such thing in our mindes . oh ( say they ) you keepe no such thing in your mindes to tell vs : we know your shifts . and thus indeede the iesuites doctrine giue them iust occasion ( not knowing our innocency ) to deale with vs , and euer 〈◊〉 suspect the worst of vs. whereby you see into what a gulph of danger and discredit this double dealing of the fathers with their heathenish position hath brought vs poore secular priests , and other more honest and single harted catholicks : such as cannot stoupe to their false lure . againe , were it that these our fathers bent themselues only against hereticks , and to défend the catholick faith , many of their imperfections might the better be borne with : but such is the intolerable pride and hypocrisie of many of them , as nothing is well done except they like it or do it themselues . no gouernment is well managed but by their direction : wheresoeuer they come they thrust them selues into our haruest : they euer will finde something amisse : either we haue wanted discretion , or zeale , or learning , or somewhat that they forsooth are able to reforme , as being of an other more excellent mould . by which their arrogant proceedings it is well knowne , that the rest of the clergie for the most part both secular and religious in spayne , france , and italy , doe greatly dislike them , finding no meanes how to reforme them . for such and so ample are their priuiledges , as go whether they list , neither chauncellor , bishop , nor archbishop may intermeddle with them when they do amisse : their owne pleasures are their guides . if they do but pretend whatsoeuer they take in hand that it is done ordine ad deum , they may not be reprooued nor called into question for it . this immunity of the iesuites last mentioned , howsoeuer for a time his holynes doth tolerate it : yet assuredly as it is now vsed by many , it cannot last long : except it shall be thought meete that the rest of the clergie shall be subiect to them . which if euer it happen ( as it is in good forwardnes at this day in england amongst vs that be catholicks ) you shall peraduenture liue to heare newes . we will omit all the mischiefes that may grow by the pursuing of those points which before we haue touched , and offer to your consideration but their boldnes in maynteyning any follies that they themselues like of . these erroneous , temerarious , and hereticall assertions contrary to the catholick faith , haue bin defended with great eagernes and vehemencie amongst our iesuited brethren in wisbich . the stewes are in rome cum approbatione . the stewes are in rome as lawfull as any citizen : as lawfull as any magistrate : as lawfull as any order of religion . the stewes are at rome cum approbatione , as lawfull as the pope is himselfe . the stewes are very good and very necessary . in that a priest is made by tradition of the chalice , patten , and host into his hands , they say it is but a toy . they hold that the auncient fathers rem transubstantiationis ne attigerunt . some other of their positions we haue touched before : but we pray you , how may we thinke of these ? if the iesuites in other countries do grow to such giddines , what will religion come to in short time , they ruling the roast ? they say , that we the secular priests are more subiect to error then the iesuites ; but ( we thanke god ) they are not able to charge vs with any particulars , as we are able to charge them . in this last section , hauing acquainted you with some of their positions , there commeth an other to our mindes , which we accompt to be very odious and seditious : and it is ; that the people may depose their princes , and choose others at their pleasures : haue they any or no right to the crowne , that it is not materiall , so it be done ordine ad deum , that is ( by our interpretation ) as the fathers shall appoint it . it had bin well if they had left this point to some of our enemyes to haue branded them with , for rebellious subiects when they cannot hauetheir wils ? but it hath pleased the fathers to stayne both themselues and the catholick cause with it . the issue whereof , if kings will take the paines to vnderstand it , must needs be exceeding pernitious to the catholick church . for what prince will indure such persons in his kingdome , as vnder pretence of religion , shall infect his subiects with such hatefull conceits , so dangerous to his estate ? we that haue long borne the brunt in this realme for the catholick cause , haue found some wofull experience of the vnseasonable exempting of subiects from their due obedience , though it proceeded from his holynes : and what then shall we expect , if we leaue the diademe to the disposition of the multitude , and inuest them to a right for their proceeding in that so wicked and detestable a course ? we are perswaded that no catholick king liuing or dead , either did at any time , or will euer hereafter giue the authors of this doctrine any thanks for their paynes . here we would haue you to note an other rule of our english iesuites , which must concurre with that of ordine ad deum : and it is this : that all things must be wrought and framed as the times and occasions require . for example : if the king of spayne , or the infanta , can by no other practise obteyne the crowne of england , then in that case the people are to haue a right to do what they list , so they will choose one of them for their soueraigne . but that done , a new doctrine quite contrary must be deliuered abroade , that there was a happy mistaking , which aduanced him or her into this throane : but hereafter the people must take heede of attempting the like : some check must be giuen to the publishers of such documents : a dispensation must be procured , and all shall be well hereafter . of this course or rule maister charles paget ( as it is thought ) discoursing at large , sayth , that the old prouerbe may be well applyed to it , omnia pro tempore , nihil pro veritate : they measure all according to the time , and nothing to the truth . we will not dispute against this rule , but referre you to his treatise printed and published against fa. parsons as it is before mentioned . this only we will say , that our pretended fathers build castles in the ayre , and feede themselues with their owne follyes : as though where the people do once get a head , it be not as hard a matter to suppresse them , as to stop the breach of the sea , when in fury it hath once mastered the banks . the experience hereof is more then manifest . furthermore , we pray you obserue an other practise and course of our iesuites here at home amongst vs , and tell vs what you thinke of it . marke their behauiour well in such gentlemens houses as they reside in , and you shall finde them that they will commaund and ouer-rule all , as knowing best how euery thing must be done ( forsooth ) ordine ad deum . no lease must be let , but by their aduise : the tenants must please them or repent at leasure : such fines are to be taken as they thinke conuenient , and some part of them must be imployed as they shall prescribe ordine ad deum . in effect they do so rule and ouer-rule , as scarsly can the maister or mistres of the house giue a piece of bread at their doores , but it must be done with their approbation . and for the seruāts , they are much more at their commaundement , then at theirs whom they serue : we would be loth to tell you how all this commeth to passe . only this vnderstand , that our iesuites are most rigorous in their taking of mens confessions , whereby they know as well by the seruants as by their maisters and mistresses their seuerall confessions , all the secrets in those families : the wife 's against her husband : the husbands against his wife , and the seruants of them both : which if they abuse to tyranize ouer them , and to dispose of their ciuill affayres vnder a pretence of their ordo ad deum ; they deale not like true catholicke priests , but will in the end be found what they are . is this their most speciall endowment with the spirit ofguiding of soules , that they brag of so much ? it is most manifest , to as many as know the course of many iesuites , that although they pretend all their designements to be directed to the common good of the church : yet their chiefest care is how to aduaunce and increase their owne society , hoping of likelihood by their number to bring one day some great matter to passe . for where they make such faire shewes and offers ; when they come into some country to teach the youth : their principall drift therein is to finde out the aptest wits for their purposes , with whome they take extraordinary paynes , and so worke them by kindnes and cunning allurements ( especially if they be of good parentage , which is a chiefe point with them ) till they get them to promise , that they will be of their society , or somewhat to that purpose : which is sufficient to seaze vpon them , do their parents and friends what they can , except they will hazard an imputation to be inclined to heresie , or to some mischief , or to we wot not what : for so they vse to calumniate any that do crosse their proceedings . this course of alluring the fittest wits and ofthe of the best towardnes to their societie , they held in diuers seminaries within the duchie of millan : which the good cardinall boromeo well obseruing , thought them no meete men to remayne there , and so banished them out of all those places : esteeming it farre more necessary to haue such apt men to become secular priests , and to take vpon them the cure of soules , then to haue them intruded into any order of religion , which intermedleth not with any such charge , but liue after their owne fashion priuately to themselues , as religious men ought to do . it were to be wished , that other states would follow this cardinals example , at the least vntill these fathers were brought to some better moderation and knowledge of them selues . for our owne parts , it shall be our continuall prayer , that howsoeuer other states do , it may please god to moue the heart of his holynes to remoue all iesuites out of the english colledge at rome , where there are other manner of practises , then were euer attempted by any iesuites in the territories of millan . all europe talketh ( we suppose ) of the iarres in that colledge : many secular priests being honest men , haue bin sent home vnto vs , loaden till their backs cracked with the iesuites calumniations : and none but such as will be iesuited altogether may finde any fauour there . well , of this matter you may peraduenture heare and see more hereafter . in the meane time it may be sufficient for you to know that machiauell the atheists rule diuide & impera , is as cunningly in practise by the rector there , as in any place we thinke in christendome , we had almost sayd in turky . if the iesuites when they came first hither , could haue bin content to haue ioyned with vs that were priests , and to haue intermedled no further then with their priestly functiōs , we should haue greatly honored thē still . but as now we perceiue , they were no sooner entertayned amongst vs , but they put in practise their diuide & impera . it seemed strange to some of vs how at their first entrance into our labours , they exalted themselues aboue vs. father parsons comming hither with maister campion , and another as their prouinciall , they presently reekoned of vs but as their assistants , in helping them to administer the sacraments : as though we could neither haue preached , nor done any thing else : and that they our great maisters were to be further imployed in other matters of greater importance then we simple men were any way fit for : hereof you may reade in fa. campions letter out of england to their generall at rome . but this was then the imagination of a few : their drifts were deeper , then we euer dreamed of : for misteries are hardly knowne , vntill they fall out into practise . it is true , that when they came ouer with such ample faculties , larger then they had bin graunted before to any of vs , wee might haue foreseene the inconuenience of it : knowing how apt we are in england to admit of nouelties : and likewise what before we had heard of some iesuites abroade . nay to the aggrauating of our great ouersight , in that we did not at the first oppose our selues against them , or at the least seeke to haue them recalled from vs : we may not deny it but that it was foretold vs by that excellent cardinall then liuing , that the iesuites would proue but thornes in our sides , and be the cause of great troubles amongst vs. but for our sinnes , they and such of that order as came after them , did by their faire gloses , and pretence of zeale , so blinde and bewitch vs , as we gaue way vnto them : whereby and through their cunning cariage with the people , they haue by little and little caried all before them . no almes was thought sufficiently meritorious , except they were sanctified by the iesuites distribution : so as in short time , the greatest part of our allowances that were in prison , came vnto vs through the iesuites hands , pretending ( forsooth ) that they were but religious collectors for vs and some others distressed catholicks . but how faithfully they haue dealt with vs herein , when you shall happen to see the sayd memoriall , it will appeare vnto you . some one of them spendeth more yeerely vpon himselfe , then would maynteyne tenne of the best of vs : if we sayd twenty , we thinke there would be no exception taken vnto it . and to conclude , they haue so dealt with vs , as where before , we were honored for our works sake , and had many ghostly children that did depend vpon vs , as vpon their spirituall fathers and shepeards of their soules , we are now through their falshood , their calumniations and vntrue suggestions to our superiors brought into contempt : our sayd children ( as if we had bin but their stepfathers ) haue forsaken vs : their charitie towards vs is so cold , as we are very hardly able to liue , and what will become hereof , god himself knoweth , and we do greatly feare it . if they had bin hired by our common enemies to haue wrought vs mischiefe , and the cause we haue defended , they could hardly haue done it more artificially or effectually . and yet men will not see it : they will not vnderstand it . you haue heard how the iesuites became our collectors , or rather not ours , but their owne : to whome for their accompts the false steward in the gospell we suppose may giue place . one iesuite ( as we can proue it ) hath taken at times aboue 500. pound that was giuen to the imprisoned priests then at wisbich , and imployed the same at his owne pleasure . percye the iesuite escaping from wisbich , tooke fraudulently frō benefactors abroad 57. pound 17. shillings , and the yeere after stole 27. pound of the common money by the consent of the other his fellow iesuites . they haue so fleeced their fauorers , as ouer and aboue their owne expences ( which are exceeding great ) they haue bin able to send not long since 2200. pound towards the low countries : the prisoners then at wisbich being in great want . now if you will know how they scrape together so much money , you must vnderstand that they haue many sleights to that end , besides their apparant cousenages , fraudes , and thefts before mentioned . you are not ignorant of the meanes that verres the proconsull vsed in pilling and spoyling sicilia , nor how odious it was amongst the romanes : but the course that our iesuites do take heere for their pillage both in england & scotland , are so much more shamefull , as spirituall robberies passe all temporall pilferings , we will set downe vnto you three or foure of their tricks . they haue gotten ( as they say ) certayne faculties from the pope to abstract from what parsonages and vicarages they list all spiritualtie ( for preuenting of simony ) thereby to make them meerely temporall and saleable , which done , they are to be sold at the highest rates vpon pretence that the money must be diuided betwixt saint peter and poore prisoners . what saint peter gets amongst them we know not , and we thinke but little : sure we are the poore prisoners haue not much : one good father or other sayth , dominus opus habet , and make alwayes the best part of it their owne cleere gaynes . agayne , those that come to great wealth either by vsury , or by buying or selling , and making gayne by anticipation or dilation of payment , or by iniustice , or by taking more of clyents that are suitors at the law then their ordinary and moderate fees , or by patronizing any euill cause , landlords , sheriffs officers , whosoeuer high or low that get any thing falsely or indirectly , all must make restitution . but forasmuch as oftentimes it falleth out , that the parties neither know how much nor to whom such restitution is to be made : therefore they must in those cases compound with the fathers , giuing certa pro incertis , to the vse ( forsooth ) before expressed : sometimes one man hath giuen 500. pound to that end : but saint peter and the poore do still come short of their share : the fathers themselues do swallow it vp , amounting yeerely to a mighty summe of money . moreouer to the effect last mentioned , we haue a notable history to tell you . amongst many deuises which the iesuits haue inuented to enrich and increase their order , they haue one , whereof it is fit that the world should take notice . it is tearmed by them an holy exercise , and is put in practise when they finde any , that are meet to serue their turnes , either for their extraordinary pregnancy of wit and learning , or for their parentage and friends , or for their wealth and possessions , and cannot otherwise allure them to their society . the course which they hold in the sayd exercise is after this sort . when they finde one , whome they thinke fit for their turne ; they insinuate themselues into him , keepe him company , vse him with all kinde of sweete behauior and curtesy : and pretend to haue an especiall care of his well doing , but principally how he may attayne to be in high fauour with god. to which purpose they enter by degrees into certaine discourses of hell : wherein they omit none of their skill by authorities , fables , and large amplifications , to make the same as terrible as possibly they can . by which course they cast the party in time into great feare and pensiuenes ; which were well done , if it were to a good end . when they haue held on after this sort so long as they thinke conuenient , intermingling now and then some comforts , least otherwise the parties vnder their fingers should grow very weary of them , then they begin to be more plentifull in the setting forth of such comfortable promises as are made in the scriptures to the children and saincts of god. heere they omit no part of their skill to describe the heauens , the maiestie and glory of god , the happy estate and ioyes of the saincts in that euerlasting kingdome , which is prepared for those who in this life shall embrace the christian faith , and become obedient children in their true calling vnto their holy mother the church of rome . hereunto they adde a discourse concerning the diuersitie of such callings as god hath ordeyned for his seruants and children to walke in : shewing how necessary it is for euery man to vnderstand and know what calling that is , which particularly belongeth vnto himselfe , and what danger ensueth , when men do rashly vndertake any occasion , either for profit or pleasure , to follow this or that course of life : as when great men , being borne to great possessions , do thinke it sufficient for them to follow the steps of their auncestors : esteeming that to be the calling which god hath prepared for them : whereof it commeth to passe diuers times , that they make a shipwrack of all their estates , and fall into many calamities , god approuing of and sanctifying no calling , which is not entred into by the direction of his holy spirit . many ( say they ) through their owne rashnes are spirituall persons , who ought by gods ordinance to haue bin of the layty : and many on the other side are ( as we tearme them ) lay men , which ought to be ecclesiasticall : both of them perishing in their owne courses through their owne faults , in that they had no care to learne and know their owne proper callings ordeyned for them , which god would haue sanctified , to their eternall comforts , if they would haue vsed the meanes to haue vnderstood and imbraced them . in the description of which meanes , the height , the depth , and the breadth of all their cousenage doth consist , being the exercise it selfe before mentioned . of these meanes they do at the first speake only in generality , entring into a discourse of the louing kindnes of god , in that he hath prepared a way , whereby euery man that list , may know how to serue him : whereinto as many as will enter , may haue assurance in themselues by the testimony of the holy ghost , what their seuerall vocations are , whereunto god hath called them : and which they must vndertake , if euer they meane to come into the ioyes and consolations of the paradice of god. thus after they haue layd these ginnes , no meruaile if the parties so kindly and cunningly caried on , do fall into their traps . howbeit you must obserue that in all these discourses made to such parties , they carry themselues so aloofe , as that there may be no suspition of their intents to draw them by such their practises to be of their sócietie . so as when the poore soules ( as rauished with a desire to attayne vnto the sayd meanes or exercise so highlie commended , and so necessary as they suppose , for all that truly thirst after the kingdome of god and ioyes of heauen ) do intreate the holy fathers , that they may be receiued into that happie and blessed exercise ; their motion in that behalfe the good fathers at the first seeme little to regard : saying , that peraduenture this their desire proceedeth of passion : and therefore their manner is to leaue them in this sort for the first time : adding , with what deliberation and iudgement that sacred exercise is to be vndertaken , as being the ladder of iacob , whereby they may ascend into the third heauen , and there see and behold the admirable mysteries of god. if the partie thus caught be of great possessions , wealth , or parentage , they are much the sooner intreated to admit him to this exercise : the manner whereof is as followeth . the partie at the time appointed , comming to the holy father who must deale with him , is recluded from the speech of any body but the sayd father for a certaine time . vpon his first reclusion the father commeth vnto him , and giueth him a meditation to study vpon for some foure or fiue houres : willing him in the meane while carefullie to remember all the cogitations that do come into his minde . the sayd foure or fiue houres expired , in commeth this good father : and then the partie must be confessed , and is to reueale all his particular thoughts of what matter soeuer good or bad that came into his head , all the time of his aforesayd meditation . which done , the father giueth the partie an other meditation with the like instructions to the former : and after the like distance of time returning , heareth his confession . and thus the partie is exercised diuers times , euery day the space of nine dayes or thereabouts . in which time the holy father hauing framed the sayd meditations according to his owne drift : for example : if the partie be rich , then of the contempt of the world , and the vanitie of worldly riches : and further perceiuing by his confessions , his disposition , and what effect the sayd meditations haue wrought , and are likely in the end to worke in him , which alwayes must be the forsaking of the world , as they tearme it ; and for the most part , if they finde him by this triall , a fit man for the entrance into some profession of religion : then he telleth him a long tale of the fruit of his sayd exercise , as that he well perceiueth by his sundry confessions , how the spirit of god hath wrought in him by the meanes of his sayd meditations , and that he now supposeth him to be fit to enter into the consideration and choice of that calling , whereunto god himselfe hath ordeined him , to leade his life and walke in towards the attaynement of euerlasting happines . whereupon the partie hath time to consider with himselfe , whether he will be a dominican , a benedict , a iesuite , a frier , or what he list . which time expired , the holy father entreth into a new stratageme . the sayd partie so exercised ( as is before expressed ) comming thus vnto his election , hath peraduenture determined to be a dominican , or to take some such other course as he himselfe hath thought of . so as when the sayd holy father commeth vnto him , if he finde him bent to any other profession , then to be a iesuite , he beginneth to cast many doubts , and collecteth at his pleasure by something that he hath confessed vnto him , that his sayd choice is not agreeable to such godly motions , as the spirit of god wrought in him in the time of his exercise , and therefore aduiseth him to consider with himselfe better of his choice , that the same may be sutable to the sayd motions of the holy ghost . the conclusion is , that the holy fathers by this meanes , hauing sundry poore soules in their hands to worke them by terrors , deuises , and perswasions ( as they list ) neuer leaue them , or suffer them to be quiet , vntill ( if it be possible ) they make choice to be of the societie of iesus : if in all these practises with them , they finde them fit men for their turne . howbeit sometimes it commeth to passe that the sayd deuout fathers do meete with such persons , as will rather choose to be of some other order , do what they can , then to be iesuites . in which cases , when their practises to winne the parties for their learning , strength of wit , parentage , and other good parts more then ordinary do fayle , they desist from dealing with them by little and little , and so in the end giue thē quite ouer , meaning nothing lesse , then by such their paines to increase the number of any other order of religious persons , and so leaue them to take what course they list : but with this fruit of their exercises , that they will neuer loue or induce them afterwards , but rayle on them , and plague them as much as possiblie they can . if the parties were vndertaken by them for their wealth and large possessions , when they come to their election , commonly their riches , and their sayd possessions are a hinderance vnto them from entring into any religious profession . for the remouing of which obstacle , the holy fathers are furnished with many texts of scripture : as of giuing all and following iesus &c. and do for the most part so farrepreuaile , as either they allure them to be ecclesiasticall iesuites , if they haue any tolerable gifts besides their riches : and then all that they haue must be sold , and the money committed to the fathers discretions , or at the least they draw them to be lay brethren , finding no other good stuffe in them . in which case they get from them either all , or the most part of their riches , and turne them either to be some of their officers , or leaue them at large to be practisers for them in such matters as they thinke fit to imploy them in abroad : as to be solicitors for them , and to stirre vp the charitie of the people towards that societie , not ceasing to perswade as many as they can to follow their examples . and this was the effect of one m. gilberts , and one maister druries exercises and some others : viz. they got from them all they had , and then imploying them as is before expressed , procured the popes blessing for them , for the better approuing vnto them of that their new calling : as appeareth in the faculties graunted to parsons , campion , heywood , and the rest about twenty yeeres since . the euidence of which proceedings with the sayd gentlemen , was so apparant and manifest vnto many , that disliked greatly of such kinde of exercises , as that some in iest would say : such a one is gilberted , and such a one is druryed : and others to the like effect : they shall neuer gilbert me , nor drury me , nor cousen me with such their holy sleights . an other yong gentleman not long since , entring into this exercise vnder a yong iesuite here in england , was found by his meditations to haue lands yet vnsold , worth a hundreth marks a yeare , which hindred his iourney to heauen . whereupon he offering the same to the sayd yong iesuite , the good father allowing the offer , sayd , that if he should receiue the land , her maiestie would take it from him : but ( quoth he ) sell it , and then i am capable of the money . by which ghostly counsaile the gentleman set his land to sale , and was offred 900. pound for it : but the holy father insisting vpon a 1000. pound , the gentleman dyed before a chapman could be gotten , and so the good father lost all . i omit how many poore yong men , falling into these good fathers hands to be exercised , haue fallen into sundry inconueniences , and growne to be broken-brayned euer after . the truth is , that amongst many deurses which they haue to enrich themselues , this is not one of the least , which being now knowne , may peraduenture be a hinderance vnto them hereafter , and driue both father garnet and his yonkers to leaue their coaches and stables of horses , and to be glad to walke on foote as their betters do . we haue troubled you long in this matter of iesuiticall gayning : and yet if you will beare with vs a little longer , we will informe you of an other deuise , not in esse , but in spe : marry it is very royall , and may be tearmed an imperiall hunting , such a one as was neuer seene on earth before , pursued by any religious person whosoeuer , since nimrod the gyant hunted ; qui erat robustus venator coram domino , who was a very rough huntlman . of this kinde of hunting , there is a iust volume set forth by father parsons and his generall , called the high counsell of reformation for england to take place and be in force , when the catholik conquerer shal be established in great britaine . first , no religious order will that famous volume permit in great britaine , but iesuites , and capuchines : benedictines , carthusians , nor dominicans must enter here , sicut placuit iesuitis : for the holy ghost hath forsaken all religious orders , and is only in the capuchines and iesuites . if you aske vs why they make choice of the capuchines only ? we answere you , as a good capuchine did to the like question . we sute best ( quoth he ) with the humor of the iesuites : for their drift is to haue and rule all ; and on the contrary , our orders are such , as we must neither rule at all , nor haue any thing . these iesuites ( homines secundum cor meum , as god sayd of dauid ) do professe voluntarie pouertie , and to renounce the world , with all that belongeth thereto . but yet so mortified they are , that with the worlds weapons they will conquer the world . in these three kingdomes england , scotland , and ireland , there are 100. bishopricks great and small : how many parsonages and vicarages , and how many religious monasteries , it is hard to tell . all which must be no more in the hands of bishops , abbots , parsons , and the rest , as heretofore it was accustomed . but all the holy societie of iesus , their father prouinciall must cull out foure iesuites , and two secular priests , which must be demy iesuites . these sixe vicars , these mightie great lords , shall haue the lands , mannors , lordships , parsonages , monasteries , and whatsoeuer , into their owne hands ; allowing the bishops , parsons and vicars competent stipends or pensions , sicut plasuit iesuitis , as the romanes in their leagues were wont to write . all the rest must be imployed in pios vsus , as father generall of rome shall thinke good . the colleges in both vniuersities must be so likewise in the power of these mortified creatures : no bishop , no parson , or vicar , no fellow of any colledge must be so hardy as once to demaund an accompt what is become of their reuenues , lands , and lordships . if they do , this shall be the answere , mirantur superiores &c. the nobilitie must be limited also what retinue they shall keepe : what they shall haue to spend yeerely , and what diet they shall keepe at their tables . lastly , the common lawes of our countrie must be abolished , and the ciuill beare the sway another while : those are barbarous : these are learned , and of more excellencie ; happie is he that can see this booke , called the counsell of reformation : where hee may reade these wonderfull platformes of iesuiticall gouernment , deuised by the second nimrod , the smiths sonne of stockgersee , or rather the parsons sonne of that parish , expelled from balioll colledge for his illegitimation , of whom , anon . in the writing of this discourse , we were not ignorant into what a sea of iesuiticall calumniations we haue launched . for they haue an other position not yet mentioned : and it is : that detraction in generall is lawfull : as if a iesuite should say , that amongst the prisoners at wisbich , there were many and so grieuous enormities , as that father weston and his adherents were constrayned to separate themselues from the other priests : and being charged to name some particulars , or else if he could not , he was to be reckoned for a detractor , and therein to haue offended greatly in slaundering the whole house , he should answere : nay my words were generall , and therefore i offended not . but what talke we of their generall calumniations : wee shall be sure to haue their particular commendations cast abroade against vs with heue and ho in a mischiefe , as we haue indured many of their thunderbolts alreadie . howbeit , as we regard it not , so do we not wonder at it , considering their dealing with all men that offend them , be he whom he shall , bishop , or cardinall : yea or the pope himselfe , they care not . maister doctor gifford , a man of very good desert , did but a little offend them , in not admiring of them and their designements , and shortly after they deuised sundry most vile and vniust accusations against him : they defamed him in england for a sower of sedition , charging him further , to be an informer against the iesuites , and the exhibiter of the memoriall to the pope . they procured him to be examined before the nuncio in the low countries , who after long delayes , affirmed in plaine tearmes that the doctor had wrog . fayling of their purpose against him this way , father baldwyn , a man of the right stampe , dealt with the nuncio for a generall pacification and remission on all sides : whereunto the doctor at the nuncio his intreatie yeelded . and first by order taken in that behalfe , the sayd baldwyn in the name of father parsons , and all that societie , asked him forgiuenes : and the doctor for his part in ciuilitie performed as much : with this addition , if he had offended any of them . which being done , the nuncio commaunded them both to be secret of what had passed in fauour indeed of the iesuites . which commaundement the doctor obeyed : but father baldwyn omitting what he had done in the name of the rest , instantly gaue it forth after a glorious sort , that the doctor had asked father parsons and the iesuites forgiuenes : and thereby to disgrace him a new , and to make their former iniuries done vnto him more probable , they caused the same to be openly promulgated out of the pulpit in the colledge at rhemes . so shamelesse ( you see ) they are , as the very pulpits are prophaned by them , when it standeth them in hand to mayntayne their reputations per fas aut nefas they care not how . one fisher a yong man going to rome with some such messages from certayne of our brethren , as were not acceptable to these good fathers , after they had very cunningly vsed him , to wring from him what they were able that might serue their turnes , they sent him to the gallyes at naples , where he remayneth a gally-slaue ( as we are informed ) if he be yet aliue . an other of our brethren a priest , in that he opposed himselfe in some things to certayne of that order , they haue persecuted him euer since with such mallce , as he could remayne in no place in england with any catholick , but they hunted him thence with one lye or other , giuing it out , when nothing else would serue , that he was a spy for the state , to bring them to their vtter ruyne . in so much as not daring to go beyond the seas , knowing ( as after he hath professed ) that there they had layd their snares , either for his imprisonment or murthering , he was driuen to go into scotland , and to hide his head there . hereunto we might adde a long catalogue of aboue a hundreth persons by name of this iland , whom these extraordinarilie illuminated fathers haue most lewdlie and falsely slaundered , because they disliked of sundry their machiauilian proceedings . but here we omit them , referring the further discourse here of to him , who hath already made a particular register of them . the bishop of cassane doctor lewes , was a man by whom the iesuites had receiued very extraordinary benefit . by his procurement they got the rectorship of our english seminarie in rome , god forgiue his soule for it , as we trust he hath . he was a man so fauored by diuers popes , as first he was made monseignior , then bishop of cassane , afterwards nuncio for gregory 14. to lucerna , and then visitor generall of rome and all the popes dominions . when two and twenty iesuites should all of them bin banished out of the citie of perugio for their cunning fishing to enrich themselues , one of them being notoriously detected for alluring a gentlewoman to giue them a very rich chayne of pearle without her husbands priuitie : this prouident good bishop being their generall visitor , vsed such meanes , as all that matter was husht , and they continued there still . we should be too long if we should remember vnto you all the benefits which the iesuites in rome and else-where from time to time receiued at his hands : all the which notwithstanding , yea though they had bin a thousand more , the kinde fathers could not indure him , because in their garboyles at rome about the students in the english seminary , he disliked their courses and practises with them . hence it proceeded , that whilest he was aliue they caused their disciples to rayle vpon him most despitefully : tearming him a factious , an ambitious , and a partiall man. and a little before his death they amongst them cast out a libell against him , which was brought vnto him , wherein they layd many horrible crymes to his charge , and in the course of their hote charitie , made this deuoute prayer full like themselues , vel turca vel mors vel damon eum eripiat ànobis : and indeede not long after he dyed : we leaue it to gods iudgement , whether they were the causers of it , or not . but being dead , when in all humanitie their malice should haue bin buryed with him , they ceased not , notwithstanding to follow his happie memorie with their iesuiticall calumniations , and that most irreligiously . for whereas the good bishop not foure houres before his death , vpon occasion protested that he had bin most falsely charged with vpholding , and mayntayning the students in the english seminary against the iesuites : yet that impious caytife father parsons in a letter dated the 13-of july 1598. and sent hither into england not to be kept secret , writeth of him after his slye fashion in this sort . a third cause ( sayth he ) there was , meaning of the students opposing themselues against the iesuites , no lesse important perhaps then any of the rest , or more then both together : which was a certaine disgust giuen at the very foundation of the colledge , vnto a certayne principall man of our nation , and his friends then resident in rome , who afterward not affecting greatly the gouernment or gouernors of the sayd colledge , was euer in re , or in opinion , a back vnto them that would be discontented . thus farre this charitable father against this blessed bishop now in heauen , and contrary to his profession vpon his death-bed : who when he was aliue , might if he had bin disposed , haue curbed many of that crew , being their visitor generall , and peraduenture curried a little before-time this good father for many insolencies : but a milder man liued not , or one more apt to put vp and forgiue all iniuries : and of purpose he refrayned for visiting of that crew , because he knowing their hard conceits of him , would not giue them any occasion to say , he was partiall , if he should haue dealt more roundly with them . but by the way you may obserue out of parsons words , that this good bishop had a dislike of the iesuiticall gouernment and gouernors of the english colledge in rome : so as we are not the men alone that haue thought amisse of both . peraduenture you may see hereafter the very exhibits themselues , which the iesuites presented vnto him , as their visitor , one against another , and then it will appeare vnto you what little cause he found to magnifie either their persons , or their gouernment . the most blessed cardinall doctor allane , a man most reuerenced of our nation ( and very worthilie , one or two actions excepted , whereunto hee was drawne by father parsons ) in the end passed not vntouched by the iesuites : because in very deede he daily saw further into them , then he had done : and therefore not only disliked , but disfauored diuers their proceedings , especially towards his latter end . in which respect , that they might be euen with him in some sort , they gaue out sundry disgracefull words against him , as that he was a good simple man , but not of any esteeme or reckoning in matters or affayres handled in the popes consistory , a man of weake aduice , and neuer vsed but a little for some matters of learning . and such was their hatred towards him , as it was verily thought by many in rome that he was poysoned : which conceit the rector then hieronimo florauantio a iesuite , would gladly haue turned from his societie vpon the good bishop of cassane , but ridiculously indeede , though malitiously inough . when this worthie cardinall lay vpon his death-bed , he would gladly haue had al the english students to haue come vnto him : but this good rector would not yeeld vnto it , for what cause god knoweth . god will at one day iudge all hypocrites , and bring their secret mischiefes to light . vpon the death of this so memorable a person they openly triumphed , and amongst other their iesuiticall calumniations against him , sayd , that god had taken him away in good time : for if he had liued longer , he would haue disgraced himselfe , and lost the credit which he had got . these men haue the best fortune in the world : for no man if once they begin to hate him doth liue any long time after it : quo artificio viderint ipsi . furthermore , concerning these two notable persons , the iesuites haue practised an other of their rules vpon them . as to aduance themselues , they traduce all others , discommending their gifts , abilities , gouernment , learning , discretion , pollicie , and all other good qualities in them : as who should say , we are the only men that are to be accompted of , honored , extolled , and admired by all sorts in all places : so haue they a trick to aduaunce one and the same mens credits , whom before they haue to an other end most notoriously disgraced and slaundered , when it may serue their turnes to worke some inconuenience or hinderance to a third person , whom likewise they do maligne and hate . for example , to hinder and discountenance the bishop of cassanes nephew monsegnior hugh griffyn , they commended his vnckle exceedingly , to insinuate that he did farre degenerate from his vnckles vertues . and on the other side after the death of cardinall allane , when they feared that the bishop of cassane should haue had his place , and bin made cardinall , besides their reports of his enmitie to their societie , and stirring vp all their garboyles in the sayd colledge , they spared not to spreade it abroade , as men that had worshipped cardinall allane , and loued him with their whole harts , that the said bishop of cassane could neuer indure him the said cardinall , but was euer his enemy , and had wrought him much woe and griefe in his time . whereupon to make that machiuilean report the more odious , and to blemish the good opinion had of the bishop thereby to trump in his way , till he was triced indeed out of their way : they entred into a large discourse of his extraordinary singularities : how beneficiall he had bin to their colledge : how much he was esteemed of all princes in europe that knew him : how deerely he had bin accompted of by the popes holynes , and by other popes his predecessors : how his greatest care was euer bent for the good of his countrie , for the reducing of the same to the catholick faith : what great honor he had in the court of rome : how much he was admired by the rest of the cardinals , and how highly reuerenced alwayes by themselues . all which particular points , sauing the last were most true , and ought to haue their true vse , as we hold of all the good words and confessions and reports made and giuen out by the scribes and pharisees , and by the diuell himselfe of our sauiour iesus christ , though they did the same to a wicked purpose to haue dishonored or intangled him in his speeches or otherwise , if by any meanes they had bin able : as these good fellowes dealt with the good cardinall , not that they so deemed of him , as their words imported , but only to hinder the sayd bishop , as we haue sayd , from the preferment they feared and was like enough would haue been layd vpon him , if he had liued : being forsooth a man no way fit for it , that had opposed himselfe in faction to so worthie and high a prelate . but what doe we insist vpon their malice and slaunders against meaner men , nay this good bishop and this most renowned cardinall , when they fauour not their iesuiticall doings ? we will proceede to their presumptions against the popes themselues . xistus 5. called before him the generall of the iesuits , and demaunded of him , why they called themselues iesuits : who answered , that they did not so call themselues , but onely clarkes of the societie of iesus . to whom the pope replying , sayd : why should you appropriate your selues to be of the societie of iesus , more then all other christians , of whom the apostle saith : vocati sumus in societatem filij eius ? and whereas the benedictines , are so called of their first author benedictus , and the dominicans of dominicus their founder , why should not you be called ignatiani , according to the first author , and also keepe the quier , and rise at midnight , and in all things doe as other religious men doe ? these words of the pope they tooke so grieuously , as he liued but a short time after ( to omit what hath been reported ) and after his death , they haue not ceased very wickedly to depraue him . some of them preached openly against him in spaine : they haue tearmed him a wolfe , and said he was a lutheran . it was giuen forth by them ; that if he had liued a little longer , he would haue vndone al christendome . they called the manner of his death into question , and reported that at his departure he had no confessor with him . bellarmine himselfe hearing of his death , vsed these words : qui sine poenitentia viuit & sine poenitentia moritur , procul dubio ad inferna descendit . of likeliehoode it is a matter of damnation , to indeuour to bring some iesuits into order , without great pennance done for it . but for this worthie person , now a cardinall , wee will not take vpon vs to interpret his meaning : marry that another miscreant in respect of any order should slaunder christs late vicar vpon earth , being so worthie a bishop in his time , as his deedes will louud out his praise , whilest rome standeth ; wee hold it intolerable , had they been the best iesuits that now liue , who should haue so disgraced him . but the chiefe poynt that we meant to obserue vnto you in one of these lewde companions speeches , is ; how vpon some opposition and obiections made against some of his slaunderous reports of that worthy pope , he fell to the maintenance of this most wicked assertion , hominem non christianum posse esse romanum pontificem : and yet this proposition is not reuoked , nor the graund archpriest hath censured him for it ; who is so readie to punish others his auncients , and as obedient and honest men as himselfe , that wee goe no further . the bishop of cassane so oft before mentioned , being the generall visitor in rome of all religious men , had manie accusations exhibited vnto him by the iesuits , one against another , and manie petitions , desiring him to come and visite them . with these complaints & iarres amongst them , the bishop acquainted pope clement that now is . whereupon at the next generall chapter held by the iesuits , his holinesse attended with the said bishop of cassane , and foure or fiue bishops more , went into their house , & rebuked them sharpely for their pride , and for their disorderly apparrell , and for their prodigalitie , charging them earnestlie to be more humble , and to frame the course of their liues and behauiour hereafter more like religious men , thē they did at that time . how these words were taken by the fathers , wee make no doubt : with indignation inough you may be sure : and since ( as we fuppose ) some of that societie haue beene so bold with his holinesse , as they haue affirmed peremptorily , that he erred in absoluing the french king that now is , being deceiued by his diuines . of likelihood they were not of the popes counsell in that action , to haue giuen him better direction . but the said absolution did so much tend to the preiudice of the king of spaine , and to their deseignments with him , as no meruaile if they doe so caluminate it : daring by their rule of ordine ad deum , to doe and speake almost what they list . now if these men may presume thus far with so famous men , bishops , cardinals , and with the popes themselues , vpon so small occasions , how will they crucifie vs poore wretches , that haue beene thus bold with their worships . and yet if the worst should fall out , hauing such companie to vndergoe with vs , the malice and spite of their lauish tongues : the griefe wil be the lesse . wee pray god from the bottome of our hearts , that they may follow the counsaile of his holines , and become more lowlie in their owne eyes : for otherwise some great inconuenience will insue of it . we are not prophets , nor the sonnes of any prophet , to foretell the euent of things before they fall out . but if we haue any vnderstanding ( as we hope herein wee haue none ) if these fellowes haue the reynes laid on their neckes , and be suffered to run forward with the bit in their teeth a little longer , they wil hardlie be reclaimed , without great daunger of apostasie : such is their pride and haughtines of minde . it is great pitie that so worthie an order should be prophaned with so manie machiuilians , and that they will not rather chuse to follow their founder in humilitie , and many most excellent persons of that societie . cardinall toledo of worthie memorie , cardinall bellarmino yet liuing : gregorie de valentia , suarez , and many others euen worthies in their dayes ; who bestowed not their time in canuasing of kingdomes , and deposing of princes , or in anie such like vnpriestlie practises , as you haue heard of before that our iesuits doe . and thus for this time wee leaue the iesuits of our nation , to deale in generalities any farther with them , or with their extraordinarie illuminations or spirits of guiding soules : and doe addresse our selues to that vertuous paragon father parsons , the vnworthie rector of our english seminarie at rome . but before we begin with him , wee had need to entertaine you with some short preface . for some no doubt will startle that he should be touched , what ? dare any presume to call him in question ? will you intermeddle with his actions ? they are not to be sifted or canuased or discountenanced by any secular priests whosoeuer , his holines excepted . beware what you doe : it is sure a note of an euill spirit : we pray god those men be sound that dare take this course . he is a religious mā , a lesuit , the rarest wise man of our nation , most familiar with princes , admired in spaine , reuerenced in italie , and onlie hated in england : which is a sufficient argument of his integritie . but by your good fauour a little : runne not headlong with these generall conceits . these propositions be to too large , these apprehensions are too abstract : descend a while into particulars . consider his actions : let those ( not generall conceits ) proue or disproue the man ; may not a religious person be exorbitant : a wise man forget him selfe , and an euill man winne fauour ? what greater meanes to worke iniustice then fauour & wit ? fooles neuer reach farre . and what thing sooner deceiueth , and longer cloketh deceit , then a religious habite vpon an euill person ; sith most men iudge the inward man , by the outward appearance . the wolfe neuer more deceiueth then when hee is clothed in a sheepes skin : yet is not this a reproch vnto religion , nor a disgrace to the habite , but a greater reproofe to the person , that will abuse innocent meanes to nocent actions . seeing then , that a veluet herse may somtimes couer a corrupted and stinking carkas : let not the outward appearance and habite onelie carrie away and preiudicate mens conceits , where the effects doe disclaime . if he be a religious man , he is sequestred from the world : what then hath he to doe with kingdomes and titles ? if he haue abiured the world , let him shew it to be so , in his conuersation , and sincere affections indeed , and not determine of common wealths and kingdomes . if his profession will not drawe him thereto , yet let charitie moue him to forbeare , because thereby he giueth matter to increase our persecution at home . princes are iealous , and manie times haue cause to be so : why should he thē prouoke our prince to be suspitious of vs by his follies ? and as touching our selues , you shall finde vs sure and sound enough by gods grace : some of vs hauing stood vnto it , per mult as tribulationes , when this worthie champion took his heeles , and left vs to sinke or swim for him . whilest he hath accompanied himselfe with princes , and liued at his pleasure in kings courts : wee poore soules , haue beene tossed from piller to post , and hurryed from prison to prison , and the best of vs haue for your sakes liued in sufficient affliction : and will you now begin to doubt of vs ? if father parsons had kept himselfe within the compasse of his owne calling : hee should haue bin quiet for vs. but his dealings being such , as should wee not disclose and reproue them , we should be inuolued in his trayterous deseignements , & after our long sufferance for our consciences be hanged for high treason : beare with vs , if wee seeke to preuent that scandall . wee will therefore proceed by your good leaues , with our purpose : following in one and the same cause , the examples of some of our brethren , who in their bookes before mentioned haue giuen some little touch of him . and first for his birth . maister southwell a iesuit and whilest he liued his obedient subiect , according to the prouer be mulus mulum scabit , hath told vs this tale of it . as for father parsons , he hauing placed the vttermost of his ambition in the contempt of honour , and the highest of his wealth in voluntarie pouertie , will easilie acknowledge his birth to haue beene of more honest then great parents : yet were they not so meane but that they were able to afford him such education , as might haue made his good parts a way to no small preferment . for this faire glose being most vntrue , we doubt not , but that father parsons either hath , or will hereafter by some worthie monument of his memorie requite him , were it not that the iesuits haue a speciall priuiledge to write what they list , be it neuer so vntrue , if it may be couered with either of their principles , propter bonum societatis , or ordinem ad deum ; this fellow would not thus haue aduentured to haue abused those to whom he hath auouched it . for in truth the said maister parsons his graund prouinciall , is by his birth a bastard , beggotten vpon the bodie of a very base woman by the parson of the parish where hee was borne : and his right name is not parsons but cowbuck . which defect , because it did not proceede from any fault in him , we could haue wished had bin omitted by our very reuerend brethren in their late declaration to his holinesse : had not both they and wee thought it expedient thus farre to touch it , because the gentleman is so high minded , and doth take vpon him so vsuallie to debase other mens parentages , not sparing like a wicked person with an ouermuch hardened forehead , sundrie of the nobilitie of england , nor his owne soueraigne and her most worthy progenitors . besides , it may be a good caueat vnto him to looke well to his orders : considering the canon lawe in that point , least otherwise it cost him his rectorship . master southwels smoothe tale will not serue his turne , if the matter be ript vp against him . but to followe our course : the said parson that begat him , did afterwards foster him , and hauing brought him vp at the schoole , sent him to oxford , and placed him in balioll colledge : from whence he was in effect expelled , being maister of artes , not for religion as he hath vaunted , but for his bastardie , factious conuersation , libelling , and other misdemeanours . but hereof you neede no further information , then the said declaration : where you shall finde , that there was such lamentation at his departure from the colledge , as for ioye he was rung thence with bels. doctor bagshawe being then fellow of the said colledge , was his stiffe aduersarie in the matters obiected against him : which the good father of his iesuiticall charitie , doth not , when occasion serueth forget : hauing within these three yeares last past , by a very lewde stratageme , as touching the villanie against her maiestie , vndertaken by one squier , brought both him and some others as we thinke , for his sake , in great danger of their liues . after this father his said expulsion , or his leauing the said colledge by compulsion , he repayred to london , and hauing often resort to one iames clarke , his old schoolefellowe , abiding then in the inner temple , he protested to him the said clarke , vpon some occasion of speeches betwixt them , that hee neither then was , nor euer ment to be any papist ( as it then pleased him to tearme vs catholikes ) and offered , for his better satisfaction therein to affirme so much vpon his oath . his resolution was as hee saide , to studie phisicke , and that he was purposed to trauell for that end to padua : and rather thither , then to any place else , because one lane a master of artes , and his olde acquaintaunce , in oxford , was there placed , and in good reputation . whereby you see the gentlemans zeale to the catholike romane religion , which driue him to leaue oxford . not long after the said conference with maister clarke , he departed beyond the seas : and so framed the course of his life there , as within short time , he became a iesuit : being a man very violent in cardinall allanes opinion , and of an vnquiet spirit . in this calling he did profit exceedingly , and was almost vpon the suddaine a very great statist , little behinde many of his auncients , for plotting and practising of sundry vnpriestly enterprises . we are verilie perswaded ( by diuers other his like desseignments sutable thereunto ) that this new good father had his finger in the attempts for ireland , anno 1578. when stukeley should haue gone thither : and also anno 1579. when saunders went indeede . of this second expedition you may reade in our owne chronicles : and for the first , thus the matter stoode . about a yeere before the ouerthrowe of the king of portugale in africke , stukeley being in rome , perswaded pope gregorie the 13. that hee the said stukely would make his the said popes sonne iames ( then duke of sora ) the king of ireland : if he the said pope would furnish him with men and money sufficient for that expedition . whereunto the pope agreed , and set him forth with money , and with about 3000. men , directing his letters to the king of spaine for his assistance likewise in that enterprise . but the king ( ayming at that kingdome more himselfe ) refused either to receiue him into any of his ports , or at all to ayde him . stukeley being deceiued of this hope , cast about to the king of portugal ( then preparing for his affrican voiage ) who gladly receiued both him and his men , promising vnto him , that if he would goe with him in that voyage , hee would at their returne furnish him sufficiently for the accomplishing of his purpose in ireland . stukeley yeelded : goeth into affrike , is there slaine , and the pope was greatly discontented , that he had been so greatly ouerreached by him . at such time as it was perceiued in rome what the pope intended by the instigation of stukeley , concerning their said desseignements for ireland , one master shelley , named the graund prior for england , cast out words to this effect : what ( saith he ) because there are no more cities of parma and placenza to bestowe vpon his sonne , will he now haue ireland , the patrimony of the crowne of england ? the said prior being moued by the pope to vndertake that iourney with stukeley , he refused so to doe , and told him that he the said stukeley was but a shifting and a vaunting fellow , and that he would assuredly cousen him in all that hee committed to his charge and trust . but the pope was so much addicted to that attempt , that partly in respect of the prior his said words , and partly of this his said refusall , he grewe into such dislike with him , as for the safegard of his life he thought it meete to flie to venice . whether father parsons was then in rome to blow this coale against the prior , or where he was , the matter is not great , considering the daily correspondencie by letters betweene the fathers of that societie from all places in christendome . besides you may peraduenture heare more hereof at another time . about eleuen or twelue yeers after his sayd expulsion , and that being a iesuite he had wonne to himselfe by his sayd factious disposition and practises the reputation to be made the prouinciall for the iesuites that were to be sent into england , he came hither with two subiects only , father campion , and father cotham , anno 1580. hauing got a great start of father campion , who was proctor not long before in oxford , when father parsons commensed but bachelor of arts , if our memories do not fayle vs therein . this his said comming into england being knowne , maister blackwell ( now his darling and arch-priest by his direction ) bewayled the same to a friend of his being then in prison : saying vnto him , that it was a very vndiscreet fact of the president at rhemes ( meaning doctor allane ) to send him hither , as being an vnfit man to be imployed in the causes of religion . and being asked why he was vnmeete for that imployment , he answered , because this casting out of balioll colledge , and other articles and matters depending vpon it , betwixt him and doctor squier ( then liuing ) were very likely to be renewed , and so to worke great discredit both to him , and the cause catholick . the holy father was no sooner come into england , but besides the vanity of his challenge to all protestants ( being deemed an vnfit man to haue performed the same ) he began to bestirre himselfe in matters of state , especially how to aduance a certayne king by the fauours of diuers forraine princes : to the great preiudice of her maiesties both crowne and safetie , as appeareth by a letter of his written to a noble man bearing date from rome the 24. of ianuarie 1600. in which kinde of affaires he so busied himselfe , as diuers catholikes were in that respect greatly discontented with him , and told him plainely , that if he would not desist from those courses , they would deliuer him into the hands of the ciuill magistrate . the yeere after , viz. 1581. fa. heywood being delegated by the duke of bauaria , to pope gregorie the 13. his holines vpon knowledge that he was an english man , and experience of his eloquence , and diuers other good parts in him , tooke him from the duke , and sent him into england : where finding fa. parsons with the authoritie of a prouinciall , and he the said fa. heywood refusing to submit himselfe vnto him , a great heartburning did arise betwixt them . father parsons alleaged that being the prouinciall ouer the iesuits in england , hee the said father heywood must consequentlie be his inferiour : but father heywood answered , that his mission hither was singular , directed by the pope himselfe , and therefore said , hee was thereby exempted from any subiection to him . this quarrel grew to be hote , and had manie priests and others as partakers on either side : some holding with one , and some with another . the same father parsons hauing stirred ' vp stirres , daungers , and garboyles by his seditious challenges , and dealings in england and scotland : and finding that manie catholickes were offended with him for it , hee made great collections of monie , pretending therwith to relieue prisoners : but being once maister of that mint , ehe fled into france , leauing his friends in england to shift for themselues , & the prisoners to feele and indure the want . when hee came to paris , as a man hauing latelie bin in possession of his new prouincialitie , hee put in practise this stratageme following , of purpose to exempt himselfe from the prouinciall and his superiour there . he perswaded them that without their owne great perill , they could not entertaine him in their colledge : affirming that the queene of england ( good lady ) being sore afraid to haue so great a personage to be harboured so neere her , had proscribed him , and promised no small summe of monie to the partie that would kill him : and hereunto he added , that hee had perfect knowledge from his friends in england , that they were alreadie in paris , who had vndertaken that cruell deed . therfore he prayed the rector , that none of the societie might be suffered to walke forth in his companie : saying that if they did , they should surelie perish with him . and to make this conceit the more probable , he suborned ( with his own monie ) two english men well appointed , and a flemming with them , to goe latelie in the euening , and enquire for one fa : parsons at the colledge . whereupon the iesuits beleeuing , that all he said was true , dismissed father parsons to goe forth freelie whither he would , and to dispose of himselfe at his owne pleasure , to auoide death forsooth , verifiyng the old prouerbe , caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt : as craftie a crouder , and as lying a companion now amongst the iesuits , after almost thirtie yeeres profession , as hee was in balioll colledge amongst his fellowes there . we told you before of the contention betwixt this good father , and his pretended subiect father heywood : whō for disciplines sake you may be sure he did not forget , hauing of likelihood , some further matter against him , by reason of his courses held here amongst vs. the said heywood assembled a synode in norfolke , and made such constitutions as are mentioned in the treatise before expressed , dedicated to the pope . at this assembly maister dolman being present , required of fa. heywood to see his commission ; who being not able to shew him any , he the said maister dolman did inhibite him to proceede any further : and tolde him plainly that hee vsurped vpon the bishop of lincolne then being in prison , and that if hee proceeded so to doe , he the said master dolman in defence of the olde customes of the church would resist him , vsque ad sanguinem . furthermore , after the saide fa. parsons departure hence : some of the priests finding their vsuall contributions to be greatly diminished , and perceiuing one cause thereof to be the lauish expences of father heywood in keeping so many men , horses , and coaches ( as fa. garnet ' doth at this present ) they dealt with him in that behalfe , signifying their dislike of such his prodigalitie : and alleaged that fa. parsons spent not so much , when he was here . to whom fa. heywood answered , that fa. parsons was his inferior , in that he the said fa. parsons was sent hither but by their generall , whereas he ( fa. heywood ) had his mission from the pope himselfe . what aduantages fa. heywood gaue to fa. parsons by these or any other his proceedings here , we minde not at large to expresse . it is susficient to let you knowe that fa. parsons after his departure hence , sending thirtie articles against him to the court at rome , he the said fa. heywood was shortly after called for by authoritie to come out of england , but was apprehended before he could get hence . howbeit not long after , he was banished , and then he repaired to rome , or to some place neere vnto it : where he was not so well intreated as he looked for . insomuch as being moued with diuers enormities amongst the iesuits , he wrote sundry letters to the pope , instantly desiring his holynes that the iesuits might be reformed , saying that otherwise , hee should see their ruine ( he feared ) in his owne daies . whereupon the pope called their generall aquauiue , and demaunded of him what those deformities were , which father heywood complayned of , to whom he answered , that the old man did it of dotage , not knowing what he sayd : and withall to stop him from writing any more to the pope , he sent him to calabria : where ( as we haue bin informed ) he was by the sayd generals commaundement kept close prisoner : and so or in little better case remayneth , if he be yet aliue : but as we thinke he is dead . but to returne to our deuout father of stockgersee ( natale solum ) after his said arriuall in france , as he began with cousening his superiors in paris for his greater libertie , so did he continue his machiuilian practises in matters of state , and hath not ceased since that time to seeke the betraying and destruction of his owne country like a monster ; besides the publishing of sundrie his most seditious writings and letters , whereby her maiestie , and the state haue bin so iustly irritated , as we poore men innocent and ignorant of all his vnnaturall deseignements , haue felt the smart of his wickednes , himselfe being without danger , and like a coward and false shepheard , hauing left both vs and the flock in the bryers . within a while after his going into fraunce , he plunged himselfe vp to the eares in the scottish causes then in hand , and was an especiall instigator of the duke of guise , anno 1583. or thereabouts , for his sodaine surprizing the citie of london , and her maiesties person , with 5000. men : assuring him , that the catholicks would assist him if neede required . besides , it being determined that the sayd duke should come hither in his owne person , for the performance of the attempt , there was not any man found more fit for his dexteritie and forwardnes in that matter , then father parsons ( as mendoza reported ) to be imployed to rome to make triall , if by his pollicie any money might haue bin gotten from his holynes for the furnishing of that iourney . but we thinke he lost his labour . furthermore , considering that one of the dukes chiefe cares was to know the fittest hauens to land in , & that frauncis throckmerton was imployed for that purpose by the instigation and aduise of sir frauncis englefeild , mendoza , and others , ( all of them father parsons especiall friends ) it is more then probable that his fatherhood was , if not a practicioner for that purpose , yet one of that counsell and confederacy , or at the least acquainted with it . it is not vnknowne what a villanous attempt the traytor parry vndertooke against the life of her maiestie the same yeare , anno 1583. pursuing the same , till by gods mercy he came to the gallowes the yeere after . with this outragious plot sundry iesuites were acquainted : nay , they were the incouragers of him to proceede in it valiantly , omitting no perswasions or meanes they could vse to that effect . it maketh our hearts to bleede , that the blessed sacrament should euer be made a meanes to animate villaines in such diuelish enterprises . but what is all this to father parsons ? surely it concerneth him more then we are glad to report . for the sayd parry hauing apprehended a certaine necessity for the good of the catholick cause , that her maiestie must be taken out of the way ; and finding a great aptnes and desire in himselfe to be an instrument to that effect : yet was he perplexed in his mind with some doubts and obiections , why he might not lay violent hands vpon her person . for the cleering and remoouing of which difficulties , father parsons was offred him to conferre with , as being accompted one ofthe of the meetest men to resolue him in such matters . it is true that parry refused to talke or conferre with him : but yet the very offer doth argue that the good father was acquainted with parries intent , or at the least that he was knowne to be one , that if he talked with parry , would haue animated him in that course , with all his iesuiticall arguments and best perswasions . you will say this is but a coniecture : and therefore for your better satisfaction of the truth herein , you shall vnderstand , that it is to be shewed by one ofthis fathers owne letters to maister charles paget , that whilest this mischiefe was in consultation , a certaine gentleman of good quality comming vnto him , told him of it , and sayd , that assuredly he would reueale it : but he the godly father disswaded him with all his skill , and would not suffer him so to do : which was ( as we thinke ) a more vile part in father parsons , being borne her maiesties subiect , then in any stranger whosoeuer , that thrust parry forwards into that most barbarous stratageme . furthermore , this good father that he might leaue no stone vnturned , which could tend to the trouble and mischiefe of his natiue countrie , when his dealings with more priuate persons would not succeede , then he returned to those of higher place , and excited them to vndertake some exployts vpon them , which might be answerable to his iesuiticall , that is , most bloudy deseignements . he made a lewde discourse , wherein he intitled alexander duke of parma to her maiesties crowne , & indeuoured with all his skill to perswade the duke in the right of his sonne ranutius to set vpon this realme with all his force , propounding vnto him diuers meanes ( as one by marrying his sonne to a certayne english lady ) for his better effecting ofthat enterprise . but the attempt of 1588. by the king of spayne against her maiestie and this whole kingdome , as it is and ought to be abhorred by all true hearted englishmen : so we trust the memory of those wretches borne in our owne countrie , that were either procurers , perswaders , or agents in it , shall be had in perpetuall detestation . in which number , this our iesuite was a chiefe firebrand , and had his hand in that pernitious booke , that was then printed for the stirring vp of her maiesties subiects to haue taken part with the spaniard if he could haue arriued : which booke vpon their foile and ouerthrow was presently burnt for shame , that euer the world should see so impious a treatise , we meane the whole impression was burnt , sauing some few that escaped their hands . we are the more earnest against this enterprise , because it touched all english catholicks heere , as much as it did in effect the protestants . for it is knowne right well both from the duke of medina his owne mouth , and by other certeyne intelligence , that all the catholicks in england , as well as others , and perhaps rather , were designed to the slaughter . for the sayd duke being told , that there were some catholicks in england : answered , i care not : i will make the best protestants in england as good catholicks as they , if i haue them once vnder my sword . i respect neither the one nor the other : i meane to make roome there for my maister . this he hath spoken diuers times in the hearing of maister wencelade , a deuonshire man. and this also the iesuites themselues confesse , as amongst others father southwell at wisbich , in the hearing of diuers of the priests there prisoners . at what time father parsons went into spayne we do not remember , we thinke it was about the yeare 1589. but sure we are that when it was knowne here , and that he was commended thither by don bernardino de mendoza his fellow iesuite , many catholicks of sounder iudgemēt did vtterly dislike it . they knew the ambition of the spaniards : and how bellum sacrum pretended by ferdinando , and continued since as a thing hereditary to that kingdome , vnder sundry pretences for the defence of the catholick faith , did tend to nothing else , but to make them selues monarches . besides , they were not ignorant with what eagernes the iesuites began to aduaunce the spaniard : which made them to suspect that father parsons going thither , would still bring forth some further mischiefes : and indeed it fell so out . for through mendoza his credit , he became not only vpō the sodain a courtier , but grew very soone into great fauour with the king : which you know must needes be easily wrought ( as the king stood then affected against england , hauing bin so much dishonored by his repulse the yeere before ) by his maiesties experience of this good fathers mortall hatred to his owne country , in plotting and casting about , how his highnes might be reuenged . we will not tell what we feare concerning the motiues wherewith this father perswaded the king to erect the seminaries for our countrymen in spayne , and elsewhere , the end oftheir institution was most religiously politike , and holy : but if we shall finde those wholy employed for increasing either of iesuits or of other priests , such as must follow and applaude to all their trayterous courses against our country , for our owne parts we wish they had neuer bin erected . in the yeare 1589. the same yeare that this father came into spayne , the seminary was erected in valledolid by his meanes . in commendation whereof , he writeth very amply , and mentioneth one thing by the way , which ( sauing his maisterships fatherhood ) we do not beleeue to be true : he knoweth full well how to keepe himselfe warme . for he sayth , that the students there hearing of the rigor and crueltie in england , were ( in short time after the sayd erection ) so animated and desirous to see themselues in that battell : as he himselfe was ofttimes thereby moued ( had he bin a few yeeres yonger , and could haue borne that mission ) to haue gone once againe with them into england . but except he may come hither with gloria patri , we will vndertake it for him he will not greatly trouble vs heere with his presence . in the yeare 1592. the king with his sonne and daughter went to valledolid : and being there , did visit his english seminary at father parsons suite . in which visitation you shall see the continuance of this fathers deadly malice , breathed out in his schollers orations . wherein her maiestie is by all meanes depraued : the kings honor and excellency is extolled aboue all measure : her highnes downe-fall , and his victories are prophecied , and nothing is omitted that might aduaunce the one , and depresse the other . one of them deliuering the good father his directions , offred to the king in his oration , not only himselfe , but in the name of the rest , all his fellowes : nay their whole countrey , their parents , and friends , with all their allyes , confederates , and acquaintance . which oration , and all their other proceedings then at valledolid comming to cardinall allane in rome , he wept for sorrow , seeing what they still aymed at . do not you thinke that our country is like to receiue great comfort by these spanish schollers , if they shall proceede according to these beginnings ? if you can get this fathers relation printed the sayd yere 1592. concerning this visitation of the seminary , you shall see many other particulars : but this we warne you of , that in the printed copy , that part of the youths oration is omitted , wherein the sayd great offer is made to the king. that is not a point to be made too vulgar , till the time and opportunity serue . the yeare after 1593. father parsons , because men should not thinke him idle , hath offred to the world a further testimony of his good will to her maiestie , and his country , in a treatise intituled , newes from spayne . herein , besides certayne exercises by the english yong priests in an other seminary at siuill , tending in effect to the same purpose with the former : it pleaseth him to discourse of some pleasant conceits , and certaine empreises : and in one ; how king henry the second , and king henry the eight , saint thomas of canterburie and the queenes maiestie are marshalled in a table together . many diuels with instruments of torments in their hands are painted vnder king henry the eights picture : and her maiestie is made to stand as it were in great sadnes , looking both vpon her father and king henry the second , set out with many angels and garlands for his repentance . for priests in a straunge countrie to deale thus with their owne kings , argueth little religion , and lesse discretion : it being imprinted thereby in euery mans minde , that seeth these or the like courses : that let any king offend them , and they will not faile to vse him with the like contempt . but the chiefe part of these newes is of a certaine conference at amsterdam , concerning the succession to the crowne of england : and how many pretenders there are that doe gape after it . this conference was at this time but in papers , you shall heare of it anon come out in print . when this fellowe was made a religious person , it had been good for the church that a mill stone had been tied about his necke , and he cast into the sea : such scandall hath and will arise hereafter by his more then machiuiliean deuises . in the said yeere also 1593. fa : parsons and father creswell ( neither barrell better hering ) set out in spaine another booke vnder the counterfeit name of andreas philopater : that is , andrew loue his country : wherein like two arrant companions they presume diuers times to speake to her maiestie ( their naturall soueraigne ) as if they were themselues two emperours , and she but a milke maide . besides , for that bastard & most ignominious filius terrae parsons , for him ( wesay ) to be one , that with a brasen forehead should dare to obiect the meane parentage of sundrie great personages , who haue beene in great authoritie in this kingdome : nay for him so vile a rascall to depraue and extenuate the blood royall which is in her maiesties sacred person , descending from the renowned king henry the seauenth ; what true english heart can endure it ? beare with vs : for before god wee are much moued with the consideration of it . he inueieth very bitterlie against the crueltie of her highnes lawes ; which we wish had been more milde : but he neuer mentioneth that he and his fellowes haue been the occasion of them by their traiterous courses , both against her crowne and life . for our owne parts wee haue felt the burthen of some of them : whereas these companions being in safetie themselues , care not what mischiefe they bring vpon our heads . besides in this booke , are sprinckled here and there some of their seditious positions touching their setting vp of subiects against their princes , and of cutting off the right heires to the crowne , vnder pretence of religion : which we account to bee very pernicious doctrine . for as when religion is receiued into any kingdome , it medleth not with , or maketh better any kings title to his crowne ; so when it is banished thence , it doth not diminish any princes right or inheritance , but leaueth ( in our opinions ) the same as it found it . now these said positions with many more ( passing from hand to hand by conference and in papers , for two or three yeares in spaine ) begun to shew their heads in print , and are compiled into a booke : the chiefe scope whereof is this ( if maister charles paget or we doe vnderstand it ) viz. the deposing of her maiestie : the alteration of our auncient lawes and customes : the disinheriting of all her maiesties lawfull successors , and the aduanncing of the infanta of spayne to the royall throne of this kingdome . when these points with their appurtenances were first published , whether in papers or in print , we know not , father parsons being halfe sick , acquainted the schollers in siuill publickly with them , and read the whole discourse himselfe vnto them , and the same he procured to be done to other english students at s. lucars , as a friend of his hath lately written into england in the good fathers commendation . who telleth vs further , that father parsons demaunding how they the schollers liked that treatise , especially concerning the infanta , they answered , that they did not only like it , but diuers priests and others subscribed their names vnto it , for a testimony of their approbation of it . this that these men subscribed vnto , was as seemeth a short draught of the infantaes pretended title , conteyning also the forme of a submission for their present acknowledgmēt of the infanta to be their queene and soueraigne . it was reported here by certayne priests , that the sayd students refused to subscribe to any such matter , and that father parsons by false information procured them to subscribe to a blanck , both in siuill , and in valledolid , which he supplied after to the effect before mentioned , and offred the same to the infanta . maister charles paget reporteth hereof something , and to this effect , viz. that father parsons caused diuers by fayre meanes and threates to subscribe , that in all conferences they should when they came into england aduance the infantaes title , not intending thereby to expect her maiesties death , but by all meanes to remoue her from the present possession of her royall estate . if these things should come to the knowledge of the state , who will blame the same , if such priests as come hither out of spayne be not very well interteyned ? neither shall those that come from rome be in any better plight , now that father parsons is the rector of that seminary : because it may be well supposed , that he being no changeling , his schollers must either daunce after his pipe , or sit still and daunce not at all . kings haue bin euer iealous of their estates , and will take any occasion to preuent the worst . whereby you see what our cases are : he practiseth , and we are punished : the catholick cause is greatly indangered and hindered by him . to this good fathers proceedings , the death of cardinall allane in the end of the yeare 1594. and of the bishop of cassane a little after , gaue no little furtherance , for they both disliked them . but then he rid in his owne course a gallop , laboring with his assistants and mates to perswade as many as they could both in their sermons and in their writings , that the catholick faith and the king of spaine were so lincked together , as it was a point of necessitye in the catholick faith to put all europe into his hands : else the catholick religion would perish . a position you know most absurd and blasphemous , as though gods truth and religion had only depended vpon the old king of spayne . well , this foundation layd , father parsons assured the king , that the iesuites in eagland were so highly esteemed , so greedely followed not only of catholicks , but of protestants that were of the wiser sort , and in such authoritie , that he doubted not but that shortly the king should be in euery mans hart . for the effecting whereof , his riches , his greatnes , his liberalitie , iustice , and loue towards the english were daily commended : and father parsons was inabled to procure the libertie of such english men as were taken prisoners : of purpose that when they came home , they might sound out the prayses of the king of spayne , and parsons . if you say we set not downe these particulars in their due places , you haue our excuse before . about the yeere 1596. the king of spayne excited partly by father parsons allurements last mentioned , and by other his seditious associates ( alleadging that iulius caesar got not britaine at his first assault ) attempted a second exployt for famouth , with a new armado , intending therewith to haue gotten into his possession arwennike castle , with the hill pendennice . which armado as it was comming from lisbone towards ferroll ( the place of rendeuow ) was greatly scattered in the way , so as 34. ships perished in one night , with the losse of 5000. men . thereby the kings purpose for that time was stayed : but yet not long after his maiestie enterprised the same attempt againe for the sayd castell , and had the like successe : his ships were dispersed , and all came to naught . that fa. parsons was likewise acquainted with this deseignement , if not a chiefe instigator , may appeare by one of his owne letters to a friend of his in the yeere 1597. we pray god , that no practise or deseignement set on foote , either by this good father , or by any other , for the indāgering of her maiestie , or of our natiue countrie , haue euer better issue , but may perish as the vntimely fruit of a woman . if once god shall be pleased to restore y e catholick faith by holy & good meanes , and that we may liue to see it , we shall be very ioyfull men , hauing so long ( poore prisoners ) expected the same : but otherwise we are content to languish still , and dye in our sorrowes . we are almost weary with raking in the dunghill of this good fathers practises : and yet something of him further . when he found lesse hope by meanes of the king of spayne , or at the least whilest his maiestie was in furnishing himselfe , parsons or his dependants , holt and worthington , with his priuitie , if not aduice ( as maister charles paget noteth ) practised the aduauncement of the earle of darby to the crowne of england . which plot being discouered to the earle by a gentleman one hesket , imployed by them to his lordship , he the sayd earle as a most dutifull subiect disclosed their treason , which wrought his vntimely death as many say . with this deseignement maister charles browne ( otherwise as true an harted catholick as the prowdest of them ) was so greatly moued , as he writ to maister stapleton ( then in preparation towards rome ) desiring him to present to his holynes certaine articles ( which he had framed against these iesuites , and then sent likewise vnto him ) concerning their intituling the sayd earle of darby to the crowne , their dealing with him , and the successe of them to the greatest staunder of all catholicks , and hurt of the generall cause . he also was earnest with maister stapleton , that he would himselfe make knowne to the pope what infinite garboyles and mischiefes these fellowes had stirred vp amongst vs , whilest his holynes imagined that they were laboring faithfully to win poore soules to the catholick faith , as it was the dutie of truly religious persons . amongst all these tragicall deseignements of this good father , we will tell you one of his pretie tricks . one maister fixer a priest ( hauing a protection heere in england from the lord treasurer ) was so vexed and calumniated by the iesuites , that he renounced it , and thereupon went into spayne , intending to reade in some religious house . being at lisbone in good credit , he procured the release of 14. or 15. english men that were taken prisoners : willing them to thanke master bluet and doctor bagshaw for their liberty . hereof parsons hauing notice , sent for him into spayne , vnder pretence of his preferment : but when he had him , he procured him to be layd in prison for a spy , where he remayneth still , vnlesse he be dead . you see by the premisses a little glimpse of this holy fathers proceedings in spayne : and the rest of his societie were no lesse busied to the same purpose elsewhere . howbeit , the secular priests both in rome and england did vtterly dislike both him and all the rest with their so treasonable deseignements against their owne countrie : whereof the king of spayne hauing notice , did write earnestly to the pope that now is , and to other cardinals , that in any case they should support and maynteyne the credit of the iesuites against the complaints of the english , who without all cause , but seduced by the queene of england , did greatly calumniate them as he affirmed . the two practising prelates also of the low countryes , fa. holt , and doctor worthington , drew a formall letter supplicatiue , in the names of all the english souldiers , laborers , artizans , pensioners , as well men , as women ( yea the very seruing maydes and laundresses were not omitted ) the same to be presented to y e king of spaine : most humbly beseeching his maiestie , in regard of his great affection and care of england , and the afflicted english , that he would deale earnestly with the pope to preferre the worthie father and prelate father parsons to the dignity of a cardinall : affirming it to be the only way to binde and vnite the english to his maiestie . in expectation of the same prefermēt , and for what causes else it is not materiall , this good father went out of spayne to rome in the yeare 1597. at his comming thither , he was visited in his lodging ( or as they say courted ) by two cardinals , viz. baronius , and the other a spanyard . which extraordinary curtesie and honor done vnto him , gaue present occasion of some speeches in the citie , that out of doubt father parsons should be made a cardinall . this conceyt thus begun in rome , ended for thattime with a merryiest . for father parsons being counselled by the phisitions to keep his stomack warme , sent his brother for scarlet to make him a stomacher , who oflikelihood as soone as euer he heard the name of scarlet , was so possessed of a sodaine with an opinion of his brothers aduancement , that forgetting his intent to haue only a stomacher , he procured two merchants to carry in a wagon diuers pieces ofscarlet to his brothers lodging for the making of his cardinals roabes , giuing it out by the way to all his acquaintance both going and comming , that his brother forthwith should be made a cardinall . when this good father saw such packs of scarlet brought vnto him , no meruaile ifhe wondred at it . but finding his brothers error , he was in a great chafe , and much confounded , as easily foreseeing what sport it would procure amongst those that heard of it . whereupon in all haste he dismissed the sayd merchants with their scarlets at a back dore as secretly as he could . howbeit , the thing was so notorious , as it could not be concealed , and caused indeede very many to iest and laugh at him . one , ( a man little fauored by this good father ) hearing hereof , went in meriment to his lodging to congratulate his new aduauncement . but whē the father knew the purpose of his comming : yea ( quoth he ) doth he know it ? it will be then in england within this fortnight . we haue before acquainted you with this fathers dealings concerning his reading to the students and priests at siuill : of his discourse for the infantaes title : and now vnderstand further , that he was no sooner seated in rome , but to inure the priests and students there with his diabolicall conceyts , he required that his english booke of titles might be read publickly in their refectorie as a chapter of the bible is read at such times in our vniuersities , and promised , that in so doing , if they liked it , he would afterwards let them reade his high counsell of reformation . wherein ( as they report that haue seene it ) the whole realme of england is made a prouince dependant vpon spaine and iesuitisme . the lands and segniories of clergie and nobilitie and vniuersities are abridged : and of some in particular in his vaine and childish hope are confiscated . for example , cecyll house must be casa professa : and another house by it , there , nouitiatum . whereunto an imagined principle of the iesuits ( for which they aduenture both credit and conscience very farre ) being added , viz. that the iesuits must preuaile where once they set footing , it maketh many to condemne them and wish that the maske of religion being taken from them ( which by their occasions and turmoylings is blasphemed ) they might appeare in their owne colours , that the world might no longer be decciued by them . it were a worke of very great labour to trace this fellow in all his apparant deuises and practises . and for his rules , whereby both he and his adherents doe square their actions , they are vncertaine , and holde as the time serueth , and they thinke conuenient . if they haue any vie of a man , they make faire weather with him : and afterwards least hee should expect some benefit from them , they haue waies and trickes to shake him off very iesuitically . maister barret was for a long time one oftheir chiefe instruments to many purposes , whom they requited in the end with all manner of disgraces and disgusts , euen to his last breath . for example , maister barret being sent for to come to rome about the breach of the students with the iesuits , cardinall tolet hoping that hee would haue taken part with the students , intended to make him rector , and to cast out all the iesuits ( as hee did cast out sixe ) but barret contrarie to the cardinals expectation became iesuited , and did what he could against the students in fauour of the iesuits . whereupon cardinal tolet reiected him as an vnworthie man. the iesuits afterwards sent him downe to doway to his olde charge : and parsons craftily made him purchase a house , which cost 1700. crownes , and withall stopped at rome the popes pension for the colledge two yeeres . whereupon doctor barret in the behalfe of the colledge fel in debt 3000. crownes : the iesuits all the while keeping him from the annuall pension . whereupon hee sending to rome to complaine and require the money : gentle father parsons went to the pope , and accused him of excesse and euill hnsbandrie , in dissipating the popes pensions , and suffering the house to fall to extremitie , and intended to cast him out , and place in the iesuits , sauing that his death preuented it . i haue elsewhere mentioned vnto you the iesuiticall axiome of winning or redeeming of time : which is in effect to runne with the time , in altering their positions , so as they may best serue to winne their desires . the practise of which ground is in no one of their affaires so manifest , as in labouring to set vp , now this man , now that man , to attempt the crowne : furnishing euery one with sufficient authoritie , that of right it belongeth vnto him . and true it is , that rather then faile , they care not who hee is , or of what race , nor of what nation that wil step in for the kingdome , so he be a catholike . father parsons notwithstanding all his faire shewes to spaine , hath still been practising from time to time , whilest the spaniard hath been in breathing , to haue raised vp others to get the kingdome if they could , and so to haue pulled that morsell out of the spaniards iawes : so her maiestie were deposed , he respecteth not by whom . for as before the earle of darbie with his priuitie was dealt with particularly to that purpose : so at an other time he writ a discourse which was sent into england , and published to many of the best catholicks heere : that hee would wish and aduise them , when the commoditie serued , that they should make an election of some principall noble english catholick to be their king. but still when none neither pretender , nor people will be so mad as to follow his deseignements , then he hath euer his recourse to the king of spayne : and at this time insisteth vpon the infanta : debarring himselfe from following of none that will in the meane time take armes against her highnes . maister charles ' paget in one of his letters telleth vs of a maxime amongst our english iesuites , and others seduced by them : that whosoeuer doth not approue and aduaunce fa. parsons and some of his followers , their conceits and courses touching our country and nation , though they be neuer so foolish , rash , furious , scandalous , and dangerous , nay though men be desirous to fit still , and meddle nothing with them , or their actions one way or other : yet if he do not ayde and assist them , it is lawfull ; yea , necessay , that such persons be infamed , by casting out against them any calumniations that may discredit them . the practise of which maxime , howsoeuer maister paget learned it , we are sure that many poore priests in england and elsewhere , haue felt it , honester men then either he , or many of his adherents . the contention which hath bin in rome betwixt our english students and the iesuites , is not vnknowne to all europe . the compounding whereof this good father taketh to himselfe : and so hath ordered the matter , that the iesuites ( forsooth ) were alwayes blamelesse , and the whole fault was in the students . for further declaration whereof , the wretch layeth about him in one of his letters like a mad man : insinuating that such of the sayd students as opposed themselues to the fathers , were not well established in the grace of god when they came to rome , or had no due preparation to the calling of priesthood , or ( we know not what ) was amisse in thē nay , he spareth not our mother citie , the seate of christs vicar in earth , but impeacheth the credit of it very greatly . and for his reports of vs ( poore men ) that lye in prison , and are subiect to many dangers , being ready to follow our fellowes , who haue offred their liues in the defence of the catholick church : how he acquainteth the world with our estimation in rome , and what accompt is made of vs there , his sayings following will declare vnto you ; set downe as they stand in his sayd letter , dated at naples the 13. of iuly , in the yeare 1598. when i came to rome ( sayth he ) i found the colledge as a field , with two hostile camps within it : father generall and his assistants wholy auersed and throughly resolued to leaue the gouernment . and in an other place taking vpon him to shew the causes why our english students haue of a long time bin so troublesome in that colledge , he writeth thus : you shall heare him at large . some thinke that it is in great part the nature of the place , that ingendreth high spirits in them that are not well established in almightie gods grace . for comming thither very yong , and finding themselues presently placed and prouided for abundantly , and acquainted daily with sights and relations of popes , cardinals , and princes affaires , our youths that were bred vp at home with much more simplicitie , and kept vnder by their parents and maisters then the italian education doth comport , forgetteth easily themselues , and breaketh out to liberty , i meane such as haue runne astray , and lost respect to their superiors in rome . this opinion of the circumstance of the place is greatly increased by the iudgement of strangers both spanyards , frenchmen , and flemings , and other nations : who affirme , that they try by experience their people that liue in rome , if they be not men of great vertue , do proue more headie afterward and lesse tractable , then others brought vp at home . but yet to this , other men of our nation do adde a second reason for the english colledge which is at rome , being a place whereunto many young men do resort : only vpon a desire of seeing nouelties . when any come thither of the english nation , finding such a commoditie of study and maintenance there , and themselues in want and misery , they made suite for that , whereunto perhaps they had not true vocation from god , nor due preparation in themselues to so holy and high estate . and so being once admitted , fell afterwards to disorder , and to put out of ioynt both themselues and others . thus farre the father of the want of grace in some , and of a true calling in others that disagreed with the iesuites : and how dangerous a matter it is for parents to send their children to rome , except they will haue them iesuites , or at the least to runne their tray terous courses : the very place will marre them . but now heare his report of the estimation that our english students and priests haue gotten by their being at rome : he shall tell it himselfe . baronius often told me , that our youths bragged much of martyrdome , but they were refractary ( that was his word ) and had no part of martyrs spirit , which was in humilitie and obedience . his holynes oftentimes told me , that he was neuer so vexed with any nation in the world : for on the one side they pretended zeale and pietie , and on the other , shewed the very spirit of the diuell , in pride , contumacy , and contradiction , &c. and euer now and then his holynes would put his finger to his brayne , signifying that there stoode their sicknes : and so would most of the court when they talked of englesye were indiauoluti , and like words . his holynes added also that he knew not what resolution to take : for on the one side , to punish them openly would be a scandall by reason of the hereticks : and if he should cast them forth of rome , some had told him that they would haue become hereticks &c. againe , in his letter to maister bishop , writing of the report that he the sayd maister bishop and maister charnock had made to the commissary of the inquisition at their being in rome : he sayth thus to maister bishop : you talked before your restraint heere with the commissary of the inquisition , and you gaue him such a relation of our english matters , as afterward when maister doctor haddock and maister doctor array had talked with him also , and informed him ( as they thought ) of the very truths of matters , he told an honorable man in rome , and a great friend of mine , that foure english priests hauing talked with him , they had taken from him all list to beleeue any english men or matters more , they told him so different tales , and yet all of them would seeme to be men of zeale . and againe , thus he writeth in the other letter : i haue heard his holynes often , and diuers cardinals more often , repeate with exceeding dishonor to our nation , the headynes and obstinacie of our youths : so as now many great and wise men begin to suspect , that the sufferings of our blessed martyrs and confessors in england was not so much for vertue and loue to gods cause , as of a certaine choler and obstinate will to contradict the magistrate there . what thinke you sir ofthese reports by parsons ? in what case are we poore priests ? the chiefe cause of our affliction is our defending of the church of rome , and therein his holynes authoritie . and thinke they no better of vs for it ? if this do come to the knowledge of our aduersaries , what aduantage will they make of it ? wo worth that iesuiticall broode , that to mayntaine their ambition , haue wrought vs this discredit . we haue bin in better reputation with his holynes , and so we hope to be agayne , when this machiuilian companion shall reape the shante himselfe of this report . for it is not possible , if euer his holynes will be pleased to be informed of him , but that he will reward him with ignominy , as he hath deserued . you know our estates at home , and you haue heard what estimation both we and all our nation haue at rome , if parsons write truly , as we trust he doth not . our chiefest hope must therefore be in her maiesties goodnes and mercie towards vs , to graunt vnto vs , if it be possible the libertie of our consciences . but herein obserue this viperous iesuite . at the league of peace betweene the french and the spanish kings , there was a rumor that the queene would enter into that league , and so graunt a toleration of religion : which parsons did vtterly dislike ; saying , that either they would haue all or none ; they will admit of no conditions . and his reason is this : because ( sayth he ) a toleration would make the catholicks of england dull , and without spirit . it is indeede quicknes that this father desireth , but such a quicknes , as deserueth a quick dispatch at the gallowes . we trust he shall neuer draw our catholicks heere to any such quicknes : but that after our dull manner we shall for euer continue her maiesties most faithfull subiects : and with such quicknes as becommeth vs , oppose our selues to his restles , quick , and bloudy deseignements against our countrie . but obserue we pray you that we say : our hope is thus of all english catholicks , which hope may be subiect to some little doubt , especially if his wicked platforme do proceede heere amongst vs : that all catholicks must hereafter depend vpon blackwell , and he vpon garnet , and garnet vpon parsons , and parsons vpon the diuell : who is the author of all rebellions , treasons , murthers , disobedience , and all such deseignements as this wicked iesuite hath hitherto deuised against her maiestie , her safety , her crowne , her kingdome , and her life . so as our conclusion shall be with a branch , which we will alwayes remember as an addition when we say the letany : à machinationibus parsoni , libera nos domine . and thus wee end : desiring god to blesse vs all . amen . the iesuits downefall threatned against them by the secular priests for their wicked liues, accursed manners, hereticall doctrine, and more then matchiavillian policie. together with the life of father parsons an english iesuite. james, thomas, 1573?-1629. 1612 approx. 179 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 43 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04344 stc 14459 estc s107692 99843388 99843388 8118 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04344) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 8118) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 742:01) the iesuits downefall threatned against them by the secular priests for their wicked liues, accursed manners, hereticall doctrine, and more then matchiavillian policie. together with the life of father parsons an english iesuite. james, thomas, 1573?-1629. [12], 72 p. printed by ioseph barnes, and are to bee sold by john barnes dwelling neere holborne conduit [, london], at oxford : 1612. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng parsons, robert, 1546-1610 -controversial literature. jesuits -controversial literature. 2005-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the iesuits downefall , threatned against them by the secvlar priests for their wicked liues , accursed manners , hereticall doctrine , and more then matchiavillian policie . together with the life of father parsons an english iesvite . good god , that such a societie of men , after so many scandals , and foule deserts of theirs in france , and elsswhere , for prince-killing , sedition , &c. can thus be of credit in england ? a. c. to his disiesuited kinsman , pag , 72. at oxford , printed by ioseph barnes , and are to bee sold by john barnes dwelling neere holborne conduit . 1612. to the right vvorthy of all honovr for religion , pietie and iustice , the reverend iudges , and iustices of peace for the countie of oxon. true religion the only badg of a christian , hath two marks whereby it is certainely knowne ; to wit , zeale , and constancie . zeale , for it must not be cold , nor luke warm ; but fervent and hot : constancie , because it endureth not for a season , and continueth but a while , but abideth vnto the end , vnto the death , for ever . this zeale which is so necessarily required in all men , but more properly in magistrates and governours ▪ hath appeared right honourable and right vvorshipfull most evidently , in your late proceedings against popish recusants , at , and before the last sessions , holden for this countie , at an * vnvsuall time , and with very extraordinary care & provision , for the searching , finding , fining , and restraining of the most dangerous persons of either sexe . of your constancie likewise & perseverance in prosecuting so good beginnings , smal cause haue we to doubt , considering the goodnes of the cause , and the greatnes of autority , wherewith both your hands and hearts are strengthned from aboue , to the great ioy of all his maiesties loyall subiects , gods faithfull servants . what remaineth now , but that we of the cleargie for our parts , should second these happy beginnings with our vttermost indeavors ? by adding the word vnto the sword , perswasions & cōferences , vnto those sharper means & corrosiues which are applied , shewing our selues ready to offer vp , not only our labors , but our selues also for the good of such as haue bin seduced by the priests , & iesuits , but rather by the iesuits then by the priests , for which cause knowing the danger , & being most willing ( if it bee possible ) to prevent it . i haue taken paines to compile this smal treatise , that if god shall be pleased in mercy to open their eies , they may see the wicked liues , accursed manners , hereticall doctrine , & more then matchiavillian policy of that society , which they do so devoutly follow , with perill both of soule and body . this worke i hope will finde the better entertainement with them , because it is taken wholly and soly from the writings of sundrie learned priests , who spake as they were moved , vpon consideration of their wicked liues and maners , so that theirs are the proofs , mine the collection & method only , as the quotations in the margent wil sufficiētly declare . i admit , that both priests & iesuits are to be feared more and lesse , as dangerous enimies vnto his maiesty , & the state : but chiefly the iesuits , who hold their disciples in such servitude , or rather slavery , that whatsoever they say is a law , & that law must be obayed , though god & man , reason or authoritie , king or kaisar say to the contrary . frō such followers , as are once wholly devoted to their company , it wil bee a hard matter for the magistrate ( you find it by too lamentable experience ) to draw either the oath of allegiance , or obedience to the magistrat in things temporal , much lesse conference and conformity in matters spirituall . for the iesuits like the centurion in the gospell , haue that command & iurisdictiō over their inferiors , that if they bid them goe , they goe , if they bid them doe this , they doe it , without asking any question whether it be right or wrong , iust or vniust which is commanded : & the reasō is plaine , because they relie altogether vpon the iesuit , and the iesuit vpon the pope , who is the only vnerring person vpon earth . a most absurd doctrine , as any is in all popery , wherewith notwithstanding , they haue bewitched the soules of i knowe not how many men & women , otherwise very vertuously and religiously inclined , and what pittie is it , for vs to consider , what cimmerian & more then egyptian darknesse they doe liue in , that are thus taught by their ignorāt teachers , that do vow themselues blind obedience ? vvhen the blinde lead the blind , how can it be but that both of thē should fall into the ditch . now this which is spoken against the iesuits doth not acquit the secular priests , nor their followers . for as long as they goe about , to recōcile men from their true and naturall prince vnto the pope , and to withdraw their mindes , from religion , vnto superstition , from gods word , vnto fables , from god himselfe vnto mammon : causing them that are reconciled , not only to professe all popish points , according to the doctrine of the councell of trent , as vnwritten traditions , transubstantiation , purgatory indulgences , worshipping of images , & reliques , iustification by workes , the truth of seaven sacraments , obedience to one only pope , &c. but to make them articles of the creed , and to take a solemne * oath , that they will continue in the profession of all & every of them vnto the death , and farthermore , perswade as much as in them lyeth , all others that are vnder thē to doe the like , we haue iust cause to suspect both their dealings , & to oppose our selues against their proceedings . the which thing you haue begun to doe , right honorable and right vvorshipfull , to your eternall praise & commendation , and to the example and encouragement of others you haue begun well , who shal be able to hinder you , if god be on your side ? goe forward then , i beseech you , in gods name , both cheerefully and couragiously , you haue our earnest prayers , & shal be sure to haue our best endeavors ( if need require . ) i knowe the readines of many learned and graue divines , to further this religious service , amongst which , my selfe being one of the meanest in gods church , scarse worthy to be called a divine , doe most earnestly desire , to contribute my paines and service , & to make knowne vnto the world , the great affection which i beare vnto all sorts of people , thus by the iesuits miserably seduced : whose conversion as i haue alwaies sought by good and faire meanes , such as the most wayward & peevishest adversaries cānot iustly except against : so is it my purpose , god willing , so to continue vnto my liues end , both by speech & writing , propagating that faith , whereof his maiestie of al princes christian may truly be said to be the defendor : and because the iesuits are his & our chiefest enimies , accept , i beseech you , these few lines , concerning their liues and maners in generall , & one of the chiefest of them in particular ; the matter was ministred vnto me by certaine secular priests , the method in disposing and digesting of it was mine , to god bee ascribed the glory and benefit thereof , if any shall arise . and thus beseeching him to blesse you all with continuance of your care , and increase of zeale , for the vtter suppressing of all poperie and superstition , and rooting out of all priests and iesuits . i humbly take my leaue ▪ from the publique library in oxford , sept. 16. 1612. yours in all religious services to command . tho. james . the propositions . 1. that the iesuits are not indeed of iesus but of the divell . 2. they are fore-runners of antichrist . 3. right puritans in all things . 4. worse then the turke . 5. dangerous men both to church and common weale . 6. vitious both in life and manners . 7. noted of these vices following , as of ambition , 8. vaine-glory . 9. envy . 10. malice . 11. vncharitie . 12. crueltie . 13. murders & massacres 14. to be saucie fellowes . 15. impudent . 16. iniurious . 17. vnhospitall . 18. pillers and pollers of the people . 19. causers of dissentions . 20. accusers and diffamers of others . 21. high conceited of themselues . 22. for learning . 23. for religion . 24. commended by others . 25. by themselues . 26. not to be spoken , nor written against . 27. generally proud . 28. especially in apparell . 29. flat cooseners . 30. hypocrits . 31. making a vaine shew of religion and good workes . 32. doing evill vpon good pretences . 33. dissemblers . 34. aequivocators . 35. temporizers . 36. falsaries . 37. polititians and statists . 38. enterdealing in state businesse too far . 39. hauing and maintaining intelligences . 40. working by great men . 41. by bribes and promises . 42. by intercepting of letters . 43. iniurious to priests first , by debasing and vilifying them in words . 44. suspending them from their faculties . 45. from the altar . 46. from preaching . 47. from their residencies . 48. from all company . 49. from christian burial ▪ 50. from all almes . 51. getting all the almes to themselues . 52. starving the poore priests . 53. domineering over them . 54. making them to yeeld to them . 55 , disgracefull both in word and deed to popes . 56. to cardinals . 57. to kings . 58. plotting forraine invasions . 59. disposing of kingdomes . 60. traytors . 61. king-killers . 62. in doctrine turning all topsie turvie . 63. by hereticall positions . 64. extravagant opinions . 65. approving of the stewes . 66. abuse of confession . 67. vse of fond revelations and prophecies . 68. becomming atheists . 69. at strife with others . 70. amongst themselues , 71. against schoole divinitie . 72. men that cannot erre as they affirme . 73. full of novelties . 74. intemperate writings . 75. libellers . 76. that write much themselues . 77. forbidding others . 78. seducers of youth . 79. admitting none but rich men into their society 80. teaching gratis . 81. to be irreverent to parents . 82. making their schollers worse and worse . 83. are well followed and favored . 84. especially by women . 85. doe all for gaine . 86. get great summes of mony into their hands . 87. resort only to rich men . 88. domineere in their houses . 89. build seminaries . 90. take all into their hands . 91. enterdealing with the civill magistrate . 92. betraying some vnto the enimie . 93. bringing others vnto their ends , and afterwards slaundering them . 94. laying a foule imputation on those that leaue them . 95. all for a monarchie . 96. hated of all orders . 97. their spirituall exercise . 98. discipline in their college . 99. feare a visitation . 100. lastly their fall fore-prophecied & wished for the downefall of the iesuits . the 1. proposition . that the iesuits are not indeed of iesus but of the divell . this is a that society of fathers in gods church , they beeing no whit gods sonnes , of b which it must be said , that by gods especial providence it came vp with luther as a curbe to his , and frō him to all the ensuing heresies of this age : c but this order is the refuse of religion , and therefore worthely the least religious order in holie church . d a most impostural corporation , that e haue cleane forsaken and forfeited the spirit of the catholicke church . f well may they be dij titulares , as being so tearmed after iesus ; but surely , no way dij tutelares in their gospell , and for to conclude this point , g the whole societie is not indeed of iesus , but of the divell . the 2. proposition . that the iesuits are fore-runners of antichrist . a antichrist doubted to be come by reason of them ▪ for they are b forerūners of antichrist , & archinventers of new puritanisme , worse than ever was yet heard of , and all this is c done vnder pretence of pharisaicall zeale . the 3. proposition . that the iesuits are right puritans in all things . a a iesuit is nothing els but a reformed priest , right puritan in all things . b in matters and doctrine , pertaining to manners , government , and order of life , in this respect all wholly puritans : for distinctions sake , we may call thē puritan papists , to distinguish them from the puritan protestants . c they are iust like to the puritanian , or the cartwritian , or the brownistian , or the genevian , or the gehennian platforme . and there are d at the least a hundred principles , and odde tricks concerning government , auctoritie , tyrannie , popularitie , treason , conspiracie , &c. which they iumpe as iust togither in , as if both were made of one mould . e verie dangerous , vnlesse some order be taken for thē both in time : f but of the twaine , the iesuits are more dangerous than the puritans . the 4. proposition . the iesuits are worse than the turke , &c. a they are blasphemous wretches , an b impious brood , progenie of vipers , to vse our saviours words against them , the offals of the old scribes and pharisees , who hath taught them to eschew iram venturam ? c they vse to turkize over men in a shameful maner , nay , it d were better to liue vnder the turke for the securitie of their soules , than vnder the iesuits government , or rather captivitie . the 5. proposition . they are dangerous fellowes . i a must be forced to open to the world , what grosse errors they do maintaine , how marveilously the people are blinded and seduced by them , and how dangerous a race they runne , to their owne and all others destruction . b doubtlesse , there will come much danger vnto the catholike church , if these violent spirits bee not in time suppressed , and therefore c these fellowes must be looked vnto in time ; yea , d it is high time for al christendome to looke vnto them , for , if let goe anie longer , hardly reclaimed . the 6. proposition . vitious both in life and manners . a heretofore the lay did debauch the religious , now the religious doe debauch the lay and that as bad , as bad may be . i knowe b they can endure nothing worse , then to heare of their owne lewdnesse : yet , c because they pervert all both god and mans lawes , and runne against the course of nature and kind , i will discover these d iesuiticall spirits , whose luciferian pride is such , as it delighteth to bee counted famous in mischeife , and to haue none to equall them in impiety ; but all base , and meanely esteemed of , compared with themselues in villanie : as e vnhonest , vncharitable , irreligious , vnpriestly practises , vnspeakable pride ambition , envie , malice , extortion , crueltie , and aboue all their intolerable backbiting tongues , for invectiues against them they hate . f what shall we say , when a religious societie , and that of iesus , can beget such brats ? g fie on such fatherhood , so rooted , so fruited . h are they not rockes of scandall , to all priesthood , and is it i not a shame that so religious a corporation , should so ioine hands with the divel against the vertuous ? surely k i see no reason , why to the wickelevist vpbraiding vs with the enormous manners of the religious heretofore in gods church , we should be so straight laced , as not to acknowledge him as much : seeing that even at this day in england , we haue iesuits such manner of religious . the 7. proposition . the iesuits are noted of ambition . the a wicked iesuits are of luciferian ambition , b most ambitious and cunning , in seeking to beare rule over the clergie , and being once c fired in the ambitious mounts of phaetons chariot , they trouble all europe , by this their ambitioning aboue all religious orders in holy church , in ordine ad daemonem , aemulantes stil charismata pessima . the 8. proposition . vaine-glory . a these good fathers , are so desirous of their own credit and glory , as if they were b a companie of swaggerers , ruffians , or bragging braggates of toledo . the 9. proposition . envy . a there is envy in them , to see any doe well that followes not them , b proving themselues right momists , zoilists , and aristarchists ; and i c verily thinke , nether zoilus , aristarchus , timon , or other misanthropos , ever equald , or else was to be compared with a iesuit in the damnable art of detraction , or envy . the 10. proposition . malice . what should i speake of the a inhumane parts of these cruell men , their dogged natures & jewish hearts , where once they conceaue a dislike ? rightly following that atheall principle of machiavell never to pardon , vnlesse for disadvantage where once thou hast taken a displeasure : so that b revenge with them , hath never an end , but with the death of their adversaries , & their reproch after death . whereby it is evidently proved , that there is c more like divelish , then humane malice in them . the 11. proposition . the iesuits are noted of vncharitie . the a iesuits pretend fatherly charitie , exhibited towards all priests : an affirmance so far from truth , as to doubt , concerning this matter in question , whether it be true or no , were to doubt , whether there be a sunne in the firmament , or no. for what is more cōmon with them , then by their b iesuiticall vncharitie , to leaue a man [ not to gods mercy ] but to his iudgement ? the 12. proposition . of crueltie . they a are mercilesse , hard , and cruell harted to their afflicted brethren ; for b insteed of meekenesse , mercy and compassion , they haue put on a steme , harth and cruell hardnes , void of all pittie , mildnesse or remorse . and c in the low-countries , they haue beene so cruell , as that they haue not only brought many excellent men to a miserable end , but haue reproched thē after death . the 13. proposition . famous for murders and massacres . the only thing they long for , is to bring al a flore in fire and sword , according to their b prowd , machiavillian , and cruell designements , committing many c secret murders , & open massacres . and verily some breath of bloudy garboyles and cruelties is threatned to all nations , by these assassinists . for what are they all , say some that know them , but massacring , butcherlie , buyers and sellers of their deare country mens bloud ? d the very canibals , and anthropophagies , shall rise vp at the last daie , and condemne this barbarous and savage generation of belials bloud for this crime . the 14. proposition . saucie fellowes . a these malapert iesuits , become sawcie everie where , where they once get but never so little advantage . the 15. proposition . impudent . a who would thinke , that anie strumpet were shee never so impudent , could put vpon her such a brazen forhead ? they are all b like common strumpets . for c they will stand to nothing , though there be a thousand witnesses . the 16. proposition . iniurious . the a iesuits abettours of most grievous wrongs and infamie , b especiallie to the priests . the 17. proposition . vnhospitall . a man may a as soone breake their neckes , as their fasts at a iesuits college . the 18. proposition . pillars and polers of the people . there a is much polling and pilling of catholickes in england vnder the colour of holie vses . b verres not more odious for pilling than the iesuits . the 19. proposition . causers of dissention . a the iesuits beginners of contention , b firebrands of all seditions . all the cleargie and sociall dissention in our realme , proceeded from the fathers of the society ; and these are the very c first brokers , breathers & brochers of contention abroad . whose d delight is in nothing but in factions and novelties , and why ? because e with their zizaniaes of faction , they make boot & havocke of catholickes estates ; f getting more by discord than otherwise , and therefore it is no marvell if g in private families , they separate brethren one from an other , and the husband from the wife , inflaming them with rancour and envie , one against an other . for this h is a knowne position amongst the iesuits , divide & impera ; ; and therefore , they do both stir vp , and maintaine dissentions . the 20. proposition . accusers and diffamers of their brethren . a their adversaries haue alwaies found them to vse as sharpe teeth , and as hurtfull tongues , to the renting asunder their good names , and wounding them other wise ( yet all in secret manner ) as anie other men they had occasions to deale with . for why , b they passe all that ever yet were for detraction ; yea , even when they haue tormented a man to death , yet haue they most slie and cunning slights , to make it seeme apparent they never did such a thing , and withall to make the party crucified by them , yet still to be condemned of the worlde , as maledictus , and an iniurious slanderer of them . and that you maie know , that c of defamations their societie hath the exactest schoole vnder heaven , they obserue certaine d atheall orders , and machiavillian maximes , for their owne advantage : as , detrahe audacter , aliquid adhaerebit : but e the chiefe points to be kept are these two : the one , that the matter haue some shew of probabilitie in it selfe , the second point is , that having a ground to build vpon what kind of detraction he pleaseth , he must alwaies apply the infamie , in iust opposition to the true fame and report . thus , f by accusing others , they make way for their owne hawtines . but g is it not a most vnchristian , turkish , hereticall , and traiterous ground they stand vpon , and a promontorie farre beyond all the capes and points of pietie , lying out into the dead sea , persian gulfe , or stygian lake of perdition , to affirme , that all must be defamed , detracted , backbitten , despised , and borne downe that are opposite to them and their designes ? yea , h whatsoever parson is directly bent against them , they must never leaue him ; but calumniat , sclander and invent new matter against him , so that bee i hee pope , or prince , or other monarch that doth not favour their iesuiticall allobrogicks , ( although he do no waies stir against them , ) yet for that he runs not with them , he shall be sure to haue heart , head and pen , yea and hands to bee laid vpon him , vntill both eares and cheekes , do burne with infamies . for they that are not with them , are against them . and they k that oppose themselues against them , cannot be iudged vertuous , or of any estimation . l whereas on the contrary side , bearing the print of their praise , it skils not howe very a foole or knaue , or both a man bee . thus wee may perceaue , m detraction to be the most iesuiticall vice of all others , and the n iesuits , to be the most malitious , traiterous , and irreligious calumniators that ever lived on earth , vnworthy that ever the earth should bear them , and an intolerable indignitie to the whole church of god , that ever such wicked members should liue vnpunished in her , as they doe . the 21. proposition . high conceited of themselues . how meanely they think of others ; yet they haue a divelish spirits , of a luciferian spirit and conceit of their owne proper excellencie , & a b fond opinion , to thinke that nothing can be wel done without them . c all must depend on them . nothing holy , catholike , sound , not the masse rightly celebrated , vnlesse it be by them . d every one of them must be rector chori , and dominus fac totum , and an absolute superlatiue in all things . e all superlatiues , all analogists , all metaphysitians , all entia transcendentia . and they f will bee called new apostles , illuminats , and extraordinary rabbies , that haue more neere familiaritie & acquaintance with god , then any other , g to obtaine al sutes : & hence it is , that a h gentlewoman said ; that shee was brought by a secular priest on her way to heaven , by a iesuited priest to heaven gate , by a professed iesuite beholding to him for heaven : so that you may hence collect , that every i iesuit is a rare man , k all his crowes white , & l finally , that their many atheall principles , are all reduced to two monstrous heads , to wit ; exaltation of themselus , and downecast of all that side not with them . the 22. proposition . for learning . a the most vnlearned iesuite ( if wee beleeue them ) doth far excell the most learned secular priest . b no learning in the world before the iesuits appeared , no learned man now , if hee hath not beene brought vp vnder them . the 23. proposition . for religion . a religion had beene vtterly quailed , if they had not beene . the 24. proposition . commended by others a the iesuits haue learned one speciall tricke of machiavell , to be at composition with certain nobles , gentlemen , and others in princes courts , to spred abroad their workes , with report , every thing to be very rare . these cease not to b extoll them vnto the skie . the 25. proposition . by themselues . there is another a tricke of machiavell , to make all other mens writings odious , and to commend their owne by themselues , or their neutrals . yea , b it is as common a practise with the iesuits , to seeke to advance themselues , as to say their breviarie . the 26. proposition . the iesuits not to be spoken , nor written against . a the iesuits must not be spoken against . for b if a man speake directly against them , out vpon it , it is not to be heard spoken of , or once looked vpon . as if there were c an act to bar others from speaking against them , or that it were d high blasphemy , to cōtradict these demi-gods in any thing . and generally the e people are so inchanted by the iesuits , that they will not beleeue any thing against thē , that f all are accounted hereticks that crosse their proceedings ; they g must not be disgraced , yet their brokers can revile others : and in like sort , the iesuits haue this h coggery , to make the bookes written against them , to be infamous libels and satyricall invectiues , neither to be read , nor answered . the 27. proposition . that they are generally prowde . a their kingdome is wholly of this world , which may be seene b by their capers of ambition & arrogancy , and c luciferian pride , in all which they d imitate lucifer . for their e pride and disdaine hath already past gradum ad octo , and passe it any farther , it is twentie to one , it will passe extra sphaeram activitatis . the 28. proposition . in apparrell . a the fathers bestow much on themselues , like b gallants or courtly rabbies , and c their pride in apparell amongst lords and ladies is such , that like d vaine-glorious pharisees , they ride to and fro in their coaches , like surleboies , moūtseignors , or other mē of state , being in this e their great gallātry richly attended on , with a great traine of servants , as if they were barons , or earles ; and f there hath been found a iesuit , that hath worne a girdle with hangers and rapier aboue ten pounds , a ierken also that cost no lesse , that made three suits of apparell in one yeare , whose horse and furniture , and his owne apparell on him , was valued to an 100. pounds , who for his part dispendeth yearely 400. pounds , and yet hath no patrimony . the 29. proposition . cooseners . a these iesuits are cogging mates , and b vse cony-catching devises to get mony , c with all manner of falsehood and coggerie , that may be imagined . besides this , they haue sundrie other d dogtricks of cousenage , to cut purses , pick-locks , commit burglaries , extortion , simonie , and all kinde of lombardinian devises to make gaine of , and these e finefingred boies , are very nimble about ladies & gentlewomens iewels , & thus by their f prettie slie cousenage , and such points , rules , and principles of learning and knowledge , as pertaine to conycatching , and other machiavilian devises , ( wherein there is none that goeth beyond them ) they haue here in g england gotten into their hands all auctoritie , good estimation , and all the stocke or treasury of mony , doing what they list , both at home and abroad ; but for these and the like h cousenages to enrich themselues , they haue beene banished both out of the cittie of perugio , and i milan . the 30. proposition . hypocrites . a these men make an hypocriticall shew & vaine vaunt of religion , b a chiefe meanes of drawing others to them . for c vnder pretence of their pharisaicall zeale & d liues , these e mocke-religious persons , f haue deluded many vertuous men & women ; because g every iesuit takes vpon him to be an illuminate , an inculpate guider of soules , and a man come to the highest step of the scale or ladder of perfection , h voide of all pitty , mildnesse or remorse , saue only cateolinian carrying his countenāce in his hands , to sob and smile in a trice . the 31. proposition . making a vaine shew of religion and good works . these a prowde pharisees by b pretended pietie allure multitudes : for c they pretende themselues to bee more holy than the rest , and that therefore in respect of the sins that raigned amongst others , they would neither eate nor drinke with them , and such a d blind conceit , haue these e illuminates of high aspires , of their puritanian holynesse , that they make arrogant vaunts therof , f by ostentation of mortification , obedience , perfection of state , that one of thē brake out into these words . g o my good god ? how much hast thou honoured me , aboue thousands of my brethren in thy service , howe may i not hope , for my long sufferances for thy sake , my watchings , praiers , fastings , to bee thine for ever ! thus you h see what vertue these i prowd pharises haue , and how boldly it may bespeake gods iustice : but in fine , it will k proue nothing , but avarice , extortion , cousening , treacherie and treason . the 32. proposition . vse to doe evill vpon good pretences . a they vse to do all their evils , especially vpon pretext of religion and holynes b as ordo ad deum , and bonū societatis , or , propter c obedientiam , or d maiorem dei gloriam . by these principles they may e not only detract & calumniate , and take away mens good names , but even also their liues if need require ; by f anie treacherie , crueltie , treason , or what mischiefe soever it skils not , so it be propter bonum societatis , or ordine ad deum , they are to omit no opportunitie or villany , that may further such their intents . and is not this g a seditious , odious , blasphemous and sacrilegious abuse of gods divine graces , vertues , and benefits bestowed , to make them dogbolts in every bow , and shafts in everie quiver , to draw out for the managing of any impious fact whatsoever ? for they h may say ordo , anie thing , so the rule and standart in their consciences be , ordo ad deum , or bonum societatis : but neverthelesse , this i same ordo ad deum , or bonum societatis , is such a matter with a iesuit , that it makes him all manner of waies disordered , & not so bonus socius , as robin good fellow . for here hence are al his equivocations , wherein his tongue runs one waie , and his meaning an other , that yee know not where to finde him ; a shame that bonum societatis , should subsist vpon so vile support , as such an ordo ad deum . k whereby all a iesuits evils , must bee reputed from the holy ghost , and the verie name of a iesuit , to import infallibilitie in faith and charitie , and so farre forth , that what he beleeveth , saith , or doth , ( be it never so much to the blemish of any parson , yea to the preiudice of a whole common wealth ) must not be thought to neede anie collaterall credit : for by one of their l two principles , ordo ad deum , or obedientia , ( by which as by a common medicine , they will salue all they do ) there is nothing cā go , or be done amisse , by any iesuit : for that alwaies , it is either in ordine ad deum , if an act of a superiour ; or propter obedientiam , if done by an inferiour . the 33. proposition . they are dissemblers . a the iesuits neuer meane truely , sincerely , and directly , there is b scarse a true word in anie of them , and manie notorious vntruths : but a c false heart , in all , or most of them . their d ground where they take , be it even against the holy sea , is dolus not virtus , their e speech indefinite , peremptorie , and dissembling , and therefore f it is hard to convince them of any errours in faith , by reason of their sly dissembling , g equivocation , sophistication , winding and doubling ; they can c collogue with anie course , by either oath , or other externall signe whatsoever should be required at their hāds , according to the lawes of their mentall evasions and equivocations , grounded vpon their ordo ad deum , which permits them any dissimulation : and therfore i senselesse be that man or woman holden for ever , that shall iudge anie sinceritie , fidelitie , naturall and humane affection or other good meaning , to be in them . the 34. proposition . equivocators . a no one thing breedeth greater danger and hatred to all catholikes in england , then the iesuits abuse of equivocating , making it indeed nothing else but an art of lying , cogging , foisting and forging , and that without al respect of matter , time , place , person , ( so it be not to a superiour iesuit ) or other circumstance , whatsoever : all is one , vti scientia , iura , periura , secretum prodere noli . b for they hold it dogmatizando , that they may not only to our adversaries : but even also to any catholike magistrate , yea to the pope himselfe , answere one way and meane another . and this c doctrine of the iesuits , touching equivocation , hath already bewitched so many of the lay catholiks , that d impossible it is , for any ( that is not a iesuit ) to know a iesuits hart , & e no man is able to bind vpon any words of theirs , they haue so many shifts , and so little conscience in speaking truly , except it bee one of themselues to another : otherwise , their manner is , to frame their speeches according to their company , alwaies applying themselues to the times , and occasions as they fall out , and f they are so delighted with this equivocation , or a subtile and dissembling kind of speeche , as that to the scandall of others ( as before hath beene declared ) they are not ashamed to defend it in their publike writings , g in abusing the words of st paul , with factus sum omnia omnibus , vt omnes lucrifaciam ; to this end and purpose , h absurdly alleaging diverse places of scripture , i by which doctrine of theirs , there is laid forth an open way to atheisme , so to expound the apostles as they may be thought to temporize , which is a plaine kind of dissimulation . but let these k men of the bernard high law , such like as liue by their wits & principles of machiavell , taught by their arch rabbies how to maintaine this their l absurd paradoxe of equivocation , m that haue so great facilitie to coine lies , thereby to make any thing liked or disliked as they list , and to giue out by newters what they please , n cease their quirkes and quiddities , as mentall evasions , equivocations , tergiversations , and the like : for else , o they are commonly now adaies held so great lyers , that i doubt whether any , or all of the iesuits wordes , yea or others that are in england this day will be accepted of , for the valew of a straw , by any that knowes them , they are so ful of equivocations and doubtings . the 35. proposition . temporizers . a they hold it lawfull to temporize with the civill magistrate , b making religion a matter of state , and policie , to draw people vnto them , by plausible hypocrisie , and shew of zeale : not a matter of conscience , to direct them aright . and thus , by c their temporizing platformes , casting omnia pro tempore , nihil pro veritate , they hold the d making of close catholiks in policie , e which by their flat atheall doctrine , secretly taught in scotland , f are freely permitted , to eate flesh as companie occasioneth , to read all kind of bookes indifferently , and to goe to a masse in the forenoone , & to a puritan sermon in the afternoone , and lastly e licensed to marry with catholikes . the 36. proposition . falsaries . a it is no newes with them , to alleage auctors corruptly , by b nipping of words and cutting of that , which confuteth the thing for which they are alleaged : which c false play of theirs , in taking that which serveth their turne ( as they think ) and leaving out the substance of the matter , is often practised ; but aboue all other things , most shamefull is the corrupting of the cardinals letter d vrged by the priests against the iesuits . the 37. proposition . polititians . a the iesuits religious pietie , is turned into meere secular , or rather temporall and laicall policie : and they are a priests indeed , but exceeding cunning politicks withall , and these c politicke canvasers or d matchiavilian polititians , e haue so many matchiavilian devises , as every plot and drift , seemeth to bee an infallible rule of falsehood , and a principle in chiefe , whereby the iesuits doe square their actions , as never a prince in christendome , nor any man living , can tell where to find , or how to trace or trust them . f for in all sacrilegious and temporizing platformes , g atheall plots of perdition , h matchiavilian or rather mahumetan-like faction , i heathenish , tyrannical , sathanicall and turkish government , k none goeth beyond the iesuits at this day ; l and they are able to set aretin , lucian , matchiauel , yea and don lucifer in a sort to schoole , as impossible for him by all the art he hath , to besot men as they do . the 38. proposition . entermedling in state-affaires too far . a although there be an expresse clause in the iesuits mission into england , that they should not deale in matters of state : b yet , the iesuits themselues sticke not to vaunt , that they haue a finger , not only in the catholicke commons of this realme , but also in the state , and c they are become officious sticklers in princes affaires ecclesiastical or tēporall , d both in england and scotland , as is proued very sufficiently : & according to e their doctrine of statizing , they f must be stirring , g tamporing , temporizing , and statizing like martiall men , or common souldiers in the field of war , in all temporal , mundane and stratagematicall affaires ; h this is their delight , but ever they doe rather harme , than good thereby , and therefore it was well done of the secular priests , i earnestly to request , that all proceedings of state-busines by the iesuits , should be vtterlie and presently forbidden . the 39. proposition . they haue and mainetaine intelligencers and spies . a it is an honourable policie in princes , to entertaine spies , counterfeits , and traitors , b by whom they know presentlie what is intended against them : semblably , the iesuits c haue their intelligence in all the kings courts in europe , by some principall man or woman of marke of their placing , d and their chiefe agent to discover the secrets of princes , is alwaies a iesuit in re , or in spe . these e agents in all princes courts , giue information to their generall once a month , so that f nothing is done in england , but it is knowne in rome with in a month after at the least . and say now , is it a fit thing that g religious men , that should spend their time in study and contēplation , should take their greatest pleasure , delight , and contentment in writing and receiving packets of newes , from all coasts and countries , making that their whole study and travaile ? the 40. proposition . worke by great men . a the iesuits haue learned one tricke of machiavell , throughly practised by erasmus , to be at composition with certaine noble men gentlemen and others in princes courts , to spread abroad their workes , with report every thing to bee rare , and b there is no prince in the world , but hath some great lord or other about him , that wil be ready to speake a good word for the iesuits , in hope of a better time at their hands , at one time or other when kingdomes are at stake . the 41. proposition . they effect all by bribes and promises . a the no lesse consciencelesse than mercilesse iesuits , collect great summes of money over all the realme , and wherefore is all this done ? because b the greatest enterprises taken in hand by thē , are done more by bribes given to brokers , and c great promises made to them , that are sticklers for them : d for the later it hath beene long the faction of the religious fathers so to doe , to put men to great expectation of favour and advancement when their day shall come , & to ring every yeare fresh alarums of forein preparation , and i know not what : and as touching the former , it was an e old stale principle of machiavell , to packe and sack vp sackes of mony to bring and binde mens tongues therewith , to preach and prate in court , country , and pulper , what they will haue , to keepe themselues in . the 42. proposition . intercept letters . a vvho knoweth not that the jesuits , b such as should haue made a conscience to open other mens letters , doe intercept letters and lie so in wait to intercept what passeth to and fro , that a small letter can hardly and that very seldome escape them ? for they , & especially the c iesuits of rome , do intercept all manner of letters , of al men whosoever , d as they please themselues , not forbearing the packets , neither of the cardinals , nor of princes . the 43. proposition . iniurious to priests by debasing them . a the iesuits tongue-torments , more cruell and heavie to the priests , thā their adversaries , racks , ropes or tiburne tippets , b calling anointed priests knaues , villaines , spies , south-saiers , idolaters , libertins , atheists , with other the most odious termes that the divell or malice is able to invent ; c shaking their heads , & vsing diverse very disdainfull exclamations , as , ah , hah , hah , a seminarie , an old queene marie priest , a secular , ah , ah , ah , alas poore men , you shall see thē all leape at a crust , ere it be long ; and d where these fathers haue had most conversation and dealing , many of modest and temperate constitution , are become impious , brazenfaced , & furious men against priests , wherevpon e the catholickes haue not beene afraid to lay violent hands , with offer to strike , or to run with drawne swords at priests , and f reported that it were no more offence to kill one of them , than to kill a notorious persecutour and hereticke : so that , g if the iesuits should prevaile , the poore seculars were as good to be all hanged vp togither , as liue to endure the insults , triumphs & vpbraidings that shal be laid against them , h as though no secular priest were worthy to be named the same day that mention is made of a holy iesuit , i and that it might be sufficient for them , if they might haue some curat-ships to say masses , and so much favor , as to attend vpon them to know their masterships pleasure , what they would command them ; and k this debasing and abasing all priests , the l iesuits will not cease , vntill they haue cast out the priests , and that by wicked meanes , not only of themselues , but m even of schismatickes and common enemies . the 44. proposition . by suspending them from their faculties . a how mány of the secular priestes were suspended from the vse of their faculties , because they would not confirme blackwels auctoritie vnder their hand ? the 45. proposition . from the altar . as you may plainely see in a iust defense of the sclādered priests by a io. colleton . the .46 proposition . from preaching . a they were forbidden to preach and teach the lay-people , during the contention betweene the priests and iesuits . the 47. proposition . from their residences . a avctority was given , b when it pleased the iesuits , to change and remoue the priests from one residence to an other , they being endowed with no church living , nor the lay-catholicke bound , by as much as the least shew of charitie , to mainetaine anie one in their houses , but such as themselues shall chuse or cast affection vnto . the 48. proposition . from all companie . a all catholicks warned to shun their companies , & b all meetings of priests forbidden . the 49. proposition . from christian buriall . a they were not to be buryed after a christian manner . the 50. proposition . from all almes . a reliefe was taken awaie from the priests by the iesuits , so that they b were exempted from part of the common dividents , being prisoners , and faine to sell their very cloathes of their backes , their breviaries and other service-books , being else c not able to holde out in prison , for want of mainetenance : & whiles the poore seculars d were in this extremity , it was a world to see the superfluity of the iesuits . the 51. proposition . getting all the almes to themselues . a never larger almes giuen then of late yeares ( for the b catholicks bestow their almes plentifully throughout the land , for reliefe of prisoners , & other godly vses : ) but c the iesuits , pretending to be religious collectors for prisoners , and other distressed catholicks , and d having gotten iudas his office , scilicet , to carrie the monie bagge , into their substitutes hands , dispose all the wealth and charity of catholickes , ( consisting of many thousand pounds ) most sinfully , irreligiously , and abusiuely ; they convert these pios vsus , intended by the benefactors where need is , into their owne purses : or into their purses from whom they may coniure it at their pleasures : so that e the expences of one iesuit , is able to mainetaine twenty priestes plentifullie and richlie ; and if it so chance they doe bestow out of their almes-purse any thing , it is not bestowed f vpon the needy ; but g partially as they please thēselues . h thus where the iesuits haue abundance , the poore priests & catholicks never suffered such great want of reliefe , & therfore i it is to be wished , that they would spend their almes better , in hospitalitie and good edification . the 52. proposition . starving the priests . a many priests are pined away with griefe & want of food , and b like to die of famine , by reason of the iesuits , c and in framingham castle all of them were readie to starue , as receiving no maintenāce , nor reliefe of the common benevolence . the 53. proposition . domineering over them . a the iesuits seeke to rule the rost , to haue all men at their becke and cōmandement , to haue nothing done without their advise and appointment , and that they will haue all priests their prentises . the 54. proposition . forcing them to yeeld the place vnto them . a it was thought a disorderly thing , that the iesuits being no priests , and some say brethren , should take place before the priests : maintained by the iesuits , as a point of good nature : and albeit a in procession the iesuits march in the lowest rancke , and therefore almost c never come to procession , because they must take the lowest place ; yet if a d secular priest meet them abroad , he must vaile bonnet vnto them : for it is a good argument , e he is a iesuit , ergo silence , ergo yeeld the stoop in his presence . the 55. proposition . disgracefull both in word and deed to popes . a they haue preached openly in spaine against pope sixtus the last of al holy memory , & railing against him as against a most wicked man , & monster on earth . they haue called him a lutheran , hereticke , they haue tearmed him a woolfe , they haue said hee had vndone all christendome if he had lived : and in few , cardinall bellarmine himselfe , as iudge paramont , being asked what he thought of his death , answered . qui sine poenirentia vivit , & sine poenitentia moritur , proculdubio ad infornum tendit : and an english doctor of our nation said , conceptis verbis ; quantum capio , quantum sapio , quantum intelligo , descendit ad infernum . the 56. proposition . to cardinals . a they report many disgracefull things of cardinall toledoes death , contraried by one , in whose armes he died , who said he made a vertuous ende . the 57. proposition . to kings . it a is to be feared least they will bring in bondage , not only prelats , but the very princes and monarches themselues . for there is a b marveilous contempt of princes , c whose proceedings they slaunder , which they ought not to doe . the french d king for railing against him , might haue put them to death for traitors : for e they reviled him , as oft as they thought on their expulsion , and to let passe this , f they haue bolstred , banded , bearded , and borne out many foule matters , against the greatest and chiefest princes on earth . the 58. proposition . plotting forraine invasions . b the iesuits haue plotted diverse forraine invasions : yea , b they set kingdomes to sale , and talke & write of nothing , but of forraine enimies that shall invade this land . so that c this land , by their mischievous drifts and devises , lies open to the spoile , of who that first can catch it . but d j hold him worse then mad , that would take part with these iesuits , or invaders in truth , notwithstanding any excommunication . the 59. proposition . disposing of kingdomes . a although they should not meddle directly or indirectly with disposing of crownes , yet the b iesuits are iolly fellowes to cap crownes , to canton kingdomes and to crown kings with ambitious pamphlets in their hearts , c and , in ordine ad daemonem , aemulantes still charismata pessima , they busie themselues in disposing and deposing of crownes and scepters , betraying one nation over vnto the hands of another , and all this in iesus name . the 60. proposition . traitors . there is a an expresse charge of christ to all subiects , reddere quae sunt caesaris , &c. as also the ingenerate law of all men to bee loyall to their countrey : and yet the b iesuits proued no lesse infest foes against the late princesse and countrey , then spaine it selfe was at that time , and such as laboured nothing more , then to betray that sweete portion , this sweete plot , our country to spaine , a meere forraine and morisco nation . to this end c there was casting of plots for their purpose and most advantage , aswell by plausible perswasions , in passages of speech , as also by countermined platformes in practicall conspiracies , for else whereto tended d a blanke importing treason , wherevnto many were requested to subscribe e their new spanish doleman , to which day for the delay of it , they giue the daily pox , f their treasonable plots , for surprizing the lady arbella , for solliciting earle ferdinando to rise against her maiestie , for entertaining yorke , and yong in the plot for firing her maiesties storehouses , and to flie with ships and all into spaine ? &c. and the like in scotland . for by g their doctrine of prince-killing , h haue they not enioined one for penance to murder his soveraigne , and doe they not hold it for sound doctrine , that i if one of them be commanded to murther an annointed prince he must doe his endeavour , and none hath beene wanting , as k lately enough in the murther of the last french king , and latelier might haue beene seene in the now * regnant , & in our own deare soveraigne , sundry times by the iesuiticall hand , had not gods hand beene the stronger , l three or foure of them were esteemed martyrs in englād ; but they died rather to their shames , for their sinnes , than to gods glory , & m if her maiestie and the state would take them at the worst , they might all bee iustly condemned for erroneous and traiterous persons . n for out of the jesuits docttrine , certainely there is nothing else but treacheries , treason , and conspiracies , and hence o it must needes followe , that there is not a iesuit in all england , but hath a smacke of impietie , irreligiositie , treacherie , treason , and machiavillian atheisme : and p it cannot be , but as long as there is one iesuit left in england , there wil be mutinies , treason , conspiracies and factions , do what pope , or prince , or any other is able to do , or say to the contrary . q all their plots and conspiracies ( wherof i am fully perswaded there are a great many yet lie hidden and vnknowne ) tend herevnto : this is it that r makes their bookes so full of plots , exasperations and conspiracies against the church and common weale , ſ that causes their mony to fly so fast over the ocean , ( t two thousand pounds intercepted in one yeare going over ) to prepare for an invasion , for an exploit in time to come . but how hath god favored these u prevaricators , x pharisees , and conspirators against god and their country , y these massacring butcherlie buyers and sellers of their deare countrymens bloud ? z their hopes of the english nation were vaine , a and their catilinian coniurations and conspiracies were not sanctified , nor blessed by the hand of god ; b gods hand was ever the stronger , and to conclude c their evill successe shewes , that god was not pleased with them . the 61. proposition . murderers of kings , popes , cardinals , &c. a the iesuits and their seditious faction , do broach & publish such a kinde of doctrine , that subiects are no longer bound to obey wicked princes in their temporall lawes and commandements , but till they be able by force of armes to resist them . a most dangerous doctrine , & most vnfit to be published in this age . b by this doctrine the iesuits murdered henry the third , and writ a discourse against him de iusta abdicatione , h 3. as if it had beene hatched in hell , c practised against divers kings in france , d defeated the polonian of his kingdom , and e here in england haue sought to compasse their wicked purposes by norfolke , stukely & saunders . f for all which and many mo traiterous practises , the iesuits are at this day an odious & detestable generation . but though they seeke to murder wicked princes and g propose rewards to such as kill tyrants : yet it may be they will spare popes , cardinals , & bishops : surely no ; h they grow as bad as bad may be , namely to the outraging of that which is most holy , i and if there be ( as there are ) shrewd suspitions in rome cōcerning the death of two popes , two cardinals , and one bishop already , i make no question at all , but that if hereafter , any pope shall crosse their plots and purposes , the iesuits wil haue such a figge in store for his holines , that shall do so , as no rubarbe , angelica , mithridate , or other medicine or antidote shall expell the venim , poison , and infection from his heart ; nor any bezar , perle , gold or vnicornes horne , long preserue his life after it . the 62. proposition . in doctrine they turne all topsie turuie . g they plunge themselues over head & eares into ecclesiasticall affaires , with such audacity and obstinacie , as they haue turned all topsie turvy . the 63. proposition . by hereticall positions . a ovt of the iesuits doctrine , certainely therein is nothing els but fallacie vpon fallacie , errour vpon errour , one contradiction encountring an other , all nothing . b a iesuit mainetained this most vile , atheall , and heathenish assertion , that one that is not a christian may be pope of rome , and an h other iesuit openly and for sound doctrine maintained it , first to his auditors in the schoole , & at this instant openly in the inquisition doth : viz : non est de fide credere hunc romanum pontificem esse christi vicarium , that it is no matter of faith to beleeue that this or that pope of rome is christs vicar . d to let passe their erroneous doctrin , concerning their generals infallibilitie of truth , for deciding of matters , their absurd paradoxes of equivocation , e the iesuits every way in printed books , in writen copies or manuscripts , and most of all in privat conference haue taught contrarie to the beliefe of the romane church , and therefore , f it is no marvell , if in materiall points of catholike faith , they oppose against the angelicall doctour , and be therefore at this present in dighted before his holinesse , by the dominicans in spaine , for pelagians , and sundry other kindes of hereticks ; as also for impostors , by the sorbonists of paris , and all other french cleargie , as we credibly heare . the 64. proposition . by extravagant opinions . a never was there any religious order that tooke their course , that held such phantastical , extravagant , exorbitant , irregular opinions , as they do . the 65. proposition . approving of the stewes . a fa : weston and archer , charged by doctor norden for defending the stewes b to be lawfull , and very necessarie ; to be as lawfull , as the pope himselfe , as if they had made ( as it seemeth ) a verie league with hell , against truth . the 66. proposition . abuse of confession . a they abuse this sacred seale for the managing of worldly businesses , & herevpon it is reported , that b the pope sent a precept or a decree to the religious houses in rome , thereby prohibiting vnder great penalties , that any should vse the knowledge of a mans estate in the sacrament of confession , to any politicke ende or matter in any external affaire whatsoever ; but the iesuits delayed their obedience herevnto , and so they c make confession a cony-catching or cousening tricke or slight , to picke a man , or womans purse ; nay to get all their lands by it ; and yet ( which is more shamefull , d though it seeme never so strange to heare ) they doe ordinarily reveile confessions per tertiam vel quartam personam , vel sub incerto nomine . the 67. proposition . vsing fond revelations and prophecies . a the iesuits , and those of the familie of loue alike , saue only that the b iesuits haue a more plausible and deceitfull means to deceiue poore souls , then any one of the familie of loue or others . c these new apostles , illuminats , and extraordinarie rabbies , haue more neere familiaritie and acquaintance with god , than any other . herevpon , they take vpon them to d prophecie of the changes and deaths of states and statists , ( though for the most part most foolish & false ) whereby you may see , from whence their illuminations come , and with what holy ghost their familiaritie and correspondencie is , whereof they so much boast . the 68. proposition . turne atheists . a the doctrine of the iesuits , an open way to atheisme , and b there is not a iesuit , nor a iesuits fautour any where to be found , but hath a foule tast of atheisme , either directly perse , or indirectly , virtute primi & principalis agentis . the 69. proposition . are at strife with others . a there is continuall , bitter strife , betweene them , & the dominicans in spaine . the 70. proposition . among themselues . a the iesuits often at open warres by brawlings , wranglings , contentions & chidings amongst themselues , defaming , backbiting slaundering , & supplanting one another , b what doe i say write ? nay , doe so calumniate one another , and as it were teare in peeces the fame , name , and good renowne one of the other , and c both at framingham and elsewhere , agree like cat and dogge within it selfe . the 71. proposition . against schoole divinitie . a all our students , by parsons and creswels means set to positiue divinitie , and not suffered to bee philosophers , or scholasticall divines , b because scientia inflat . the 72. proposition . men that cannot erre . they say a themselues that their societie cannot erre , b in any act , word , or thought , such lords , lawlesse sirs , and legifers they take themselues to be ; thinking g their societie more perfect than a generall councell , and talking much d concerning their generals infallibilitie of truth for deciding of matters ; whereby e you may see , how erroneous a societie these loyolians are , and how no assurance it hath at all of the holy ghost , wherein it vaunts it selfe equall with the pope and a generall councell . the 73. proposition . full of noveltie . a the iesuits are wholly sicke of the fashions , b and must needs smell , or haue one tricke of innovation or singularitie in every thing : for like c newe vpstart squibs , and strange men , all must consist of innovations , novelties , and new names amongst them . the 74. proposition . intemperate writings a the iesuits writings are fowle , and full both of intemperance and vntruth . a shame that inke and paper , & the presse , should be so abused ; for they do b vse , the most odious tearmes , that the divell or malice is able to invent . the 75. proposition . libellers . a they blame others for libells and verie b vnpriestly pasquils , & yet write themselues , c giving hereticks occasion of laughter and mocking . the 76. proposition . write much . a the secular priests write not so many bookes as the iesuits doe : the reason may bee , money makes the presse goe , and thereof b it cannot bee but they haue infinit treasure in their hands . the 77. proposition . forbidding others . a priests bookes accounted hereticall , as in bulla coenae domini , bereft of all manner of helping themselues , and b it stands vpon the iesuits to suppresse all writings . the 78. proposition . seducers of youth . a they draw the best wits into their societies , by vndue and wicked meanes , so as b the case now standing , no catholicke is to send their children or friends thither , for feare c of banker upting them both in spiritual & temporall patrimonies . for b they that go or send their children , doe either by consequent cast themselues into a voluntarie slaverie , as bad as if vnder the great turke ; or else they must change the true nature of an english heart , and become traitors or fautors of conspiracies , against their prince , country , and dearest friends ; and i e conclude by a probable coniecture , there is not one amongst a 100. that goes to be a iesuit , that hath anie true religious intent in him . the 79. proposition . admit none but rich men into their societie . a they fawne vpon men of noble birth , especially if they be rich , and inveigle them to sell all that they haue , and enter into their societie and likewise women are induced by them to become nunnes : but b none are welcome without mony , or commendations : as for example , c at the college of s. omers only for children , none can haue place there , vnlesse he bring with him fortie pound , or fiftie pound , or more ; or haue some good annuitie to maintaine him . so that you may obserue f three sorts of men admitted in their societie , men of wit wealthy or worshipfull , a such as may bring some gaine helpe and means to their further preferment , & advancement here on earth . the 80. proposition . teaching gratis . a their teaching gratis is dangerous : b for i haue heard of a certaine familiar iesuit , who erected a kinde of familie of loue by his night lectures to his faire femal-auditors , thus in truth c they doe not all things gratis , and of pure devotion . the 81. proposition . irreverence to parents . a the catholicke children of either sex after their becōming iesuited , do very scandalously neglect their filiall duety and reverence to their parents , and which is worse , cleane set them at naught : such swolne and puritan spirits these fathers haue put into them . the 82. proposition . make them worse and worse . b men send their children vnto them holy , godlie , peaceable , simple , and abounding with the spirit of god ; but within a short time , they are , god knowes , cleane changed and altered from what they were . the 83. proposition . they are well followed and favoured . a the iesuits haue many , both of the cleargie & laitie secretly devoted vnto them , & b they are brought into such a fooles paradise , that c the people inchanted by them , will not beleeue any thing against them . thus d do they carry poyson in their tongues vnseene , and infect all vnknowne that gaze and admire at them : sed haec est potestas tenebrarum , but the best is , e all their fautors are either foolish , ambitious , or needy . the 84. proposition . especially by women . a as all heresies began with talkatiue women , ( b these of nature being as flexible to yeeld , as credulous to beleeue ) c so silly women more devout than discreet , ( as alwaies in extreames , either saints or devils , ) d poore soules do mightily dote and run riot after them , e amōg these they title tatle , and lull babies a sleepe , and f the ignorant multitudes of the iesuits do vse most women gospellers , trumpetters of their praise , & g with these womē-tatlers & women-gospellers , the secular priests are much troubled : but in the end , their fraud will appeare , h whē these hot ladies shall lay their hands a little heavier on their hearts , with mea maxima culpa . the 85. proposition . do all for gaine . a it was a graue censure of cardinall allen concerning the iesuits : that they sought more their owne commodity , than the students weale , or gods glorie . b for they are much moved with temporall commodity , c seeke their owne good ; and d their kingdome is wholly of this world . e in their worldly wealth they settle like bees in soile , f and by reason of such their riches , they neglect gods honour , by preferring their owne before it . g thus do they dispose of last wils of the sicke , thus loue they to intermeddle with the marriages of many , with their temporall goods , and indeed with al things . alwaies taking that course with all men , that something happen vnto their share ; having mindes indeede of nothing ▪ but of their owne gaine ; and accordingly , h all mens fortunes graces favours , and actions whatsoever , shal be evil thought of , which are beneficial to any , with out a commodity to their societie : and yet neverthelesse , i there is no enquiring after their lands , if they doe , this shall be their answere , mirantur superiores . the 86. proposition . they get great summes of mony into their hands . now let vs consider a what huge masses of mony , & infinit treasures the iesuits haue every where , in england , and b other countries , * even from the indies . c some one of them hath receaued many thousand pounds . d a french iesuit reported , that the king of france gained three millions of gold at their expulsion thence ; so that it cannot be , but e they daily and nightly encreasing their riches , and enriching their cofers , haue infinit treasure in store , for an exploit in time to come ; expecting a time no doubt , when to drawe it forth , to their most advantage . thus , whiles f other orders want , the iesuits abound : g they vow , and others feele povertie . h they may truly say , domine quinque talenta dedisti mihi , ecce alia quinque suffuratus sum . now i if it appeare to all men , that by meanes of such their wealth they trouble all europe , by setting kingdomes at odds , by sowing of factions wheresoever they come , by ambitioning aboue all religious orders in holy church , questionlesse this will in the end be their destruction . the 87.88 . propositions . resort only to rich mens houses , and there domineere a no man master of his house where they may beare swaie and be admitted of : but b they neglect the poore , and hant only rich mens houses . for c they skorne to come to any , but where they may be daintily and costly entertained , they looke not after the cottages of the poore , nor minister their helpe to them , be there never so much need ; d but all their resort ( as i haue said ) is to noblemen and gentlemens houses , where they domineere over tenants , children , servants , and all . the 89. proposition . build and governe seminaries . a there are certaine seminaries in spaine built by the iesuits , which would be better employed in the reliefe of the poore . and b the king of spain hath ever since the yeare 1583 given thē 2000 crowns by the yeare ; the payment procured by father parsons , so c that all the colleges beyond sea , are now vnder the iesuits tyrannie , as may be seene by d the most egregious , tyrannicall , vsurpate , intrusiue auctoritie of the iesuits , gotten over all the seminaries at rome , at s. omers in spaine , and at doway . the 90. proposition . take all into their hands a the iesuits seeke to rule the rost , to haue all men at their becke and commandment , and so b miserais the state of catholiks in england , that all must depend on them . c as though the fee simple of all mens acts , words , and thoughts were in their gift , to raise and let fall the price of all at their devotion . and therefore of all orders d the capuchins liue best with the iesuits , because the iesuits would willingly haue all , and the capuchins would willingly haue nothing , but even to keepe soule & life together . the 91. proposition . enterdeale with the civill magistrate . a the iesuits haue continuall enterdeale with the civill magistrates , b with heretickes , and men of a suspected religion . the 92. proposition . betraying some vnto the enimie . a it is feared they doe indirectly betray some vnto the enimies . the 93. proposition . bring others vnto their ends and afterwards slaunder them . a the iesuits are so cruell , as that they haue not only brought many excellent men to a miserable end , by b driving them into desperation , and to take some miserable course , but haue reproched them after death . the 94. proposition . laying a foule imputation on those that leaue them when any one leaues their religion for the better , a they blaze abroad , that the party was once long agoe reiected , and never accounted of amongst them , but let alone , for that they knewe what end he would make before hand . the 95. proposition . all for a monarchie . a the iesuits fish for a monarchie , b & haue at all christendome for both states ecclesiastical and temporall : but c especially they challenge a spiritual monarchy over all england , by d right or wrong seeking it , so that e all the iesuits aime at one marke , and one course , and conceaue one and the same generall hope , to haue england a iaponian monarchie ( as once one tearmed it ) or an apish island of iesuits . the 96. proposition . hated of all orders . a their order is mightilie impugned , b al orders being against them . the 97. proposition . their spirituall exercise . a they vse their exercise as a chiefe meanes to catch the schollers : some of their owne societie much condemning them for it , and b by the abuse of this c false kind of spirituall exercise , they make boot & havocke of catholicke estates , ( for therefore was it devised by the jesuits thereby to fleece charitable people . ) d father parsons and father creswell , are most zealous in this point , these are noted for fishers , piscatores patris generalis , that emploied their wits and labours , to draw vnto them the best they could finde every where . the 98. proposition . their discipline in their colleges . a their discipline is with great severity , many are discouraged therewith . b two cannot speake togither without a third , nor the students of one chamber recreat their fellowes of an other , c for they must recreat with none , but such as they are appointed vnto . d and in everie companie of schollars , the iesuits haue their spies , which they call angeli custodes , which lie in wait what they cā heare said , or see done by any schollar , and forthwith carry it to the superior . e no scholler can write letters abroad , or receiue any without license and surview of the iesuits their governours ; no not to the fellowes of the same college . f there are many like turkish cruelties , especially in enioyning there schollars penances ; some for breaking their fasts in a cookes house , others for eating a little milke , others for washing themselues : some put to pennāce of bread and water , for not asking penances , some for slipping with their tongues ; one violently pulled by the ears for calling a lay-iesuit hermanno that is brother , for father . the 99. proposition . feare a visitation . a they feare nothing more than to render an account of their dealings , or to heare of their lewdnes . the 100. and last proposition . their fall prophecied and wished for . a it is observed by men , how religious orders haue their periods and times , and againe , b that at the rising of every new order , some are raised vp to bee a curbe to that order : this being so , ( c as some of the tēporall magistrates haue told the iesuits ) that iesuitisme from a serpigo , is become a gangraena , it must therefore be cut of . a for we are perswaded they will be drawne to such matters , as , a visum est spiritui sancto & nobis , must iudicially passe in definitiue sentēce against them , and the e pope is to bee entreated to lay the axe to the root of the tree , & cut of this pride of the societie spreading it selfe farre and neere . f f for vnlesse a damme bee set against the streame thereof , the raging course will burst asunder all bands of honestie and modestie , and carry away headlong many with the force thereof . it is high time to looke to them , g for they are become already incorrigible of any prince , prelate , or people , h & therefore a heavy destruction , ruine and downefall is likely to come vnto their societie : and surely , i their fall without some speciall miracle is incurable . k and they are like enough to be expelled by force , these contentions cannot end but with bloud . l for as they liue iust templarlike in all things , so m there wil be a right templarian downefall . n and all ought to assist to the pulling down of these seditious , templarian , iesuiticall , sectaries , and o banishing them out of all the christian world . in the meane time , i conclude with this praier of the secular priests . p cursed be that houre , that ever they got entrance into the college , and cursed be the time that ever they set foot on english ground , and a triple curse vnto them all , that to maintaine their ambition , pride , & seditious factions , haue scandalized the whole christian world . amen faxit deus . hetherto , by gods especiall providence , we haue made a generall description of the iesuits , comprising their doctrine , discipline , policie , fashion and manner of life ; now it remaineth , that by way of appendix , or for a small conclusion , ( because it is a true saying , that generalia non probant , ) we descēd vnto some particulars , and come from the thesis , vnto the hypothesis , exemplifying their villanies & impieties by some particular instances to be given , and for brevities sake , we will present vnto your iudicious eie , the liuely picture of an absolute jesuit , one shal answere for all ; a man of * incomparable learning , () superlatiue knowledge , transcendent zeale , for devotion pietie and other good qualities , generally reputed amongst the vulgar sort of people , beyond the degrees of comparison ; to wit , father robert parsons , our coūtryman , a iesuit , who is a thought to haue few persons like , none before him , in the practicall , or speculatiue part , in positiue , or school-divinity , in state businesses , or church affaires in what kind soever . now if this man , a iesuit , and one of the chiefest amōgst the fathers of that society , shal be found in the particulars of his life and conversatiō , to haue bin no * saint nor sincere honest man ; but a a man of the only scandall , and turbulence , both to our church and country , b the vnfaithfullest , prowdest , busiest , & vnderminingst man that liued , c a lewder person than whom is not : d most exorbitant , & discomposed , e a sacrilegious bastard , f bastardly runnagate , filius populi , filius peccati , filius terrae ; g a dangerous polypragmō , h archstatist , i archdeviser , k summus pontifex , or iudg-paramont on earth , l impious caitife , m atheall stratagemitor , n busie-headed ; a o most diabolicall , vnnatural , and barbarous butcherly fellow , p exceeding bold , and of great vndertaking , q an impudent calumniator , r a most scurrilous traitour , ſ like a right puritan , a t newe anabaptist , or king iohn of leyden , u violator of al laws contemner of all auctoritie , x naked of all honestie , wisdome or iudgement , y monopolie of all mischiefe , z a staine of humanity , an impostume of al corruption , a corrupter of al honesty , a exlegal legifer , b very peremptory , sly , and saucie , impudent , c falsehearted cataline , a d zoilus , a timon , an hispanized cameleon , like e proteus , wretched seed of cain , and sonne of beliall , f monster of mankinde , g worthy the name of a beast or a divel , h fitter for hel then for earth , i an antesignan or immediate fore-runner of antichrist ; and in few , a k most vnworthy , dishonorable prelate : if i say al these , and sundrie other bad qualities be to be found compiled togither in one english iesuit , what lewdnes , villanies , mischiefes and impieties , may wee expect to come from that viperous brood , dispersed over al the world , and devided into so many hundreds of colleges & thousands of persons ? surely , ether this wil be sufficient to make al sorts of men to loath their liues , detest their māners , and quite abandon their wicked societie ; or els nothing wil be sufficient : and it is not to bee doubted , but that almightie god , who hath a iust eie , and a sure hand , wil in the end ( when the measure of their iniquities shal be fulfilled ) poure out his heavy wrath and indignation vpon them , and recompense them their owne vnto the full : such height of pride , must needs haue a fal , and such a fal must of force be verie grievous , which is occasioned by so manie foule , enormous , and grievous sinnes : which that we may learne to shunne and avoide , as the lacedemonians were wont to set drunken men before their children , to make them see , and seeing to detest the beastlines of that vice : so wee will propose and set before your eies , the picture of father parsons a man drūk with the cup of spirituall fornications , and long exercised in all kind of villanies , that the childe of god may learne to detest him , and in him all such blasphemous wretches , impious brood , and progenie of vipers , if hee wil eschew iram venturam . a it is reported that diverse papists heretofore haue gone about to set out parsons life , but we see it is not done , wherefore , seeing they haue surceased , whether discouraged with the waight or the length of the businesse , i know not , it shal not , i hope , proue distastful vnto any , if the same be described by a protestant , dulie collecting the same , like so many broken pieces out of diverse workes of learned papists , whose auctorities cannot iustly be excepted against , as being either eie or eare witnesses to all that shal be spoken , and thus having shewed you the cause , we come now to speake of the person father robert parsons . the life of father rob. parsons an english iesuit . this famous father rob. parsons , was a borne of meane parentage , infamous from the time that hee was first borne , b vnhonestly begot , and basely borne vpon the body of a very base queane ; c his supposed father of gentry no better then a black-smith , his right father indeed the parish priest , by meanes whereof hee was d binominous ; some times called e rob. parsons , sometimes rob. cowbucke , & should f not being base borne , haue beene a priest , as altogether g illegitimate and irregular ; the place where he was borne was h called stockersey in somersetshire wherevpon he was called the bastard of stockersey , i a knowne bastard ( for the k disparages of his birth , not his baptisme could wash away ; ) his parents were so l poore , that his mother and sister had an annuall almes bestowed on them , towards their sustenance , who else had gon a begging , after his supposed fathers death . but how meane soever his fathers estate was , sure it is that he was brought vp in his tender yeares vnto the study of learning and the arts , and in processe of time ( his towardly inclinatiō being more generally known ) he was preferred vnto oxford , and there chosen fellow of baliol college , where he spent his time , partly well , partly ill . well , m for he professed himselfe a protestant , & that with such affectation , as he dealt with mr squire for direction in the study of divinitie , and conferred ordinarily in the reading of calvin , with * mr hide , a fellow in the house , a knowne calvinist ; but otherwise learned , and a very morall gentleman ; and he was so eagar in promoting the religion then n professed , that being bursar he disfurnished the college librarie , of many ancient bookes and rare manuscripts , & in their steed , brought in a number of protestant books , the first that were ever there ▪ and lastly his o resolution was such for his constancie in this religion , that hee protested to one iames clarke , his old schoolefellow then abiding in the inner temple , who doubted his religion , that hee neither then was , neither ever ment to be a papist , and offered to take an oath for assurance of the same . furthermore , his morall conversation and discipline was such , and so strict , that hee would haue p punished one of his owne pupils and schollars ( q whereof being the ancientest fellow of the college saue one , of noblemen and gentlemens sonnes and kinsmen he had aboue 20 at one time ) to this day both very vertuous & learned , for going to a play . in like sort , r he wēt about to bring seven or eight in danger , for taking , after the fashion of schollars , certaine puddings from a pupill of his . hetherto he behaved himselfe very well , but marke what followed . this his too great severitie was remitted , and his dealing in oxford in the end ſ proved lewd , seditious , and wanton , and r so infamous was hee there being then master of arts , that hee was hissed out the college with whouts and hobubs , and ringing with bels , and u the resolutenesse of the fellowes was such to hee rid of him , that they had provided the toling of the bell for him , as the manner is for one which is to depart the world . x thus was he banished oxford with the great ioy of all men , not for religions sake : but for libelling , siding , and other lewdnes y true it is he had the favour to resigne being first lawfully expelled ; tendring his submission with teares , and promise , that he would ever after carry himselfe in good sort . now is mr parsons put to his shifts , and the griefe of this expulsion did so farre prevaile with him , that he notwithstanding his solemne protestation vnto the fellowes of the college and his old friend of the temple , packs the z next yeare after , over the sea , to studie in padua , and the yeare after that , to wit , in the yeare of our lord 1575. he hies him to rome , and there enters the societie of iesus : but a now see what a thing it is to be a iesuit , he staies not long there , but like a forward child putting himselfe out , he b obtaines of pope gregory the 13. to be sent together with f. campian into england , at the sute of d. allen ( as was said ) in name of all english cartholiks who desired greatly the assistance of the iesuits in that mission , where for the furtherance of the popish cause , hee was appointed superiour ; this happened in the c yeare 1580. these two holy fathers being safely and secretly arrived here in england cease not to doe that for which they came , to withdraw men from their allegiance to their true and lawfull prince , to side with the pope , and the king of spaine : but their employments were diverse , according to their severall gifts . campian excelled in speech , parsons best was in writing ▪ the one therefore travelled vp and downe the country , making his chiefe abode in & about london : the other kept more about the sea coasts , and especially about the parts of d sussex , from whence being discovered , he might the more easily get into france & saue one . for he had well learned our saviours words when you are persecuted in one citty ▪ fly vnto another . this precept of our b. saviour he quickly put in practise ; for as secret as he lay , and as cunning as hee was , in casting his plots by letters written , and bookes printed , to exasperate the state yet the fox was vncased , his letters intercepted , and the print and printers which hee had procured for divulging of his popish books : so that the next yeare after his first arrivall , he was constrained to flie into france leaving his fellow labourer to the mercy of the magistrates , into whose hands shortly after he fell , and by the hands of iustice was as he well deserved soone cut of . thus hath our cunning polititian , that learned coūseller , e forsaken our campe , and rescued himselfe from our country perils , and now he begins to cry quit with the state , as well as he could , minding nothing but revenge . his first approaches are verball by f seditious books , or rather g enormous libels : for example greencoate , philopater , his bookes of reformation , admonition , and of titles . his second attempts real , by plotting secret treasons , open invasions , and lastly by h vrging both pius 5. and sixtus 5. to excommunicate the late queene , whome not long before as is to bee seene in a certaine c supplication made to the queene by one iesuit for all the rest , hee tearmes most mighty , most mercifull , most feared , best beloved princesse , the shot-anchor of all their iust hopes , perfect in all princely duty , sacred maiestie , and what not ? with protestation made vnto her , that hee will yeeld and perswade in conscience , all temporall obedience , and take her part even against the popes armie . thus wee see our k iesuiticall , or rather ignatian apostle l father cowbuc beginning to play his prises , and bathing his hands in bloud , sitting at the m sterne & vnmasking his violent nature , of whom n cardinall allen held this opinion , that he was a man very violent , and of an vnquiet spirit , and said , that his turbulent head and lewd life , would be a discredit to the catholicke cause : and no marvel , if we obserue either his words , or actions , how they haue alwaies since his interdealings in state affaires , tended to most cruell , barbarous , and butcherly designements , as by the sequel of his life shal more plainely appeare . and first for orders sake , i intend to note vnto you his discomposed writings , and afterwards his exorbitant or extravagant and lewde actions , not comprising al , ( for that were impossible , & would aske a wider volume ; ) but comprehending some of the chiefest in each kinde . the bookes which he composed were partly of religion , partly of state : of religion , as his resolution , &c. of state , as his green-coat , philopator , &c. the former sort were very commendable , and worthy workes indeed , not only in the iudgements of papists but of a very learned and iudicious protestant , who hath published some of them in print , with open profession of some small additions , where the auctor or translatour rather was found to goe amisse : but the later sort , are condemned by diverse learned writers in sundry passages of their bookes and nether protestants nor papists haue allowed them . the best and first booke which he writ , and o which won him all the praise , was his booke of resolution , which he premised and divulged respectiuely , as an exordium to all the rest of his seditious pamphlets , and lying libels , to breed in mens minds an assured opinion of his religion , pietie , and devotion : and yet not to heap more praises vpon him , then he iustly deserues , he was but p a collector , or a translator at the most : q the booke not of his owne absolute invention , but taken out of other auctors , his praise was for wel translating of it , close coutching and packing it vp together in a very smooth stile , and singular good method ; and r alack , alack , ( as all men knowe ) it is easie to lay fine threads together , when they are gathered to a mans hand ; and as easie to translate a worke almost verbatim , out of peece-meale copies into his mother language . ſ the true praise , to say the truth of this worke ▪ was due to granada , that laid the platforme to fa. parsons hand , and gaue him the principall grounds & matter thereof and which also was deserved by mr brinckley for the penning , as diverse report . when he t had made an end of this book , he made an end also therewith of devotion , sinceritie , & honest dealing . for after the publication of this worthy work , u he more beat his braines about state matters , then about the exercise of a religious life , and x happy had he beene ( as one wisely obserues ) if his pen had staied here & gon no farther : but when religion was once wordlefied in him , and that state matters and the designing of kingdomes had so great a part in his studies , y then he shooke hands with all shamefastnesse , and bid all truth and modesty farewell , and began to furnish the world with sundry bookes of state , touching succession , after the death of the queene , and reformation vpon the conquest of this land , and such like : and see the wilinesse of this fox , his turnings and windings here & there : these libels , z the contents whereof were wholly infamatory came not forth with his name , or any knowne liverie , he a either concealed his name , or gaue thē such names as it pleased him to devise : for which cause some papists haue little cause to thanke mas parson , and namely mr doleman , in whose name hee set out the booke of titles , ( notwithanding that hee detested the contents of it , ) which might haue brought him in great danger . b this booke was set forth against the whole state , c entituling most traiterously the spanish infanta , to the english crowne ; and the d king catholike ( as some thinke ) and spare not to say ) was privie to the setting forth of this lucklesse labour : now this was parsons policie and forecast ; if the booke had beene commended ( as it neither was , nor deserved it ) then who but fa. parsons should haue beene the father thereof : e but now that many exceptions are taken vnto it , hee good man is not the auctor of it his name is not doleman , and gladly hee would shift and wash his hands of it : but all the water betwixt this and rome , will not serue his turne so to do , and thus much be spoken of his doleman . there followes , or rather as some thinke goeth before a f railing booke of one andrew philopater , alias robert parsons , g written in accusing , or reprooving some one , or many of all her highnes nobles , and civill magistrates . what opinion trow we , haue the best learned papists of this booke ? some hold it , to be h a most seditious , treacherous and infamous libell , and worthy of father parsons , i fraught til it almost burst againe with al iesuiticall pride and poyson ; k some to be a most vnpure and loathsom booke against the state , take one example for all : in this philopater , the l auctour very peremptory , slie , and saucie ( as his manner is , ) very bold lie affirmeth , that when kings do deflect from the catholike religion , and draw others with them , liberos esse subditos &c : posseque & debere ( si vires habuerint ) huiuscemodi hominem dominatu eijcere . i wil not english the words , for very shame . let vs go on forwarde to the examination of some of his other bookes . was not his m greencoate , alias his leycesters common wealth a famous booke ? yes verely , as bookes in the law are called , famosi libelli . for it was an n inormous libell , written against one of the peeres of this land ? wherein the malapert or resolute iesuit keepes his old wont , to resolue vs peremptorily , that a o different religion , is a barre to inheritāce . p he might haue left such scoggerie , as he hath set out in this book , to tarleton , nash , or els to some puritan mar-prelate , or other like companions . next followes his booke of reformation , which vnder reformation , was q father parsons babell , that is , his castle in the aire , wherein he prescribes rules to al estats : here you see , he is no changeling , the same man that he was before ; or rather growne more audacious and impudent , and wel he might , considering that these orders r were begunne in their deepe iesuiticall court of parliament at stix in phlegeton , and suggested thence into father parsons sconce , being ended and compiled into a full and complete volume , by him and his generall , intituled , the high court of reformatiō for england . wherin are sundry wise acts contained . amongst the rest , that the iesuits & capuchins only should liue there , that ſ bishops must be pensioners , t abbey-lands thus & thus disposed : he also hath his legem agrariam , limiting the nobilitie and gentry how much they should spende , with a number of the like senselesse fooleries , al which i willingly let passe , and come to the rest of his seditious bookes , as his admonition and appendix . for the former of these , u don lucifer the wittiest fiend in hel , could not haue written more spitefully , & x so that all posteritie , cannot choose but condemne him for a most scurrilous traitour , and had he beene brought vp amongst all the ruffians , and curtizans in christendome , he could not haue learned to haue writ more vilely , prophanely , and heathenishly : for the later , to wit , his appendix , the y booke was impudentlie fathered on cardinall allen after his death , being hatched by the vnnatural heat of his ambitious hart , wherin z the arch-statist , presumes to cal his learned maiestie that now is king of great brittaine , and then was of scotland , obstinate hereticke . who so bold they say as blind bayard , he feares no colours , hath no shame , or conscience what he writes , so he write with an invectiue humour , as hath beene largely proved already . wherefore , having viewed , examined , and reexamined his bookes and writings , we will now enquire farther after his life and conversation ; for as the poet said , a man may chance to write a lewd booke , which is a sober honest man. but was he so ! so was don lucifer , and al the fiends in hell , from whom this man seemed to be descended in the right line , giving occasion to diverse , by a his soule , enormous , and divelish life , to think that he was not a meere man ; but some fairies brat , or begotten by an incubus , or aerish spirit , vpon the bodie of a base woman . shew me that treason , treacherie or noted villanie , wherein parsons had not a hand , a heart , and a head ? name that vice , whatsoever it be , lying , coosening , forgerie , periurie , craft , hypocrisie , dissimulation envie , pride , covetousnes , vaine-glory , backebiting , selfe-loue , crueltie , murders and oppressions , ambition , heresie . atheisme , whereof he was not guilty in the highest degree ? speake you holy priests of a sacred function , that knew him best , and lived longest with him , speake boldly and shame not , to tel him roundly of his faults . we wil descend vnto some few particulars , in order as they shal lie , most convenient for our purpose , and first of his foule conspiracies , treasonable plots , & plottings of treason . you wil say , perhaps it is not good rubbing that sore any more , it hath beene touched alreadie to the quicke , i confesse it hath beene so , but in a different kinde ; for , it is one thing to write , an other to act treasons ; parsons is guilty of both ; of the former , there is little doubt , by that which is spoken : and of the later lesse , by that which now followeth , by way of evident demonstration . to proue that father parsons ; was no lesse a traitour in action , then in writing , first we shew ( and can proue that we say , with a wet finger ) that he gaue his b concurrence , & furtherance to a forraine invasiō here in england , c sought to indanger his maiesties person by the scots , d set his rest vpon the hopes of spaine , f procured himselfe to be the kings servant , practised with the g students there , and diverse others to giue their names to a charter of subscription ; first h prophecied , and promised vnto himselfe good successe , and then tooke vpon him with his iesuiticall plotcasters , to be an actor , an orator or a broker , in labouring to bring that prophecie to an effect , and rather then it should faile , to be the bloudie instrument to worke it of his owne head . againe , who is i it that caused the seminaries in spaine , and s. omers to be erected , and that k alone , procured 2000 crownes a yeare pension more , for the college at doway , though he deserved small thanks for his labour , considering the decay of students at rhemes , and lovaine ? father parsons . who was it , that l procured , that the first forme of oath now vsed ▪ was brought into the roman seminarie , and after that example , by himselfe , into the seminaries of spaine , whereby al promised , to take holy orders , and returne into england , when they should be appointed by their superiors ? father parsons . who was it , that m vsed perswasion at rome to the students there , that they should haue at state and al : for which state-medling , they could but die , and dy they should if they were taken without state-medling ? father parsons . n who is it , that vpon a luciferian pride , durst presume to cal the king of scots an obstinate hereticke , and the french king a reprobate , of god forsaken ? father parsons . who is it that o chopped and changed the crowne of england 8. or 9. several times , as it pleased him , playing with it , as little boies sport themselues with king by your leaue , the great ones every hand while crying , a new king , a new , and in the end set it to sale : wherevpon , p a certaine romish gentleman , affixed a briefe libell vpon pasquines buttock , in dirision and scorne of him . if q there bee any man , that will buy the kingdome of england , let him repaire to a merchant in a blacke square cap , in the citty , and hee shall haue a very good penny-worth thereof ? was not this f. parsons ? so then , the premises duly considered , we may safely conclude , that r this is that same parsons , ſ whome all the realme , t prince and peeres , with all true english hearts , haue cause to curse , hate , & spit at , and so an end of that matter . now as his predominant , and most exorbitant qualitie was treason , so was he deepely learned , and in a short time a great proficient , in sundry other qualities , belonging to the divels craft : as first , for truth , in him there was none , u qui posuit mendacium spem suam , professing the art of lying , and vsing x tricks , as in adding , diminishing , equivocating and subintelligiturs , to serue his turne , for you must note by the way , that y equivocation is the divels sophistrie , and the common principle of the iesuits , and z he is not scarsely to be accounted a iesuit , that cannot lie ▪ dissemble , and equivocate at every word ; these be the a aphricanian phalanges , and iesuiticall forces . hence it is , that b cameleon like , he hath banded of , and on with time , like protheus , and in truth c neither protheus in his complements , nor the sea euripus in his crosse tide ebbes and flowes , for his inconstancy of old , hath beene held more infamous , then e. parsons . yet he had a worse fault then all these , and that is ▪ he incurred the hateful crime of forgerie taking vpon him d to thrust in and out for his purpose , as if hee had had e a dispensation granted , to forge at his pleasure . f hee was shrewdly mistrusted , to haue added or altered somwhat in bellarmines letter , hee did alter the sentence of the two cardinals , caietan and burghesio . g corrupted the registers , and records at rome , and hee h was charged in oxon amongst very many things , with forgerie by one stancliff his fellow bursar : these wee thought good to note by the way , for a tast of some of his forgeries in lesser matters , i but hee might haue come in danger , to haue beene degraded , and set on the pillarie , for forgerie , not in small matters , or privat actions ; but in points of as high importance , as are crownes and kingdomes , or iurisdiction apostolicall and supreame . from forgerie he fell to flat cousenage , and k being invred with the trade of devising shifts , hee proved in the end an l arch-cousener , a m false-hearted catelin , the n vnfaithfullest man that lived , the time will not permit me to produce many examples : o hee detained in his hands a legacie , which sir fr. inglefield gaue , and p cousened mr middleton priest , of 300. pounds at least in spaine , and handled him roughly when he had done ; and lastly , q being come to rome , in the midst of all his machiavillian plots , vnder pretence of compounding the stirres in that seminary , he so dealt , as in a very short time , by cousening the rector , he got the place for himselfe . thus cousening diverse , in the end , he grew famous for all kind of cunning and policies , and he r was generally reputed to be so politicke , that who was in request with popes , cardinals , and other states , but fa. parsons ſ had the office of informership in the english affaires , aswell in spaine as at rome , t had and did place diverse of his agents in honorable houses , and elsewhere , as his spies ; to make secret relation vnto him , of al that passed in their houses ▪ nay rather then faile , he u offered himselfe like an impudent base fellow , to be a spie ; so that it x is doubted , whether mr nicholas machiavell , or fa. rob. parsons excelled one the other in policie ; for he is now become that y learned counseller , that must rule , ruffe , and range through every estate , but with all it z was wished , that his policie would redound more , to the good of church and commonwealth . now is father robert where he would be , a sitting at the sterne , & governing all , or the chiefest colleges in rome , and ( an b overruling humour raigning in him ) he seekes to bee our great c master and to rule all both at home and abroad , d exempts himselfe from controlement of any superiour , and as a e vicepope , or rather , as sūmus pontifex , or f iudge paramount on earth , vnder the divell in hell , g commands all others , as actor independent of any , to act all his actions , h without whom , no english iesuit dares doe any thing , for he i raigneth , & hath the whole direction for all the missions that are in england k vaunting himselfe of the command he holdeth there ( it is spoken from report of an eie and eare witnesse ) aswell over many of the laitie , as of the cleargie ; & surely l he was a very proper person , to carrie so great a tail after him , as he did at that time in england : but let this which hath been spoken , 〈◊〉 to note vnto the world , m his ambitious desire of directing and commaunding both private persons , prelats , and princes , and vnlesse he coulde obtaine it , there was nothing but warre with him . this great auctority , which this n presumant scribe tooke vpon him , made him no little prowd and vaine-glorious with all : it was observed by wise men , that hee o was the prowdest man that lived , and his p strength did so much consist in vaine glorie , that hee writ q no booke , discourse , nor scarse any letter against the priests , wherein he doth not make mention of the colleges he erected , or recount some other good act of his owne . amongst many the man is thought to be ill neighboured , in that he is thus driven to praise himselfe and few do thinke it religious modesty , to farce bookes with their owne commendations , but r a shame of the divel and al hypocrits , and pharisees , he had panegyries of his praises and pieces shot of , to make report of his learning , his vertue , his prudence , his government , his piety , his charity , his constancie and i know not what . some of his claw-backes haue made ſ him equal , nay farre aboue that worthy pillar of the church s. augustine , the doctor angelicall s. thomas of aquine , the most subtill disputer doctor scotus , being not worthy to holde the candle before the meanest of any of all these , or sundry other farre their inferiours . but , to giue the divel his due , he was at the first , before he grew to bee t an absolute statesman , paramont , paregal , peremptorie , sundry waies wel qualified , both for writing & speaking ; but partly , u his policies in temporall matters , blinded his iudgement 〈◊〉 ●piritual , partly , he x lost his good spirit by ambitious ●●rts aspires , and grew afterwards so vnable a man , to speake or write of any priestlie , or religious matter , as a very reverend priest reported , that he never heard a meaner sermon made beyōd the seas , than he heard of father parsons , and that his words and writings , for edifying , or giving any good instruction , and ghostly counsell , were as barren , bare , and farre from his former abilities on that behalfe , as if he had beene before robert parsons the iesuit , and nowe poore george parsons the wayward foole his brother . this might haue served to y pul down his peacocks plumie-heart , and to slake z the vnnatural heate of his ambitious harts aspires ; but parsons must be parsons stil , who like a true a wolsey in ambition , never left , til he had purchased his owne discredit , and as woolsey being once a cardinal , would faine haue beene a pope : so father robert , of a iesuit would willingly haue contented him selfe to haue beene made a b king cardinall . wherevpon , when it was knowne to his friends that he c ambitioned the cardinalate , worthington and father holt , caused a petition to be made to the king of spaine , by boyes and girles at s. omers : effectuall d letters are written to the pope , parsons himselfe goes to e rome on pilgrimage in the yeare of our lorde 1597. being come , is visited presently with two cardinals at his lodging , baronius , & a spaniard , speech in the cittie that he should be cardinall , so rife , that being sicke , and in his sicknes willed to weare scarlet , he sent to his brother for a stomacher , who dreaming of nothing but of his brothers advancement , procured two merchāts to carry in a whole waggon , loden with diverse re●●●●eces of scarlet , for his red robes : but as god would haue it hee scaped the cardinalship , and got the canvase ; and yet like a craftie foxe , gaue it out , f that both he , and the generall of the iesuits , yea , and all the friends that they could make , in the court of rome , were little enough to keep him from being a cardinall . thus we haue seene pride haue a fall , and our second wolsey begin to waine , wherevpon g he grew a zoilous timon , of an envious emulatiō , at the reverend esteeme of others , and h what the malice of the divell or wit of his foule instrument could possibly bring to passe , is effected ; his i turbulent , seditious , and irreligious head and heart are a working . for he was ever k accounted contentious , and l given to stirres , factions , and seditions , even whiles he was an hereticke . m what banglings had he with creswell , scot , gibbons , holt english , alphonso an italian , and a number more of his societie ? what contētions had he with reverend bishop of cassana , with doctor barret president of the college at doway , with gifford with the reverend priest mr middleton , with manie others of qualitie and due respect . and as he had a special gift n in canvasing and wrangling ; so o in detractions and calumniations ( which are neighbour vices , ) he was exceedingly well versed . wee need say no more , p he was the most impious detractor on earth , that ever lived , q from whom nothing came but detractions , calumnies , and sclaunders , the r best weapons the iesuits haue to defend themselues , and wound their opposits ſ in the speedingst place they can . lastly to draw to an ende , because i haue dwelt too long vpon this vnfortunate subiect , t the generall conceit of all that haue ever throughly conversed with him is this , that he is of a furious , passionate , hot , chollerick , exorbitant , working humour , busie-headed , and full of ambition , envie , pride , rancour , malice and revenge , wherevnto through his latter machiavillian practises , may be added , that he is a most diabolicall , vnnaturall , and barbarous butcherlie fellow , vnworthy the name ; nay cursed be the houre wherein hee had the name of a priest , nay of a religious person , nay of a temporall lay-man iesuited , nay of a catholick , nay of a christian , nay of a human creature : but of a beast , or a divel , a violatour of al laws , a contēner of al auctoritie , a staine of humanitie , an impostume of all corruption , a corrupter of all honesty , & a monopolie of all mischiefe . thus haue you briefly the life of father robert parsons , the iesuit , faithfully collected out of the relations of sundrie reverend priests , who ( as i trust ) make a conscience of lying , and detest from the bottome of their harts that absurd , and hitherto vnheard of doctrine of dissimulation , equivocation and hypocrisie : if their report bee true ( as i am in conscience perswaded it is for the most part ) then wo worth the iesuits , and principally father parsons , whom they haue arrained of so many treasons , petty treasons , felonies , villanies & i know not what : if false , they which are so fowly mistaken , in matters of fact , how may they safely be trusted in a matter of faith which concernes the losse or gaine of a mans soule ? for my part , though i do rather incline vnto the priests , thā vnto the iesuits , as ever taking them to be the farre honester men : yet seeing * one of the chiefest of them , which was accounted whiles he was living a a very ecclesiasticall macchabe against the spaniard , b a blessed confessor towards god , and a good patriot for his country , whose c integritie & confidence of his heart was such ( as was reported ) that it was never but with the right ; who made this d solemne protestation in his bookes , that not all the art that either the divell , or the puritans , or iesuits haue , should bring him within the compasse of a treasonable or treacherous thought , against god , his soveraigne , or the commonwealth of this land : but in life and in death he would by gods grace bee as loyall a subiect , as any the english soile affords , then the which none more loyall to their prince in any nation to be found : who to manifest his farther hatred of treason , and his loyaltie to his prince and country , writ an antiperistasis to parsons doleman , and conceaved the forme of an oath * in effect the same with the oath of allegiance which was afterwards enacted in parliament , to distinguish the loyall from the disloyall papists : seeing i say , this reverend and loyall priest , was within few yeares after , indicted , convicted , and executed for high treason against his soveraigne , i could wish that all such as religiously feare god , & honor their prince , from the bottome of their hearts would consent to beleeue nether nother . for questionles as long as both priests and iesuits doe constantly maintain this absurd paradox and blasphemous doctrine , as a solid & certaine article of their faith , that the pope is the onely prelat , that cannot erre , in deciding a controversie or doubt in faith and religion , and that all the world else may erre in deciding of such doubts : princes cānot rest secure of their subiects , nor the subiects certaine of performing their obedience either to god or their soveraignes . for example ; the king cōmands his subiects to take the oath of allegiance , god forbiddeth his servants the worshipping of images : there are many honest papists in this land , i nothing doubt , that of themselues are in conscience so fully perswaded of the truth of both these precepts , as well the affirmatiue as the negatiue , as that they will professe to liue and die in this beliefe : yet let the popes definitiue bee brought vnto them , viz : you shal not take the oath of allegiance , you shal worship images ; they wil waxe pale , turne colour , and be ready to sweare and abiure their former opinions , though never so wel grounded on fathers , & councels , reason , and auctorities . for why ? councels may erre , and fathers may be deceived , al the prelats & superiors in the world may faile , none vpon earth is warranted from erring , but one , and that one is the pope , and this pope is christs vicar and peters successor , and he hath decided it thus : ergo so it is , his auctoritie is an infallible rule of truth . this is the popish doctrine , and this is the papists beliefe , the foundation stone of all poperie , a most absurd doctrin , which hath not it proofe either from testimonies of scripture , or consent of fathers . but not to dispute the case being from our purpose , nor to detaine you any longer , my exhortation shal be vnto al the popish recusants of this land , that as they feare god and haue a care of their salvations , they wil not be too credulous to trust their priests or iesuits , but rather suspect the iesuits for parsons , and the priests for watsons sake ; for the wicked life of the one , and the miserable death of the other , may giue vs pregnant cause of suspicion , that al is not true that either of them both shall say , though it be spoken tanquam ex tripode , vel in cathedra , that is , resolutely and definitiuely . our lord iesus preserue vs all vnto his saving grace . deo soli sit gloria . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a04344-e110 * aug. 19. mat. 8.9 . mat. 15.14 . * this true catholique faith , without which no mā can bee saved which now i doe willingly professe , and hold , i the same n. doe promise , vow , and sweare , to hold & confes most constātly , by gods help intire & vncorrupted , even to the last end of my life : & to procure as much as shall lie in me , that my subiects , or those of whō i shall haue care in my office , shal hold , teach , and preach the same . so god help mee and these holy gospels of god. a profession of the catholike faith set out , according to the decree of the councell of trent . or , a manifest confession of the christian beliefe , which all vpright catholike people at al times , being demanded to giue a reason thereof , are bound to confesse . notes for div a04344-e3020 a see the letters of a. c. pag. 23. b ib. p. 23. c ib. p. 57. d ib. pag. 24. e ib. pag. 20. f io. colletons defense , p. 14. g a relation of the faction begun at w●●bich ▪ pag. 67. a watsons quodlibe●s . pag. 82. b ib 56. c a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman in the preface . a watsons quod lib. pag 34. b ib pag. 27. c ib. pag. 142. d ib pag 169. e ib pag 154. f ib. pag. 26. a watson in his quodlib . p 138. b ib. pag. 18. c ib pag. 169. d ib. pag. 4 a ib. in the pref . b ib. pag. 294. c ib. pag. 47. d ib pag. 102. a letter of a. c. pag. 29. b quodlibet . p. 240. c ib. pag. 82. d ib. pag. 359. e a dialogue betwixt a secular priest ▪ & a lay cath. in the preface . f a let . of a. c. pag. 29. g ib pag. 78. h quodl . pag 7 i a let . of a. c. pag. 34. k ib. pag. 38. a watsons quodlib . p. 200 b declaratio motuum ac turbationis in anglia . pag. 36. c a. c. let . p. 20. a declaratio motuum &c. in anglia pag 5● . b quodl . p. 156 a a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay catholick in the pref. b quodl . p. 74. c a dialogue &c. in the pref. a quodl . p. 84. b a relation of the faction at wesbich pag 74 c a dialogue betwixt a secul . priest and a lay gentleman in the preface . a colletons defence of the slaūdered priest pag. 32. b a. c. let . p. 80. a quodl . p. 315. b ib. pag. 22. c a relation of the faction as wisbich . p. 78. quodl . p. 317. b a relation of the faction at wisbich pag. 67 c quodl . p. 18. d ib. pag 83. a quodl . p. 15. a quodl . p. 249 b ib. pag 9. c ib. pag. 320. a colletons iust desenee , pag. 32 b ib. pag. 267. a h. elyes notes vpon the apol. pag. 208. a quodl . p. 75. b ib. pag. 69. a quodl . pag. 2. b a relation of the faction as wisbich . p. 74. c quodl . pag. 4. d a relation of the faction at wisbich . p. 68. e let. of . a. c. 61. f declaratio motuum &c. p. 62. g a relation of the fact . at wisb pag. 76. h ib. pag. 78. a a dialogue betwixt a secul priest and a lay gentl. pag. 56. b quodl . p 122 c a. c. let . p. 9. d quodl . p. 123 e ib. pag 124. f declaratio motuum , &c. p. 18. g quodl . p. 133. h ib. pag. 96. i ib. pag 99. k a relat . of the fact . at wisbich . l a. c. let . p. 21. m ib. pag. 27. n quodl . p. 99. a quodl . p 45. b h. elyes notes vpon the apol. c relation of the faction at wisb . pag. 69. d quodl . p. 73. e ib pag. 16. f ib. pag. 244. g ib pag. 64. h a. c. let . p. 25 i quodl . p. 72. k a. c. let . p. 26. l quodl . p. 112. a a true relatiō of the faction at wisbich . b h elyes notes on the apol. pag 203. a quodl . p. 73. a ib. pag. 72. b ib. pag. 5. a ib. pag 335. b ib. pag. 113. a quodl . p. 44. b ib pag. 108. c ib. pag. 95. d ib pag 332. e ib pag. 122. f ib pag. 69. g ib. pag. 337. h ib. pag. 195. a a. c. let . p. 23. b quodlibet . p. 145. c ib. pag. 157. d ib. pag. 336. e ib. pag. 42. a quodl . p. 70 b ib. pag. 46. c a let . of a. c. pag. 23. d quodl . p. 70. e ib. pag. 70. f a dialogue betwixt a secular priest & a lay gentlemā . p 90 a quodl . p. 352. b ib. pag 315. c a let . of a. c. pag 9. d quodl . p. 36. e ib. pag. 96. f ib. pag 70. g a relation of the faction at wisbich . pag. 75 h quodl . p. 96. i ib. pag. 137. a a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentl. in the pref b quodl . p. 37 c a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman in the preface . d quodl . p. 197. e ib. pag. 336. f ib. pag. 197. g ib. pag. 83. h ib. pag. 22. a quodl . p. 140. b ib. pag. 314. c ib. pag. 137. d ib. pag. 13. e ib. pag. 139. f ib. pag. 60. g a let . of a. c. pag. 25. h ib. pag 26. i quodl . p. 140 k ib. pag. 60. a a letter of a c. pag. 26. b ib pag. 39 ▪ c quodl . p 68. d a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman , pag. 59. e quodlib . pag. 103. f ib. pag. 244. g ib. pag. 68. h letter of a. c. pag. 27. i ib. pag. 39. k ib. pag 51. l quodl . p. 68. a quodl . p. 33. b d. bagshaws answer pag. ●8 . c quodl . p. 345. d a let . of a. c. pag. 9. e quodl p 296. f ib. pag 13. g ib. pag. 35. c a. c. let . p. 18. i quodl . p. 187. a quodl . p. 32. b ib. pag. 67. c ib. pag. 304. d ib pag. 67. e a relation of the faction at wisbich . p. 46. f ib. pag. 73. g quodl . p. 33. h d. bagshawes answer , p. 36. i quodl . p. 300. k ib. pag. 61. l ib. p. 31. m ib. 354. n a let . of a c. pag. 61. o a relation of the faction at wisbich . pag. 73. a quodl . p. 214 b ib. p 21. c ib. pag. 330. & pag. 21 , d ib. pag. 21. e ib. pag. 21. f ib. e a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a iesuit . pag. 100. a h. elyes notes vpon the apol. pag. 124. b ib. pag. 18. & pag. 188. c ib. pag. 188. d relatio turbarum exhibita sacrosanctae inquisitionis officio p. 27. a quodlibets in the pref. a a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay catholick p. 86. c d. bagshawes answer , pag. 10 d quodl . p. 15 e ib. pag. 147. f quodl . p. 17. & 21. g ib. pag. 18. i ib. pag 62. k ib. pag. 64. l ib pag. 62. a a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman , pag. 84. b let. of a. c. 14. c a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman in pag. 86. d ib. pag. 92. e quodl p. 227. f a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman p 73 g quodlib . in the preface . h a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman p. 96 i colletons iust defence , p 271. a quodlib . pag. 191. b ib. pag. 315. c ib. pag. 65. d ib. pag. 65. e ib. pag. 315. f ib. pag. 65. g h elyes notes on the apol. pag 264. a quodl . p. 72. b ib. pag. 73. see 24. prop. a quodl . p. 153. b ib. pag. 131. d a dialogue betwixt a secul . priest and a lay gentleman pag. 65. e quodl . p. 351 a the hope of peace , pag. 12. b h. elyes notes vpon the apol. pag. 216. c a relation of the faction at wisbich pag. 77 d ib. pag. 75. a quodl p. 198 b a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentl. in the pref c quodl . p. 16. d a dialogue betwixt a secul . priest and a lay gentl. pag. 67. e quodl . p. 17. f ib. pag. 161. g ib. pag. 174. h relation of the faction at wisb . pag. 33. i ib. pag. 38. k declaratio motuum &c. in anglia pag. 86. l a relation of the faction at wisbich . p. 74. m a dialogue betwixt a sec. priest and a lay gentleman . a colletons defence of the slaūdred priests pag. 32. a ib. pag 185. a declaratio motuum , &c. p. ● . a ioh colleton● defense pag. 63. b ib. pag. 49. a colletons defense , pag. 159. b ib. pag. 201. a ib. pag. 20● . a quodl . p. 18 b colletons defense , p. 158. c quodli . p. 83. d ib. pag. 82. a a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay-gentleman , pag. 112. b declaratio motuum &c. p. 27. c quodl . p. 70. d ib. pag. 38. e a relation of the faction at wisbich . p. 70. f relatio turbarum , &c. p. 99. g e● no●es vpon the apologie pag. 213. h a dialogue betwixt a secular priest & a lay gētlemā . p 11● i a let . of a. c. pag. 20. a quodl . p. 18. b ib. pag. 178. c ib. pag. 198. a elies notes on the apol. pa. 34. a a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman . pag. 118. a h. elyes notes vpon the apol. in the pref. p , 8 c quodl . p. 52. d a letter of a c. pag. 22. e quodl . p. 16. a quodl . p. 57. a a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentl. pag , 8● . a a relation of the fact . at wish pag. 77. b quodlibet . p. 496. c ib. pag. 283. d ib. pag. 59. e ib. pag 312. f ib. pag. 173. b declaratio motuum ac turbationis in anglia . pag. 17. b ib pag. 83. c quodl . p. 186. d ib pag. 178. a quodl . p. 223 b ib. pag. 62. c a. c. let . p. 20. a a. c. let . p. 11. b ib. pag. 11. c quodl . pag. 1. d a. c. let . p. 64. e ib. pag. 69. f a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay iesuit . pag. 93. g a let . of a. c. pag 8. h quodl . p. 85. i quodl . p. 111. k letter of a. c. pag. 92. * h. the 4. afterwards murdred also . l ib. pag. 26. m a dialogue betwixt a secul . priest and a lay gentleman in the preface . n quodl . p. 321 o quodl . p. 121 p ib. pag. 112. q ib. pag. 153. r ib. pag. 11. ſ ib pag. 38. t a dialogue betwixt a secul . priest and a lay gentl. pag. 112. u a let . of a. c. pag. 70. x quodl . p. 196 y ib. pag. 47. z ib. pag. 145. a ib. pag. 264. b a let . of a c. pag. 29. c quodl . p. 263 a quodl . p. 295. b ib. pag 262. c ib. pag. 311. d ib. 311. e ib. f ib. pag. 262. g ib. pag 228. h a. c. let . p. 26 i quodl . p. 246. g elies notes vpon the apologie . pag. 9. in the pref. a quodl . p. 321 b ib. pag. 100. & declaratio motunm &c. pag. 29. h a. c. let . p. 67. d quodl . p. 31. e ib. p. 29. f a letter of a. c. p. 40. a quodl . p. 138. a d. bag shaws answer , pag 20. b declaratio matuum , &c. pag 29. a quodl . p. 69. b a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman , pag. 35. c quodl . p. 85. d ib. pag. 8● . a quodl . p 123 b ib. c ib. pag. 244. d let. of a. c. 24. a quodl . p. 300 b ib. pag. 113. a a dialogue betwixt a secul . priest and a lay gentl. pag. 83. a quodl p. 236. b ellies notes vpon the apol. pag. 2. c a. c. let . p. 45 ▪ a a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentlemā . p. 119 b quodl . p. 278 a quodl . p 320 b ib. pag. 331. g a let . of a. c. pag 24. d quodl . p. 31. e a let . of a. c. pag. 46. a quodl . p. 147 b ib. pag 144.147 c ib. pag ●2 . a a let . of a. c. pag. 4. b a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman in the preface . a h● elyes notes on the apol. pag 219. & 225. b d. bagshawes ▪ answer , p. 24. c h. elyes notes vpon the apol. pag. 220. a quodl . p. 71. b ib. pag 38. a colletons defence of the slaūdred priests pag. 197. b quodl . p. 337. a declaratio motuum &c. in anglia pag. 84. & 132. b quodl . p. 279. c a. c. let . p. 40. b quodlib . pag. 141. e ib. pag. 141. a a relation of the faction begun at wi●bich . pag. 72. b elies notes on the apol. p. 212. c a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentlemā p. 121 f quodl . p. 137. a ib. pag. 137. a quodl . p. 69. b letter of a.c. pag. 68 c quodl . p. 137 a a. c. let . p. 15. b declaratio motuum &c. p. 129. a declaratio motuum , &c. pag. 12. b quodl . p. 123 c ib. pag. 122. d ib. pag. 78. e ib. pag 17. a quodl . p. 17. b ib. 65. c ib. in the preface . d ib. pag. 39. e ib. pag. 16. f ib. in the pref. g ib. pag. 40. h ib. pag. 65. a declaratio motuum , &c. pag 10. b a dialogue betwixt a secul . priest and a lay gentleman pag. 115. c declaratio motuum , &c. pag. 23. d a let . of a. c ▪ pag. 20 ▪ f ib. g quodl . p. 73. h a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman , in the preface . i quodl . p. 94. a quodl . p. 315. b ib. pag. 187.186 * let. a. c. pag 20. c ib pag 315. d ib. pag. 38. e ib. pag 91. f declaratio motuum ac turbationis in anglia . pag. 47. g ib. pag. 85. h a letter of a c. pag. 21. i ib. pag. 20. a quodl . p. 36. b declaratio motuum , &c. p. 28. c a relation of the faction at wisbich . pag. 73 d quodl . p. 68 a the hope of peace , pag. 21. b h. elyes notes vpon the apol. p. 213. c quodl . p. 76. d ib. pag. 300. a elyes notes on the apol. pag 34. b a relation of the faction at wisbich . pag. 69 c quodl . p. 9. d quodl . p. 24. a quodl . p. 188 b relation of the faction at wisb . pag. 75. a ib. pag. 79. a ib. pag. 78. b ib. pag. 75. a quodl . p. 44. a quodl . p. 182. b ib pag. 324. c a relation of the faction at wisbich . p. 71. d ib. pag. 74. e quodl . p 234. a quodl . p. 75. b ib. a a dialogue betwixt a sec. priest and a lay gentleman , pag 116. b a let . of a. c. pag. 61. c quodl . p. 83. d a dialogue betwixt a secular priest & a lay gētlemā . p. 116 a relatio motuum , &c. p ▪ 135. b colletons iust defence p. 5.259 c a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay-gentleman , pag. 121 , 112. d ib. pag. 122. e ib. pag. 121. f quodl . p. 55. a a relation of the faction at wisbich . pag. 79. a quodl . p. 19. b ib. p 74. c d. bagshawes answer , pag. 8. a quodl . p. 175. e a relation of the faction at wisbich . p. 7.7 f ib pag. 77. f quodl . p. 188. g quodl p. 128. h ib pag. 45. i the copies of certain discourses , pag 118. k quodl . p. 58 ▪ l ib. pag. 50. m ib. pag. 46. n ib pag. 19. o ib. pag. 316. p ib. pag. 141. * an other equal nay farre aboue that worthy pillar of the church s. aug. the doctor angelical s. thomas aquinas , the most subtle disputer doctor sco●us is the top of wit. quodlib . p. 72. () ch. pagets answere , p. 22. a most esteemed amongst the iesuits for his wisdome and other good parts . a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentl. pag. 85. * a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a la gentleman pa● 109. a a. c. let . p. 38. b ib. c quodl . p. 217 d d. bagshaws answer , pag 3. e quodl . p 109 f ib. pag. 128. g ib. pag. 108. h ib. pag 187. i i colletons defense , p. 255. k quodl . p. 156. l ib. pag. 97. m ib. pag. 160. n ib ▪ p. 237. o ib. p a dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman , pag. 106. q quodlib . p. 284. r ib. ſ ib. p 298. t ib. pag. 286. u ib. pag. 237. x ib. pag 288. y ib. pag. 237. z ib. a ib. pag. 330. b ib. 295. c ib. pag. 242. d ib. pag. 129. e ib. p. 130. f ib. p. 242. g ib p. 237. h ib. p. 242. i ib. p. 325. k ib. p. 121. a doctor bagshaws answere , p. 39. notes for div a04344-e22620 a declaratio motuum , &c. pag. 58 b quodl . p. 109 c a letter of a. c. p. 38. d ib. pag. 31. e quodl . p. 109. f letter of a.c. pag. 38 g quodl . p. 236. h ib. pag. 236. i a.c. let . p. 23. k ib. l ib. pag. 35. m d. bagshawes answer , p. 33. * now a religious and reverend doctor of divinitie . n ib. pag. 34. o quodl . p. 21● p d. bagshawes answer , pag. 33. q a briefe apol. pag. 144. r d. bagshawes answere , p. 36. ſ quodl . p. 217 r ib. u d. bagshawes answer , p. 34. x declaratio matuum &c. p. 58. y d. bagshawes answer , pag. 34. z a briefe apol. p. 183. a a.c. let . p. 23. b a briefe apol pag. 183. c h. elyes notes vpon the apol. pag. 13. d the briefe apol. p. 183. e colletons iust defence p. 207 f quodl p 286. g a let . of a.c. pag 49. h quodl . p. 258. c d. bagshawes answer , pag. 11. k quodl· p. 244. l a let . of a. c. pag. 4. m colletons defense , pag. 45. n quodl . p. 237 o a dialogue &c. p. 107. p a let . of a. c. pag 71. q quodl . p. 327 r quodl . p. ●1 . ſ a dialogue betwixt a secular priest & a lay gētlemā . p. 107 t ib. pag. 108. u a dialogue betwixt a sec. priest and a lay gentleman , pag. 95. x i●h . colletons defense p 256 , y colletons defence pag 39. z a let . of a. c. pag. 49. a quodl . p. 286. b quodl . p. 71. c ib. pag. 107. d ib. pag. 315. e ib. pag. 226. f an answere to certaine articles obiected against d bishop , p. 16. g quodl . p. 271. h ib. pag. 11. i ib. pag. 284. k an answer to articles obiected against d. bishop p. 16. l quodl . p 295. m quodl . p. 11 n a. c. let . p. 49. o quodl . p. 316 p ib. pag. 266. q colletons def . p. 294. r quodl . p. 92 ſ ib. pag. 289. t ib. pag. 92. u quodl . p. 247 x ib. pag. 284. y ib. pag. 107. z ib. pag. 218. a quodl . p. 239. b colletons des . p. 240. c quodlib . p. 257. d a dialogue &c. p. 129. f a relation of the faction at wisbich . p. 75. g quodl . p. 306. h ib. p. 209.210 i a dialogue &c. pag. 110. k the briefe apol. p. 24. l a briefe apol pag. 183. m the copies of certain discourses , pag 123. & the answer of d. bagshawe , p. 13. n quodl . p. 218 o copies of certaine discourses p. 114. p a let . of a.c. pag. 43. q colletons iust defence p. 241. r quodl . p. 237 ſ ib. pag 211. t ib. p. 237. u an answere vnto the particulars against d bish●p p. 3. x ib pag. 17. y quodl . p. 286. z quodl . p. 257. a ib. pag. 239. b ib. p. 150. c ib. p. 330. d copies of certaine discourses p. 124. e colletons def . pag 39. f ib. pag. 77. g copies of certaine discourses pag. 124. h d. bagshawes answer , pag. 34. i quodl . p. 31. k collet . def . p. 151. l quodl . p. 149 m ib. pag. 244. n a.c. let . p. 38. o ib. pag. 64. p quodl . p. 306. q a relation of the faction begun at wi●bich . pag. 52. r quodl . p. 107 ſ i colletons defense , p. 39. t ch. pagets answer . p. 22. u quodl . p. 21● x ib. pag. 9● . y ib. pag. 237. z colletons defense , pag. 64. a collet . def . pag 45. & 54. b ib. pag. 64. c ib pag. 31. d quodl . p 236 e collet . def pag 152. f quodl . p. 156. g ib. pag. 236. h cop. of certain discourses , p. 77. i quodl . p. 304. k collet . def p. 130. l a letter of a. c. p. 23. m ch. paget● answere , p. 23. n quodl . p. 318. o a.c. let . p. 38. p quodl . p. 341. q collet . def . pa. 297. r quodl . p. 218. ſ quodl . p. 72. t quodl . p. 336. u a dialogue &c p. 132. x quodl . p. 237. y quodl . p 218. z ib. pag. 241. a ib. pag. 108. b quodl . p. 150 c letter of a.c. pag. 23 d cop of certain discourses . p. 127 e quodl . p. 141 f cop. of certain discourse , p. 127 g quodl . p. 129 h ib. pag 280. i ch. pagets answer , p. 75. k colletons iust defence p. 176 l declaratio motuum &c. pag. 58 m ib. pag. 58. n an answer to articles obiected against d. bishop p. 18. o declaratio motuum , &c. pag. 73 ▪ p quodl . p. 130 q ch. pagets answer , p. 23. r quodl . p. 341 ſ colletons def . p. 168. t quodl . p. 237. * will w●●son priest , executed for high treason at winchester . a a let . of a. c. pag. 35. b ib pag. 39. c ib. pag. 35. d quodl . p. 350. * i w.w. doe from the bottome of my heart , plainely and sincerely , without all equivocation or doubling , professe and sweare , that i will never giue eare to that bloudy doctrine of deposing kings , or disposing of kingdomes for heresies sake , and that were our nūber and strength much more & greater then her maiesties , i will never be perswaded or drawne , either by threatnings or promises of any ( be it the pope himselfe ) to beare armes against her highnesse , to the destruction of her royall person & state : but i will be ready to aduenture my goods and ●ife in her maiesties defence , against him or any other , that shall assaile , or invade by hostile hand hir state and kingdome , vnder pretence of restoring the catholike faith , or whatsoever ; and farthermore i doe protest for my selfe , that i doe lothe and detest this point of doctrine , that princes heretickes may be deposed or put from their kingdoms , with patience and sufferance expecting , and in the meane time obaying in things temporall her maiestie , as my lawfull soveraigne ▪ evermore retaining an english resolution for my natiue prince , state , and country , and resolutely intending ( god assisting me with his grace , so to remaine constant , loyall , serviceable , and faithfull vnto the death , so helpe me god , &c. quodlib . pag. 304.305.346 . & 351. a true relation of the faction begun at vvisbich by fa. edmonds, alias vveston, a iesuite, 1595. and continued since by fa. walley, alias garnet, the prouincall of the iesuits in england, and by fa. parsons in rome, with their adherents: against vs the secular priests their bretheren and fellow prisoners, that disliked of nouelties, and thought it dishonourable to the auncient ecclesiasticall discipline of the catholike church, that secular priests should be gouerned by iesuits. bagshaw, christopher, d. 1625? 1601 approx. 197 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01748 stc 1188 estc s100519 99836356 99836356 621 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01748) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 621) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 169:11) a true relation of the faction begun at vvisbich by fa. edmonds, alias vveston, a iesuite, 1595. and continued since by fa. walley, alias garnet, the prouincall of the iesuits in england, and by fa. parsons in rome, with their adherents: against vs the secular priests their bretheren and fellow prisoners, that disliked of nouelties, and thought it dishonourable to the auncient ecclesiasticall discipline of the catholike church, that secular priests should be gouerned by iesuits. bagshaw, christopher, d. 1625? watson, william, 1559?-1603. [8], 90, [2] p. newly imprinted [by felix kingston], [london] : 1601. by christopher bagshaw. also attributed to william watson. printer's name from stc. "almost certainly printed in england with the consent of bishop bancroft, but made to appear like a foreign printed book for purposes of deception"--folger library catalogue. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng weston, william, 1550-1615 -early works to 1800. jesuits -england, (controversial literature) 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true relation of the faction begun at vvisbich , by fa. edmonds , alias vveston , a iesuite , 1595. and continued since by fa. walley , alias garnet , the prouinciall of the iesuits in england , and by fa. parsons in rome , with their adherents : nouelties , and thought it dishonourable to the auncient ecclesiasticall discipline of the catholicke church , that secular priests should be gouerned by iesuits . newly imprinted . 1601. to the true catholick reader . in such bookes as some of our brethren haue bin lately constrayned to set out for your satisfaction : there is often mention made of the contention at wisbich begun 1595. of this contention , there haue gone many reports : and as yet the truth thereof hath not bin so fully published , as it is conuenient : the indirect course of our new aduersaries considered . such as are infected with our english iesuitisme , do ascribe all the blame in that behalfe vnto vs , that are secular priests : in that we could not be brought to alter our old orders for the aduauncement of fa. weston a iesuite to become our gouernor or agent ; as his faction tearmed him . to make this matter therefore as cleare as the sunne , and that no indiscreete catholike may be ignorant of the truth herein , if he will not wilfully shut his eyes , or stop his eares , as our archpriest would haue them : we haue thought it our duties to deliuer vnto you from point to point ( as in the sight of god ) the beginning and proceeding of those garboyles then amongst vs. and at this time , we are the rather moued so to do : because it hath pleased maister blackwell our sayd arch-priest , very lately to send to his twelue assistants to be diuulged a certaine censure , or ( we know not what to tearme it ) a sheet of paper , fraught neither with wit , honest dealing , discretion , or learning : but in effect with as many shifts and lyes almost as lines , in derogation not only of some of the said bookes set out by our brethren , tearming the same ( as if either he himselfe , or some of his commaunders the iesuites had made them ) to be seditious bookes : but likewise taketh vpon him , to touch the said contention , not in many words , but with much follie and great vntruth . we will be bold by way of preface , a little to touch them . these are his words . the first point ( sayth he , meaning the diuision at wisbich ) was a thing long since ended with great edification , and by the meanes principally of those which are most condemned . it toucheth the greater and better part of that company . it nothing concerneth our authoritie : it being more auncient , and hauing orders taken at the attonement by their owne consent . it is well knowne at rome by whose meanes they were disanulled . neither is it more vnfitting for those which liued in one house to institute rules for such as voluntarily demaunded and accepted them then to procure a sodality abroade . thus farre our arch-priest : and it is all he writeth to his assistants of this matter : which we the rather note to shew the extremity of his pride , in supposing by such an answere to the sayd bookes concerning that diuision to wipe away those imputations & matters , wherwith both fa. garnet , & fa. weston , & he himselfe in some sort are charged . that which here he sayth either touching our contention at wisbich , or any thing whereof he hath written to his sayd assistants against the sayd bookes , is fully answered in print by one of our brethren , a true catholick priest : we hartily pray you to procure the booke , and then iudge of our arch-priest as you finde him . in the meane while and because this our treatise may come to your hands before the other , although the history following doth sufficiently confute his words by vs now cited : yet will we giue you some little tryall of our new gouernors wisedome and sinceritie , by that which here he writeth . the first point ( sayth he ) was a thing long since ended . and what then maister blackwell ? will you reason thus ? it was long since ended : ergo , maister garnet and maister weston , the firebrands of that garboile with their factious adherents are not to be blamed as our brethren haue writ of them in their sayd booke ? but we beseech you sir vpon your small credit tell vs , is that contention long since ended ? nay rather ( speake man ) is it ended as yet ? it was in effect : whether it were meete , and according to the auncient ecclesiasticall discipline , that a iesuite should haue the commaundement ouer secular priests . and is this point yet decided ? there was we confesse ( as we thought ) an end made amongst vs 1596. by maister mush , and maister dudley , and that with edification : but it fell out farre otherwise . the edification you make mention of was nothing sutable to that edification , whereof the apostle speaketh : but was much more agreeable to the building of babell that tower of confusion . for whilest we of the vnitie were quiet , and supposed all had bin well : maister garnet , and his subiect maister weston , were so moued , that they had bin disappointed of their sayd gouernment amongst vs , as like prowde nymrods and boisterous hunters they cast about how to bring vs vnder them by an other stratageme , ȧs by the historie it will appeare . when he also further sayth , that the end he mentioneth was made by the meanes principally of those which are most condemned : he meaneth maister garnet and maister weston to be those principall persons ; or else his speech is senselesse : and then also he writeth most falsely . for true it is , that the end which we supposed had bin made , was compassed by maister mush and maister dudley full sore against the harts and good likings of the sayd two iesuites . mary if he meane such an end of the sayd contention as they two propounded to themselues , which was but an interim to a further mischiefe , such an end , as then they respected and sought after , and do now perswade themselues to haue found it ( whilest maister garnet ruleth the roast ) then indeede fa. garnet and fa. weston may truly be sayd to haue bin the especiall contriuers of it : otherwise it proceedeth from incredible boldnes to pretend them to be authors of any good peace , who breathe forth nothing but dissension and cruelty . and where he sayth ( as we suppose ) that maister garnet and maister weston , are two men now most condemned : it is true that they are indeed condemned for their machiuilian practises against their brethren : being ( vnder pretence of their fatherhoods ) so puft vp with pride and arrogancic , as it is scarse probable to relate . but yet some exception may iustly be taken to his words , in that he sayth , they are most condemned . for in good sooth , we thinke his maistership as farre too blame as either of them , or more : in that being a secular priest , he doth so tyrannize ouer his owne brethren by calling , and hath not the wit to see , how he is abused and made a puppie to daunce after their pipe , and to execute what they do commaund him . but it followeth for sooth : that the said diuision toucheth the greater and better part of that company . alack alack , doth it so ? it toucheth indeede the greater part : and that very neerely : for it shewed them for the time to be very factious : such as secretly banded , and combined themselues with a iesuite against their fellow prisoners and brethren . and therefore in that hee sayth those conspiring companions were the better part , he speaketh like himselfe very vntruly , as we in our indgements do esteeme of honest men . mary in his sense , and according to the common saying , the veryer knaues , the better luck : they may well be reckoned the better part : because none are iudged vertuous or of any estimation that oppose themselues against the iesuites , or refuse to worship their iesuiticall idoll our arch-priest . and yet we will be content to let them go for once as he would haue them : so he ioyne those words with the other that follow : and to this effect . the sayd contention toucheth the better part , and therefore it concerneth neither himselfe , nor any of his louing assistants , nor their impregnable authoritie . but in good sooth maister blackwell , speake truly man : doth not that contention in some sort touch your high authoritie ? was it not the ground of it ? if we had yeelded to fa. westons agencie , had you bin euer aduaunced as you are ? did not our garboyles beget your greatnes ? if maister weston had preuailed with vs , maister garnet would haue wiped your nose for dealing like a yong prince abroade-as you do . and therefore indeed in a right good sense , wee are your good maisters , and so you ought to esteeme vs. but if we should deale more seriously with you , and vrge you to set downe , wherein the said great part was , or is the better : what durst you say , if you haue any sparke of the feare of god before your eyes ? are they better learned ? for shame you will not say it . are their liues more sincere ? i hope you will charge vs with no dishonestie : or if you dare , we defye you : being in our liues we trust blameles before men , and euery way as honest as your selfe at the least . as touching the orders you speake of ; they were yeelded vnto ( it is true ) by our consent , and that most willinglie : but as for maister weston , it so stroke him to the hart to yeeld vnto them , as he fell downe presently before the company into a swoune : such was his pride , and so vnwilling he was to be ouer-ruled for the time . and whereas our archpriest saith : that it is well knowne at rome by whose means the said orders were disanulled : we are glad to heare it , and haue taken some little paines in this treatise , to make it also as well knowne here in england . if his meaning be that we of the vnity did first disanull them , he sayth vntruly , and they in rome are falsely informed . no , no , those orders crossed too much the iesuites deseignements to haue any long continuance , where they had any factious creatures to infringe them . but that which followeth , is worthie some especiall consideration . neither was it more vnfitting ( sayth maister blackwell ) for those which liued in one house to institute rules , for such , as voluntarily demaunded and accepted them , then to procure a sodality abroade . in good faith we are sory , that we are compelled to disclose this fellowes fals●hood , and how much he is sunne-burnt with iesuitisme . it is a world to see how artificially he doth smooth ouer in thi● place diuers false , and some very absurd points . and firs● consider we pray you : whether it was as fit for priests i● prison to choose a iesuite to rule them , as for other priests abroade , to desire to haue a bishop to gouerne them : and whether suiteth better with the auncient discipline of the catholick church for secular priests to sue to the prouinciall of the iesuites to haue a iesuite for their head : or for others to sue to his holynes to assigne them a bishop . but let this passe : and proceede we to the rest : and when you heare the truth in a word , then consider the mans sinceritie . it will appeare vnto you by the history following , that fa. weston had bin laboring for a superioritie ouer his brethren for the space of seauen yeeres . to that purpose he had insinuated himselfe by hypocrisie , and vnequall distribution of money into the fauors of the yonger sort , such as were either themselues iesuites , or else inclining thereunto . the rules he speaketh of , were of fa. westons owne making . and all this was done secretly , the grauer sort of the company being neuer acquainted with it . when they had contriued their busines , as you haue heard : they pretend themselues to be more holy , then the rest of vs whom they misliked : and that therefore , in respect of the sinnes that raigned amongst vs ; they would no more either eate or drinke with vs , but would haue their diet by themselues . and in conclusion , they seuered themselues from vs , and dealt as you shall perceiue in this treatise at large ; more like donatists , then catholick priests . and all this inquitie doth this iesuiticall arch-priest couer in the sayd words , so clarkly masked with good tearmes , without any regard either of conscience , or common honesty , but to abuse the world , for the better vpholding of his owne credit : which being gotten by falshood , is still yet so mainteined . but we keepe you too long from the story it selfe : and therefore referring you for this matter to the sayd printed discourse , in answere both of it , and many other points , we commit you by our prayers to almighty god , who open your eyes and harts , that you may truly discerne betweene wolues and true pastors of your soules , and accordingly to imbrace them , as heretofore you haue done , and we hope will do hereafter . a true relation of the faction begun at vvisbich . in the yeare 1579. m. saunders was dispatched from rome to ireland : and not long after the pope sent other forces thither . about the same time also , the king of spayne intending to assayle portugall , vpon the death of king henry the late cardinall , prepared an army and a nauy ( as it was pretended ) for england . and to countenance the same , he procured by cardinall alexandrino his meanes , the renouation of the bull published by pius quintus against her maiestie : and printing of them to the number of 1500. at the least , he was content they should be spread abroad . not long after father parsons , and two other iesuites his subiects , father campion and father cotham , came into england with such a noyse , as mooued great expectation in some , and diligent caution to be had of their proceedings by others . these things hapning thus together : her maiestie and the state ( as fearing the worst ) disposed of the affayres in the realme accordingly : and thought it conuenient to carry a hand more hardly vpon the catholicks . so as in the yeare 1580. doctor watson bishop of lincolne , doctor fecknam abbot of westminster , doctor young , maister metham , doctor oxenbridge , and maister bluet , were sent to remayne as prisoners in the castle of wisbich , where they liued in great vnitie and brotherly kindnes : euery man intermedling only with his owne affayres and priuate meditations . they were all in commons with the keeper : and for their recreation , had a garden there to walke in , and to solace themselues as they thought good . such money as was sent to any particular man he had himselfe the disposition of it as he thought it conuement , that which came for the common vse , was by all their consents deliuered still to mayster bluet , who diuided the same to euery man alike . there was then no affectation of superiority , but euery man yeelded of his owne accord that duty and precedencie which to euery one was due , the keeper hauing the commaundement ouer them all . afterwards within about three yeares , eight or nine gentlemen were likewise sent to remayne there as prisoners , vpon certayne speeches that the duke of guise had some intendment against england , whereby the number of the prisoners increased , without any disturbance at all to the foresayde vnity . these gentlemen liued at their owne charges , and as most dutifull children demeaned themselues towards their fellow prisoners , and spirituall fathers . if at any time some little indiscretion hapned in any , a word ( especially of his ghostly father ) was more then sufficient to reforme it : or if vpon such like an occasion bishop watson were mooued to reprooue this or that , his answere was , what ? are we not fellow prisoners ? are we not at the commaundement of an other ? shall iadde affliction to one that is afflicted ? are we men who professe our selues to be examples to others in suffering for our consciences , and shall we not be thought then able without controllers to gouerne our selues ? be content : i will not take vpon me to reprooue my fellow prisoners . and indeed this was the course that euery man held : so as by submitting themselues one to an other , euery man had a commaunding power one ouer an other , such was the most christian and brotherly affection amongst them . in this sort they liued till all were either dead or gone , but maister metham and maister bluet , which was for the space of about sixe or seauen yeares . afterwards ( vpon new attempts by babington and his associates against her maiestie , and by reason of the rumours of the king of spaines preparations ) aboue thirtie priests that were prisoners elsewhere , were in the yeare 1587 ( as we remember ) sent likewise to wisbich . in which number was maister edmonds , alias weston , a iesuite : a man , who after heywoods departure out of england , was sent hither by parsons from paris to bee his substitute , or prouinciall : vpon whose apprehension maister walley , alias garnet , by order from fa. parsons , did succede him in that office . this company had scarsely consorted themselues with maister metham and maister bluet by the space of a weeke , but fa. weston ( hauing in him the reliques of his late prouincialitie ) began to cast about how he might aduance himselfe aboue his brethren . to which effect , entring amongst his best acquaintance into a great commendation of discipline , he offred to their considerations a very simple man one maister dry-land ( a seminary priest , and his ghostly father ) for a fit person , to take vpon him the direction and ouersight of the whole companie : adding , that if they thought that there were any thing in him ( the sayd weston ) worthy the reckening of , he would imploy the same at their commaundement to the assisting and directing of him the sayd dryland for the full supplying of any defects in him . this motion finding little successe , it being very absurd to make choyse of a head , that must borrow his discretion and directions of an other ( as at this day our arch-priest blackwell doth of fa. garnet the iesuite ) he the sayd weston gaue it ouer for about three weekes . and then he began againe ( though in a more generall sort ) to insist very grauely vpon his sayd pretended discipline : ayming with all his skill at his owne particular preferment : for thus the case stood . maister bluet ( being a man that had bin chiefely imployed in the affaires of that house ) was iunior to maister metham : and he the sayd maister metham ( hauing more lately entred into the society of the iesuits then maister weston ) was thereby ( notwithstanding that otherwise he was farre his auncient ) yet his inferior according to the rules of that calling . now one of these three ( if there should haue bin a gouernour chosen ) being supposed to be the fittest amongst all the rest for such a place : maister weston gessed , that in that choyse they would haue omitted maister bluet in respect of maister metham ; and him the sayd maister metham in regard of himselfe , and that so they should haue bin driuen to haue chosen him the sayd weston . but it fell out otherwise : for in their consultation it was thought that maister bluet , by reason of his long experience in that house , and of his acquaintance in that towne , together with the generall knowledge had of him with all catholicks in england , in respect of his long dealings with the common money , could in no sort be omitted : so as they concluded , that if they must be driuen to haue any such gouernment ouer them , it was most expedient to choose them all three . whereupon maister weston perceiuing that he could not get the whole regiment to himselfe , gaue that attempt ouer : vnder pretence , that he being a iesuite , was forbidden by the rules of his order , and others his superiors , to meddle in matters of gouernment . but it is here to be obserued : that the iesuites long before this time , hauing gotten the regiment of the english seminary at rome : our countriemen of that order no sooner came into england , but presently ( as the sequele declared ) they began to lay their plots how they might bring the secular priests heads vnder their girdles . for notwithstanding their said rule ( of not intermedling with gouernment ) mentioned by fa. weston , they haue so many wayes to qualify it , as indeed it is but a mask to couer their sleights with , till opportunitie doth serue them . whereof fa. weston hauing sufficient intelligence and skill , did not from time to time ( almost by the space of seauen yeares ) omit to put the same in practise . he laboured , as cunningly as he could , to creepe into the fauour of the yonger sort . when strangers came , it should escape him narrowly , but he would be the first that should bid them welcome : and no friendship could be held with him , except he might make the collation at such times vsuall . in which collations he would seldome omit to insist vpon the commendation of order and discipline : which being things in themselues of great worth , he was still therein to them that vnderstood him not very plausible . being a man as impatient as some of his fellowes , and of as haughty a spirit as any man can be : it was wonderfull to consider , what humblenes and simplicitie he would pretend . his sighs and zeale seemed to be extra ordinary : as though the perfection of true mortification had bin the only thing he aymed at . marry , with all this hypocrisie he deceiued none , but such as did not looke more narrowly into his proceedings : a righter pharisee cannot easily be found . in the middest of his humilitie nothing troubled him more , then that maister doct. bagshaw ( being a doctor of diuinitie ) should haue place before him at the table : insomuch as the better to content him , we were driuen to place him at the tables end with him . the iesuites abroad hauing gotten the greatest part of cōtribution for prisoners into their hands , much was sent to be distributed , by this good father : wherewith ( through his vnequall distribution of it ) he laboured nothing more , then how he might draw , and binde men vnto him , to make his side and faction strong inough against the time , he had occasion to vse them . these & many other such his vnder-hand practises being well discerned by maister metham and others , he the sayd maister metham was very much mooued , and did greatly lament the same . this maister metham was a vertuous learned priest , who when he was prisoner in the tower vowed to become a iesuite ; as admiring that calling , because he was not acquainted with their courses : but afterwards at his being in wisbich , he found by wofull experience that all was not gold that glistered . sundry times he hath sayd to some of our company , not without teares in his eyes , keepe this fellow downe asmuch as you can , meaning fa. weston : by labouring to be popular , he becōmeth the ringleader of all mutinies in the house , which in time will breede faction against you . this house will come to vtter shame through his folly . i pray god that i dye before it commeth to passe , for i do foresee such a mischiefe . thus maister metham . cardinall alane , when the iesuites first came into england , told sundry of his friends , that certainely they ( the said iesuites ) would rayse great garboyles in this countrey , by seeking to disgrace secular priests , and to aduance themselues aboue them . he had great experience of the ambition which raigned in many of that societie , and therefore indeuoured ( as he might conueniently ) to represse that humor in our english iesuites , which kept them within some reasonable compasse whilest he liued . but afterwards they heard no sooner of his death , and shortly after of the death of doctor lewys bishop of cassane ( of whome they stood in some feare , suspecting he should haue bin made cardinall in the others place ) but their insolencie burst foorth as a flame that had bin long suppressed . they depraued both those worthy persons now dead very slaunderously , charging the cardinall to haue bin but a simple man , and of no great worth ; and the bishop to haue bin a factious person in rome : and all this ( forsooth ) because sometimes they both had crossed sundry of their lewd attempts . fa. weston at wisbich ( as a man who had long trauailed with his imaginary discipline ) hearing of these mens deaths , and being as he thought , backed sufficiently by his confederates , began to bring forth the fruits thereof . he lifted vp his coūtenance , as if a new spirit had bin put into him , and tooke vpon him to controll , and finde fault with this and that : ( as the comming into the hall of a hobby-horse in christmas ) affirming that he would no longer tolerate these and those so grosse abuses , but would haue them reformed . at this his pride and vanitie some of vs greatly maruayled , but the reason thereof ( which we then knew not ) was this . we were then prisoners in the house to the number of 34. whereof by his foresayd practises he had allured vnto him 19. who by his direction had chosen him to be their head , and giuen him the name of their agent . whereupon this grand senior thus promoted , withdrew himselfe to his chamber by the space of a fortnight , of purpose ( as we afterwards perceiued ) to rowze himselfe , and to deuise some such new orders and lawes , as he thought most conuenient for the gouernment of his subiects , which being resolued vpon by him , he did dedicate them vpon candlemas day to the blessed virgin , as himselfe afterwards confessed . you must vnderstand , that he did not proceede thus farre , without fa. garnets priuity and consent . howbeit , his sayd subiects being ignorant thereof , they poore fooles must needs write a letter to his fatherhood , to craue his approbation of their sayd election . besides , fa. weston had to practised vnder hand with some of his sayd 19. subiects , as this his new preferment must be obtruded vpon him , whether he would forsooth or not . and accordingly the sayd letter was framed : signifying to maister garnet , that he the sayd maister weston was as a man taken with the palsey of the mind , and would in no wise accept of their election , except that he by his commaunding authoritie , would bid him rise vp and walke before them in the way of the righteous . with this letter they sent also the sayd lawes or rules , being in number 22. where of some of them were ridiculous , and some of them very scandalous . these things ( as we coniecture , for the distinct times were kept close from vs ) being sent to fa. garnet ; the new agent after he had withdrawne himselfe from the rest of the company by the space of a fortnight , directed maister southworth a priest , and our fellow-prisoner vnto maister bluet , to signifie vnto him , that fa. weston desired him to allot to him , and to his company being 19. the high table in the hall : and that leauing the ordinary kitchin to them , he the sayd maister bluet , with the rest ( but twelue in number ) would be content to prouide themselues of another . what meane you by this message , quoth maister bluet ? cannot the hall and kitchin serue vs all now , as heretofore they haue done ? no , sayth maister southworth , we are determined ( 20. of vs ) to draw our selues into a more strict order of life : and haue therefore resolued to keepe commons together amongst our selues , thereby the better to auoyd such sinnes , as whoredome , drunkennes , and dieing , the same being too ordinarie with some in this house . what , quoth maister bluet : hath fa. weston sent you vnto me with this message ? and he answering , yea : he the sayd maister bluet went to fa. weston , who iustified the sayd message : sauing that he qualified the mentioning of the sayd crimes with humme and hah : saying at the last ( as though butter would not haue melted in his mouth ) indeed we reuerence you , and maister doct. bagshaw : but amongst the rest , there are some enormities , which we would be glad to auoyd : and do therefore purpose to impose vpon our selues a more strict order , leauing you and others , to follow such courses , as you shall thinke good . with this his answere , maister bluet being somewhat moued : haue you kept your chamber ( sayth he ) all this while , for this ? shall we haue a new donatus amongst vs , to reuiue againe that pestilent schisme ? can you name any in the house , worse then your selues ? well , well : i pray you leaue this course : it is naught . be content to eate and drinke with vs still : for , assure your selfe , we will neuer yeeld , that you should haue any seuerall roomes graunted vnto you ; thereby to seuer your selues from vs. and so after many other speeches , for that time they parted . when maister bluet had imparted vnto vs the sayd message , and his sayd discourse with fa. weston , it did very much grieue vs all , as foreseeing what publick scandale it would grow vnto : and therefore diuers of vs dealt with them particularly , that they would desist from that their purpose , and be content that we might liue together still , like prisoners , and louing brethren , as we haue done before . but all was in vaine : they inlarged their calumniation and slauders of vs , and began to spread the same abroad to our great discredits : and would in no wise be stayed from the course they had begun . howbeit , we hindered as long as we could their publick separation from vs , by keeping our old places , some of vs , at euery table : so as they could not choose , except they would haue forborne their dinners and suppers , but that they must needs sit amongst vs. whereupon fa. weston sent the sayd southworth to our keeper , with the like message in effect to the former , concerning their intent ( for the auoyding of sinne ) to keepe commons by themselues , apart from the rest : and therefore to intreate him , that they might haue a roome assigned them , to make a kitchin of , and some other places meete and conuenient for them ; offering him some large consideration for his good will therein . but he consulting with some of the grauer sort , disliked their attempt : and reiecting their suite , commaunded them to continue in peace and quietnes , as the state had appointed , and as he found them , at his first comming to be their keeper : vnlesse they could shew vnto him against the rest , some capitall crimes which might warrant him to graunt their separation : for ( sayd he ) i am a iustice of peace , qualifyed to take notice of such crimes . to whom maister southworth answered : that in this case , the queene could not make him a competent iudge : and that the crymes were such and so great , as in conscience they could not keepe company with vs. why ( sayd maister medlye ) what crymes are those so horrible , that the queenes authority cannot reach to take knowledge of ? maister bluet can tell you ( sayth maister southworth ) for i haue signifyed them vnto him . very well quoth maister bluet : i see the old prouerb verified now in you : an english man italionate , is a diuell incarnate . if you told me the causes why weston and you do attempt to make this schisme and diuision in the house , why may not your slaundering toong vtter the same to maister medlye our keeper ? must i be your bedle to proclayme your lyes ? but maister medly , this italionated company on hath this craft in his budget : if i should now relate vnto you what he hath told me of this matter , then would he being meerely iesuited , deny it , and so turne the blame vpon me , that i telling it you publickly , do slaunder the house , and not he , nor his fellowes , that told it but secretly . vpon this , and such like communication , maister medlye fell to the commendation of the quiet behauior of those prisoners , which were first sent to wisbich : saying , that it was nothing , but the turbulent spirits , and humour of youth , that wanting due wisdome , discretion , and grauitie , thrust them into these noueltyes . much iangling they kept both at this time and afterwards for seuerall roomes : but fayling of their desire therein , they grew to a great dislike with the keeper : and to be reuenged vpon him , procured in short time two priests to escape from him out of prison , which they knew would grieue him much . besides , the ordinary chappell belonging to the bishop of ely , lying fitly by them , they aduentured of themselues to dedicate the same to bacchus for their buttery : and entertayning an other brewer ( one palmer ) laid such beere in it as they thought meete . it is not almost credible what brablings were about these matters : and with what malice and impietie they did also prosecute vs , by seeking to blemish our good names , as though they had quite forgot that we were catholick priests , and their fellow prisoners . the common enemy could not haue vsed vs much more despitefully . by this time fa. garnet hauing perused the sayd rules and letter , returned his approbation of them in a generall letter to that company , and alluding to a point mentioned in their letter to him , commaunded his subiect fa. weston as an hypocriticall paralytick , to take vp his bed and walke : that is , he gaue him leaue to accept of the agency , imposed forsooth by them vpon him : but vnder-hand sent to fa. weston himselfe a priuate letter ; wherein he admonished him in any sort so to take vpon him that his new prelacy , as both his the layd fathers name for auoyding of enuy might be concealed : and that it might seeme to proceede wholy , from the importunity of those that had chosen him . all these particulars were at this time vnknowne vnto vs : they played fast and loose in corners ( as you see ) buying and selling of vs ( as honest men as themselues ) at their pleasures . whilest they were thus in this garboyle with vs , animated therein by fa. garnet : it hapned that maister dolman ( a graue priest ) came to wisbich , with some contribution for the whole company : who perceiuing and lamēting what a breach he found of our auncient vnity , did endeuor for the space almost of a weeke , to haue reduced vs thereunto againe , being earnestly desired by vs all so to do . at this his being there , maister southworth drew him with importunitie into his chamber , and did shew vnto him their foresayd letter , and rules , which they had sent to fa. garnet , entring into a long discourse with him , concerning their purpose , to separate themselues from vs. whereunto maister dolman aunswering , that in so doing , they would assuredly be the occasion of great scandale : he replyed , that their company were resolute to go through with it . we had heard before of the sayd letter and rules sent to fa. garnet : but ( as we then told m. dolman ) we could neuer come to the sight of them : and therefore we desired him to be a meanes , that we might haue the perusing of them . whereunto he did very willingly yeeld ; as thinking our motion therein very reasonable : and thereupon going to maister southworth , he so preuayled with him , as that he the sayd maister dolman brought them vnto vs : which when we had read , we were much perplexed , finding our credits to be greatly touched by them . howbeit , maister doctor bagshaw , in a very mild and charitable sort , did then desire maister dolman , that by his mediation he might haue conference with fa. vveston : promising , that he would be a meanes , that this controuersie should be ended to his honor & credit , and to a further increase of amity and charity , then euer there had bin for a long time amongst vs. maister dolman being a glad man to heare so much from him , dealt with fa. vveston accordingly : whome he found so stiffe , as he could by no meanes perswade him to admit of that godly offer : notwithstanding it was made vnto him thrice ; and so oft pressed by him the sayd dolman . whereby maister dolman gathered , that fa. vveston had receiued some commaundement from maister garnet , to take vpon him his sayd agency : and for the better contenting of doctor bagshaw and his friends ( being somewhat moued , that maister vveston had so oft refused conference ) told them so much : adding , that he thought maister vveston his sayd refusall to be thereupon grounded : it being vnlawfull for him to reiect , or call into question that , which his prouinciall had imposed vpon him . but afterwards he the sayd maister dolman imparting to maister vveston what he had sayd to doctor bagshaw and his friends , maister vveston flatly denyed that he had receyued from maister garnet any such approbation or commaundement , either by letter , or otherwise . with which his aunswere , maister dolman acquainting vs , we did the more maruaile why he disdayned the sayd offer of conference . howbeit , seeing their courses , we sayd that we would not impeach any order , which they thēselues thought meete to liue vnder : only we desired to liue in commons together with them , that the world might not take notice of any such schisme amongst vs : but this was reiected . whereupon maister dolman demaunded of fa. vveston whether they meant to keepe any more strict or large dyet by themselues , then the rest ? who answered , that they did not . why then ( quoth he ) haue you taken another brewer ? maister weston aunswered : it was , for that he brewed better beere then the other . vpon occasion of these speeches betwixt them , maister dolman told him , that by reason of the choyse of the sayd new bruer , the townesmen began to talke at large of their great breach in the castle : and further sayd , that some scandale was already growne , by appointing the said chappell for their buttery . to which last point maister weston replying , aunswered : that he thought ( as the case stood now in england ) they might vse things heere as they found them : which words of his gaue maister dolman occasion to shew the contrary , both out of s. thomas , and out of nauarre , in his commentaries de spolijs . it were too long to set downe what then passed amongst vs , at this time of maister dolmans being with vs : but he perceiued such opposition to his godly motions , as that he desired to haue some ioyned with him : and that he might then depart , and returne with his colleague , named by them one doctor bauin , a fortnight after easter . hereunto we all willingly yeelded : and so after sixe dayes trauayle amongst vs , he bade vs farewell . but consider now a iesuiticall trick that hapned . as maister dolman was going to horseback , maister southworth met him in the porters lodge , and told him with great vehemencie of spirit , that fa. weston had greatly abused both him the sayd maister dolman , and the whole company : in that he had receiued a fortnight before a letter from fa. garnet in approbation of their choyse to haue him for their agent : and had kept the same in his hands so long , without making his company acquainted with it : which he tearmed to be double dealing , as indeed it was in them both . but maister southworth pretending his great discontentment in that respect , perswaded maister dolman to returne back to maister weston , and then hearing the sayd letter read , and perceiuing that it was ambiguously written , so as the time did not serue him to enter into any discourse of it ( hauing a great iourney that night ) he departed , without making any of vs acquainted with the sayd letter : much meruailing ( as since he hath confessed ) to finde so grosse a falshood in maister weston . in the meane time that we were in expectation of maister dolmans returne with his colleague , it was a world to heare the people , that before had honored and admired vs , so long as we kept vnity and integrity , how they changed their opinions of vs , especially of the iesuites , tearming them in all ordinary assemblies , prowde , ambitious , and vndicatiue persons : perturbers of states , countries , and common-wealths . what would these men do ( say they ) if they had all in their hands : that being in a gaole , dare take vpon them to rayse vp such tumults and garboyles ? certaine good men relating these things to maister weston , desired him humbly vpon their knees , to consider what scandale he gaue to the world , and how god and his truth were much blasphemed by this dissention : but he , with great contempt and irrision aunswered , that he waighed not any mans iudgement : let them alone ( sayth he ) caeci sunt & duces caecorum : if it be a scandall , it is scandalum per accidens , which i care not for : this matter is gone further then may be controlled by man : you shall see it with hands and seales confirmed , ere it be long . with this fathers obstinacy many were discontented : and maister bluet did thereupon thinke it conuenient to write to maister perpoint , and to desire him ( hauing bin a prisoner before at wisbich ) to moue maister weston by his letter to some better quietnes . but the sayd maister perpoint being now altogether iesuited ( which maister bluet knew not of ) shewed his letter to fa. garnet , who taking it in euill part , writ himselfe thereof to fa. weston , aduising him , that seeing maister bluet had begun to write abroad of the affayres in that place , they should not now spare either him or any of the rest , to requite them with the like . so as thereupon maister vveston stirred vp a young priest very well learned , to write a bitter , rayling , and an vnghostly letter to a gentleman in london ( a lay brother of that society ) against doctor bagshaw and maister bluet : to the intent that the sayd lay brother ( being well esteemed amongst all the chiefest catholicks ) should blaze and spread the same abroad , to their exceeding discredits . but doctor farbeck being about that time in london , and knew very well the affayres then at vvisbich : vpon the sight of this letter by a noble man , dealt very roundly with the sayd lay iesuite , for the indignity and vnchristian dealing offered to those two persons secretly behinde their backs , where they could not defend their innocencie . he did at that time after a sort , satisfye the gentleman so farre forth , as the spirit of that generation will be qualified in such a matter : and besides so informed the nobleman of such things as he knew , as that he was pleased with some disdaine to teare the letter in pieces . but the poore priest that was vrged against his conscience to write it , being admonished thereof , fell out of his wits , and threatned to kill those that set him on worke : whereby they were driuen to intreate their keeper to shut him vp in a close chamber , where he remayned a tweluemoneth , and confessing willingly , that for abusing his penne against innocents , he was thus tormented : he asked the sayd parties forgiuenes . you haue heard peraduenture of a machiuilian maxime : detrahe audacter , aliquid adhaerebit : and here you haue seene the practise of it . maister doleman ( as you haue heard before ) being departed from vs , hath reported vpon occasion , how carefully he imployed himselfe on our behalfe . i met ( sayth he ) with a deere friend to you all : a man well knowne to be excellently well learned in both lawes , and for his vertuous wisdome and other singular good parts in him well beloued , and greatly esteemed of all that know him . i meane doctor windam : vnto whom , i opened plainly and sincerely the whole matter , and craued it earnestly at his hands , that he would take some paynes therein , and for the loue he bare the generall cause , the especiall affection he had to your company , which i know is as great as he can giue and you desire , and for the old acquaintance and loue , that was between vs beyond the seas , he would aduise and instruct me what to deliuer vnto you . how much he lamented this controuersie amongst you , i am not able to expresse . after three dayes aduisement , he told me , for any that liued together as you do ( presupposing he vnderstood your state very well ) to diuide themselues from the boord , from the rest of the company ( things so standing as they do now ) though their purpose were right good , was both against charitie and pollicie . whereupon hearing his great mislike , i made some hastie returne , and let fa. weston , with some of his company , vnderstand his resolution , with mine owne therein . thus farre maister dolman . this his returne was within tenne dayes after his departure , and before the time limited to him and his colleague to deale in our causes . vpon which his sayd speeches and communication with fa. weston concerning doctor windams opinion : would god ( sayd maister weston ) with most earnest affection ( as it seemed ) that you maister dolman were as well able to perswade the rest , as you haue done me . for mine own part , i mind to giue ouer and meddle no further , but to commend the cause wholy to god : assuring you , if i could do the least of this house good for his soules health , by laying my head vnder his feete , i would most willingly do it . i pray you talke with some of our company , and see whether you can perswade them . and thus farre this dissembling iesuite ( by maister dolmans report ) very well putting father garnets aduise in practise , so to enter into his course of gouernment , as that it might be thought to be imposed vpon him in effect against his will. but how found maister dolman this agents subiects ? fa. weston could haue told him , like a crafty company on , if he had list to haue saued the poore old mans labour . for he no sooner moued them to reunite themselues , but they startled thereat , and sayd , they were still resolute to proceede in the course which they had vndertaken : and would heare nothing to the contrary . at this time ( as we remember ) of maister dolmans being at wisbich , maister bluet entred into speech with maister weston in his the sayd maister dolmans presence , concerning both their desire of seuerall commons , and also their rules and lawes before mentioned : and sayd vnto him : that it seemed very strange that he should persist as he did , in defence of these his proceedings . to whom maister vvestons ghostly father aunswered : that as he , and doctor bagshaw , had caryed away the glory and fame of all that was heretofore lawdably done in that castle : so from hence-forth fa. vveston would indure it no longer , but would haue the same ascribed to himselfe , and to the iesuites . fa. vveston halfe ashamed of this so plaine a confession , tooke vpon him to mend it : saying , that their intent of separation was , rather to auoyd such sinnes as were in the house , as whoredome , dronkennes , and dicing , then for any such cause , as the party before had mentioned . and being further vrged to speake plainly , whether he knew himselfe of any such sinnes to be in the house , he aunswered , that he spake not in particular , but in generall of them . whereunto maister bluet replying , affirmed , that in saying as he did , and charging no man in particular , he inuolued the whole house as guiltie of those sinnes , and was a detractor thereby in the highest degree . he also the sayd maister bluet proceeded further in effect , as followeth . if there be such enormious sinnes amongst vs , haue we not ghostly fathers to reforme them ? or can you name any that herein hath bin refractarious ? is not the sacrament of healthfull penance a sufficient remedie for men in our cases , to keepe vs from such enormities ? if the meanes appointed by christ , haue not sufficient force to remedie these euils : what extraordinary grace or power can we expect from your supposed authoritye and lawes to effect the same ? againe , if such sinnes were in the house : either some particular men were guilty of them , or all : if some , why are they not denounced , that the rest may know , as well those that committed them , as those that fauour or defend them in such their turpitudes ? and whereas we are prisoners heere against our wils , and therefore cannot choose but of necessity must dayly conuerse and be together , by order and commaundement of the state , and condition of the prison : how dare you ( except you will incroach vpon her maiesties authority ) thus violently attempt to separate her subiects , promulgate lawes , execute punishments , and make your selfe in effect to haue as full power as the pope hath himselfe ? in that you seeme without his authority to make a new order of religion , or i know not what , with bands , lawes , rules , and punishments , except your power be more then we can dreame of : you incurre thereby the sentence of excommunication : and by the lawes of this realme , it is well knowne , that omnis coitio in the kingdome not prescribed by her highnesse , is subiect to a very heauy censure . when iames and iohn priuatly and therefore vnlawfully sought by inediation of their mother , the right hand and the left : the rest of the apostles did worthily dislike that attempt : but when peter and these two were called vp to mount tabor to behold christ in his maiestie ; all the rest tooke it in good part , and neuer grudged , because they were called thither by lawfull authority . besides ▪ if you and your pretended subiects will keepe no company with vs , because of our sinnes ( as you pretend ) be your surmises true or false : yet ( as you proceede ) you ioyne therein with the donatists ; who because they would not defile themselues ( pure creatures ) with other mens sinnes , departed from the church , and perished in their foule schisme and heresie . in the proceeding of this discourse there were sundry interruptions : but the summe was , that maister vveston did little regard it : notwithstanding his pretence of yeelding mentioned before , if his companie would be thereunto perswaded . when maister dolman was to depart , he moued maister vveston and others , that forasmuch as he had acquainted them already both with doct. vvindams opinion and his owne , concerning the intent of his company for diuiding themselues in commons from their brethren : he might with their good fauours be released of his promise of cōming againe after easter . but they would in no sort yeeld thereunto : but desired him in any wise , as he loued them , to keepe the time appointed . which made some of vs to meruaile , knowing now by maister dolman , that fa. garnet had approued maister westons agency : although neither then nor since we could euer obteine a copy of his letter to that effect . howbeit afterwards we perceiued his drift herein : which was to make tryall , if by any possible meanes he could winne of the sayd arbitrators ; to determine that some other order , then formerly had bin vsed in that place , was necessary to be appointed . for then presently by way of a consequent depending vpon fa. garnets authority , he would haue obtruded vpon vs his owne agency : or at the least haue gotten some aduantage against vs , to haue depraued vs to those , who would not consider , that the admitting of maister weston for our head , we had thereby submitted our selues to garnet , and should so haue become meere subiects to the iesuites . at the time appointed our two arbitrators , doctor bauyn and maister dolman comming to wisbich : we found him the sayd bauyn much more stiffely lyned with iesuitisme , then euer we could haue suspected . he being in maister bluets chamber , and demaunding the cause why they were sent for : aunswere was made , that their presence was desired for the examining and deciding a fact of great scandale and deformitie : yea a flat schisme ( as we thought ) begun , and prosecuted in prison by fa. weston : and to reduce vs againe to our auncient vnity . to this doctor bauyn sayd , that he would do his best indeuour , to set quietnes amongst vs : and further told vs ; that he had with disdaine read father westons lawes and platforme , and was fully resolued to casheere them , whatsomeuer came ofit : but yet ( quoth he ) you must haue some order and forme of gouernment amongst you . it was aunswered him ; that we had desired their company , but to iudge , whether the breach they had made , was lawfull or no : iudge that first ( quoth we ) and then we will friendly conferre , what is meete to be done hereafter . we are in prison , and sometimes close prisoners , not in case to speake one with an other : and perhaps must be , as heretofore we were at the keepers dyet : what shall we then trouble our selues , with rules , orders , or common wealthes ? are not the canons of councels , the lawes of the church , and the sacrament of penance sufficient for priests , that are in prison for the catholick faith ? did the bishop of lincolne when he liued here , trouble himselfe with any such matters : or hath this yonker amongst vs , a iesuite , more wit , grace , experience , and authority , then he had , being the popes legate ouer all england ? to admit these his new lawes and penall statutes , were to confesse in effect , that we had liued inordinatly , vntill this iesuiticall youth came to reforme vs. no , no , they shall haue no such aduantage against vs : it is the but , they ayme at , to make the simpler sort of catholicks beleeue , that we secular priests are no body , nor able to do any thing of our selues , except the iesuites may haue the commaundement ouer vs , to direct and commaund vs , as they thinke good . after such communication had in maister bluets chamber , maister dolman and he went to maister weston , and his adherents , to know wherein they would commaund their seruice . but maister weston after the new fashion , desired them first to fall downe and pray with him : which done , he arose ; and framing his countenance as though he would haue wept , sayd vnto them thus in effect . your comming hither maketh vs glad , and heauy : glad , if that you will assist vs in that we haue begun ; and so we will giue you prayse and benediction : but if you will crosse our designements , and condemne our indeuors , you shall giue vs very great cause of sorrow . aduise therefore your selues very well what you do : for the matters are of great importance , which we put into your hands . then doctor bauyn ( to pay maister weston with his owne coyne ) pretended to be so mooued with his words , as if he likewise could scarsely haue refrayned from teares : which maister dolman and we obseruing , we doubted to finde him but an halting arbitrator . besides it seemed , that they were halfe vnwilling , to commit their former designements to these mens arbitrement : had it not bin for feare , that else the world would haue condemned them : and therefore they laboured them in secret , with all their might and maine to approoue their enterprises . whilest we were in consultation ( sayeth maister dolman ) good lord , how were we dealt with vnder-hand , to allow wholy of their doings , and to reprooue the others . many iarres hapned in these conferences . one of them that stood for the vnity , told the arbitrators that a brother of the separation , threatned him , and all the rest that stood against maister weston , that if they would not submit themselues vnder the iesuites obedience , and liue vnder their statutes and lawes , they should starue , and not haue a morsell of bread to put in their mouthes . when doctor bauyn and maister dolman grew to the consideration of fa. westons rules , and other his designements , he the sayd doctor bauyn did vtterly reiect them . marry withall he made mention of a certaine draught and forme of discipline , which was more beneficiall to the iesuites , then their owne : and such a one ( as he himselfe hath confessed ) the iesuites abroad had agreed vnto . in this platforme , eight ( besides maister weston ) were to haue bin chosen out of the brethren of the separation , and two of the vnited to make vp tenne : which tenne should haue gouerned all the rest ; maister weston being appointed euer for their mouth . so that as before in his owne common wealth called the agenage , he was maister agent : so in this other of doct. bauyns ( tearmed the tenne men , and the mouth ) this our deuout iesuite was to haue bin called in proper speech , maister mouth . in communication about this new platforme of doctor bauyns , there grew some heate betwixt him , doctor bagshaw , and maister bluet : both of them with great earnestnes , and very forcible arguments impugning the same , which doctor bauyn tooke in euill part , but was afterwards wel inough appeased . then after a day or two our said arbitrators ( hauing taken great paines this way and that way ) agreed together vpon a forme of pacification , to be offered vnto vs all : the principall effect whereof was : that we should reconcile our selues generally one to an other , remitting freely and wholy each to other , all pretended or supposed iniuries past , vttering the same in order by some short word or speech , without any rehearsall , debating , or reasoning of any matters past , and without any condition , or exception for the time to come . this pacification being first shewed to doctor bagshaw , and maister bluet , they did most ioyfully receiue it : and desired the arbitrators very instantly , that for gods sake , they would go forward with it . afterwards they went to fa. weston , and maister southworth , and deliuering them the copy of it , they seemed very willing to accept the same : so as an hower the next day after dinner was appointed for the mutuall recōciliation of all the company , according to the effect of the pacification before mentioned . against which time maister dolman being in the gallery ready to go into the hall to dinner , fa. vveston drew him aside to a window , and vsed these words vnto him : i trust ( maister dolman ) this reconciliation shall not preiudice our determination , of diuision of commons : to whom maister dolman aunswered , that all their breach was about that matter : and that therefore , he and his fellow could in no sort like thereof , nor permit the same . then sayth maister vveston very sharply , you do vs great wrong . i meane you no wrong , quoth maister dolman , but all the good i can wish or deuise : yes mary do you ( sayth he ) and so you would confesse , if you saw but our extract : which conteyneth three sheetes of paper of the enormious crymes , that we haue to charge them withall . but i pray you ( sayth he ) let vs intreate maister doctor bauyn , and you to stay this reconciliation , vntill to morrow : for we haue certaine articles to shew you first , that cannot so soone be made ready . vnto this motion the arbitrators condescended , hoping it would haue turned vnto the best : but it fell out quite contrary . for they found that nothing would content them , except they would agree vnto the separation of commons . the articles exhibited concerning vs , together with our articles which we were constrayned thereby to offer to our said arbitrators , we haue thought good here to set downe . first theirs ( which are rather indeed interrogatories to examine the arbitrators , then matters that do much touch vs ) and then our owne : which we offer to all men , to be censured , as they shall think good . 1 whether ( say they to the arbitrators ) will you stay the time to examine those articles , which any may be accused of ? 2 whether you thinke it secure for vs , that liue and meete together many times in the day ( not hauing the meanes to auoyd each other ) to haue those things proposed , and examined , and whether you can compasse our quiet ? 3 that whosoeuer doth come to declare any matter , shall submit themselues to you , as to their ordinary , to declare without all equiuocation , or lying , any thing , whereof you thinke necessary to the manifestation of the verity . 4 that you do take the promise of euery one that is called before you , to behaue themselues with modestie and good tearmes . 5 this supposed : we are all for our parts contented , that they obiect , what they can against vs. 6 we require also , that they shall giue their consent , that they are all contented , to heare what may be layd out against them . 7 euery thing being heard : that you pronounce sentence against those , that you shall finde culpable . when our sayd arbitrators had perused these interrogatories , no maruaile though they troubled thē , being so contrary to their expectation : and deuised of purpose to breake off all hope of reconciliation by their meanes : and such likewise , as by iesuiticall shifts might haue bin prolonged , if they had list , for we know not how many yeares . with these articles we were no sooner acquainted : but presently we set down these fower in some sort to aunfwere them . 1 we require that sufficient satisfaction may be made for the slaunder and diffamation of vs by their breach and letter : if sufficient causes cannot be proued for their so doing . 2 we require that euery accusation be set downe in writing vnder the accusers hands , sub poena talionis , if it be not proued . 3 we will aunswere in all things according to the order in the canon law : supposing these men to be our lawfull iudges . 4 we will susteine any censure , with this condition , that being censured by these men , we may be secured thereby from all other censures concerning that matter . when these our articles were deliuered to fa. weston , and he with some others had perused them : they began first ( sayth maister dolman ) to take exceptions against the fourth article : and in the end against them all , plainely shewing indeed , that they liked nothing , but their owne designements , being resolued to proceed in them : let it fall how it should either back or edge , as the common prouerb is . whereas we ( by the testimony of the sayd maister dolman ) professed our selues very desirous of reconciliation : and offred our readynes to aunswere any matters , that might be obiected against vs : protesting that we would only indeuor to maintaine our owne credits , without any recrimination at all . but the truth is , that our sayd arbitrators saw so many inconueniences that would haue followed , if they had entred into this course , as they by no meanes would be drawne vnto it : but still insisted to haue lapped vp all discontentments in their sayd generall reconciliation . whereunto we for our parts , were all of vs well inclined : insomuch as maister dolman himselfe protesteth , that he he will euer charge maister weston and his company , to haue bin the causes that the said goodworke so greatly vrged by him and doctor bauyn , was not effected by them . for ( sayth he the sayd maister dolman ) all our motions were irkesome vnto them : and two or three , one after another came vnto me : and told me , that except i would remoue my opinion touching the breach of commons , they wished me to be gone . whereupon he writ a letter to our whole company , and concluded thus . as before god i speake it in conscience , i am throughly perswaded : you , that shall vnder pretence of submitting your selues vnder a head , and to liue vnder an order , diuide your selues from the rest , shall do a thing sinfull . this is my minde : this is my censure . and so the good old man departed from vs. after his departure , notwithstanding that doctor bauyn , to our owne knowledge was very resolute against our diuiding of commons ; as maister dolman and diuers others can also witnes : yet we know not , how afterwards it came to passe ( through their iesuiticall practises with him ) but ( as we haue heard ) within two dayes he turned his tippet , and incouraging them to take their owne course , went his way like a charitable priest , and neuer bade vs farewell . we would be loth to do him iniurie , if this matter hath bin misreported vnto vs : but this we do affirme , that since that time his credit hath so increased amongst the iesuites , as now he is become one of their archpriests assistants : and that within a day or two after his departure from wisbich , maister weston and his company , entred into an actuall and publick schisme : they refused either to eate or drinke with vs : they left the hall altogether : they made the chappell their buttery , maister brampstons lodging their kitchin , and their agents chamber their refectory . whilest fa. weston and his consorts were talking , as you haue heard before , of certain great matters which they had against vs , why they could not keepe company with vs any longer : he the sayd good father , to shew what good stuffe they had in store , called one garret forth , and perswadeth him to vnfold to the arbitrators his owne confession , that vnto weston his ghostly father , he had made a yeare and a halfe before . this demy-iesuite , although the thing seemed most absurd and irreligious , obeyeth willingly to vnfold to the commissioners , either what he had vttered in his confession of one of his fellowes , or at the least , what he had deuised between him and maister agent . well : propter bonum societatis , he commeth most sadly ( as if he had bin compelled ) and telleth thē that he is most vnwilling to vnfold that which turneth to the diffamation of a priest : but yet for disciplines sake , which was seene decayed in the house , and for the obedience which he ought vnto his ghostly father , he will informe them of that , which may giue thē light to proceede , as they thought good . marry he will not haue it knowne , but vnto themselues in secret . this protestation made , he sayth , that one of maister medlye his men , an heretick told him , how that a priest ( and named him ) was in the greene chamber ( which was the keepers lodging ) talking with mary maister medlyes may de : and that the porter ( who was in loue with her ) was by maister southworth willed to go vp to the greene chamber , for that there was such a priest talking with mary : who in all hast went vp , and finding the priest not in the chamber with mary , he looked into the study within the chamber , and found him there with an english booke in his hand , whereat he was offended . now ( sayth maister weston ) you see matter sufficiēt for to leade you to giue sentence with vs. indeed ( sayth doctor bauyn ) this is a matter that moueth me to be willing to giue my iudgement : what thinke you maister dolman ? the romanes being pagans ( quoth m. dolman ) would not condemne s. paul vpon the request , and accusations of the iewes , before they heard paul defend himself in a publick place : and shall we here cōdemne a priest , and in him , 12. more , vnheard , vnexamined , and no place of defence left them ? maister ba. i will not do it : but i will heare what the priest can say for himselfe . i do not thinke ( quoth bau. ) that we can doe so : for this matter is vttered to vs in secret , not to be opened againe . how then , shal we pronounce an externall sentence ( quoth maister dolman ) as we are externall iudges , and condemne these 13. but it must be knowne ? well , well , this is very strange : and so that matter was dasht . if maister agent and doct. bauyn had proceeded with the rest of their supposed enormious crimes against vs ( so many as filled vp three sheetes of paper ) and that m. dolman would haue bin aduised by thē : you see what a prety course of iustice would haue bin held in these assises . what all those seuerall accusatiōs were , we could neuer haue the fauour to be informed : either by m. agent or his assistants . you may suppose they were not great , in that we had been receyued with great applause , as companyons with them of their holy order : if we would but haue yeelded to fa. ed. westons agenage , thereby admitting a kinde of fryer to be the head of secular priests : as rare a deuise , as lightly hath hapned . but to returne where we left . a separation is made , and maister agent is in his ruffe , sitting in a corner with his obedient subiects . if we should haue tearmed him vsher of their new hall , which was his owne chamber , and maister brampston in the like respect , their chiefe maister cooke , hauing good oportunitie , though he had lyen in his bed , to haue ruled the roast : the phrases had not bin very improper . howbeit , such manner of conceits were then farre from vs : our hearts being very greatly replenished with griefe , to see so many of our brethren catholicke priests , and imprisoned for the same cause with vs , so irreligiously to separate themselues from vs. besides : we were otherwise set on worke by them , in laboring to defend our selues from their diuelish practises in slaundering of vs : as though we had bin the men , that had made the faction , and not they : whereas it was most apparant to those that would not shut their eyes , that we swarued not one iot from that course which had bin held both by vs , and our very honorable & reuerend predecessors in that prison : as mē that detested such childish innouatiōs . furthermore , our sayd griefe was greatly increased , in that we were daily aduertised from our friends abroad , how many catholicks in euery corner ( otherwise very graue and zealous ) began to fauour this new deuise : being possessed with a conceit , that we ( formerly reputed their deere and louing fathers ) were become on the sodaine , without any change at all in vs , persons of great licentiousnes ; such as could neither indure any good order nor holesome discipline . lord ( thought we ) whither do these things tend : or what will be come of the most auncient and catholick romane religion ; if the old and constant professors thereof do begin to delight in change and innouations ? and here by the way , we would gladly haue it obserued , that as well in all the aforesaid garboyles , as in the rest that follow hereafter : we that stoode for vnitie , haue alwaies been in effect meerely passiue , standing still vpon our defence : our aduersaries ( for so our brethren did make themselues ) practising their best actiuitie to hurt and wound'vs . for to keepe their hands and tongues in vre , this gentlemā our said new agent was no sooner inuested in his iesuiticall authoritie , but presently he sendeth abroad certaine reasons ( fiue in number ) to his friends , least he should ( forsooth ) haue been mistaken in his said publike separation from vs. in which pretended reasons , many points being childish , and many false , we hold them not fit to be here inserted : only we haue mentioned them , because they driue vs againe to our apologie , by incountring them with fiue others , which we will also pretermit : the fact it selfe attempted by the agent and his confederats being so absurd , and schismatically handled , as whosoeuer doth well know it , his owne reason and iudgement ( if he haue any ) are sufficient to condemne it . you haue heard at large before of our troubles , which doctor ba. and maister dolman would gladly ( wee are perswaded ) at the first , haue compounded , but as the matter fell out , their paines therein , did not only , not end them , but through maister agents iesuiticall skill in shifting and false glosing , were the beginning of other new garboyles . for he hauing gotten into his hands certaine writings and letters of doct. bauyns , did pretend and giue it out amongst his friends , that he and his adherents had been very willing to haue entred into any good pacification , had we not been so obstinate as no reason would content vs. he shewed some priests of the said doctors letters , wherein ( as it should seeme ) he affirmed , that their separation was in effect , no separation . besides , it was giuen out , that we vtterly refused to haue the crimes obiected against vs , sifted by the arbitrators and looked into . againe , they said , that we hauing giuen the said commissioners full authoritie to decide all matters betwixt vs , did for feare , or because we would be still wilfull in our disorderly courses , reuoke the same : so as thereby nothing could bee effected . also they quarrelled with vs concerning our yeelding to haue receiued such new lawes , as the arbitrators should thinke good to impose vpon vs. all which particulars , with many more such like , being most falsly layd to our charges , they went from hand to hand , farre and neere , and were receiued by such catholicks , as began to be infected with iesuitisme , as if they had been true : thereby taking occasion to depraue vs exceedingly . insomuch as the good old father maister dolman was driuen to write diuers letters , for the cleering of the said false accusations , and was so earnest in them , as these and diuers others such like sentences fell sometimes from his pen : detrahere , aut detrahentem audire quid horum sit damnabilus non facile dixerim : it is hard to say , whether is the greater sinne to be a slaunderer , or giue eare vnto him : sub christi specie daemon inique lates ? thou art disguised ( sathan ) in the habite of christ ? o secula nostra , hoc pharisaismo plenissima ! our times are pestered with pharisaicall hypocrisie ! by these and such like courses which this iesuitical faction did thus practise against vs , the catholickes abroad were greatlie distracted : some leaned to vs , but more inclined to them : it being the fatall calamitie of our nation to be too much addicted to faction and nouelties . they of the new guise , sent vs word that in opposing our selues against the iesuits , wee laboured but in vaine , and lost thereby our reputation : that order being of such excellencie , as it might not be withstood . an other writ vnto vs a long discourse , dated the 26. of iune 1595 , how vnwilling the iesuits are to take vpon them anie superioritie : that father westons agencie was not worthie to be tearmed by the name of superiority , because it was not praeesse sed prodesse : that cardinall allen a little before had willed sundrie priestes that came for england , to acknowledge the iesuits for such men , as had beene their superiours and maisters : and that therefore , they should make no difference but keepe peace with them , and goe vnto them for their aduise and direction . and afterward in the same letter , the catholickes ( saith he ) are so wholie affected to the society , & haue them in such estimation , that whosoeuer shall shew himselfe to fauour anie part against them , or not so throughlie to affect them , yea though he be one of our owne coate ( meaning a priest ) hee shall be lesse gratefull and welcome to them . and a third : in his letter dated in august 1595. the same yeere , writeth thus vnto vs : i can assure you , that in the generall opinion of the best sort of catholickes , the tide is against you ; and if you loue me , contend not with father weston . this and much such like stuffe wee receiued from the fancifull . but on the other side , they that plodded in the old steps of antiquitie , and had a great disgust of nouelties , did now and then write vnto vs , after another sort : sometimes they signified vnto vs with great indignation , the abuses offered vnto vs , how our fellow prisoners of the faction did write in such manner against vs , and they were in horrour to thinke of it : and how also the gallants abroad ( being at libertie ) did insult vpon our miseries , treading vs vnder their feet , as though no secular priest were worthie to be named the same day , that mention is made of a holie iesuit . and some of great fame said vnto others , that father westons separation from vs , was so odious , as they thought it expedient in their opinions , that seeing they deuided themselues from our table , wee should deuide our selues from their prayers . an other moued vs to this effect : that seeing the old sigillum salomonis , and our sauiours direction failed , wee would inuent some new pentacle to binde these furious spirits ( meaning the iesuiticall faction ) which will do much hurt , if god be not mercifull , and men prouident . an other also in one mans person describeth vnto vs , the right qualities of our english iesuits , as wee our selues haue found by experience , and the world in the end shall trie them . the man he writeth of , is now one of the assistants to the archprelate : and these are his words : he is the iesuits cursitor , alwaies in motion for them , either for gathering of monie , or for harkening after newes . if he can learne of any legacy giuen to your house , he seeketh by all the meanes he may , to conuert it from you to their vses , so ( as i verilie thinke ) there is not of a priest a greater enemie to your companie then he is . notwithstanding if he talke with anie , yea , that he likes not , he will most palpablie flatter him ; but behinde his backe hee will most monstrouslie detract him . let him be told againe of it in such sound manner , as with no face he may denie it ; then hee looketh a while vp to the heauens , and after answereth : hee remembreth no such matter . neuertheles for humilities sake , he will say he will render what satisfaction you will : and so with that gesture , and this hypocrisie , hee will shuffle ouer all matters , be they neuer so foule , that he shall be charged with . o lord graunt him better grace . and some there haue bin , who haue by their letters , bin so farre from disliking of our proceedings at that time : as in iulie 1595. they moued vs earnestlie to continue , as wee had begun , and in no wise to giue place to faction , and nouelties : adding that they had not talked with any , that were either of learning or iudgement , which did not greatlie condemne father weston for his vnquietnes : deeming him either to be growne into great melancholines , or els vnto too much simplicitie . we spare to trouble you with more to this effect ; our purpose onlie being in this point to let you see the diuision in the church : procured by this breach amongst vs then at wisbich . whereof a godlie father writing thus generallie vnto vs al , saith : if through the continuance of your dissentions and discord , you will so greatly terrifie vs , as we shall think : our holie anchor drayling a floote : our visible church to be hid vnder a bushell : our forme ( through the great good conceit wee abroad had of you ) of heauen , to be now a figure of hell : looke then hereafter for smal commiseration & pitty , when too late you shall lament your incurable woe , which by giuing the full reynes to your passions , you haue indrenched and implunged your selues into . but howsoeuer at this time , many catholicks were growne to be of father westons faction : yet it seemeth that some of themselues , who best knew the impietie of it , & what a dangerous scandall it gaue to the catholicke cause , began to draw backe , as repenting verie much that euer the said agenage was attempted . for if m. perpoint the lay iesuit , be an honest man , and his report to m. dolman true , made in iulie 1595. m. garnet himselfe vpon occasion said : that he was neuer willing with the breach or diuision of commons : which being made plaine to him the said m. perpoint to be as false as god is true , his owne letters testifiyng the contrarie , he the said m. perpoint answered , that he was well assured of it , that m. garnet did now vtterlie mislike it . whether this last cause was true or no , it doth not much concerne vs , because no man is able to bind vpon any iesuits word , they haue so manie shifts , and so little conscience in speaking truelie , except it be one of themselues to another . otherwise their manner is , to frame their speeches , according to their companie : alwaies applying themselues to the times and occasions , as they fall out : if their disseignements proue wel , they take the contriuing ofthem to themselues : if not , there is none will more condemne them : vtterlie renouncing them , as hauing neuer liked them , or consented vnto them . some further experience hereof , you shall finde in the processe following concerning this good prouinciall . you haue heard before in some sort , how we were vsed by the aforesaid faction amongst vs at home , and by their adherents abroad in deprauing vs , and slaundering vs , farre beyond the limits of all christianitie . they charged vs to be straglers , backbiters , liuers vpon rapine , extortioners , impugners of order , men of confusion , violent persons , deteyners of other mens goods , and with we know not how manie other impieties : whereof our consciences beare vs witnesse , wee were as cleare and free as the best iesuit in christendome . neither durst the diuell himselfe haue bin so impudent ( as we suppose ) to haue fraught their hearts with these conceits of vs , or framed their tongues to haue vttered them , had hee not first inueagled them with this most odious opinion : that detractiō in generall ( so that a singular person be not named ) is no offence . vpon which ground , they ranne a great while , not daring to touch vs with any particularities till at the last in plaine termes , they laid theft in effect to some of our charges . now these and such other like reports , flying farre and neere against vs , as though we had bin not catholike priests , but diuels incarnate , it pleased god to moue the discreeter sort of catholickes in the north , to send vnto vs about a quarter of a yeere ( after the aforesaid separation of commons ) two learned priests , m. mush , and m. dudley , to see and vnderstand how matters went with vs , and whether wee were such men , as the reports ( made by our aduersaries ) went of vs. these two , both of them very discreete and zealous persons , men of great traueile and paines in their vocations , and of especiall estimation in the parts of their abode , for their great wisedome , learning , and sinceritie , comming vnto vs , and finding such garboyles amongst vs : they so demeaned themselues , as on all sides , we were content to impart our griefes vnto them , and to be aduised by them . whereupon , after the debating of manie things , hauing considered with themselues , what course it were best to hold , for the repayring of the rent that was amongst vs ( so scandalous and offensiue to all true catholickes ) they drew twelue articles , wherof one was , that wee should all ioyne againe in commons in the common hall : and the rest did containe such other orders , as they thought meete for quietnesse to be obserued by the whole companie . which articles , they first offered to m. weston and his fauourers to be perused , allowed , and subscribed by them : but they albeit they shewed then no dislike of them , yet they intreated m. mush and m. dudley to carrie the same , first vnto m. d. bagshaw and m. bluet ( hoping as the euent declared ) that they would presentlie haue reiected them , as they had done before d. bauyns ten men and the mouth : whereby hee himselfe , and his adherents might haue more iust colour likewise to disclame them . but contrarie to his expectation , wee of the vnitie , hauing well considered them , did presentlie without any further delay , subscribe vnto them verie willinglie and readilie . whereat maister agent and his subiects were much amazed : and in fine it pleased the good father vtterlie in effect to reiect them : saying , that hee and his , had certaine rules of their owne approued vnto them , which they must follow , & minded not now to alter or change them , for these which they offered or any such like . hereupon maister mush and maister dudley ( supposing they should not be able to doe any good amongst vs ) left vs : and tooke their iournie towards london , of purpose to conferre with the catholickes there , about these matters and scandals amongst vs. at their comming to the citie , they found the laytie generally , & likewise manie of the cleargie , exceeding stiffely bent to iustifie maister weston , with all his proceedings , and to condemne vs , especiallie d. bagshaw , and maister bluet , as men of no worth , vnrulie , disordered , and disobedient persons , not to be fauoured or respected by any . besides , such a preiudicial opinion , they perceiued to haue possessed mens hearts , through their admiration of iesuitisme , as if the catholicke faith had neuer beene trulie preached , nor any good order rightlie established , or practised , by vs poore secular priests , or any of our predecessors : before these yonkers thrust thēselues , with high lookes and great bragges into our labours , and that it might be sufficient for vs , if we might haue but some curateshippes to say masse , and so much fauour as to attend vpon them , to know their maistershippes pleasures what they would commaund vs. these two godlie priests , seeing the violence of this streame , offered at the first but little resistance : but as though they had inclined to the imputations against d. bagshaw and maister bluet , drew forth their said articles before mentioned : and hauing read them in the hearing of some principall catholickes , addicted as you haue heard , desired their iudgements of them : who ( thinking they had beene maister westons rules ) did answere verie readilie , that they were reasonable , discreet and godlie : such as no honest priest would , or could refuse to admit & allow of . and these be the articles ( quoth maister mush ) that d. bagshaw and the rest of the vnited companie haue very willinglie subscribed vnto : but haue beene verie peremptorilie reiected by father weston and the ninteene his adherents : whereby you see , that matters goe not at wisbich , as ( i well perceiue ) you haue beene informed . here they that were so readie to condemne vs , began to blush , and hold downe their heads , being willing to heare and know , what before ( like proper iudges condemning catholicke priestes vnheard vpon an imagined opinion that the iesuits could not doe amisse ) they would not indure to heare mentioned . so as after true knowledge , taken of the estate and disposition of both sides , and remēbring what letters father weston & his adherents had sent abroad against d. bagshaw and maister bluet , and the rest of the thirteene vnited to the effect , that no catholicks should send them any reliefe , or countenance them , that therby through want , they might be compelled to yeeld to the regiment imposed vpon them by father garnet : they repented them of some courses , which formerly they had held against vs : and desired verie instantlie these two learned priests to goe back againe to wisbich , and to spare no paines , vntill they had brought vs all to peace & concord , giuing them great thanks , praise , and benediction , for that which they had done alreadie . whereunto they answered , that they could be well content , to spend if it were their liues to bring that to passe ; but at wisbich , they thought they could doe no good , except they could first perswade him to order , who had been the authour and contriuer of those nouelties ( which had procured such garboyles there ) and that was ( as they were informed ) father garnet the prouinciall of the iesuits . if we can ( sayd they ) bring him to argue with vs touching that action , we doubt not , but that we shall preuaile with him : and then our trouble is in effect at an end before we begin : eius est soluere , cuius est ligare ; his letters to maister weston & his fauourers , were the cause of their separation , and a word from him , will be sufficient to reunite them . now ( as god would haue it ) it so fell out , that according to their desire , they met with maister garnet , who at their first incounter , seemed to be inexorable , affirming that he saw no reason why the iesuits might not gouerne , and haue as well the preheminence ouer all the secular priests in england , as they had at rome , ouer the english seminarie . with which proude answere they were somewhat sharpened , and entred more roundlie into farther communication with him : no whit fearing to tell him what they thought , aswell of his said wordes vnto them , as of other the iesuits proceedings in matters of state , succession of the crowne , and such like ( hauing latelie perused maister parsons booke of titles : ) and also what account the secular priests haue had with all true catholickes , before his societie was borne , and must still haue of necessitie , except god in his secret iudgement , doe purpose some greater ouerthrow to the catholicke faith , then they relying vpon his mercie , did any wayes expect . manie words passed betwixt them , and some in such heat , as he threatned to be euen with them for their good wils to the iesuits : but in the end hee was content to yeeld vnto them , and bidding them farewell , did write his letters to maister weston , d. bagshaw and some others , of his pleasure and purpose , that the said agencie should be committed to their further consideration , to be either retained , or disanulled , as they should thinke meete : very hartilie desiring them so to compound all matters amongst themselues , as that hereafter they might liue in quietnes . amongst many fayre florishes , vsed by him to maister doctor bagshaw , he writeth thus : edmundum meū tibi socium & adiutorem adhibeo . in this busines , i assigne vnto you , as your company on and assistant , my beloued maister edmonds . and againe : hisce ego literis eum vehementer moneo &c. by these my letters to you , i do earnestly admonish him ( maister edmonds ) alias weston , and also in the name of our lord iesus christ , and in the vertue of his obedience , commaund him , that he apply his minde seriously to the propounding and establishing of some rules , whereby an honest and firme friendship may grow and continue amongst you . and in an other of his letters to a friend of his in wisbich at that time , he sayth after this sort : i do determine , that if an agreement be not now made , to write to the 20. that fa. edmonds may liue priualty as the rest , all or some by course performing that which was laid vpon him . what he writ to fa. weston we know not : but craftily inough , we are assured by his practises towards vs since : being as meere a iesuite , as if he had bin spit out of fa. parsons mouth . the aforesayd two godly priests , hauing wrought with maister garnet as you haue heard , returned to wisbich , where notwithstanding the sayd letters , they found fa. weston exceeding loth to lay downe the scepter of his agencie , casting out some words , as though he had not bin bound in that case to the obedience of his prouinciall . howbeit maister mush , and maister dudley so vrged him before all the company , that sundry of his owne adherents , perceiuing how the matter went , began to draw back from him , and sayd , they would haue peace with their brethren , and diuide themselues no longer from them . whereupon ( quoth maister weston ) very pitifully : ha , my maisters , will you for sake me thus ? i would neuer haue left you , but sith it is so , i am content to giue ouer : and thus speaking , corruit inter manus discipulorū , he fell downe as if he had bin in a swoune , and much ado there was in recouering him . this entrance towards our vnity being made , then many things came in course to be debated , and particularly the report of theft published abroade by them of the agenage : viz. that maister bluet and maister potter had riotously deteyned from them so much pewter , and other furniture , as amounted to the value of 17. pound , and that they could haue no iustice for the recouering of it . and first for the better triall thereof , fa. weston , maister bluet , and maister potter , were required by the sayd two priests , that they would cause all the pewter , and other kitchin furniture which they had in their hands , seuerally to be brought forth : which was done by them all accordingly . then maister mush and maister dudley , sent for a pewterer , and willed him to view all the sayd pewter , and kitchin furniture , and to tell them truly , what he iudged it to be worth : which vpon due consideration , and view had of it by the sayd party , he affirmed it to be all scarce worth foure pound . well then ( sayd maister mush ) yesterday , you maister mine ( naming the partie ) exclaimed that we had not the courage to say with saint iohn baptist , non licet tibi habere , but now we aunswere , that although we are not comparable to saint iohn baptist , yet as priests must tell you playnely : non licet , it is not lawfull for you to infame and belye your fellow-prisoners , as we find you haue dealt with m. bluet , and m. potter . for we saw your letters abroade , wherein you charged them two , to with-hold from you 17. pound value in pewter and kitchin furniture : and now we see , that all that both you and they haue , is scarce worth 4. pound . and therefore we say againe with saint iohn baptist : non licet . you ought not so to haue belyed them , but are bound in conscience to aske them forgiuenes : and with your second letters to reuoke this slaunder that you haue so raysed against them : which if you shall refuse to do , we must be glad to do it for you . now it is to be obserued , that when maister weston and his adherents diuided themselues from vs , and made maister brampstons chamber their kitchin , they found an oportunity to go into the common kitchin , and tooke from thence such pewter and other furniture , as had bin prouided , and euer before vsed for the company in the common hall ; and afterwards thought it a kinde of theft , that any was deteyned from them , but that they might haue had all . these matters and others likewise , these two good priests hauing compounded amongst vs , they fell to the draught of new articles , increasing the said 12. after much discussing of them on all sides to the number of 19. whereunto we all subscribed in the yere 1595. the 6. of nouember ; and so after our long dissensions , a generall peace was concluded to our great contentment , we dare be bold to say it ; and maister weston and his friends returned vnto vs againe , and tooke their commons with vs in the common hall , as before their breach made they were accustomed . now we being all of vs thus reunited , not long after it pleased maister garnet to write an other letter to maister doctor bagshaw , dated the 17. of nouember 1595. wherein it is very strange to consider , what ioy he pretendeth in that behalfe , whereas indeed , we are able to affirme it vpon our owne knowledges , that the ouerthrow of maister westons agencie went to his heart : we meane vexed him , and angred him exceedingly . but heare the diuelish politician how he transformeth himselfe into an angell of light . when the blessed soules in heauen ( sayth he ) did sing with one consent , glory be to god on high , you at wisbich preached , and restored comfort and in earth peace to men of good will : then no doubt the princes went before , the singers followed after , and in the middest were the damsels playing on their tymbrels . also he telleth vs , that as there is a coelestiall hierarchy in heauen , so we had then an other at wisbich , which all england did reuerence : which the queene of saba admired : and which many from the vttermost borders of the earth came to see and behold : adding , that those men were blessed together with our seruants that stood in our presence , that heard our wisedome , and beheld our mutuall loue . hereunto also , it may please you , that we adde some other words of his written to maister doctor bagshaw two yeres before , after himselfe had bin with vs at wisbich in the yeare 1593. concerning his iudgement of our whole company at that time : i assure you ( sayth he ) that the being with you hath wrought such effect in the barts of all that were with me ( being indeed three or four gentlemen , whom we afterwards tearmed his deacons , and subdeacons ) that they neuer saw place or persons which more delighted them : and for mine owne part , i tell you very sincerely , that it was the greatest comfort to be amongst you , which i had these whole seauen yeeres . testis enim mihi est deus , quomodo cupiam omnes vos in visceribus iesu christi : which sentence of s. paule being read that very day in the epistle in the church , when i came first vnto you , with other many most comfortable sentences , i was both not a little recreated , with a conscience of an vnfeyned loue towards euery one of you , and moued to thanke god almighty , super communicatione vestra in euangelio christi à prima die vsque nunc : considerans quia qui caepit in vobis opus bonum , perficiet , sicut est mihi iustum sentire de omnibus vobis : and ( that which contented me most of all ) comforted with an assured hope , that you are they , who in your singular charities will haue me dayly in corde & in vinculis vestris , & in defensione & confirmatione euangelij socium gaudij vestri . hitherto maister garnet then : and now againe in the letter before mentioned he professeth : that being at that time with vs , he thought himselfe all that while to haue felt the ioyes of heauen . now we referre our selues and our cause to your considerations , to iudge as god shall mooue you : if he the sayd garnet did thinke then truly of vs , and writ sincerely as he thought , what cause had his subiect maister weston before the yere 1593. or afterwards , we continuing as before we were , to moyle and make a faction amongst vs for the setting vp of his agency , as though we had bin not such men , as maister garnet sayth he found vs , but as fa. weston to colour his ambition reputed vs , that is , persons of all disorder , licentionsnes , and confusion . and againe if maister garnet at his being with vs three or foure dayes , did thinke himselfe all that while in heauen : what a hell did he afterwards finde in his conscience , when he had bin the chiefe cause that father weston and his adherents did separate themselues from vs. moreouer if the sayd letter congratulatorie for our vniting proceeded from maister garnets hart : and that thereby we were indeed in his opinion so charitable , so wise , and so admirable persons : how iustly may all catholicks , that tooke part with the sayd separators from vs , and factious against vs , blame and condemne themselues , in that we continuing our former courses without alteration , either in our conuersation , or in our regiment ( if it may so be tearmed ) from the time that maister garnet was with vs , vnto the very instant of our sayd reconciliation : the ioyning againe of maister vveston and his adherents vnto vs , is now reckoned by him the sayd maister garnet to be a matter so glorious both to god and men , as he hath described it . but we will proceede . the aforesayd agencie being thus ouerthrowne , and a peace concluded amongst vs , we for our parts , were replenished with great ioy : but you are farre deceiued , as we our selues were , if you thinke as we then thought : that either maister garnet , maister vveston , or their iesuiticall crue , did take this so great a foyle in good part : we afterwards perceiued to our griefe , that maister weston would neuer haue yeelded to haue ioyned in commons with vs againe , except maister mush , and maister dudley vnder-hand had consented vnto them , that if afterwards he and his company should thinke it conuenient to separate themselues againe from vs , they should haue these , and those roomes , such a table in the hall , such a place for their kitchin , and such other roomes , as they held conuenient for them : all which they set downe particularlie vnder their hands , and left the same sealed vp with them : which god knoweth , wee neuer dreamed of . besides , maister vveston did not long sit at the vpper table with vs , and below maister bluet , and doctor bagshaw , where his due place was , but that he desired , and had it easily graunted vnto him , that he might leaue his said place , and sit in some other as he thought good whereupon as disdaining to sit where he did before , he bound himselfe afterwards to no certaine place , but sate ( you must thinke ) for humilities sake , now here , now there , as he list . moreouer notwithstanding our sayd reunion , such abroade as had depraued vs poore priests , and charged vs as you haue heard : did continue ( to shew their constancie in their former good wils towards vs ) iustifying in their common assemblies , what before they had reported of vs. maister dolman who dealt like a very honest man , to haue compounded all strifes amongst vs , as is before expressed , was likewise very sharply galled by them , because he deemed their sayd separation from vs to be a sinne , and that he had before greatly blamed them for making the chappell at vvisbich their buttery . which particulars being reprochfully cast into his teeth , he maynteyned his former assertions : adding , that by their sayd prophaning that chappell , they were scandalous , sacrilegious , irregular , and excommunicated persons . whereof maister garnet hauing notice , he desired maister doctor bagshaw , by his letter to pacifie and stay maister dolman , from these or any such like speeches , which might tend to the renewing of the memorie of our former breach . which maister doctor bagshaw vndertooke , putting him the sayd fa. garnet , notwithstanding in minde how vilely he the sayd maister dolman had bin dealt with , by such as he the sayd garnet had great interest in : in that first fa. parsons had set out the booke of titles in maister dolmans name , which ( notwithstanding that he detested the contents of it ) might haue brought him into great danger : and secondly , for that one ( a iesuite ) vnder his commaund , had very cunningly thrust him out of a place , where of long time he had found great entertaynement , and so wrought , as foure pound yerely haue since bin deteyned from him , which was giuen vnto him , as a legacy by will. againe : within some quarter of a yere , after our sayd established concord , great hartburning grew , and many slaunderous speeches were cast abroade against some of vs by maister weston and his old friends , concerning a priest and prisoner with vs , his escape ●●om wisbich : who being aduised so to do by some of that crue , and with fa. vvestons priuitie , ●is taking againe was ascribed by them to maister doctor bagshaw and some others : which gaue not only them occasion , but many of their friends abroad to write and rayle against vs exceedingly . not long after , viz. in september , maister archer a iesuite ( that liued with vs in prison ) gaue an other occasion of very great garboyles by affirming that the stewes in rome were there cum approbatione ( testified vnder the hands of doctor norden , maister buckley , maister meredith , and doctor bagshaw : ) that the stewes were as lawfull in rome , as any citizen there : ( testified vnder the hands of doctor norden , maister buckley , and maister meredith : ) that the stewes were in rome , as lawfully as any magistrate in that citie : ( testified vnder the hands of doctor norden , and doctor bagshaw : ) that the stewes were in rome as lawfully as the pope himselfe , or any order of religious men ( testified vnder the hand of doctor norden , and doctor bagshaw : ) and that they were most necessarie ( testified vnder the hands of doctor norden , maister buckley , and doctor bagshaw . ) which very lewde assertions , comming to fa. westons eares , and vnderstanding how they were impugned by maister d. norden , he the sayd m. weston , did take vpon him by a fond and false distinction to defend them . whereupon maister doctor bagshaw being drawne into that opposition , diuers long treatises passed betwixt him , and fa. weston : he the sayd maister doctor bagshaw impugning those lewde positions , and maister vveston with all his shifts and skill laboring to defend them . about these points , there grew such parts-taking and hatred , as that the sayd orders established amongst vs by maister mush and maister dudley , ( in that they crossed these and such like demeanors ) were in the latter end of the yeare 1596. vtterly cashierd and reiected . so as notwithstanding we kept commons still in the hall together : we liued ( god knoweth ) there with great disquietnes : many of our old friends abroad being so farre drawne to iesuitisme , as that they blamed vs , and tooke part with them in defence of these so abhominable absurdities . and now it may please you to leaue vs in our sayd troubles and discontentments , and to be aduertised of the beginning of a more bitter tragedie . whilest after our said peace we were lulled asleepe for a time in vvisbich , by maister garnets inchaunting letter of congratulation , and exercised with the vniust afflictions of our brethren , as before we haue touched : he the sayd maister garnet with his complices bestirred themselues , and that secretly , so as then we did not suspect , or looke for any further plots to be in contriuing against vs. we will be bold to acquaint you with one of their notable stratagemes , which argueth more wit and foresight , then playne dealing or honestie . it appeareth that by the iesuites practises here amongst vs , in disgracing and abusing the secular priests very shamefully , there was some rumor thereof in rome , to the great impeachment of the iesuites credits there , being then as turbulent in that citie in their dealing with our english seminary , as they had bin , and were still firebrands amongst vs. for the better incountering of which rumor , it being thought inconuenient , that any of their owne calling by commending themselues , should take vpon them that office , a secular priest was found out , a man of a quicker penne , then either of wisedome or sinceritie : who being well acquainted with all the iarres and quarrels betwixt vs , and the iesuites ; and hauing written himselfe a letter vnto vs , as presuming to aduise men of farre greater experience then himselfe , concerning our troubles about the sayd agencie : this man ( we say ) did so harden his forehead , or in his simplicitie was so seduced , as contrary to his owne conscience he writ the tenth of ianuary 1596. to card. caietan● , protector of the english seminary , in the behalfe of the iesuites , a most false and impudent letter . wherein amongst many other things , he assureth the cardinall , that of his owne knowledge , for twenty yeeres , there had not bin any dissension betwixt the secular priests and the iesuites : and that the reports made against these good fathers , concerning their ambition , were so farre from the truth , as that indeed the iesuites were in all places most notable examples to the secular priests of singular humilitie , gentlenes , patience , pietie , and charitie . the letter it selfe with some obseruations vpon it , you shall finde amongst other things to this story annexed . with this cunning trick of these good fathers , we were not then acquainted : it was well handled of them , that they had got so false a brother frō amongst our selues to fit their deseignements so aptly , that is so lewdly , according to their desire . after that maister weston had begun his said agencie , as hath been before mentioned , our brethren abroad of the grauer and wiser sort , began to foresee : that if the same did continue , maister garnet would shortly after , as well by m. westons example in wisbich , as also by the example of the iesuits gouernment of the seminarie at rome , challenge , and take vnto himselfe , ere it were long , the prelacie and gouernment ouer all the priests in england . for the preuenting whereof , as also there being many catholicke priests in england , and many wants , as of authoritie of confirmation for the full accomplishing of the effects of baptisme , and of holy oyle , being of so necessarie imployment , they thought it conuenient to deuise certaine orders , for a general association , amongst all secular priests : and in the end concluded to referre the estate of our church here , together with their reasons and most humble supplication to the popes holines , that it might stand with his good pleasure ( if he thought it conuenient ) to graunt vnto them that they might haue some bishop or suffragane here : as he had yeelded heretofore to our brethren in ireland . in these consultations , one master standish a priest was a great intermedler , no man being therein more forward then himselfe : but finding in the end so many fitter men in all respects then himselfe for any imployment or extraordinarie preferment in that companie : he shortly after shifted his sayles , & going to the iesuits , did acquaint them with the whole course that the secular priests had taken , and intended to proceede in . whereof they ( the iesuits ) hauing full notice ( as we gesse by the euent ) sent into spayne , to admonish father parsons of all the premisses , aswell concerning maister vvestons said agencie , and the ouerthrowe of it , as of the enterprise , which our brethren the secular priests here had in hand : and likewise to impart vnto him , an other course deuised by them , & to be better managed and brought to passe by his great policie , wisedome and credit . what answere father parsons returned vnto them , wee can but also gesse . but we thinke wee may coniecture it , by that which followed , viz. that he would thinke of the matter , and that they should send one to meet him at rome with further instructions , for his better proceeding to the accomplishment of their desires . now you haue heard before , what a way they had made alreadie for themselues , and for the repayring of their credit in rome , by maister blackwell his false letter mentioned , very well knowing , that if any meanes might be had to aduance their credits , and set them aloft , it must come from thence , and therefore laid that machiuilian ground for father parsous their only hope to work vpon afterwardes : which as you see fell out , as they could haue wished at that time . also the said father parsons ( then as wee suppose ) or shortlie after , hauing taken notice what our brethrē the secular priests were in hand with in england , did send to some of the best account amongst them , and likewise to some others that in any sort , they should not proceed in that course : assuring them that it would be very offensiue to his holines , because of this knowledge , the very same in effect , hauing heretofore beene offered to his consideration , hee did vtterlie reiect the same as inconuenient in all respects as things stood for england . besides to our further abuse , and to keep vs occupied with our own concits , that wee might not somuch as suspect any thing of theirs : wee in our plaine dealing acquainted them with our whole drift , and purpose . whereunto for a time , they craftilie applauded : as hoping shortlie , by their former courses to haue it dasht : but afterward perceiuing that their owne purposes could not so soone be compassed : ( as wise men in their generation fearing the worst ) thē they mightilie opposed themselues , and depraued ours . and then maister blackwell himselfe amongst others could write a discoursing letter with very much earnestnes and rhetoricall arguments against so ambitious a cogitation , as once to thinke of any one mans soueraignty ouer all his brethren , during the times of our persecution . howbeit wee continuing resolute in our former purpose , but prosecuting the same with great dulnes , maister garnet and his fellowers , dispatched the saide maister standish , our false brother to rome in the latter end of the yeere 1596. there to expect father parsons comming . we will here leaue this honest man about his busines in that citie , and put you in mind , that after cardinall allens death , the students in the english colledge there , felt no lesse oppression by the iesuits their tyranizing gouernours , then wee did at home : because we withstood their deseignements in aspiring to the like soueraigntie ouer vs here . it may be that hereafter some of our brethren , will set out those tragedies at large , which indured long , and will appeare to all men of indifferencie to haue beene verie intolerable . in the meane while you shall vnderstand that two or three , being of likelihood more grieued then the rest , or hauing a greater sense of our calamities , both at home and abroad , then manie others : did write a treatise of the iesuits dealing , & naming it a memoriall , dedicated the same in latine to his holines in the yeere 1597. about which time father parsons being come to rome , was in the middest of all his machiuilian plots , and vnder pretence of compounding the stirres in that seminarie , first so dealt , as in verie short time by cousoning the rector , he got that place for himselfe , and now enioyeth it . the imputations laid vpon the iesuits in the saide memoriall ( the effect whereof you shall finde at the end of this historie ) were so verie sharpe , and touched their freehold so neerely , as no meruaile if father garnet bestirred his stumps to salue their credits by all the meanes and wayes he could deuise . and therefore he held it best to write his letter to all the secular priests : wherin after certaine flourishes , how much they were beloued and honoured by him and all his brethren of the societie , he intreateth very earnestlie their testimonies in their behalfe , against those reports made of the iesuits in the said memoriall . and that hee might obtaine a faire shew of many hands , hee was content to play small game before hee would sit out ( as our english prouerb saith : ) and therfore he commendeth to them such a triple answere , as he thought would fit the most . although ( saith he ) we are not so well known to many of you , as you all peraduenture will pronounce the whole contents of the said treatise to be false : yet one of these three answers may sit all your turnes . some may say all is false : other that they themselues haue nothing to accuse the iesuits with , and doe not therefore beleeue the said reports to be true : and the rest may affirme without any scruple , that for their parts , they neuer dreamed of the said memoriall , nor doe in any sort approue the same . and the better to perswade them thus to answere , he sweareth by more then his little honesty , that there is not a true word in it . there is a saying amongst such lawyers as are of experience , that they seldome fall out to be the honestest men , who aredriuen so oft to seeke testimonials for the approuing of their good behauior . but that is no matter with them , and peraduenture , that conceit here holdeth not at rome , so as maister garnet did content himselfe with his owne course , and made such haste therin , as before august the same yeere , the testimonial he got , was with fa. parsons in the english seminary . and here we cannot omit one thing , which indeede made vs a little merry in the middest of our sorrow , how good fa. parsons was troubled with one mans subscription to the sayd testimoniall . for thus he writeth : as he pretendeth from naples , primo augusti 1598. to the sayd party . after i saw a particular testimony of your owne hand in latine , concerning the memoriall giuen vp against the societie , i could haue bin content you had not written it : but either haue subscribed simpliciter , as many other auncient and graue priests did to the cunning letter , as it was written ( being very modest and most true ) or that you had sayd nothing at all : as well you might haue omitted : the memoriall being writ and sent from plaunders , whilest you were yet in italy : and so that it was done , and exhibited , te neque consentiente , neque conscio ( for those are only the words of testimony that you giue ) was not needefull : the thing being euident of it selfe , and your particular writing so bare a thing vnder the common letter , was to detract from all the letter before : and for the matter it selfe ( which was most abhominable , false , and slaunderous , ) you leaue it indifferent to be beleeued , or not beleeued &c. were it not that you might hereby perceiue what packing , and practising is amongst these fellowes for the maintenance of their owne credit : and how swift they are in the expeditions they take in hand : we would haue made no mention hereof , because thereby our owne dulnes may iustly be condemned , who all this while had not sent our messengers to rome , for the information of his holynes , as touching our estates here , and the common desire of vs secular priests , for a bishop as before is mentioned . in which slow proceeding , we will leaue our brethren for a time , and returne to maister standish attending vpon fa. parsons in rome . after this good father had gotten the rectorship of the english seminary , it then pleased his worship to proceede with the cause commended vnto him by his subiects in england , fa. garnet and the rest . we doubt not , but that in the meane time he had conferred with his friends , and was resolued of the plot he meant to effect : the execution whereof was in manner as followeth . standish that honest man must haue accesse to the popes holynes , accompanyed with two runnagates , both of them priests , doctor haddock , and maister martin array . these must take vpon them , and so they did , that they were men deputed from the secular priests in england , most humbly to intreate his holynes that he would be pleased by his most preheminent authority , to appoynt a superior ouer the church of england . and the rather to perswade him thereunto , they affirmed like very lying wretches , that there was such great dissension betwixt the secular priests and the laytie , as great inconueniences would certainely insue , except one were placed amongst them , that by his authority might reforme and reconcile them . now it is too well knowne , that the strife which was heere , rested betwixt vs and the iesuites ; no one lay catholick ( for ought we know ) being at enmity with any other secular priests , then with some few of vs , that were at wisbich , and one or two more abroad that tooke our parts : and the dislike that such lay persons had of vs , was procured by the false practise of the iesuites : we our selues , otherwise hauing neuer offended them , nor interteyned any quarrell with them , god is our iudge . his holynes hearing and marking well their suite , demaunded of them , in expresse tearmes , if that which they had sayd vnto him , proceeded from the desire and consent of his louing priests in england , affirming that otherwise he would in no sort giue any eare vnto them . where-unto maister sandish , very well instructed before by father parsons , and sufficiently assisted by the sayd two lying priests , answered , that what he had presumed to deliuer to his holynes , he had done it most assuredly by their consent . if ananias was iustly charged with lying to the holy ghost , in telling saint peter an vntruth , being replenished with that holy spirit , we see no cause , why we may not so charge this dishonest company on with all his assistants ( fa. parsons and the rest ) in that they iyed so apparantly to saint peters successor the popes holynes , who we doubt not , but that he is likewise indued with the spirit of god in such plentifull sort , as the excellency of his high calling doth require . for it is well knowne , and may be proued most euidently , ( if any dare be so shamelesse as to deny it ) that if you except fa. garnet , and some one or two of his adherents , the rest of the priests in england generally were altogether ignorant of that deuise . insomuch as the sayd standish after his returne into england , being asked by certaine priests , how he durst presume so impudently to abuse his holynes with so intolerable an vntruth , he excused himselfe in this sort , viz. that when he sayd , he had the consent of the secular priests in england to make that motion , his answere therein was made by him cautè , that is , subtilly , or by equiuocation , meaning to himselfe , viz. as he supposed , or presumed ; which words he kept in his minde and vttered not . by which vngodly shift , the tyranny wherewith now we are oppressed , was hatched . by this so false and iesuiticall a sleight , the popes holynes being abused as you haue heard , committed that matter ( so propounded vnto him ) to the further consideration of cardinall caietane , protector of the english seminary , and to cardinall burghesius , which was the very plot that fa. parsons before had layd : the sayd cardinall protector , being one , with whom he the sayd parsons had especiall familiaritie and friendship ; and by reason of his protectorship ouerruled the other cardinall as he thought good : so as they two being appointed for this seruice , parsons deseignement was in effect thereby accomplished . well it had hapned to vs , if his holynes had bin at that time indued with that worthie gift of the holy ghost , tearmed discretio spirituum : that when he made this deputation to the cardinall , he might haue sayd to the aforesayd false wretches : why haue you lyed to the holy ghost , that thereby , either some extraordinary calamitie might haue fallen vpon them , or his holynes haue taken some other course for the inflicting vpon them such punishment as they deserued . but the matter passed as you haue heard : and parsons must contriue it as he thinketh it conuenient , which he did in sort as followeth . one must gouerne all the priests in england , but parsons durst not name a iesuite for that purpose : that had bin too grosse dealing , he must then be a secular priest , there was no remedie . and who should that be , but maister blackwell , who was knowne to be a chiefe parasite of the iesuites , and would be sure , if he might haue this authoritie by them , neuer to do any thing , that might in any sort displease them . whereupon blackwell is named for the arch-priest of england : assistants are appointed to wayt vpon him : a letter with the cardinals consent is framed by father parsons , dated the seauenth of march 1598. rules are made , and one in effect you may be sure , that maister arch-priest and his assistants shall do nothing in any matter of importance , without the iesuites consents . all things thus dispatched , maister standish ( as wee thinke ) is sent back with this stuffe into england ; and euen when our two messengers were ready at the last to go towards rome , he arriueth : maister blackwell receiueth his authoritie , and publisheth the same for want of a cryer by his owne letters : requiring all priests to subscribe vnto it . hereof when sundry of vs had notice , we conferred together as we could : and finding that the cardinals directions were not warranted , by any breue from his holynes : we feared some false packing by father parsons . also some of our brethren talking with maister blackwell , about the cardinals constitutions , tooke him directly with a manifest forgery , in pretending certaine to haue come from the cardinall which he was driuen to confesse , were of his owne making . besides we considered , that if the pope were made acquainted with the sayd cardinals designements ; what he did , or allowed therein , was vpon false suggestion , ( for as then wee did not certainely know , how standish had played the iesuite by parsons aduise as is before expressed . againe , wee perceiued by the cardinals instructions , that maister blackwell was made no better in deede then an arch-priest of cloutes , being limited to do nothing , but as it should please maister garnet . and it could not sinke into our heads , that his holynes being throughly acquainted with these plots , would euer haue bin drawne to haue yeelded , that his clergie of england should be ouertopt , and controuled by the new vpstart iesuites . we also did easily see into what danger this subordination would bring vs , being left in effect to father parsons directions . for these , and sundry other considerations , we desired that we might not be vrged to subscribe to the sayd authoritie , vntill wee might either see the popes breue to ratifie it , or haue time to know his holynes further pleasure : when we should haue informed him the truth in these matters . vpon our stay herein , ( which seemed to vs so reasonable , ) it is scarse credible , how we were slaundered and abused : insomuch as through such and many other iniuries offred by the arch-priest and iesuites vnto vs , we were compelled to appeale to his holynes . but we were still too slow and dull in our proceedings , and indeede wanted money , and other fit oportunities to make such quick dispatch as we desired . whereupon father garnet , and maister blackwell abounding in all things , and perceiuing our intent , they presently dispatched their cursitors into euery part of the realme , to get hands to certaine letters ( drawne either by them , or by their direction ) of thankesgiuing to the pope , and protector , for their singular care ouer the church heere , in appointing vnto them so excellent a forme of gouernment : with much more to this purpose . and such a course was taken with our poore brethren , who many of them had neuer heard of this matter before , as partly through ignorance in some , through threatning and feare in others , and by faire promises to many ; a number of hands were gotten to the sayd letters . this exployt thus effected , they sent the sayd letters with all speede to rome , and procured by their messengers as they went , other letters , from sundry persons beyond the seas to their friends in that city to depraue our enterprise as much as possibly they could , affirming that what our messengers , when they came thither , should propound against the subordination in england , did proceede only from a few that were factious , and that it would be very dishonorable to his holynes former proceedings , if they should finde any fauour or countenance there . with these aforesaid machiuilian practises , wee were not then acquainted , but as honest and plaine dealing men ; when our said messengers , maister bishop and maister charnock , two learned priestes , were readie to goe to rome to prosecute our causes there : we acquainted our archpriest therewith and desired , ( if so it might stand with his pleasure ) to sende some thither also , that might be furnished to answere for him , if we should be thought to informe amisse . this motion of ours , was so greatlie disdained by his maistership , as wee thinke the highest cardinall in christendome , could not with greater contempt haue reiected the meanest priest his sute that liueth . and relying vpon father parsons , and his other said plots , hee presumed to tell vs plainelie ( to the great preiudice of iustice in the court of rome ) that if we sent any thither , they should not be heard , but finde that entertainement , which they little expected . howbeit wee neuer imagined , nor could in deed thinke , either of those messages which they had sent before , or of that which followed : but rather supposed he had vsed such speeches vnto vs of purpose to stay vs from proceeding in our former determination . and therefore we dispatch them hence , who being gone , our archpriest chafeth : the prouinciall his good maister , clappes him on the backe and egges him forward : the rest of the iesuits whet their tongues and prepare their pens to speake and write what they can falselie deuise against vs to make vs odious : so as presentlie , we are become a by-word in their mouthes , & are nothing with them but rebels , apostataes , and what they list to report of vs. one lister a iesuit writeth a booke to proue vs al schismatikes , who had appealed to rome , and both maister blackwell and father garnet subscribed vnto it . in this booke , besides the tearmes before expressed , we are said to haue fallen from the church , and the spouse of christ : to haue troden vnder our feete our obedience due to the highest bishop : to haue lost our faculties , whereby we ought to haue wonne soules vnto christ : to haue made our selues irregular : to haue incurred the sentence of excommunication : to haue giuen a scandall to all goodmen : to be in all mens mouthes as infamous persons : to be as publicanes and sinners , and to be nothing better then soothsayers and idolaters . wee haue now brought this story to the setting out against vs of the sayd treatise of schisme : and for the rest do referre you for a larger discourse to the bookes lately printed and published by some of our brethren . therein you shall finde that by father parsons practises , our sayd messengers no sooner came to rome , but within sixe or seauen dayes they were cast into prison , and could neuer be suffred to come to the pope . whilest they were in prison , his holynes breue is procured for the confirmation of maister blackwels authoritie . afterwards the poore men are set at libertie , but kept asunder , and banished into diuers prouinces , not to repayre into england , vntill they should haue leaue from rome . the sayd breue commeth hither : wee being informed thereof , submit our selues to our arch-priest : shewing our selues to be farre from schismaticks ; and such was our desire of peace , as we were well content to remit all the former slaunders imputed most falsely vnto vs. besides , for the auoyding of further contention , we desired our arch-priest , ( whome now we reuerenced as we were bound in dutie ) to take such order , as that hereafter there might not be so much as once mention made of the sayd pretended schisme . whereunto he yeelded very willingly , and made a decree to that effect : promising to be a meanes that our sayd two brethren might be released of their banishment . his dealing with vs in this kinde sort did very much comfort vs , because we being men , who still had bin afflicted , any thing seemed a great benefit to vs. but shortly after we well perceiued , that our former appellation and sending to rome with our refusall in the meane time to bow vnto him , did stick in his stomack . for whether prouoked by the malitious iesuites , or stirred vp by his owne pride , and rancor to be reuenged vpon vs , now that we had submitted ourselues vnto his gouernment , he renewed the remembrance of the old sore , contrary to his sayd decree , and that vnder the pretence of a letter that should come vnto him from rome , from two iesuites , tichborne , and warford : wherein he sayd , it was exprestely set downe , that we were iudged in rome to be schismaticks before the obteyning of the sayd breue , in that we did not subscribe to his authoritie , when the cardinals first letters were intimated vnto vs. and vpon this false ground ( except these two iesuites and some one or two more of that crue had so iudged vs ) he writ his letters abroade to that effect , as well what forsooth he had receiued from rome , ( concealing the names of the sayd two machiuilian iesuites ) as also that he would receiue none to his fauour or absolue them , which would not acknowledge that they had sinned , and giuen a great scandale by their sayd prolonging to acknowledge his authoritie . when we heard hereof , it grieued vs much to see the weakenes of our new gouernour : but more in that we perceiued what new troubles and dissensions would thereby insue . we did write therefore both to him and to his assistants , that they would be pleased , the old controuersie amongst vs might lye buryed still in the graue of obliuion , and not to be againe now renewed . but they shut their eares to our humble suites , and reiect vs with contumelious and reprochfull words , for presuming so rashlie ( forsooth ) to intermeddle with any thing that they had resolued of . notwithstanding because they were our brethren , and many of them before that time some of our inferiors ; we aduentured once againe to intreate this fauour at their hands , that two or three of the best learned amongst them , might be appointed to conferre of this matter with as many of vs : that so the controuersie might be compounded , before it brake out any further . how this was taken at our hands , it is scarcely credible : they tearmed our supplication a tumultuous expostulation , being fraught ( as they sayd ) with the forgetfulnes of our duties , and with the spirit of pride and presumption . and hereupon euen now , that we were become his subiects , after we had vnderstanding of the popes breue , and looked to haue bin greatly cherished and defended from iniuries by the strength of his soueraigne authoritie , we are againe as sharply prosecuted with imputations of schisme and rebellion as we were before , which caused vs to propound the question in controuersie amongst vs , to the famous vniuersitie of paris : hauing offered to them before , but in vayne , if it pleased them to ioyne with vs therein . that worthie company after due consideration , determined the matter on our side . whereof the arch-priest being informed , addresseth out his owne edict , and condemneth therein their sayd iudgement : inflicteth great censures vpon those priests that should at any time maynteine that determination : and spareth not likewise to mulct the laytie ( ouer whom for ought we know he hath no authoritie at all ) as many as should incline to the imbracing and fauoring of it . when we saw this our arch-priest with his assistants thus peremptorilie bent by strong hand to oppresse vs : and without either conscience , or consideration of morall honestie to spreade abroade againe to our discredits their former calumniations , and very grosse and palpable slaunders : we thought it our best course if it were but to heape coales vpon their heads , to commend vnto them this consideration : whether it might not stand with their good liking to send two priests to be chosen by them , with two others of ours to rome to know his holynes opinion and direction in this cause so hotely impugned by them : the same being the assured rule for the ending and finall determination of it : adding , that if we were condemned for schisinaticks , for delaying our obedience , as is before expressed , till we knew his holynes pleasure , we would most willingly subiect our selues to the heauiest censures that might be imposed vpon vs : and if cleared , the least satisfaction that they would thinke good to award vs , should fully please and content vs. but this our last suite was more disdained ( if it were possible ) then either of the former : and so farre the arch-priest was from yeelding vnto vs herein , or to affoord vs otherwise the least shadow of his fauour , as he cast abroade his decrees , that our sayd deferring to receiue his authoritie before the breue came , was schisme , and prohibiteth any vnder grieuous paynes , either by word or writing to affirme the contrary . whereupon we were compelled , as hauing no other refuge at all , to appeale againe to the infallible seate of the holy apostle saint peter : thinking with our selues that thereby ( at the least till the cause were decided ) our aduersaries would haue forborne the prosecution of their malice against vs. but the humor they are possessed with , being altogether iesuiticall , that is violent and implacable , they ceased not but still continued , contrary to all course of law & iustice , euery day more and more to wound and oppresse vs. our sayd appellation subscribed with the hands of 30. priests , men of good desert and reputation , they tearme an infamous libell , and presently vpon the sight thereof , de facto , do suspend and depriue tenne of them from their faculties : eight of them being prisoners at wisbich , and two others , both of them persons of extraordinary note and worth . there hath bin of long time an old saying in england : that set a begger on horseback , and he will ride a gallop : our said new gouernors sitting in their thrones , and scorning that any should refuse to worship them , can finde no limits for the stay of their fury , but still runne on from one mischiefe to an other . for , our cause thus depending , they forbid all the lay catholicks to keepe vs company , to relieue vs , or to suffer vs to execute any spirituall function with them : affirming , that whosoeuer shall be present at one of our masses , or assist vs therein , doth commit a great sinne : and that to receiue the sacraments at our hands , is loco medicaminis , to receiue a deadly poyson . none may confesse their sinnes vnto vs , and none may heare vs preach , ( at the least of those which are to too many ) that yeeld themselues to the direction and pleasure of such absurd commaunders , and wicked condemners of their brethren , notwithstanding we be exempted from such their prohibitions by our appellation , and do therefore still mioy the full libertie of our priesthood . the course they hold against vs , or at the least their stomack , may appeere vnto you , by that which a iesuite hath written concerning vs , to one of his friends : detest ( sayth he ) my deere mother the cursed crue of the disobedient to lawfull authoritie : if you know any , either of our coate , or of the lay sort , that be tainted with this pestilent poyson , eschue his company , as you would auoyd one that hath a plague-sore running vpon him , assuring your selfe , that if such rebelliow persons do not submit their necks to the yoke of their superiors , that vnlesse god shew them some extraordinary fanour ( which in such cases he vsually denyeth to such malitious rebels ) their reuolt and apostasie from the catholicke vnitie , will be the iust reward of their obstinacie and malapert opposition against their ordinary . god be mercifull vnto vs poore men : some of vs are prisoners , and are daily in the magistrates hands to be cut off , and finish our miseries at their pleasures ; and on the other side , where we should finde comfort , we are dealt with , as you see : and all is either because we are readie to offer our liues for the catholick faith , or refuse , till we may be heard by the popes holynes ▪ to acknowledge our selues to be rebels , schismaticks , contemners of the see apostolick , ethnicks , publicanes , idolaters , apostataes , and what not ? because we did not at the first subscribe to our archbishops authoritie , but appealed as you haue heard . which acculations , we trust no man liuing by learning or arguments shall be able to prooue against vs : and in the meane time , god is our witnes , how free we are in foro conscientiae , from any of these wicked imputations . in the aforesayd processe with these our aduersaries , some of our brethren haue bin as carefull to defend vs from schisme by writing , as they haue bin busie to accuse vs : and amongst sundry of our discourses to that eff●ct , two haue bin lately published in print , which we desire you would procure : and hauing duly perused them , then thinke and iudge of vs as you shall finde cause . now for our conclusion , if any iesuitical humorist , shall blame or seeke to discredit vs , because in the premisses of this narration we haue forborne to vse any sharp speeches against our common enemyes , we thinke it conuenient for the preuenting of their malitious collections , to yeeld vnto you our reasons thereof . first , the story gaue vs no occasion so to do . secondly , we reteyne still the opinion which we haue signified to his holynes , that the iesuiticall persecution begun against vs , is much more grieuous vnto vs , then that which we are subiect vnto from the state. thirdly , we haue found by experience , that the rayling course which the iesuiticall crue haue taken and vsed in many of their treatises against her maiestie : and the proceedings by the lawes of the realme : hath done the catholick cause exceeding much hurt . fourthly , as our case standeth , and for ought we see , if the pretended holy fathers may haue their willes , we shall be driuen to relye more vpon her highnes fauour for our temporall reliefe , that we perish not with famine , before we be cut off by her lawes , then vpon all the world besides . and lastly , howsoeuer we dissent from the state in the profession of our religion : yet we are her maiesties borne subiects , and vassals , and ought not for any cause , as we are perswaded , to withdraw in that respect , our duties , loue , and allegiance from her highnes , or our natiue countrie : much lesse to slaunder , or secke the cruell ouerthrow of both , as our trayterous aduersaries of the societie , not indeede of iesus , but of the diuell , and their adherents haue done . and thus praying to god with all our hearts , to heape vpon her maiestie all temporall and heauenly blessings , and vpon our state sufficient wisedome and prouidence , for the good continuance of it : and vpon our countrie all prosperitie and happines , and vpon the church a dayly increase of zeale for the propagation and maintenance of the catholick faith , and vppon our iesuiticall aduersaries such riches of his mercie , as seeing the height of their owne pride , and the excremities of their proceedings , they may become humble in their owne eyes , and desist from their very prowde machiuilian and cruell deseignements : and vpon all catholicks sufficient grace to take heed of those that are the authors of schisme and contention : delighting in nothing , but in factions and nouelties : and vpon our selues constancie to continue in his obedience , and patience , to be able to indure whatsoeuer calamities shall happen vnto vs for our profession of the truth , and the discharge of our consciences : we take our leaues , and do heere end for this time . the memoriall mentioned page 52. is hard to be got : few or none of vs that are secular priests could euer come vnto the sight of it . certaine abstracts of it are common . we haue seene two : whereof one hath annexed vnto it certaine obseruations of the iesuites cariage of themselues in rome : and both are as followeth . an abstract of the memoriall sent by certaine englishmen out of the low-countryes , to the popes holines clement the eight , against the iesuites labouring in the english vineyard , september 1597. the inscription of the memoriall . a briefe declaration of the miserable state of catholicks in england . after the preface , it followeth in these words . the iesuites that are in england , desirous either to bring vnder bondage , or vtterly to beare downe the cleargie of the church of england , haue dared to attempt it by a wonderfull stratagem . first , their will is , that in euery catholicks house , ( and such houses are in steed of the church ) either they themselues may be the pastors , or others deputed by them in their roomes . and if happilie there be any , that do de●y the faculties graunted by them ; or will not take notice that such assemblies , or companies of catholicks depend on them ; or will not obediently ( as it were at a beck ) execute those things , that they haue commaunded ; such shall be censured either as apostataes , or hereticks , or taynted at least with some infection of heresie . so holie , so godly , so religious would they seeme to be ; as nothing is holie , that they haue not sanctified ; no doctrine catholick , and sound , that commeth not from them ; no dispensation auailable , that is not graunted by them : and which is worse , they haue beaten into the heads of the most , that the masse is not rightly , and orderly celebrated of any , but a iesuite . when any of the cleargie graunteth a dispensation in any case ; by and by there is doubt made of his power and authority ; some question ariseth of his life , and conuersation ; as if his priesthood , and calling were not certaine , or assured . it is not inough for the cleargie to liue a godly , and an holie life , vnlesse withall they will acknowledge the lesuites to be their superiors ; thus some man shall be tormented , another some turmoyled , a third some troubled : for who so gathereth not for and with them only , he shall be iudged altogether to scatter . and that they may the better set this their deuise abroeh , they cause to be made knowne to all men the faculties graunted vnto them by his holynes the bishop of rome ; and they giue it out , that the most vnlearned iesuite doth farre excell the most learned secular priest , both in faculties , and priuiledges . and it is noysed about , as it were by the common cryer that they haue power from his holynes to graunt to all , and euery one , all and singular their faculties ; insomuch as it shall not be lawfull and safe for any to vse their priniledges though graunted them many yeres before frō his holynes , but with the leaue , and consent of these fathers of the societie . and when they do giue out their faculties , they do not bestow them on learned , godly , or holy men ; but on vnlearned , vngodly , and irreligious ; nay seditious persons , such as follow their humor , stoupe at their beck , and stand bound euer after vnto them . further they endeuor , that by all meanes possible , both those almes which are giuen for the reliefe of them that are in prison , or any other poore afflicted whatsoeuer ; as also whatsoeuer is paid in cases of dispensation , may come to their hands . heretofore ( when priests had the collection of these almes ) prisons were therewith maintayned ; the want in colledges was supplyed ; the banished catholicks ( whose goodes were forciblie taken from them by hereticks ) were yerely succoured : but now , what is done with them we know not . prisons and colledges are depriued of them ; the banished haue them not ; the priests see them not : but there are hired herewith seditious persons ; deuisers of fables , slaunderers of their brethren , and skorners of the saincts are herewith enriched ; these , and such as these , receiue large stipends of their labours . and yet so great a masse of monies cannot be consumed , with so small charges , and expences , but that the fathers also bestow much vpon themselues . for they go indeed in great gallantrie ; no iesuite goeth but to visit any one , or trauelleth from one place to another , but he is richly apparrelled , he is attended on with a great trayne of seruants , as if he were a baron , or an earle ; which is not necessary , but playnely ridiculous and absurd . the secular priests themselues do go also gentlemen-like because of danger ; but not arayed in that sumptuous manner , nor guarded with so many attendants , as the iesuites . they wrangle , and reproue the priests garments , and spendings ; whereas the expences of one iesuite were able to mayntayne twentie priests plentifully , and richly . neither by this meanes also could so great a quantitie of almes be wasted , but that ( as the report goes ) much treasure is conueyed beyond the seas , but to what purpose , we know not , vnlesse it be bestowed vpon their bodie , their corporation , or societie . besides they desire ( as some conceiue ) that england should be conuerted of none but iesuites only . for they will admit no fellow-laborers : and they vse the same meanes they heretofore vsed in colledges , to disswade many for the order of their calling , counselling them by all meanes to enter into their societie ; and this they dayly attempt by flatterie , by gifts , and rewards , & sometimes by threatnings . they neuer send one scholler out of england to the colledge at doway to studie there , but hinder what they may them that are going thither . they care not for that colledge , because they cannot draw it into their societie : nay they haue laboured by all meanes vtterly to dissolue it . moreouer , they challenge vnto themselues a spirituall monarchie ouer all england , as it may appeare by a certain contention in the prison at wisbich , in which there were , and are in hold for the profession of their faith 32. priests , dayly looking for their death . these liuing a long time a godly , and an holy life , did eate altogether , studied altogether , vsed euery day to preach , to dispute , to intreate of cases of conscience , to expound the scriptures ; and exercised the same studies , as they were wont to practise in the vniuersities : all were of one minde ; all of one heart ; all as brethren ; one bearing with another . the towne of wisbich loued them ; all the land praised them ; the hereticks admired them ; the keepers of the prisons greatly affected them : so that they inioyed euery day more and more libertie . their maintenance came to them from all places yea the very ministers ( though hereticks ) very often helped to reheue them . many yeeres liued they in this godly , holy , and deuout kind of life , vntill a iesuite , one edmunds by name ( inspired we know not with what spirit ) gaue to some occasion to doubt of the well imploying of the almes receiued . this foundation laid , he so insinuated himselfe with faire demeanour and false deuises into the hearts of many , as that he deuided the priests into two parts , whereof the one part drew to him , the other stood against him . they vse also to fawne vpon men of noble birth , especially if they be rich , and mueigle them by all faire meanes to sell all that they haue , and enter into their societie . women also are induced by them to become nunnes , and to leaue such goods as they haue , to them . which thing many that are godly-wise allow not . for such rich laitie ( all circumstances considered ) are able to further more the establishing of the faith in england , then the iesuites consider of . for such as they , might giue maintenance to priests ; enrich the prisons of catholicks with their gifts ; help the afflicted : they may more freely , and with lesse danger speak of the catholick religion , and faith ; more commonly argue and discourse with hereticks . but the iesuites consider not , that these , and such other things may be done , and would be done by them without any difficultie . but in this manner do they make merchandise of the conuersion of england ; thus do they dispose of the last wils of the sick ; thus loue they to intermeddle with the mariages of many , with their temporall goods , and indeed with all things : alwayes taking that course with all men , that something happen to their share , hauing minde indeed of nothing , but their owne gaine . they skorne to come to any one , but where they may be daintily , and costly entertayned : they looke not after the cottages of the poore , nor minister their help to them , be there neuer so much need . moreouer , they are so delighted with equiuocation , or a subtile and dissembling kind of speech , as that to the scandall of others they are not ashamed to defend it in their publick writings . there were read before the iudges on the bench in open court , and in the hearing of all the people the letters of a certain iesuite named southwell , wherein equiuocations were most absurdly defended , which gaue cause of laughter to the hereticks , and occasion of scandall to the catholicks . they take pleasure also to scatter rumors , and to suggest certaine nouelties in the eares of catholicks , yea to forge and inuent things that are not , insomuch as they are commonly held now a dayes great lyars ; and it is come to that passe , that though they sweare , men will not beleeue them . all vniuersitie men , and such as haue taken any degree in schooles ( and such in our countrey are most regarded ) they hate most , despise , contemne , and reproch . it is a common report in england , that had it not bin for the pride , and ambition of the iesuites , there had eare this bin graunted some toleration in religion . to conclude , omitting all other things ( which are very many ) i wil only rehearse one , which i haue heard of many ; that it is come to this passe now , that the catholicks stand in more feare of the iesuites , then of the hereticks . for the hereticks ( say they ) can but chasten the bodie only ; but the iesuites wound both their bodies , and their good name . they do not indeed directly cause priests to be apprehended , but indirectly . that is , hauing spread some reports of them , whereby their good name is taken away , so as they stand suspected either of heresie , or of some other heynous offence , no catholick entertayneth them , and so consequently , they are driuen to pouertie , how can they escape the hands of the hereticks ? and albeit they lye in prison , and bonds , and are many wayes tormented , if they be not crowned with the glory of martyrdome , they shal neuer be purged from that former suspition , but shall be accounted euery day more and more , as hereticks . certayne chiefe points of accusations , wherewith many english men haue iustly charged the iesuites vnto the pope , and diuers cardinals : taken out of the memoriall and other letters : some of them dated at rome 8. of nouember 1597. touching the iesuites in england . the fathers of the societie do dissent among themselues , fa. henrie the superior , and fa. edmonds , in the prison at wisbich , and there 26. articles of their dissension . if any priest haue a conuenient place of residencie , the iesuits will not cease vntill they haue cast him out , and that by wicked meanes , by defaming him , and bringing him into suspition . that the iesuites are the firebrands of all soditions . that the iesuites by right or wrong seeke simply and absolutely the monarchie of all england . they are enemies to all secular priests . they are the causes of all the discord in the english nation . they are called of the schismaticks horse-leaches , or bloud-suckers . that fa. parsons , and sir fra. inglefeild knight , deuised the complot to set the cardinals aldobrandinus , caietane , and the bishop of cassana together by the cares : and to fall foule one vpon an other . n. wrote to cardinall allen , that fa. holt stoode guiltie , and might be accused by him of such infamous matters , as he durst not make mētion of in his letters . that fa. holt did not only intend , but would indeede giue wretched england in conquest to himselfe and his fauorites . that fa. holt and his companions had gathered such an infinite masse of money from the catholicks in england , for dispensations , or vnder the colour of expending it to their vses , as many credibly affirmed it to exceede the summe of 50000. pounds english , which make two hundreth millions of italian scutes . that the iesuites haue driuen certaine excellent men to desperation , inforcing them to leaue england , and to enter into some religious order , or to take some other miserable course . that the iesuites in england by certayne cunning sleights , hauing gotten into their hands all authoritie , good estimation , and all the stock or treasure of money , do what they list at home and abroade . they thrust out , and let in , hire , and buy , intercept letters , and maintayne factions as they please them selues . that fa. holt in belgia , and parsons in spayne , haue continued these nine whole yeres , to the great gricfe of the nobilitie and clergie : and haue procured themselues to be continued the kings seruants . that there are many things in the dealings of these fathers which offend good men : viz. the contempt of nobilitie : the turning away of students from the colledge at doway : the attempting to bring the most flourishing kingdome of england into a prouince : the polling and pilling of catholicks in england , vnder the colour of holy vses by intollerable fraude : a continuall enterdeale with hereticks , and men of suspected religion . there must be care taken that the priests in england may haue either equall or greater faculties then the iesuites , seeing their pride by reason of their large faculties is fenced ( as it were ) with authoritie . that the english nobles which are in belgia , wonder that his holynes suffreth iesuites in england , who are the firebrands of all contentions especially in any place of authoritie , and that these ten yeers and more , notwithstanding the miserable clamor and lamentations of our nobles and gentlemen , who be oppressed vnder the yoke of slauery and their tyrannie . the iesuites do withstand any mans comming out of england into belgia , vnlesse they know him prepared to write , to speake , to do what they will : and that he sweare to be ruled by them : and herein they exercise notorious tyrannie . other infinite matters of this nature are omitted , which are conteyned in the letters that are kept vpon record : taken out of letters dated at rome , 8. nouember 1597. concerning the whole societie , and the iesuites at rome . the iesuites are so ambitious , as not content with the bounds which their fathers placed , in their vnsatiable desire they haue alreadie swallowed vp kingdomes and monarchies . that being led by this ambition , they go about to change the forme of the hierarchie , or supreme gouerment of the auncient church by disordered packing . that this pride and ambition of the iesuites , is the cause of seditions not only in england , in the very prisons there , in the low cuntries , and in italy , but all the world ouer . that this their ambition hath taken footing not only in prouinces and cities , but also in priuate families : it separateth brethren one from an other , and the husband from the wife , inflaming them with rancor and enuie one against another . that men must giue way to the time ( as in the controuersie at rome ) least while they set a damme against the streame of this their pride , the raging course thereof do burst asunder all the bands of honestic and modestie , and carry away headlong many with the force thereof . that if this ambition do remayne vnpunished , the age that is to come shall see that it will bring into bondage not only prelates , but the very princes and monarches themselues , whom yet she flattereth in her infancie . they beseech the pope that he would lay the axe to the roote of the tree , and cut off this pride of the societie , spreading it selfe farre and neere , least if once it arme it selfe with the authoritie of his holynes , it powre forth a full reuenge vpon all others to their destruction , and make an infinite slaughter and massacre of soules , which they haue already begun to attempt in wretched england , to the great decay of the common cause . that the priests of england can finde in their banishment no harbour safe enough from this their ambition , vnlesse they haue first receiued the marke of this beast in their forehead . that the pope can commaund nothing in all his mandates but the iesuites finde meanes to frustrate it by the secular power , to the great scandall of many . that the reuenge of these iesuites hath neuer an end but with the death of their aduersaries , and their reproch after their death . that the iesuites ( meaning them of rome ) do vse to intercept all manner of letters of all men whosoeuer , not forbearing the packets neither of the cardinals nor of princes . n. calleth god and his angels to witnes , that the greatest part of the nobilitie and clergie in england both at home and abroade do bewaile with sighes and teares their miserable estate , in that they suffer more grieuous things vnder these new tyrants the iesuites , then in their dayly persecutions . that the persecution of the iesuites is more grieuous to the catholicks then of the hereticks in england , in this respect , because they suffer vnder them for their vertue , but vnder these in the name of treacherie and vnfaithfulnes . the iesuites haue so persecuted some priests that are now martyrs , as that their death hath bin imputed partly to the hereticks , and partly to the iesuites . that it is a knowne position among the iesuites ( diuide and gouerne ) and therefore those fathers at rome do both stirre vp , and maintayne dissensions . that the iesuites confessors are wont to abuse the consciences of their penitentiaries to their owne commoditie . that of 300. priests which haue entred into england , scarce sixe or seauen haue fallen away . but of twentie iesuites eight haue reuolted : which is a notable slaunder , seeing there can not be found one of them to haue reuolted which were sent in by the societie . that the iesuits in the low-countries are so cruell , as that they haue not only brought many excellent men to a miserable end , but haue reproched them after their death . that nothing doth so vex the english catholicks as the contempt and hatred of the president that now is : and the slaunderous reproch falsely imputed to the renowned cardinals , tolet , and alexandrinus . that the iesuites do eagerly wayt for the death of the pope , and of the renowned cardinall tolet , that they might bring vpon all those that slaughter and bloudshed , which they long since assayed against as many as haue dared to oppose themselues against their tyranny . the chiefe remedie wherein the state of all controuersies at rome dependeth is , that the affaires of all the colledges be committed to an assemblie of honorable cardinals that are regular , both to looke into , and to determine of . for there is nothing that these tyrants more feare , then that they should be compelled before the cardinals to render an accompt of their dealings . neither doth any thing giue them greater libertie of their insolencie , then that they are free welnie from being called before any iudgement seate . see you see ( quoth n ) my letters secretly and effectually , because the enemy , if he be not preuented , flattereth himselfe in an assured hope of a monarchie . while the iron is hote , strike : worke out your busines while your patrones liue . your enemies seeke but to gayne the time ; and if they once set free themselues from the streights wherein they are yet incombred , they will ( belieue me ) domineere most tyrannously . the iesuites seeke also the gouerment of the colledge at doway , neither feare they any bridle wherewith they can be curbed , but only , that the iesuite rectors should be made subiect to the regular congregations . the iesuites by their machiuilian practises go about to procure the dissolution of the colledge at doway . the tyranny and insolencie of the iesuites is horrible , especially of those that liuing in belgia , do reproch , disgrade , depriue whome they list : and i feare ( quoth he ) do indirectly betray some vnto the enemy . the censure of paris before mentioned for our instification , in suspending our obedience to maister blackwels authoritie , vntill we knew his holynes further pleasure . in the yeare of our lord 1600. vpon the third day of may , it was proposed to the faculty of the diuines of the vniuersity of paris , that by the letters of a most illustrious cardinall , an ecclesiasticall superior was constituted in a certaine kingdome with the title and dignity of an arch-priest , to haue authority and iurisdiction ouer all other priests residing in that kingdome . this cardinall did also declare in those his letters , that he did it according to the wil and good liking of the pope . notwithstanding , many of these priests refused to subscribe to the authority of the sayd arch-priest , before he had obteyned letters from the sea apostolick , conteyning the tenor of his confirmation , as well because that kind of gouernment was altogether new in gods church , and hitherto neuer heard of , that an arch-priest should haue charge of a whole kingdome , and such iurisdiction ouer euery priest in that realme : then also , for that it seemed to them by certaine words of the cardinals letters , that the arch-priest and his authority was graunted by false information : then lastly , because they noted great partiality in the choyse of the arch-priest and of his counsellors . vpon which and some other reasons , these priests sent messengers to the pope , for laying open vnto him these their difficulties : and therewithall to signifie their greatest readynes , as in this matter , so euermore in all other , to obey his holynes . the arch-priest and those who are of his side accuse the other priests of schisme , in that they deferred to obey the cardinals letters , which moreouer he sayd were written according to his holynes minde and pleasure . the question then is , whether these priests be schismaticks ? and if not , whether they did commit at the least some grieuous sinne ? the head and chiefe men of the faculty of diuinity in paris chosen out of the whole company , assembled together in the house of the senior bedle in the yeare and day aboue written , after full and maturest consideration had of the matter , gaue this censure . first , that those priests , who vpon the aboue-named causes deferred to obey , were no schismaticks . secondly , that they committed no sinne at all in that fact in it selfe considered . by commaundement of our deane and masters deputed and selected by the whole facultie of diuinity in paris de lacourt . the rash and vnaduised aunswere of mayster blackwell to the censure of paris . reuerendi patres & fratres . whereas after the condemnation at rome of the two embassadors together with all their complices here ; and also the pope his breue confirming the cardinals letters , as validas ab initio , and vtterly condemning and inualidating all things done to the contrary : some vnquiet persons haue secretly sought to the vniuersity of paris , and thence pretend to haue or haue receiued a resolution , that they neyther incurred schisme , nor any sinne in their proceedings here against mine authority . whereas also it is manifest that after notice had from their ambassadors of the pope his expresse will made knowne vnto them partly by their imprisonment , partly by the testification of the two cardinals , caietan , and burghesius , to whome their cause was committed : which also the aforesaid two ambassadors did certifie hither by their letters , exhorting all heere to the quiet acceptance of their superior , as being ordayned by his holynes speciall knowledge and absolute order , without dependence of their consent : that yet notwithstanding this perfect knowledge they repugned and stood still obstinate in their disobedience : so that the pretence of seeking to know the pope his will was altogether friuolous in those which remayned heere . and thereby it appeareth , that the information giuen of the cause to the parisians was altogether wrong , and ( as it may be thought ) fraudulent . for so long as they refused not their superior appoynted by the knowne will of the pope , they neuer were condemned as schismaticks : and since and whilest they acknowledged their superior they were neuer censured , but only as seditious in opposing against the pope his order , and in disturbing the wished peace and tranquility of the cleargie and laity of the catholicks , and yet could neuer be freed from one of these two crimes . propterea , in dei nomine amen . nos georgius blackwellus archipresbyter angliae , & protonotarius apostolicus ex authoritate nobis sufficienter & legitime commissa praecipimus strictè in virtute obedientia , & sub poena suspensionis à diuinis , & amissionis omnium facultatum ipso facto incurrendarum , omnibus ecclesiasticis personis : omnibus autem laicis catholicis sub poena interdicti similiter ipso facto incurrendi , that neither directly nor indirectly they mayntayne or defend in word , or in writing the censure of the vniuersity of paris ( whether it be truly giuen or forged : whether vpon true information or otherwise ) as being preiudiciall to the dignity of the see apostolicall , and expressely contrary to his holynes breue : and to the sentence iudicially giuen by the two cardinals appoynted iudges in our cause : and to our common peace so much wished for by his holynes . and this we inuiolably commaund to be obserued vnder the paines afore specified , and greater also , according to his holynes pleasure . yet hereby we intend in no wise to disgrace the most famous vniuersity of paris . for we hope verily , that eyther there is no such censure of theirs : or else , that it was procured by wrong informations , and without manifesting the sentence of the two cardinals : and the expresse confirmation of his holynes of those first letters , by which our authority was deriued vnto vs , which ( god willing ) we will speedily procure they shall receiue from the court of rome . and so nothing doubting of your duties towards your superiors , i leaue further to instruct , or exhort you , beseeching god to blesse vs all . 29. may. 1600. georgius blackwellus archipresbyter angliae & protonotarius apostolicus . areioynder of maister darrell deane of agen , in defence of the censure of paris , against m. blackwell . reuerendi patres & fratres . there is come vnto my hands the sentence of m. george blackwell arch-priest , in condemnation of the censure and iudgement of the catholique , auncient , and renowned vniuersity of paris . wherein was also thrust a very peremptory prouiso , but most necessary to auoyd reprehension : that no man should vndertake eyther by word or writing to defend the sayd censure . i deemed it not impertinent in few words to runne ouer the sayd sentence , to shew in part the insufficiencie of it , as well for the honor of the sayd sacred faculty of paris ( which for the worthy schollers it hath brought forth , is highly esteemed throughout all christendome ) as for the aduertisement of the abouenamed arch-priest , that he may hereafter be somewhat better aduised ere he thunder out his censures : and do not vainely perswade himselfe , that he can either tye the toongs , or stay the pennes of men by any such vnreasonable writ , vnlesse he take some more sober and considerate course of proceeding . and for bresities sake to omit the friuolous preambles that are partly vntrue and wholy to small purpose : the first of importance is , where he sayth , that the information giuē vnto the parisians , was altogether wrong , and ( as it may be thought ) fraudulent . his reason is : for that they , who liked not his election at the first stood still obstinate in their disobedience , after perfect notice of the popes breue in confirmation of it , sent them by their ambassadors ( who for honors sake ( you must thinke pardye ) he alwayes so tearmeth ) how sound and true this assertion is , all england ( as i think ) knoweth right well . sure i am , the common fame spread in all countryes betwixt england and rome , ( where the english are resident ) approued also by sundry letters out of england , and from other coasts , was , and is cleane contrary : viz. that they , who before suspended their iudgements attending his holynes resolution , as soone as they were by the popes breue certified of his pleasure , submitted themselues to the arch-priest , and acknowledged his authority . and that i stay not about needlesse proofes in so notorious a matter , the very next words after in this his rescript , declare as much . mary i must needs confesse , that they are so clarkly and clea●ely set downe , that they may perhaps couer some pretie equiuocation . these be his words . for so long as they refused not their superior , appoynted by the knowne will of the pope , they were neuer condemned as schismaticks : and since , whilest they acknowledged their superior , they were neuer censured , but only as seditious , in opposing against the popes order &c. the sense in common vnderstanding must needs be : that at first , so long as they had not certaine notice by the popes breue of his will , and therefore refused to accept the new magistrate , they were not condemned as schismaticks . afterward they vnderstanding of the breue , acknowledged their superior : and therefore were not censured as schismaticks , but only as seditious . by the latter part of which sentence , it is most euident and cleare by his owne expresse declaration : that after certaine knowledge of the popes commaundement , they acknowledged their superior ; and therefore were not censured , but only as seditious . what can be more contrary to that which he sayd before ? there , he auoucheth boldly , that after certaine notice giuen of the popes will , they stood still obstinate in their former disobedience here , that after intelligence had , they acknowledged their superior . i dare not aske you , whether part of this flat contradiction you will beleeue , because both cannot be true : for you must either hold ( contrary to the rules of reason ) both parts to be true , or else discredit him , that within the compasse of a few lines affirmed them both . but no maruayle : for i am almost astonished , to see so many foule ouersights in this one poore sentence . let that contradiction passe : and marke an other in the same end of the sentence . they are censured only as seditious , sayth he : in opposing against the popes order . what order was that , i pray you ? was it any other , then that they should receiue maister blackwell for arch-priest , and obey him ? no surely : how then did they oppose against that order , who in that very time acknowledged their superior , as in the same period he hath himselfe set downe ? what a wilfull peruersenes is this , and blinde desire of slaundering others , to censure those for seditious , whom they know and do confesse to haue acknowledged their superiors . but not to stand vpon these contrary points ( which giue but small grace vnto a graue sentence ) i may not omit that strange proposition conteyned in the former part of the sentence . it is : that they who liked not of his authority , were not , before they receyued certaine notice thereof , by his holynes breue , condemned as schismaticks . this is so apparantly false , and so contrary vnto euery ones knowledge , that i much muse what he meaneth , and where the starting hole , and euasion lyeth . if he vnderstand only , that they were neuer condemned by sentence of iudge , it may then passe : for so indeed they could neuer haue bin iustly . but to say , that he and his fellowes did not so call them , so report of them , and so write of them , and in a rude rayling pamphlet in latine so denounce them to the wide world , were ( as i take it ) to make open profession , that he had made shipwrack of verity , modesty , and honestie . hauing thus briefely examined the preamble , i come now to the sentence itselfe : wherein i will yet be more briefe . me thinks he seemeth not a little to abuse that great authority committed to his charge : ad aedificationem non ad destructionem . for following his letters patents , and the right order of correction , he is to punish enormous faults after they be committed , vsing also before brotherly admonition : to try whether in the spirit of lenity , the party may be amended . but he contrarywise goeth about by new decrees to make faults ( which passeth his commission for ought that i euer yet could see ) and to punish faults without any warning most grieuously . but you will say : that it is for some heynous cryme , or else he would neuer haue bin so terrible and hasty to reuenge ? well : let vs heare what enormous fault it is ? mary sir , if any maintaine in word or in writing directly or indirectly , the graue , catholicke and learned iudgement of the famous vniuersitie of paris , although it be vpon due information truly giuen ( for so much his words seeme to import ) when he saith : whether it be truly giuen or forged , whether vpon true information or otherwise ) if he be of the cleargie , he is presently to be suspended , and to lose all his faculties ( the greatest penaltie that he could lay on him ) if of the laitie : he is ipso facto , interdicted . i passe ouer , that for a light offence , or rather none at all , he hath ordained a grieuous punishment , contrarie to that rule of iustice : proratione delicti , sit plagarum modus . but this would i faine know , for the instruction of many others : how he commeth by the authoritie to interdict any of the laitie . sure i am , that in his letters patents , and the popes breue , he hath no authoritie giuen him , but ouer priests only : whom neither can he interdict , much lesse any of the laitie , ouer whom he hath no iurisdiction at all , for ought i haue yet heard : let him then take heede , that casting out those censures which belong not to him ; he doe not himselfe incurre the true censures of his superiours : and for censuring others vniustly , fall into the iust indignation and displeasure of almightie god. but he taketh it otherwise : and deemeth the vniuersitie of paris to haue failed much . let that be his opinion . but whether is likelier to faile , trow you : either one bachelor in diuinitie , or many doctors : one as yet raw , and little practised in the discipline of the church : or many , of long time daily conuersant in ecclesiasticall affaires : one hasty man ( as it seemeth ) and in the heate of faction : or diuers graue aduised men , free from all passion and affection ? if he thinke by the priuiledge of his titles , to be any whit holpen : the vniuersitie of paris haue in their facultie present diuerse protonotaries apostolicke and archpriests , and many greater officers of their bodie , as archdeacons , chancellors , or vicar generals : that i may omit bishops , who are commonly resident in their diocesses . but perhaps some will say ; albeit our archpriest be surmounted in all other respects : yet in reasons and proofes , he passeth them all . let vs therefore come vnto his reasons which are three in number , and barely auerred ; but not one of them proued . the first is , that the censure of paris is preiudiciall to the dignitie of the sea apostolike . proue that good sir . for without proofe , that assertion will be taken for fond : and i in a word , will proue it also to be false : for they say , it was neither schisme nor sinne in that doubtfull case of the archpriests election , to seeke vnto the popes holines for certaine resolution , where they are so farre off from derogating any whit , from the dignitie of the sea apostolicke , that they doe highly commend it ; acknowledging the right of appellation from all inferiour courts , to appertaine vnto the court of rome , which is a speciall prerogatiue , whereby we proue against heretikes , the supremacie of that sea. this first worthie argument then , is drawne perhaps a contrario sensu . the second is , that their censure was contrarie to the popes breue . as iust as iermaines lippes . for their censure onely was : whether it were schisme or any sinne , before there was any breue , and wholy abstracting from the breue : how could it then be opposite to that , with which it did nothing at all meddle , or any whit concerne ? the third and last reason is : that their censures were contrary to the sentence of the two cardinals . no such matter good sir : for the cardinals sentence was onely against two by name , and for no other matter , as the sentence expresseth , then for that they had exercised controuersies with some other men of their owne order ( which also how true it is , let them iudge , that know their conuersation ) therefore they thought it expedient , that they should not returne into the countrie for a season without leaue . now let them consider who are of higher capacitie then my selfe : how this sentence is opposite vnto the censure of paris : that in doubtfull causes to appeale or sue vnto rome , is neither schisme nor sinne : for my wit is too simple to reach vnto it . well to draw towards an end . after that this good man had in ouer great haste taxed the censure of the vniuersitie of paris , as preiudiciall vnto the dignitie of the sea apostolicke , and contrarie to the popes breue and cardinals sentence : he forsooth ( and if you lift to beleeue him ) telleth you that he meaneth not to disgrace that most famous vniuersitie . surely , if he thought , that he could disgrace it , he deceiued himselfe fowly . for the grace , credit , and renowne of the vniuersitie of paris , little dependeth vpon the verdit of so base and meane a magistrate , and contemneth the bald vnlearned reprehensions of such simple clarkes . if they meane in substantiall arguing , to coape with so honourable a companion : let them put downe plainely the case , as it was proposed vnto them , with their censure , and withall in latine ( as they may vnderstand it ) without passion disproue it like diuines : and then it may be , if they see any thing worth the answering ; that they will giue sufficient satisfaction to the world of their censure . in the meane season it must needes bee small honour vnto the archpriest and others of his band , to oppose themselues against the most learned , catholicke and famous vniuersitie of paris , as he himselfe acknowledgeth it : who doe still auouch , and will vphold their censure for iust and true in any place , wheresoeuer it shall be called in question : which me thinkes should much moue all good catholickes , not so stifly to backe that side against other innocent men , who after so long and fruitfull trauels for our countrey , are now for nothing ( as it were ) mightilie wronged in their good names and credits . i for my part , who alwaies haue most tenderly loued the catholicke cause , am most sory to see such pitifull dissension about trifles : and doe most earnestlie in visceribus domini nostri iesu christi , request and require the archpriest , and those that are ouer passionate on that part ; to content themselues with the submissiō of others vnto the popes holines breue ( which was a high poynt of perfect obedience , considering what slender audience was giuen vnto those whom they sent ) and leaue off that fruitles iangling , whether they sinned before or no : or what kind of sinne it was . who would not haue thought , but that vpon the receite of the popes breue , and obedient acceptance thereof , all would haue been quiet and appeased : one forgiuing another , if ought before had passed amisse : and all ioyning together in defence of each others credit and good name , which was and is most necessarie for the maintenance of the common cause and comfort of all catholicks . well at the length yet , for gods honour , and the holy churches good , and your owne quietnes , returne vnto that christianlike and brotherly peace and charitie , so much desired of all entire and deuout catholicks : which that our louing sauiour may giue you grace to doe , my humble prayers haue alwaies been , and shall neuer , i hope , fayle . thus in all dutie and affection , recommending my selfe to your good prayers , i desire to be partaker of your fruitfull trauailes . at agen the 4. of august . your humble brother and seruant in our lord : iohn dorel . we were here constrained to breake off , for feare of some danger by an intended search : so as we haue omitted m. blackwels letter , mentioned pag. 49. with answere vnto it : which together with some other matters you shall receiue ere it bee long . in the meane while we commit our selues to your faithfull prayers : and you by ours , vnto almightie god. a narrative and impartial discovery of the horrid popish plot, carried on for the burning and destroying the cities of london and vvestminster, with their suburbs, &c. setting forth the several consults, orders and resolutions of the jesuites, &c. concerning the same. ... / by capt. william bedloe ... one of the popish committee for carrying on such fires. bedloe, william, 1650-1680. 1679 approx. 170 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27248 wing b1677 estc r11047 11683427 ocm 11683427 48134 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27248) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48134) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 12:8) a narrative and impartial discovery of the horrid popish plot, carried on for the burning and destroying the cities of london and vvestminster, with their suburbs, &c. setting forth the several consults, orders and resolutions of the jesuites, &c. concerning the same. ... / by capt. william bedloe ... one of the popish committee for carrying on such fires. bedloe, william, 1650-1680. [10], 27 p. : port. printed for robert boulter, john hancock, ralph smith, and benjamin harris ..., london : 1679. caption title: a narrative of the popes late fire-works in england. reproduction of original in library of congress. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -england. popish plot, 1678. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2005-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cap t : william bedloe discoverer of the popish plott a narrative and impartial discovery of the horrid popish plot : carried on for the burning and destroying the cities of london and vvestminster , with their suburbs , &c. setting forth the several consults , orders and resolutions of the jesuites , &c. concerning the same . and divers depositions and informations , relating thereunto . never before printed . by capt. william bedloe . lately engaged in that horrid design , and one of the popish committee for carrying on such fires . london , printed for robert boulter , john hancock , ralph smith , and benjamin harris , booksellers in cornhil , near the royal exchange . 1679. the epistle dedicatory to the surviving citizens of london ruined by fire sirs , i know not to whom i could address these leaves more properly than to you ; who have been so dismally concern'd in the dreadful effects of the late conflagrations : such deep sufferers by the hellish practises herein more fully than ever yet discovered . you have suddenly and unexpectedly seen a glorious city laid waste , your own habitations turn'd into rubbish , your estates destroyed , your dear incomes of your many years hard labour and careful industry , all in few moments swept away and consumed by devouring flames , together with some of your dear relations and faithful servants ; whilst your selves and families reduc'd from a plentiful , a comfortable trade and fortune over-night , to the extremest misery next morning , without an house to shelter you , goods to accommodate you , or setled course of trade to support you ? have been forc'd ( many of you in old age ) to begin the world anew ; and remain exposed to all the hardships and inconveniences of want and poverty ? the authors and promoters of all these your deplorable calamities have been no other than those common bontefeu's of christendom , the general disturbers of the peace and happiness of europe , and pests of human society , i mean those subtle , active and most cruel engineers of the roman hierarchy , who having long been big with the project of a fifth-monarchy , intending to make all the world slavishly to truckle to their tripple crown'd idol at rome , did meerly in order thereunto contrive your destruction : for as they wellknow , england to be the bull-work of liberty , protestanism , and ( indeed i may justly add ) christian faith in general , throughout the world : the main bank , that hinders the sea of rome from over-whelming all christian nations with an universal inundation of tyranny and superstition : so they are not insensible , what a mighty influence london hath to obstruct their designs upon england : in so much , that i have heard not a few of the principal of them frequently protest , that until that city were ruined or brought low , it was impossible , but all their attempts on this nation must prove abortive . how rigorously , how unweariedly have they endeavoured this ? i shall say nothing of their politick by-strooks , their promoting by influenc'd counsels wars at sea to interrupt your commerce , their setting up a new algier ( and perhaps more formidable and mischievous than the old one ) on the other side the channel : their multiplying buildings in the suburbs and out parts , thereby to drain away the trade , and having stock't many of those colonies with people of their own gang , hope to be able in time to out number and overpower you. these and a thousand other little strategems for discouraging , &c. i shall not insist upon , but only instance , as my present business , their horrid design of burning and destroying treacherously this city . this they counted a master-piece of their cunning , not doubting , when they had laid this noble city in ashes : but that they should soon after have buried your religion too in the same ruines : but notwithstanding all their facinorous performances and more cursed attempts god in his infinite mercy hath restor'd the one , and hitherto preserv'd the other : both as it were by miracle . let therefore the remembrance of sixty six be engraven in indelible characters on the hearts of the posterity , to make them abhor popery , and detest such vile incendiaries : let it remain a monument of gratitude to god , caution to england , and shame to rome , in after times , when even that stately and durable pillar ( erected for that purpose ) shall by the revolutions of many ages be decayed . indeed could you be so shamefully ingrateful as to forget it , these restless furies will not suffer you : but still with fresh alarms and exploits awaken your memories . 't was a shrewd item they bestow'd on you : but a few years since , when grove and his irish ruffians consumed so great a part of your neighbourhood in the borough of southwark ( not to mention other smaller attempts . ) but above all , they have given you , and the whole nation such a catholick memorandum in their detestable plot , lately discovered just before it was ripe for execution , as i trust shall never be forgotten , wherein though all these three kingdoms , nay the whole protestant-interest throughout the world was essentially concern'd , yet none should have drank more deep of that cup of misery , which they had prepared than you the protestant inhabitants of this ( by them hated ) city and parts adjacent : for as soon as ever the fatal blow had been given against the pretious life of our dear and dread soveraign , they would immediately have proceeded to a second devastation , first upon the dwellings , and next upon the persons , and then what horrors and calamities , what a sea of blood and chaos of confusion , you all , long ' ere this should have been involved in ? whilst these sons of cruelty had been acting over their parisian tragedy and irish butcheries amongst you , is no less easy to imagine , than lamentable to have seen , and intollerable to have felt . i am not ignorant , how strenuously they make it their business to deny not only their being any way privy to these mischiefs of fireing , but likewise all other their traiterous designs : and i scarce know which is greatest , their impudence in committing horrid villanies , or in out-facing them , when they are done . the desperate protestations of innocence , lately made by some of them at the place of execution , hath ( i am informed ) mightily unsetled some peoples heads , and a few formal contrived speeches have been so prevalent as to make weak women , and weaker men begin to stagger . and ready to imagine they died for crimes they might not be guilty of . but as for my own part , i bless god , i am throughly satisfied in the truth of every tittle of the evidence , i have given against them , and every of them , and have no checks or guilt on my conscience on that account , nor would in the least be guilty of that bloody perjury , that might tend to the taking away any mans life wrongfully , for more than all england is worth : but if i have erred in any case , it was on the contrary hand in speaking the least of things and persons , so for the satisfaction of others , i desire them to consider , besides the joint testimonies of so many witnesses , speaking to different times , persons , places and circumstances , yet all exactly agreeing in the main , without the least contradiction of falshood , that ever could be found after so many strict examinations before persons of the greatest judgment and quality , and so many cross and insnaring questions started by the prisoners , to which they freely answered ; i say besides all this , and several other corroborating particulars i would have them consider , 1. how customary it is with this sort of men , in all cases where they are over-taken by justice ; to go out of the world with solemn asseverations of their innocence ; there being , i verily believe scarce a president to be given in our age , of any papist that suffered for any crime what soever , who confest the same at his death , especially if he received absolution before ; for i do averr it to be their doctrine , that when a man hath committed any villany , and hath been thereof absolv'd by a priest , if he be afterwards call'd into question touching that fact ; he ought not to cast a scandal on the church , whereof he is a member , by acknowledging himself to have been guilty ; but may lawfully swear and protest in the presence of god , and the world , that he is as innocent thereof as the child unborn , and all this without any equivocation , or mental reservation since t is their beleif , and so they teach and are taught , that they are then so really , and absolutely innocent , even as when they came into the world , the crime being wholly taken off from them by absolution ; much more may they do it in this case where what they are charged with viz. a resolution , to murther a prince whom they count an heretick , and so declared by the pope , subvert his government ; and introduce the roman religion ; as so far from being by them esteemed any treason or crime , that they look upon it to be their duty and meretorious . 2. 't is palpable , that all these fine speeches were studiously prepared by confederacy , and copies industriously spread abroad before they were spoken by the prisoners , their agents and friends ; and they are contrived but just like so many scholars exercises on the theme , set by their grand master , provincial whitebread . not with the freedom of dying men that spoke the truth , and dictates of their consciences , but so elabourately flourisht over as might best work on the affections of the ignorant hearers ; and serve the turn of their party , for where there is so much art , there is always some design . had not hill just such another made speech in the very same strain and method , which he was to spake at his death like a parrot ? sure , they are very dim-sighted that cannot see through such impostures . 3. do these doubting gentlemen , really believe there was any plot at all ? were mr. colemans letters forged by others , and put by magick-art into six boxes ; and and yet his hand so curiously counterfeited , that he himself could not chuse but own it , and his servants swear it , &c. either you must believe all these and many other down right absurdities , or else confess that by those very letters it evidently appears , that there was on foot a damnable horrid plot to subvert the government , and introduce popery ; and can you think mr. coleman alone undertook that mighty work ? ( as himself calls it ) or if he had accomplices , who more proper ? who more ready than the traitors that lately suffered ; for when did the jesuites stand out , when there was any game to play for on the interest of the pope and church of rome ? not to mention , that the matter is almost acknowledged in peter's letter taken with harcourt ; wherein a consult is appointed the 14th . of april 1678 and mention made of great caution to be used by the fathers in coming to it , lest the design there to be transacted and managed should be discovered which in its own nature required secresy : by this letter ( not found till the other day the witnesses evidence , first given so long since , that there was such a consult , and at that time , is undeniably confirmed ; and that there was some great design to be consulted of there that required much caution and secresy , is likewise confest ; how reasonable than is it to believe the witnesses in this case ; thot then and there , the death of the king was consulted of , and resolved upon : that being a design that indeed required in its own horrid nature such caution , and secresy , and the conspirators being not able to assign any other design , they had there of such a nature ; nor could they give any sensible intrepretation of those patents sent to whitebread mentioned in another letter , taken with harcoat , by which was meant the commisions for forces to carry on this hellish rebellion . 4. what think you , was there ever such a man as sr. edmundbury godfry● , was he not murthered ? and who can fall within the suspicion of any probable imagination to have done it , but the papists that is these traytors and their instruments ? which now is more plain upon them than before ; for if they had not been the procurers of it , how was it possible , that the same night that worthy gentleman was murthererd ? harcoat should write word thereof into stafford-shire ; whereas his death was not known in london by any , but those concerned in it , till five days after . but why should i trouble my self , to demonstrate that t is light at noon-day , because bats and moles are and and will be blind ? his most gracious majesty , is satisfied , as appears by several of his royal proclamations ; both houses of parliament is fully satisfied , as is evident from their votes expresly made on that occasion ; the right reverend fathers in god , my lords the bishops , in particular no doubt are satisfied , as is plain by the form of prayers prescribed to be used on the last fast. all the learned judges of the land generally present at the late tryals ; the judicious gentle-men of the several jurys , ( both upon their oaths , as well as the evidence ) and all intelligent auditors ( except papists ) are intirely satisfied and if there be yet any others that are not ; i do not doubt , but in due time ( for as there yet are diverse things behind the curtain ) there will be such open plain sun-beam discoveries made , as shall certainly convince them , unless like papists , they shall at once refuse to believe , either their reason or their senses . as to the discourse , which i here present you with ; the first part is an account of what i know , and was actually imployed in by the benedictines and jesuites for contriving , promoting and carrying on of fires in and about this city ; the rest consists of affidavits informations , &c. of others touching matters of the same nature , of which some tis true , have been formerly published , but many of them imperfectly , others now almost out of print , or not common to be had ; and all before scatteringly set forth in several books ; these i thought fit to insert together here for the fuller satisfaction of the present age , and posterity ; to which is added some account of latter fires , and several observables that occurred relating thereunto not before made publick ; all which i conceive may be both welcom and useful in this juncture : two things i would particularly advertise you to take notice of . the first is the several ways , whereby these mischievous people begin and promote fires , which indeed are so various , that 't is difficult to enumerate them all : but we know they have practised these that follow , viz. 1. by fire-balls put in with poles or otherwise through holes , or open places into houses ; as at mr. farriners house which began the great fire . 2. by hard fire-balls thrown through glass-windows , as at the smiths in black-friars . 3. by flinging the said balls , or other combustible matter fired into cellars through the bars , or grates , where they are left without shutters , as at the oyl-mans in southwork . 4. by firing their own lodgings , as the french-man did in shoe-lane , in the time of the great fire ; and likewise , the two peters near safron-hill . 5. by hiring cellars in dangerous places , filling them with combustibles , and then firing them , which was a course they much advised me to . 6. by firing haylofts , as in smithfield . 7. by strangers faining errands , as in the temple . 8. by untiling houses , breaking windows , &c. and there putting in their combustibles . 9. by getting into empty houses and setting them on fire , as in budge-row . 1670. 10. by creeping into back-yards and firing stacks of bavins , reed , &c. as at lime-house . 11. by going into victualling-houses , and leaving behind them trains for firing , as at the cooks in fetter-lane and in southwark . 12. by consederate servants , as lately at the attorneys in the same lane. and that such fires may be the more destructive , when begun , their instructions are , 1. to do it in select places amongst old buildings , and where engines cannot play . 2. to fire the water-houses , and get the new river-water stopt , if they can , for that time near that place . 3. to have some of their chief friends thereabouts , that may misadvise great persons , that they may blow up houses , where it is not necessary , or where rather it will do harm by opening a passage for the fire . 4. to have some of their active instruments , who under pretence of helping may scatter fire balls in contiguous houses , and break down the windows , roof , &c. to let in the fire more easily . 5. to have others attending , that shall cry out against french and papists ; and mightily pitty the people , thereby getting to be trusted with removing of goods , and so to plunder and steal ; or if they find an oportunity to fire houses at a distance . 6. curiously to observe wind and tide in all attempts , as likewise frosts , and very dry times , and chuse sundays for doing the business , because then there is the least water . the other thing i would advise you of , is not to conceit , because the plot is discovered in some measure , and some few of them brought to justice , that therefore now you are secure , and that they will desist from such attempts : for i know their nature and principles so well , that i dare assure you on the contrary , they will be more active and virulent now than ever : and for some proof of this be pleased to consider , how many fires have either actually hapn'd , or been design'd , or begun , though by providence , prevented , since the discovery of the plot . as , at limehouse , septemb. 18. at the temple . at st. pauls church-yard . fetter-lane , apr. 10. near new-inn . ship-yard . southampton buildings . gray-hound-tavern in the strand under a chair . golden-lane . vinegar-yard . crown-court at the lower end of chancery-lane . at the water-house . in the minories . at new-prison . all these and probably many others , that i never heard of , have been since the begining of september last ; so that you see , they are still going on with the trade of twexbury-mustard-balls , when ever they have an opportunity ; it will therefore concern all protestants , to be careful and cautious to prevent such mischeifs from these wicked incendiaries , who still swarm about this town , thinking themselves more safe here , than in the country , and better able to hold correspondence , &c. i know well , with what envy and malice they behold the city ; and that they will leave no villany unatempted , to lay it once more level with the ground , unless possibly seeing it so gloriously rebuilt , and upon consideration of late circumstances , they should think it now better hubandry to preserve it for their own use , as harcoat the tower , than to destroy it , and so invert the other of their design , and strive first to depopulate and massacre its troublesom inhabitants ; that so themselves and their french friends may take possession of these noble structures ; and quietly enjoy the accomodation of the hereticks pains and charge , as the jewes those of the cananites : this i am certain of , thas you are continually to expect from them the worst , that a most improved subtilty joyned with the most implacable malice , both egg'd on with vast bats of profit and power , and sharpned with the fury of blind zeal and thirst of revenge , can either contrive or execute . to prevent which nothing can be more effectual than union , and a good understanding amongst all protestants , though of different perswasions . to obviate the ill art of this common enemy , whose instruments by a thousand devices dayly seek to exasperate you one against another : you must study to cement , as much as they to divide ; but above all , let no jesuitical impressions howsoever maskt ; be able in the least to impair the loyalty to the king , or wheadle you into any tumultuous disturbances ; you can no way gratifie , or serve their interest , more than by such a wicked folly ; this is the point they would gain upon you ; ( and which they have pusht on so unhappily elsewhere ) and then infallibly you shall bear the whole odium of their hellish-plot . may the god of heaven ever preserve his majesty from the open violences , and secret assassinations of these bloody-minded men , as likewise from their subtle insinuations ; may the same omnipotent power bless and protect these nations in general , and the city of london in particular , that his majesty may have a long and prosperous reign ; the protestant religion flowrish , and the designs of rome be blasted , discovered and confounded ; is , and shall ever be the hearty prayers and endeavours of him , vvho is , a most hearty vvell-wisher to the prosperity of that city , and of the true protestant interest william bedloe . a narrative of the popes late fire-works in england . as there is not a more malicious sort of vermine in the world than the iesuits and other factors for rome ( for let me tell you the benedictines and rest of the orders ; nay , the dullest mass-jobbing seculars , are not at all behind hand with the former , in will to commit roguery , whatever they are in parts and sufficiencies to conduct and manage it ) so there can be none more cursedly ingenious in inventing and promoting the most exquisite , various , and to us still new methods of doing mischief . treason and rebellion , private murthers , and publique massacres , poison'd daggers , and consecrated knives : all these have long since been their daily past-time , the old instruments of their worse than pagan cruelties : but of late years they have thereto added and set on foot in these parts another medium of destruction , to ruine protestants in a more oblique and clandestine way ; since they had not ( as is hop'd they never shall have ) power to re-kindle the marian bonfires , and consume their bodies : they resolv'd , and make it their business treacherously to fire their houses , to destroy their goods and estates , till they might be strong enough to venture on their persons . this hell-hatcht design was hugg'd by these holy fathers as a most ghostly expedient for their purpose , for hereby they could undo hundreds , sometimes thousands of families in a few hours space ; and the poor souls scarce ever imagine who hurts them . hereby they could lay waste our metropolis , and designed the same against other goodly cities , corporations , and chief places of trade ( against which they have a particular spleen ) and then to ascribe the disaster to providence , as a judgment for their heresie , or at least to make the ignorant believe it was only the pure effect of chance , or default of a drowsie negligence ; whilst in the mean time they with triumph warm their own fingers at the flames : and not only weaken and impoverish protestants , but in those distractions necessarily attending such calamities , make great advantages to themselves , by filtching , stealing , plundering , &c. besides the opportunities they ever hoped then to gain , of putting in execution their long designed general massacre . i speak not this by guess or hear-say , but out of certain knowledge : and therefore as i have endeavoured to discharge my duty to my prince and countrey , in discovering other intrigues and machinations of this cursed popish plot , so i think my self obliged to set forth some transactions that i have been privy unto , particularly concerning this matter : and therefore omitting several consults which have been held , and did all more or less relate to the grand design , viz. the destruction of his majesty ( whom god preserve ) his religion and government , i shall at present only undertake to give an account of what i know hath been ordered in these consults ( and in pursuance thereof prosecuted and attempted ) tending to the firing of london , westminster , &c. in the moneth of iune 1676. it was my fortune to be at paris , at the english covent of benedictine monks , with whom ( by several means and on diverse accounts , too tedious and not at all material here to be related ) i had much ingratiated my self ; so that at that time they reposed an intire confidence in me as a fit instrument for their purposes . amongst other discourses that happened there about the great business , which they and others were then most vigoriously carrying on ; viz. to subvert the protestant religion and introduce popery into england : they fell to debate the several wars and means preparatory thereunto , and what might be the best expedients to facilitate and accomplish the same : and as they did nothing without correspondence and communication of counsels from their fellow-conspirators in england , so some or one of them produced several betters from london , wherein were divers particulars relating to the firing of the city and suburbs of london , and other cities and eminent towns in england , which was then and at all times concluded and agreed unto by them , to be the chief way and almost only means in their power , whereby to plain the way for their design : for they were unanimously of opinion , that it was absolutely necessary to weaken and ruin the said city of london , ere they could bring any of their other contrivances to perfection . in this debate some of them thanked god ( such was their impious piety ) that their attempts upon london in that kind had hitherto succeeded very well ; and though the houses beyond all expectation were rebuilt to a greater degree of strength and ornament than ever , yet many thousands of her inhabitants still laboured under the effects , and languisht with incurable consumptions , occasioned by the late burning fevers they had cast her into : adding , that they would never leave that city , till they had pulled down her pride by fire and piracy . after this discourse and much more to the like purpose , which was very freely and earnestly managed , i being all the while present , they at last proceeded to ask me , whether i would be assistant to them in carrying on that business , as i had been in the other great concern ; this being one of the best expedients to ripen and push on that ? to which i readily seem'd to assent ; assuring them that i could and would do more therein than any other could : magnifying what intimate knowledge i had of all parts of london and some other great trading cities , which did capacitate me to effect such a business more certainly and securely than another . in fine , they were extreamly satisfied , and told me , that when i came to england , i should be joyned as an assistant to father gifford for prosecuting the said affair . this gifford was a jesuite , and ( as the said letters did specifie ) the person that had managed the great conflagration in 1666 , and as they said , was concerned in the fire at southwark ( which had happened not above a month before this discourse ) and had attempted the like at many other times and places where he had miss'd of performance . this likewise is the same gifford mentioned in the depositions of mr. stubbs and mary oxley , herein after set forth ; whereby the later was brought to set fire to her masters house in fetter-lane in april last . at this consult of the benedictines there were several letters produced as aforesaid , all relating to the firing of london and its suburbs , and other towns in england ; and very urgent they were with me to be sure at my return to be very diligent and expeditious in dispatching the same : and that i should receive necessary orders , encouragement , and supplies to inable me thereunto . but i being then upon a iourney into spain , heard no more of that business till the year 1678 ; and then i was in a consult with the said gifford and several others , priests and iesuits ( who met in such consults every week , in order to carry on the business of firing ) at this our meeting it was concluded to fire lime-house and wapping first , and then and by that means to burn all or the most of the ships and vessels in the river : for which purpose several of the said consultors and their assistants , were to be ready on the water , as men to help , but indeed to fire the outwardest ships , and cut theirs , or other ships cables ( as should be most convenient ) to make them fall foul on each other , and burn together . in pursuance of this resolution , a real effect thereof was the fire at lime-house , that shortly after followed ; though not doing that great execution that they expected , by reason of the absence of some of the persons that were to have managed the same . after , which fire i was with gifford and others several nights on the thames about london bridge , and there did make strict observations of the houses on either side ; making choice of the widest and the lowest windows in their vaults and cellars , or lower rooms ; and taking notice what houses had the most , and the most dangerous combustible materials in them , and where they might best and most effectually put in their surest fire-balls and instruments in the night under the houses , to burn down the bridge ; which they concluded to do at high-water , when their boats might be brought almost equal to such windows : we considered likewise of means how to fire the tower of london : but father harcourt ( now lately executed for treason ) then told us , they had made sure of that place within ; and therefore ordered us not to concern our selves with that : for it would be more for our advantage , to preserve it for our business , than to destroy it . in short , for near a twelve-month before i came in to make a discovery , i had been imployed to use all arts and endeavors to carry on this design of firing the city of london and other places about it ; and the order and conduct of it , how and where to set my fires , was left chiefly to my management ; but with this limitation , that the iesuites , who were the master-incendiaries , and my imployers , were to see and inspect , how far and how sure i had laid my combustibles and fewel ; which accordingly they did . in august last i did endeavour to rent several old cellars , wherein to stow wood , coal , and other preparations , of which i was ordered to buy several parcels ; which accordingly i bought ; as likewise several barrels of gun-powder and i did place them in many parts of the city and suburbs , in order to this damnable design : and that the reader may not think this a naked affirmation , but that the truth and certainty of what i here aver , may the better appear , i will here set down particularly some of the places that i so took , to hold this wood and coal , and where i did house many chaldrons of coals and hundreds of faggots , &c. to this purpose : viz. some hundreds of faggots and provision of coal , &c. for this very use , i laid in at my lodging in essex garden , at the back-door of the palsgraves-head tavern , near the temple ; which was to burn the temple , with the records and writings there . another parcel was in brewers-yard in the strand , at a cellar and some old buildings there ; which cellar doth belong to mr. morgan at the red bible in bedford-street . another parcel at mr. browns in white friars . some i was to send into an old cellar at mr. withers's at the plough in seething lane : more into red and white-cross-street , bishops gave-street , queen h●ve , and several other places in and about the city . all which i am ready to make truly to appear , when and how , i shall by authority be required . several other designs have been laid , in order to this work , to set divers places on fire ; and not a few persons imployed , but none of them knowing each other ; some of which have taken effect in part , some have not : but without speedy prevention and great care , they will alwayes ( as unwearied in villany ) attempt , and too often ( as we have just cause to fear ) perform what they have laid and contrived by so many and different ways and means ; all still held in read ness , and attending only the dismal blow directed against our sovereigns life ; which god defend . amen . the last consult i had with them about the affair of firing , was in august 1678. when i laid in my stores for the work ; others were then consulting and advising how to put the king out of the way ( for by that phrase they generally express murther ) and such of the magistrates as did most oppose them : and that being done , my firing of london was to follow ; and upon that conflagration , as a general signal , we were openly to appear in arms and declare for the pope . now for a more full satisfaction to all the world , and the further confirmation and justification of what i have said , and to demonstrate that the great fire in 66. and divers others since , were begun and carried on by the contrivance and industry of the papists , especially iesuites and priests , and their instruments ; i shall to this testimony of mine own add the true copies of divers plain and authentick affidavits , depositions , examinations , and informations of many others , given in unto committees of parliament , and taken before iustices of the peace , or other sufficient authority , relating to the same matter : and likewise annex an account of the several notable fires since 66. to this time , with some observations on the circumstances thereof , and remarkable passages therein : all which sufficiently corroborate and make it evident , to whose designs and management it is , that england ows most of the late dismal calamities by fire , which have been so much more frequent and destructive of late years ( notwithstanding the great improvements of care and art to prevent and quench them ) than ever heretofore . and first of all i shall recite those testimonies relating to the dreadful fire in 66. the vast damage whereof may be conceived to be inestimable , by this brief state of the extent of the ground laid desolate , and the number of houses then consumed , extracted from the certificates of the surveyors soon after appointed to survey the ruins : whereby it appeareth , that the fire that began in london upon the second of september 1666. at one mr. farryners house a baker in pudding-lane , between the hours of one and two in the morning , and continued burning until the sixth of that month , did over-run the space of three hundred seventy three acres within the walls of the city of london , and sixty three acres three roods without the vvalls . there remain'd seventy five acres three roods standing within the vvalls unburnt . eighty nine parish churches , besides chappels burnt . eleven parishes within the vvalls standing . houses burnt , thirteen thousand two hundred . surveyors . jonas moore , ralph gatrix , upon the eighteenth of the same september the parliament came together , and upon the 25th . of the same month the house of commons appointed a committee to inquire into the causes of the late fire , before whom the following informations were given in , and proved before the committee ; as by their report will more clearly appear , bearing date the two and twentieth of ianuary 66. but upon the eighth of february following , the parliament was prorogued , before they came to give their judgment thereupon . the order of the house for the committee , die martis 25 septembris 1666. 18 car. 2. resolved , &c. that a committee be appointed to inquire into the causes of the late fire , and that it be referred to sir charles harbord mr. seymour . sir rowland beckley col. strangways sir john charlton mr. sandys mr. finch sir tho. allen sir edward massey lord ancram col. birch lord herbert mr. whorwood sir edm. walpool mr. pepis sir robert brook sir john heath mr. coventry sir robert atkins sir richard everard sir tho. littleton . mr. millward serj. maynard . sir thomas gower mr. crouch mr. prin sir richard ford sir jo. talbot mr. trevor mr. merrel mr. jones mr. rob. milward mr. morley sir thomas clifford sir will. hickman sir solom . swale sir will. lowther mr. garraway sir hen. caesar sir richard brown sir tho. tomlins sir rich. vatley sir fran. goodrick sir john monson mr. maynard . and they are to meet to morrow at two of the clock in the afternoon , in the speakers chamber ; and to send for persons , papers and records . vvill. goldesbrough , cer. dom. com. october 9. 1666. ordered , that these members following be added to the committee appointed to enquire into the causes of the late fire , viz sir john pelham , mr. hugh buscowen , mr. giles hungerford , sir vvilliam lewis , sir gilbert gerrard , sir john brampstone , mr. milward , mr. buscowen ; and all the members that serve for the city of london . vvill. goldesbrough , cler. dom. com. october 16. 1666. ordered . that mr. davies , sir thomas higgons , mr. st. john , sir richard franklin , sir thomas tomkins , mr. devereux , mr. millard , mr. lewis , mr. dowdswell , sir james thyn , sir edm. pierse , mr. coleman , sir tho. allen , mr. giles hungerford , mr. churchill , be added to the committee appointed to enquire into the causes of the late fire . will. goldesbrough , cler. dom. com. the honourable committee , according to the fore-mentioned orders of the house , did meet in the speakers chamber , and having chosen sir robert brook for their chairman , proceeded to receive many considerable informations from divers credible persons , about the matter wherewith they were intrusted ; and thereupon did at last agree that sir robert brook should make the ensuing report to the honourable house of commons . the report of sir robert brook , chair-man to the committee that was appointed by the house of commons to enquire into the firing of the city of london ; made the two and twentieth of january , 1666. that in a letter from alanson of the 23d of august 1666 , new stile , written from one dural to a gentleman lodging in the house of one of the ministers of the french church in london , called monsieur herault , there were these expressions : pray acquaint me with the truth of certain news which is common in this country , that a fire from heaven is fallen upon a city called belke , scituated on the side of the river of thames , where a world of people have been killed and burnt , and houses also consumed : which seemeth a word of cabal , cast out by some that were knowing , and taken up by others that might be ignorant of the signification of it . mrs elizabeth styles informs , that in april last , in an eager discourse she had with a french man servant of sir vere fan , he hastily replied , you english maids will like the frenchmen better , when there is not a house left between temple-bar and london-bridge . to which she answered , i hope your eyes will never see that . he replied , this will come to pass between june and october . william tisdale informs , that he being about the beginning of july at the greyhound in st. martins , with one fitz-harris an irish papist , heard him say , there would be a sad desolation in september , in november a worse , in december all would be united into one . whereupon he asked him , where this desolation would be ? he answered , in london . mr. light of ratcliff , having some discourse with mr. langhorn of the middle-temple , barrister * ( reputed a zealous papist ) about february 65 last , after some discourse in disputation about religion , he took him by the hand , and said to him , you expect great things in sixty six , and think that rome will be destroyed , but what if it be london ? mr. kitley of barkin in essex , informs , that one mrs. yazly , a papist , of ilford in the said county , came unto his house , august the 13th , and being in discourse with his mother , said , they say the next thursday will be the bottest day that ever was in england . she replied , i hope the hottest season of the year is now past . to which she answered , i know not whether it be the hottest for weather or for action , this mrs. yazly coming to the same house the week after the fire , mr. kitley said to her with some trouble , i have often thought of your hot thursday : to which she replyed , it was not indeed upon the thursday , but it happened upon the sunday was sennight after . mrs yazly hearing this evidence produced against her , endeavoured to avoid the words , saying , that upon the 13th of august she did tell mrs. kitley , that they say the next thursday will be the darkest thursday that ever was in england , but not otherwise ; which she affirms to have received from one finchman , an old woman of ilford ; who being examined by a justice of peace to discover the truth thereof , denied that ever she said any such words to mrs yazly , or that she had discoursed with her about any such matter . and as to the subsequent words , she saith mrs yazly denies ever to have spoken them : but mr. kitley offered in her presence ( if it should be demanded ) to bring his mother and wife to testifie the same . william ducket esq a member of the house , informs , that one henry baker of chippenham in the county of wilts , coming from market with one john woodman of kelloway in the same county , the thursday before the fire began in london , they had some discourse about the buying of a yoke of fat bullocks , wherein they differed ; because woodman , who was to sell them , was desired to keep them a while in his hands : but the said woodman denied so to do , for that as he alledged , he could not stay in the country till that time which baker would have them delivered to him in ; and being asked whither he was going , he refused to tell : asking what had he to do to make that question ; but riding a little further , the said woodman exprest these words , you are brave blades at chippenham , you made bonfires lately for beating the dutch ; but since you delight in bonfires , you shall have your bellies full of them ere it be long : adding , that if he lived one week longer , he should see london as sad a london as ever it was since the world began . and in some short time after , he should see as bloody a time as ever was , since england was england . this discourse was not much taken notice of at that time it was spoken . but when the city of london was burnt , the said henry baker gave this information to the said mr. ducket , and thereupon he issued out his warrant to apprehend woodman , but he was gone out of the country , and cannot be heard of since . robert hubert of roan in normandy , who acknowledged that he was one of those that fired the house of mr. farryner a baker in pudding-lane , from whence the fire had its beginning , confessed , that he came out of france with one stephen piedelou , * about four months before the fire , and went into sweden with him , where he also staid with him as his companion four months , and then they came together into england in a swedish ship called the skipper , where he staid on board with the said piedelou till that saturday night , in which the fire brake out . when piedelou taking him out of the ship , carried him into pudding-lane , and he being earnest to know whither he would carry him ? he would not satisfie him till he had brought him to the place , and then he told him , that he had brought three balls , and gave him one of them to throw into the house . and he would have been further satisfied in the design , as he said , before he would execute it : but piedelou was so impatient that he would not hear him , and then he did the fact , which was , that he put a fire-ball at the end of a long pole , and lighting it with a piece of march , he put it in at a window * and staid till he saw the house in a flame . he confessed that there were three and twenty complices , whereof piedelou was the chief . mr. graves a french merchant living in st. mary axe , informed this committee , that he had known hubert ever since he was four years old , and hath ever observed him to be a person of a mischievous inclination , and therefore fit for any villainous enterprize ; and because of his knowledge he had of him , he went to visit him in poison , where when he saw him , he could not but commisorate the condition whereinto he had brought himself . and for his better discovery of the fact , he told him the said hubert , that he did not believe he had done that of which he confessed himself guilty . to which hubert replyed , yes sir , i am guilty of it , and have been brought to it by the instigation of monsieur piedelou ; but not out of any malice to the english nation , but from a desire of reward which he promised me upon my return into france . it is observable , that this miserable creature who confessed himself to the committee to be a protestant , was a papist , and died so . and as for the aforesaid piedelou , the said mr. graves informed , that he had a full knowledge of him , and knew him to be a very deboist person , and apt to any wicked design . moreover , for a clear conviction of the guilt of the aforesaid hubert , mr. lowman , the keeper of the white-lion prison , was appointed to set him upon a horse , and to go with him , and see if he could find out the place where he threw the fire-ball . and what followed thereupon , appears by : mr. lowmans certificate concerning the behaviour of the said robert hubert , at the place where the fire began , when carried thither . in obedience to an order directed to me , from the honourable committee of the house of commons , then sitting in the speakers chamber of the second of october , 1666. i did carry robert hubert to st. katherines-tower by water , to let me know the place where the swedish ship lay , that brought him and other frenchmen from stockholm , and he brought me to the dock over-against mr. corsellis , his brew-house , and did then verifie to me , and mr. corsellis , that the ship lay there , until such time as he with mr. piedelou and others did go and set fire to a house . and this hubert did then further say , that mr. piedelou did fix two fire-balls to a long pole , and put them into a window ; and that he the said robert hubert did fire one in the same manner , and put it in at the same vvindow . but with all the inquiry and diligence that i could use , i could neither find nor hear of any such vessel . and from thence i carried the said robert hubert to tower-hill , and did then desire him to shew me the house that they did fire , and he said , that it was near the bridge . so we went along thames-street towards the bridge ; but before we came to the bridge , the said robert hubert said , that the house was up there ( pointing with his hand up pudding-lane ; ) so i bid him go to the place , and he went along the bricks and rubbish , and made a stand . then did i ask one robert penny , a vvine-porter , which was the bakers house ? and he told me , that was the house where the aforesaid robert hubert stood . so i went to robert hubert and stood by him , and turned my back towards the bakers house , and demanded of him , which house it was that he fired , ( directing to other houses contrary to that house : ) but he turning himself about , said , this was the house ( pointing to the bakers house ) that was first fired . then by reason of his lameness i set him on a horse , and carried him to several other places , but no other place would he acknowledge ; but rode back again to the bakers house , and said again , that that was the house ( pointing at the bakers house ) and this i do humbly certifie to this honourable committee . be me iohn lowman , keeper of his majesties county-goal for surry . it being intimated to the committee , that notwithstanding the confession of the said hubert , it was confidently reported the fire in the forementioned farryners house began by accident : the committee therefore sent for him the said farryner before them , who being examined , said , that it was impossible any fire should happen in his house by accident ; for he had after twelve of the clock that night gone through every room thereof , and found no fire , but in one chimney , where the room was paved with bricks , which fire he diligently raked up in embers . he was then asked , whether no window or door might let in wind to disturb those coals ? he affirmed there was no possibility for any wind to disturb them : and that it was absolutely set on fire of purpose . note , that this hubert was some time after tryed , condemned and executed for this fact , and at his death did acknowledge and own the doing thereof , and that he was instigated thereunto by monsieur piedelou as aforesaid . dawes weymensel esq one of his majestie ▪ justices of the peace , informed , that he saw a man apprehended in the time of the fire , near the temple , with his pockets stuft with combustible matter , made of flax , tow , and such-like materials . doctor iohn packer informs , that he saw a person in the time of the fire , throw some combustible matter into a shop in the old bayly , which he thinks was the shop of an apothecary ; and that immediately thereupon he saw a great smoak , and smelt a smell of brimstone . the person that did this immediately ran away ; but upon the out-cry of the people he was taken by the guards . mr. randal , mr. haslem , and mr. humphrey bowyer , do all agree , that they saw a person flinging something into a house near st. antholines church ; and that thereupon the house was on fire , and the smoak thereof infested the adjacent houses . and when this was done , there was no fire near the place . mr. michael march , an officer in the trained bands in a company of sir richard browns , apprehended a walloon in the time of the fire , at the nags-head in leaden-hall-street , with an instrument like a dark lanthorn , made ( as is conceived ) to lay a train of powder , and it was tilled with gun-powder . there were two more of the same nation in his company . they being asked to what use they employed the same instrument , would give no account thereof . newton killingworth esq informed , that he apprehended a person during the fire about whom he found much combustible matter , and certain black things of a long figure , which he could not indure to hold in his hands , by reason of their extream heat . this person was so surprized at first , that he would not answer to any question ; but being on his way to white-hall , he acted the part of a mad-man , and so continued while he was with him . sir iohn maynard , a member of this house , affirms , that he had some of that combustible matter in his hands ; and though it were in its natural substance , and unfired , yet the heat of it was scarcely to be endured by the touch . mr. freeman of southwark brewer ( whose house was lately fired ) informs , that on the day his house was fired ( about a quarter of an hour before that happened ) a paper with a ball of wild-fire , containing near a pound weight wrapped in it , was found in the nave of a wheel , in a wheelers-yard , where lay a great quantity of timber . how his house was fired , he knoweth not ; but this he affirmed to the committee , that it could not be by accident , because there had not been any candle or fire in the housewhere the hay lay , that whole day ; and that the hay being laid in very dry , and before midsummer , could not possibly be set on fire within it self . moreover he said . that the hay-loft was on fire on the top of the house , and that the fire spread from the one end of the roof to another in an instant . mr. richard harwood informs , that being near the feathers tavern by st. pauls , upon the fourth of september , he saw something through a grate in a cellar , like wild-fire , by the sparkling and spitting of it , he could judge it to be no other : whereupon he gave notice of it to some souldiers that were near the place , who caused it to be quenched . i had order from the committee to acquaint you , that we traced several persons apprehended upon strong suspicion ( during the fire ) to the guards , but could not make further discovery of them . ☞ thus far was the report : what follows was given in to the committee , but not by them reported to the house at that time . a letter from a person of credit to the chair-man of the said committee . sir , hearing that you are chairman to the committee for examining the firing of london , i thought good to acquaint you with this information that i have received . william champneys a hatband-maker , now living upon horslydown , was upon tuesday-morning , september the fourth 1666 , in shoe-lane , and there met with a constable who had apprehended a frenchman , whom he took firing a house there with fire-balls , and charged the said champneys to assist him ; who carried the said frenchman to salisbury court , hoping there to have found a justice ; but finding that place burning down , returned into fleet-street , who was presently called upon by the commander of the life-guard , to know what the matter was . the constable told him , he had apprehended a frenchman firing a house in shoe-lane ; he examined the person and committed him to the guard , and told the constable he would secure him ; and carried him along with him . the constable asked him whether he should go along with him to give in his evidence ? he replied , that he had done enough , and might go home . but what became of the frenchman he knoweth not . your humble servant , s. g. in a letter from ipswich , directed , for the honourable sir robert brook , it is intimated , that about the 30th of august 1666 , one of the constables of cotton in harismer hundred , being about the survey of that town about hearth money , was told by one mr. will am thompson , a roman catholick in that town , that though time , were like to besad , yet if he found any cause to change his religion , he would see he should not want : and further said to him , what will you say , if you hear that london is burnt ? the affdavits touching a frenchman that said , there were three hundred of them engaged in firing the city . the informations of richard ●ou●d of st. giles in the fields , ironmonget ; william cotes , samuel page , francis cogny , edmond dakins , and richard pardoe , taken the 8th day of septemb. 1666 , by sir justlnian lewen knight , one of his majesties justices of the peace for the country of middlesex , upon oath , as followeth : richard bound saith , that upon tuesday night last about twelve or one of the clock , there was a frenchman brought by the watch to this informants fathers house , being at the sign of the white-hart in king-street , taken as a suspicious person : the said person being questioned by them , whether he was not one of those that fired the city , or had a hand therein , or any privity or knowledge of any that had designed the same ? or words to that effect : the said person answered a great while in a perverse manner , quite different from the question . but being further pressed to tell the truth , and being told , that if be were guilty , it would be the only way to save his life : he did at first obstinately deny , that he knew any thing of any plot. whereupon a young man took the prisoner aside to the end of the room , and after some private discourse between them , they both returned to this informant and the rest of the company , and the said young man spake openly to us , in the hearing of the prisoner , that the said frenchman and prisoner had confessed , there were three hundred frenchmen that were in a plot or conspiracy to fire the city . upon which this informant and others spake to the said frenchman in these words or to the same effect : well monsieur , you have done very well to confess what you have done , and no doubt but you may have your pardon , if you will confess all you know of this plot : and thereupon further asked him , are there no more than three hundred persons in the said plot ? he answered , there are no more than three hundred persons . then we inquired who they were , and how he came to know they were three hundred ? to which he would give no direct answer , but put it off with other extravagant discourse . and being asked , why he came to st. giles parish ( where he was apprehended ? ) he told a story , that he came from islington-fields , where his masters goods were : but the goods were now removed , but he could not tell whither ; and that his master bid him go up and down the fields , but would not declare upon what occasion , or for what end he was so to do : and being asked whether there were three hundred persons engaged in this design or plot ? he replied , that there were three hundred engaged in it . the several informations of william cotes of cow-lane of london painter , of samuel page of st. giles in the fields weaver , of edmund dakins of st. giles aforesaid , bookseller ; of francis cockney of st. andrews holbourn ; of richard pardoe victualler , taken upon oath , &c. tend to the confirmation of the fore-going relation . an extract of a letter from heydleburgh , in the palatinate , september the 29th 1666. sir , yours of the sixth currant came on wednesday to me , and brought me the ill tidings of the burning of london , constantly expected and discoursed of amongst the iesuites to my knowledge for these fifteen years last past , as to happen this year . in which they do also promise to themselves and others , the introduction of the publick exercise of the catholick religion . this letter was sent to mr. alton , who lives in new-gravel-lane in shadwell , who negotiates the business of the palatinate , and will produce the original , if there be occasion . the information of john chishul schoolmaster in enfield . upon friday , aug. 31. mrs. st. george and her eldest daughter susanna s. george , both popish recusants , came to visit mrs. rebecca eves widow , at her house in enfield ; where speaking concerning the session of parliament drawing nigh , mrs. st. george told her , that some would hereafter be called to an account for a plot . being asked for what ? she told her in her ear , for burning the city . mrs eves afterwards hearing of the firing of london ( and going to a place where she might behold it ) met with mrs. susanna st. george , and ( amongst other discourse ) told her how much her mothers words , which she spake the friday before , did run in her thoughts ; which she repeated to her daughter : who made this reply , that her mother was very apt to talk , and that sae bid been fain to keep her mother within doors during the fire , fearing lest she should talk . after this ( during the fire ) mrs eves mer with mrs. cook , another popish recusant , and of the same family , to whom she also related mrs. st. george her words ; who made this return , that she was a worthy woman to keep counsel . also the lady st. george at enfield in the lord of lincoln's house , declared to mrs. rebecca eves of the said town , that within a few dayes the city of london would be laid in ashes . this was spoken about two dayes before the fire happened . mrs. eves of enfield her examination before mr. jolliff and mr. marvel , decemb. 20. 1666. concerning mrs. st. george . mrs. rebecca eves of enfield ; three or four days , or within a week before the fire , receiving a visit in her own house from mrs. st. george ( amongst other discourses ) mrs. st. george akt her what news she heard ? and , if she knew when the parliament sate ? mrs. eves replied she thought shortly . the other asked , if she heard of any that were to be called in question before the parliament ? mrs. eves said , about what ? mrs. st. george said , about a i lot . mrs. eves asked , what plot ? mrs. st. george answered . about firing the city mrs. eves said , i hope god will preservs the city , but people use not to be questioned before the fact be committed . so the discourse was waved for that time . at the time of the fine , mrs. eves went out to look towards the fire , and mentioning mrs. st. george , one in the company replied behind her ( but she cannot certainly fix the person ) a prime woman , to keep counsel ! after the fire , mrs. st. george her daughter came to mrs eves , who asked her if she remembred what her mother had said ? she said , my mother is such a woman , she will speak what she thinks . afterwards she said , that she had much ado to keep her mother in at the time of the fire , lest she should speak some things she should be questioned for . at the first discourse , mrs. eves , her daughter , and others of her family were present . mr. st. george , his wife and family , have since left enfield . they are all great papists , and there are many more in the neighbourhood . a letter directed and sent by the post to mr. samuel thurlton in leicestershire , from my friend , 〈…〉 a person unknown , as followeth ; dated october 16. 1666. your presence is now more necessary at london , than where you are , that you may determine how to dispose of your estate in southwark : for it is determined by humane counsel ( if not frustrated by divine power ) that the suburbs will shortly be destroyed . your capacity is large enough to understand . proceed as your genius shall instruct you . cave , cave , fuge . vale. ☞ a true relation from essex . saturday the first of september 1666 , the day before the fire in london , came one urmstraw from ireland , with a letter from thence to one esq holcroft at east-ham in essex ( being related to that family by marriage ) where he supped . after which he askt the esquire , if he had heard any thing of the firing of london ? who answered , no. but urmstraw said , he would shortly , for it was or would be so that night . the esquire answered , if it were , he hoped it might be quenched again , as it had been no any a time . but urmstraw answered , no , it would not be quenched : for it should be said of it , as of troy , repeating a latine verse , nunc seges est ubi ●roja suit , that now corn grows where troy stood this discourse was managed pleasantly by him , after which they went to their beds . and in the morning this urmseram inquires carnestly , whether they had heard of the firing of london that night ? they answered , not but he prayed them to send one of the family out so inquire , and doubtless they would hear of it : upon which a messenger was sent , who brought in word from a man that travelled upon the road , that it was on fire indeed . after dinner this urmstraw desires his horse to be saddled , that he might be gone . the esquire intreats him to stay till next morning : but he answered , if i should stay , i should sleep no more this night than i did the last : therefore i would go see london before its quite burned : for i shall never see it more . sunday morning the fine being begun in london ? a person coming from deptford , when he came to barnaby-street-end in southwark , hears a woman cry but against a frenchman for throwing fire balls , he runs after him , and lays hold of him : he asked him what commission he had for so doing ? he answered , that his-commission was in his chest. the people coming in , they search'd him , and found fire-balls in his pockets . he was delivered to the guard in southwark , but heard of no more . a citizen being burnt out of his house , had hired a lodging in queens-street in covent-garden ; and going up holborn ( there being a crowd of people ) steps in amongst them , and hears a woman say , that she had a hand in firing the city . the people askt her , whether she were an anabaptist ? she said no : are you an independent ? she said no : are you a presbyterian ? she said no : are you a roman catholick ? to which she would give no answer . the citizen asked her , but mistress had you a hand in burning the city ? she answered , what would you have me say ? i have confessed it already , and do deserve to dye for it : this she said with great trembling , and seemed to be much troubled . the citizen enquired for a constable , the people reply'd there was one gone for , but a gallant comes , and takes her by the arm , and leads her away , saying he would have her examined , and forth with another gallant closeth with him , and they both carryed her to the griffin tavern in holborn . the citizen follows them , to see the result of the business . but , they , with the master of the house , shut out the company ( all but the citizen , supposing him to be one of their own companions ) but asking one the other concerning him , and finding him not of them , put him out again . whereupon he goes to the next company of souldiers , and inquires for their captain , who replyed , he was not there , but told him , yonder is my lord craven , unto whom the citizen repaired , and acquainted his lordship , that there was a woman apprehended ( and rescued by a couple of gallants ) that had confessed she had a hand in burning the city , and was at such a tavern . whereupon the lord craven calls to a captain in the street , and ordered him to go with that man and apprehend the woman that he should direct him to ; whereupon he goes with the citizen , and takes her with the first gallant , who stood up highly in her defence , and carries them both to an alehouse on the other side of the way . the citizen perceiving that nothing would be done with her , leaves his name with the captain , and where he might be found , but was never called for to justifie the words spoken by her . a woman standing in white-chappel with a company about her , was askt what the matter was ? she said , that she met two young men in that place , and asked them how it was with the fire : they answered , it s now almost out , if it can be kept so , but the rogues renew it with their fireballs . ay saith another woman , young men , if you have a heart to it , you may be hired to throw fire-balls too ; for i know where twenty were hired yesterday to throw them . it was askt her , what was become of the woman that spake thus ? she answered , that she had apprehended her and delivered her to the under beadle of white-chappel-parish . the woman falling under the accusation ( not being able to deny it ) there being many witnesses at that time that heard it : she was delivered to sir john robinson , but heard of no more . one from france writes to his correspondent in london , to know the truth of what was muttered in paris , whether london were laid in ashes or no. the letter being dated a week before the fire began . from surry in or near darkin , a person in ordinary habit ( who was yet observed to take place of all the nobility and gentry among the papists ) seeing the people of darkin mourn for the burning of the city , he spake slightingly of it , telling them , they should have something else to trouble themselves for , and that shortly darkin should laid be as low as london . whereupon the people made at him , and one mr. howard a great papist rescues him , and sends him away in his coach to london . this was deposed before sir adam brown , a justice of peace and a member of parliament . these following relations ( for substance ) were delivered to sir robert brooks , chairman of the committee , a little before the prorogation of the parliament , and others are ready to be justified . a true relation made by one of the grand jury , at hicks hall , at a general quarter-sessions , presently after the fire in london . that near west-smithfield in cheek lane , there was a man taken in the very act of firing a house , by the inhabitants and neighbours ; and carrying him away through smithfield , to have him before a justice for the fact committed , the kings life guard perceiving it , made up unto them , and demanded their prisoner from them ; but they refused to let him go . the life-guard men told them , that he was one of the kings servants , and said , we will have him ; and thereupon they drew out their swords and pistols , and rescued him out of the peoples hands by force of arms. a bill of indictment was brought against him , and two or three witnesses did swear unto it , and the bill was found by the grand jury , who did carry it to the old-baily , and presented to the lord chief justice ; but it came to no further tryal , nor was ever seen after at the old baily , so far as this person upon his best enquiry could ever hear or learn. concerning a house-keeper at so-ho , who fired his own dwelling-house . first he secured all his goods in his garden , and then went in and fired his house ; which when he had done , he endeavoured to get away out at his fore door . a neighbour demanded of him who had fired his house ? he answered , the devil . upon that , his neighbour bid him stand , or he would run his halbert into his guts . his answer was , if you do , there are enough left behind me to do the work . whereupon he was secured , and a bill of indictment brought against him , and about three witnesses did swear to it , and his son came in a witness against him , who was demanded by the foreman , what he could say as to the firing of his fathers house ? he said , that his father did fire it with a fire-ball . it was demanded of him , whether he did fire it above stairs , or below ? he answered , above-stairs . the bill was likewise found ; but the petty-jury being too much influenced and over-awed by the l. c. j. k. did not find him guilty . humphrey ayrs of white-lion-court in barbican porter is ready to depose upon oath , that on the third of september 1666 , being the monday , at which time the fire was as farre off as walbrook , he coming to budge-row , and no fire near that he could perceive , on a sudden he saw two houses about the middle of budge-row , betwixt st. antholines church and walbrook break out in a light fire in their middle stories , before ever the tops of the said houses catcht or were toucht with fire , so that they burnt downwards till the roof fell into the fire . the like is attested by mr. morton a gold-smith near the end of foster-lane , who averrs , that the people that dwelt in aldersgate , having removed their goods and abandoned the same , he on a sudden saw a fire in one of the rooms , which must needs be set on fire as well because there was no other fire near thereabouts at that time , nor for many hours after , as also for that it began not on the top but inwardly , and so flam'd forth through the very stones ; but by his calling out for help it was for that time quencht , though afterwards fired again ; it being so convenient for their purpose , who design'd to have carryed on the flames further up aldersgate-street , though in that respect god prevented them . in the same manner a person of eminent quality , and another very worthy gentleman both then of the temple , have attested , that in that fire in 1666 , they saw the fire break out at the temple when no fire was near , nor could they possibly make any reasonable apprehension how from the common conflagration any fire should reach thither , or catch at the place where they observ'd it to break out . a maid was taken in the street with two fire-balls in her lap ; some did demand of 〈◊〉 where she had them ? she said , one of the kings life-guard threw them into her lap : she was asked 〈…〉 had not caused him to be apprehended ? she said , that she knew not what they were . she was indicted for this , and the bill found against her , and turned over to the old-baily , but no prosecution upon it . in the time of the fire a constable took a frenchman firing a house , seized on him , and going to a magistrate with him , met with his royal highness the duke of york , who asked the reason of the tumuit : one told him that a frenchman was taken firing a house ; his highness called for the man , who spake to him in french. the duke asked , who would attest it ? the constable said , i took him in the act , and i will attest it . the duke took him into his custody , and said , i will secure him . but he was heard of no more . on munday the third of september , there was a frenchman taken firing a house ; and upon searching of him , fire-balls were found about him . at which time four of the life-guard rescued the frenchman , and took him away from the people , after their usual manner in the whole time of the fire . one mr. belland a frenchman , living at maribone , who bought great store of pastboard for a considerable time before the fire in the city of london , to the quantity of twenty gross in one shop , and much more elsewhere , was asked by a citizen , what he did with all that pastboard ? he answered that he made fire-works for the kings pleasure . the citizen asked him , what doth the king give you ? he replyed , nothing , onely i have respects at court : the citizen said , take heed , mr. belland , you do not expend your estate , and then lose your respects at court , for you are at a great charge . belland answered , sir , do you think this a great matter ? i use all this my self ; but if you did see all the great quantities i have made elsewhere , in three several places , three , four , and five miles off , you would say something . another time , the stationer with whom he dealt for pastboard , being at his house in maribone , and wondring at the many thousands of fire works that lay piled up of several sorts , he said , sir , do you wonder at this ? if you should see the quantity that i have made elsewhere by other men , you would wonder indeed . the sunday before the fire began , this belland came to the shop where he was wont to buy his pastboard , but the stationer being not there , he desired a citizen ( the stationers neighbour ) to speak to him , and to let him know that he had much wronged him in disappointing him of the four gross of pastboard which he should have had of him and said that he should not do his work by the time and that if he had it not by tuesday night , it would come too late , he should have no occasion for it after that ( which was the tuesday night before the the fire ) mr. belland ( said the citizen ) what is the reason of your hast ? have you any shew suddenly before the king ? at which he blusht , and would give no answer . says the citizen , what kind of fire-works do you make , onely such as will crack and run ? belland answered , i make of all sorts ; some that will burn and make no crack at all , but will flye up in in a pure body of flame , higher then the top of pauls , and waver in the ayre . says the citizen , mr. belland , when you make your shew , shall i see it ? yes , said belland , i promise you , and gave him his hand upon it . which citizen in the time of the fire , being upon the thames in a boat , saw , to his great amazement , sundry bodies of fire , burning above the fire of the houses as high again as pauls wavering in the ayre , directly according to bellands description . and after the burning of the city , the stationer and the other citizen agreed to go to maribone , to speak with this belland ; and by the way met with his two maids and his boy : and having some knowledge of them , asked for young mr. belland , who told them he was not at home , neither knew they where he was . but the citizens observing that they carryed with them rabbets and capons ready drest , concluded , they were going to him , and told them so . whereat , they were surly and bad them go look him , for they would not tell them where he was . upon that , the citizens resolved to follow them , and did , till they came to whitehall . the servants went up stairs and down stairs , on purpose to have lost them , but could not , for they kept close to them . and at last , one of the maids went to a door and knocked , crying out , they were dogg'd by two men , that they could not be rid of ; with that young mr. belland opened the door saying to one of the citizens , sir your servant , how do you do ? one of them answered ▪ both i and many thousand families more are the worse for you ; for you under pretence of making fire-works for the king , have destroyed a famous city , and ruined a noble people . to which belland replyes . i make nothing but innocent things , that will do no harm ; for which i have a pattent from the king. but the citizen answered , if the king gave you a pattent , it was but for your self : who answered , no. then said the citizen , what made you then to imploy so many men , in so many places ? no , said belland , i set no man to work , neither know i any man that makes of them , but my self ; though he had often before said otherwise . while they were thus discoursing , old belland looks from under the hanging , sir , said he , i hear you charge my son with suspition of burning the city , i pray you speak lower ( casting his eyes about , fearing the ladies passing by might hear ) and said , my son doth nothing but what he hath a pattent from the king for , and shall have an order to s●e any man , that shall accuse him . and he said , my son is no prisoner , but lodged here to prevent him from the rage of the common people . well said the citizens , you must give an account for what you have done . and so they shut the door upon them . a house in shooe-lane fired by a french-man taken in the act , yet discharged . on tuesday the 4th . of september 1666. a french-man was taken for firing the turn-broach of the temples house , in robin-hood-court in shooe-lane where he lodged . this court was full of pitiful rotten houses , and he did the fact early in the morning before ever any fire was come over fleet bridge or cross the ditch ; but the woman being up and perceiving it just as he was going forth , cryed out to one mr. nicasius a neighbour who was then in that court , saying , this rogue hath fired my house , and withal came running out of the house into the court after him , thereupon mr. nicasius seized the fellow , talkt french to him , searcht his pockets and found a writing purporting to be indentures of covenant for him and another to serve one glowde lantee of the parish of st. leonard shoreditch french-fring-maker for 10 l. per annum wages , dated 10th . of jan. 1665. attested by john underwood publick notary and joshuah thirk●ll his servant . 't is uncertain whether his name was martin de humet , or andrew sommers , because they were both parties to the same indented articles , but 't is more probable it was de humet because the same is a french , whereas sommers is an english name . this person being so taken in the fact , was askt if he were a frenchman which he acknowledged , the people would presently have used violence to him , but mr. nicasius with much ado perswaded them to the contrary ▪ and got their leave to be patient that he might carry him before the duke of york whom he found with his guard about salisbury court , to him he presented the french man , and related the fact with its apparent circumstances in english ▪ on which the duke called one of the horse guard , and delivered him unto him , who rode away with him triumphantly towards westminster . the mounsieurs about the duke making a great noise at his delivery , but the next morning mr. nicasius enquired what became of the french-man , and the people told him he was let go , nor hath he since been heard of by mr. nicasius though he hath used means to inquire and find him out . the turn-broaches house consisted only of two rooms , the uppermost of which was the chamber in which this french-man lay , and which he had fired , and carried away the key with him , but the people perceiving it so soon , broke open the chamber , and had happily quencht the same before mr. nicasius came back from carrying him before the duke of york . the same mr. nicasius had a fair brick house wherein he dwelt , being the furthest house on the right hand in plow yard in fetter-lane adjoyning to thavies-inn garden , this house on the wednesday was by ill councel ordered to be blown up , and powder brought to that purpose , which if it had been done , the fire had undoubtedly proceeded much further : but upon his representing the unreasonableness thereof to the king , and that if by playing with the engine on an house hard by that was on fire , they could so damp the flames that they might not seize his house , then the same being brick would screen and preserve other paper buildings behind it , his majesty was pleased to order that course should be taken , and thereby that house and divers others were saved , though in mr. nicasius occasional absence for a very short time people got into his house with strange pickaxes , and battle-axes , &c. wherewith they broke open his doors , and ( besides what they robbed him of , ) brake down all his windows , and threw a press cupboard , pictures and other combustibles into the fire to encrease it , and endeavoured to break down the turret on the top of the house and did actually break some part of it , which could not be but on purpose to let in the fire and that it might the sooner take hold on such his house , which if it had done 't is most probable all holborn had been destroyed . the information of thomas middleton chyrurgeon , of st. brides , london . i the said thomas middleton do hereby certifie , that upon the sunday in the afternoon ( the day wherein the dreadful fire brake out in pudding lane which consumed the city ) hearing the general outcry , that the city was fired by papists and french , i repaired to the top of a church steeple near the three cranes in the vintrey , where my self and several others observed the motion of the fire for two or three hours together , and we all took notice , that the fire did break forth out of several houses , when the houses which were then burning were at a good distance from them every way , and more particularly , i saw the fire break out from the inside of lawrence-pountney steeple , when there was no fire near it . these and such like observations begat in me a perswasion , that the fire was maintained by design . upon munday i repaired again into the city , and found as the day before , that the fire did break forth in fresh houses at a great distance one from another . and as i was returning home , passing through wailing-street by a tobacco merchants house , i saw the master of the house come down stairs , driving a young fellow before him , saying to him , you rogue , do you come to rob me ? what did you do in my garret ? or words to that purpose , and pushed him out of doors : all which i observed , and he seemed to be a frenchman : he was a short black fellow of about 22 years of age : and as soon as he was out of the house , he having a loose coat on , in a way of privacy , shuffles something under his coat , whereupon i laid hold of him , and said , sirrah , what have you there ? the fellow replyed , what is that to you , the master of the house knows me ? upon that i asked the mr. of the house whether he knew the fellow , he answered , he knew him not . whereupon i searched the fellow , and found a horn of powder about him , and as soon as the powder was discovered , he sell a rubbing his hands , they being all black with powder : he had also about him a book intituled , the jewish government . i charged him that he was a frenchman , because he spake broken english ; but he denyed it , and did much vaunt himself . there coming a constable by with his staffe , i required him to carry him to prison , and i would assist him ; so we conveyed him to old bridewel , and by the way , the people were ready to kill him , calling him french-raskal . i prayed them to forbear , for justice would give him his reward . i told the fellow he would be hanged : he made slight of it , saying , if i die my soul stall be saved , but yours shall be damned . and when he was put into bridewel , i desired that he might be secured and none suffered to speak with him , till he were examined before a magistrate , because the tobacco-merchants house was presently burned upon it . but so it happned , on the next day that the fire came on and consumed my house and goods , so that i was forced with my family to fly into the country , and what became of the fellow i know not , old bridewel being burnt also . and understanding that the parliament hath appointed a committee to enquire after the actors in , and fomenters of that terrible fire , i thought good to inform the honourable committee thereof , that they may send for the keeper of the said bridewel , to know what became of the fellow , that he might receive justice according to his demerit . thus much i thought my self obliged to do , as in duty bound to god and my country . all which i am ready to affirm upon oath , when i shall be thereunto called . a further true relation made by the said thomas middleton , concerning some occurrences in the great fire of london . that upon monday the 3d. of sept. 1666 , being next day after that dreadful fire began , the duke of york being at fleet-bridge in the afternoon , and the fire not being then come to ludgate , did declare that those houses adjoyning upon the bridge should be pulled down the next morning , amongst which was the said tho. middletons , who thereupon endeavour'd that night to get carts to carry away his goods , and had got a country cart and loaded it with goods , but by that time the same was done , there was a strong guard set a cross the street , from shoe-lane to salisbury-court , which the said t. m. perceiving caused the cart to be driven up to shoe-lane , and then he with other neighbours , ( one of which was mr. william wheatly a common council-man ) repaired to the captain of the guard of horse under the aforesaid duke being then in salisbury-court , whose name was peters , whom the said t. m. acquainted , that dwelling on fleet-bridge , and there being order given by the duke that his house amongst others should be pulled down next morning , he therefore prayd that the man which had his load of goods in his cart in order to remove them , might have liberty to pass and repass through the guard to fetch the remaining part of his goods , he having a large house and many loads in it , but the said captain peremptorily denyed such his request , declaring that no cart should pass , except there were an order shewed from the duke , whereas it was then about 12 a clock in the night , and the duke at whitehall , or some where else , not easily to be met with , so that it was in possible to procure such an order so suddenly ; whereupon the said t. m. earnestly desired that the cart might be admitted to pass , and offered money for the same , and said that for as much as the capt. and his souldiers could not save his house , he hoped that they would not be instrumental for the destroying of his goods , adding that he thought he might have some kindness shew'd him in such a difficult hour , for as much as not long before he had voluntarily lent his majesty money . the man that owed the cart standing by all the while , when at last he saw it would not be granted , said it was a very hard thing that when a man cannot save his house , he should be hindred from saving his goods . to which captain peters answered , why your cart has carryed one load , which the man acknowledging , the captain replyed , then you have done enough , your spokes may be knockt out and your cart burnt : so with these unnatural and unchristian replies thomas middleton returns to his house where he was not long before some of those destroyers were got on the top of it , throwing the tiles and bricks down the stairs , so that the said t. m. and his family were forced to leave his house and most of his goods to be consumed . he likewise further saith , that within a little time after the flames were over , he the said t. m. with his son going near the ground where his house had lately stood , saw a man that bad took up a musquet that lay in the ruines not burnt , and as the said t. m. was coming towards him , he saw him take the musquet , and break it , whereupon the said t. m. asked him wherefore he did so , and the fellow replyed , and said it was no matter if thousands of them were destroyed , or words to that purpose , upon which the said t. m. asked him what he was that would destroy the arms of the king ? supposing they were some of the souldiers arms , to which he replyed that he did belong to a major or coll. whose name the said t. m doth not now remember , but t. m. did tell the said fellow that he was a papist , which proved true , for the said t. m. and others searching his pockets , found therein a mass-book printed in latine , with a particular prayer for the queen of spain , &c. in the interim comes a captain , to whom the said t. m. made this relation and delivered the man into his custody , who said he would carry him before the committee that sat in the temple to examine such matters , but of the man or matter , the said t. m. never heard more , save only about a year afterwards the said t. m ' s. son ( who was at the taking of him as aforesaid ) walking in the strand at noon day the said fellow met him and without any provocation struck him withal his force upon the head with a great stick or club , and then supposing he had knockt him down , ran into sommerset house and there sheltred himself . mr. stewarts information . in the time of the fire , near bridewell , there was a man sadly bemoaning the great loss he was like to sustain ( the fire being within five or six houses of him ) who did beseech the people for gods sake , they having no goods of their own in danger , to help him throw out trunks , chests , beds , &c. out at a window , having procured two carts or waggons to carry them away . whereupon i ran into his house with several others , broke down his windows , threw out his goods , and loaded the carts ; and there being some interval of time before the return of the carts , and seeing a room wherein were many books and loose papers ( which seemed to be a library ) i went in and took down a book , which proved to be ovid metamorphosis , and while i was looking upon it , there came into the same room an old man of low stature , with a white frock , who looked also on the book as it was in my hand ; i took him in my mind to be some groom come out of a stable , and thought him to be presumptuously foolish , supposing such a mean like old man ignorant of that language in which the book was written , it being in latin , but i spoke not to him : in the mean time , there brake sorth a fire amongst the papers which were behind us , there being none in the room but he and i. whereupon the rest of the people coming in , cryed out , we had set the room on fire , and rushing in upon us , put out the fire with their feet : whereupon i took hold of the old man by the buttons under the throat , and said , how now father , it must either be you or i must fire these papers . there was a small thing of a black matter , which looked like a piece of a link burning , which questionless set fire on the papers , but it was immediately trod our . a multitude of people thronged in ; and when i said , how now my father , and took hold of him , he said , parce mihi domine : the people which did not understand it , cryed out , he is a frenchman , kill him , and with pulling of him , his perriwig fell off ; then appeared a bald skull , and under his frock he had black clothes , i think of bishops sattin , whereupon he seemed to be a grave ecclesiastick person . i had much a do to save him from the people , but at last brought him before the duke of york : we found in his pocket a bundle of papers closed up with wax like a pacquet , which was delivered to the duke of york . i know not what was written in them , neither do i know what country-man he was ; but methoughts he looked something jesuit-like . this i am certain of , that when i went into the room there was no fire in it , and it was fired when there was none but he and i in it , yet i cannot say i saw him do it , though i cannot but suspect he did it , and the rather , because there were several houses untouched betwixt this house , and where the fire was coming on , when the papers in the library where thus on fire as i have related . what became of this fellow after we had delivered him to his royal highness the duke of york , i have not heard . john stewart . not long after the burning of london , mr. brook bridges , a young gentleman of the temple , as he was going to attend divine service in the temple-church , in a pew there found this following paper , which immediately , either by himself or a relation of his , was delivered to sir william morrice , one of his majesties principal secretaries of state ; the contents of the paper are as follows : a vvarning to protestants . i who have been a papist from my infancy , till of late ; and in zeal for their horrid principles , had too great a share in the fireing of the city ; and did intend to do further mischief to the protestants ( of which i am now , and ever shall be a member ) do upon abhorency of that villany , and religion that hath moved me to it , declare to all protestants the approach of their sudden ruine , that it may be prevented , if it be not too late . when i , together with other papists , both french , irish and english , fired the city ; others were imployed to massacre the protestants , we thinking thereby to destroy the heads of your religion ; but the massacre was disappointed by the fear of him who was the chief agent in this villany . and the fire not having done all its work , they have often endeavoured to fire the remaining part . they intend likewise to land the french upon you : to whose assistance they all intend to come , and for that purpose are stored with armes : and have so far deceived the king , that they have the command of most part of the army and the sea-ports . the french intend to land at dover , that garison being most papists , and the papists in england have express command from rome , to hasten their business before the next parliament , and to dispatch . therefore as you love your lives and fortunes , prevent vour ruine , by removing all the papists in england , especially colonel legg from the tower , and the lord douglass , and all his adherents and souldiers from dover , and by disarming all papists . i have such an abhorrancy , that i would willingly undergo any punishment for it , and declare my self openly , were i not assured that i could do you more good in concealing my name for the present . delay not from following these directions as you love your lives ; and be not deceived by any pretences whatsoever . thus we see , that then , even presently after that dreadful calamity , there wanted not various proofs of its being contrived and carryed on by popish treachery : by what means these informations were smothered , 't is not my business now to inquire ; 't is certain , had they been sufficiently taken notice of , and encouraged , and due prosecution made thereupon , it might have prevented many mischiefs which since happened : but we have now a more full discovery of that villanous intrigue from their own mouths ; for as i my self have more than once heard them own and boast of the exploit , so nothing can be more plain than what dr. oaets hath made out in his depositions sworn before that worthy and since marty'd gentleman , sir edmondbury godfrey , on the 6th of september last , paragraph 34 , to this effect : that in iuly 1678 , richard strang , the then last provincial of the jesuits , did tell him , that their society of jesuits did get 14 thousand pounds in that fire in 66 , and that he the said strang , with three other jesuits and a dominican fryar , all there named ; designed , and were chief instruments in effcting the same ; that they intended to have burnt it sooner , viz. in feb. 1664 , but had not then got persons and things ready for execution : that they commonly met at the green-dragon at puddle-dock , and pretending themselves fifth-monarchy-men , first drew in one green a poor man , by furnishing him with 30l . to joyn in the plot of firing the city , and killing the king , who soon after brought in 8 more of the same gang ; but at last some notice was taken of their design , and away the jesuits are gone , leaving the poor silly seduced new brethren of the fifth-monarchy to suffer for their roguery , and accordingly 8 of them were executed in may 66 , but never spoke a word of the said fathers , nor indeed could they , for they knew not their true names , nor ever suspected them to be jesuits or papists , whereupon the said strang further said , that he himself and the others returned again in iune following , and fell again to prosecute their design , which had been carried on in the mean time by others of their society . in short , he said they got 50 or 60 irish , and divers french , who were very faithful to ply the work , and got one everard , who was chief keeper of their fire-works , a place in the kings service , relating to the publick ammunition , the better to colour it ; that himself by the name of walker , and the said fryaer , took a lodging in aug. 66. in fanchurch-street , that they might be at hand , it having before been resolved where they should begin ; that all things being thus prepared , one neal of vvhite-chappel , whose charge it was to see the fire carried on through thames-street to the tower , called him up about 12 a clock , and before he could make him ready , the fire was begun ; that there was fourscore or upwards imployed therein as servants by the society , and that they spent 700 fire-balls , and had others , both men and women , attending to plunder what they could , having a warehouse in vvild-street , and another at somerset-house , to receive what they so got , which amounted to the value of 14000 pounds , as aforesaid , &c. as for the fifth-monarchy-men that were executed , mentioned by the said strang to mr. oats in this discourse , 't is very observable what account the gazett gave of their tryal . 't is in the gazett published on munday april the 30th 1666. the words are these . at the sessions in the old-baily , john rathbone , an old army-colonel , william saunders , henry tucker , thomas flint , thomas evans , john miles , william wescot , and john cole , ( formerly officers or soldiers in the late rebellion , were indicted for conspiring the death of his majesty , and the overthrow of the government , having laid their plot and contrivance for the surprizal of the tower , the killing his grace the lord general , sir john robinson lieutenant of his majesties tower of london , and sir richard brown , and then to have declared for an equal division of lands , &c. the better to effect this hellish design , the city was to have been fired , and the portcullices to have 〈◊〉 let down to keep out all assistance , the horse-guard to have been surprized in the inns where they were quartered , several ostlers having been gain'd for that purpose , the tower was accordingly viewed , and its surprise ordered by boats over the moat , and from thence to scale the vvall ; one alexander who in not yet taken , had likewise distributed sums of money to these conspirators , and for the carrying on the design more effectually , they were told of a great council of the great ones that sate frequently in london , from whom issued all orders , which council received their directions from another in holland , which sate with the states , and that the third of september was pitcht on for the attempt , as being found by lillies almanack , and a scheme erected for that purpose , to be a lucky day , a planet then ruling which prognosticated the downfal of monarchy . the evidence against these persons was very full and clear , and they accordingly found guilty of high-treason . thus that gazett verbatim . from whence we may observe , 1. how exactly the account given by father strang to mr. oats agrees herewith , as to the number of persons , time , design , &c. 2. how industrious these popish conspiraters are , and how dexterous in turning themselves into all shapes , and complying with all humours to carry on their designes , as here pretending to embrace and promote fifth-monarchy-principles , levelling , &c. which should methinks caution all protestant dissenters from the establisht church-government , yet to abhor all conspiracies , and never to be drawn into any plot or seditious pranks on any pretensions whatsoever , lest whilst by indirect means they fondly hope to advance some little notions and whimsies of their own , they shall but do the jesuits drudgery , and really be found diligent instruments to advance that scarlet vvhore whom they so loudly declaim against and abominate . 3. the jesuits herein acted with that devilish policy , which is so much the study of their society ; for having such an horrid plot , on foot , they thought fit to find out some other party , upon whom they might lay the scandal of it , but it seems could meet with none so ready to be bubbled as the fifth-monarchy-men ; for , said the subtle fathers , if we can perswade them to the business , viz. fireing the city , and killing the king , then not only our work will be done to out hands , but we shall have an excellent occasion to fall not only on these people , but whoever else we shall please to call fanaticks , as their accomplices ; and all the world shall acknowledge , that we do but justice in cutting them off , when they shall be made guilty of such treason and villany . on the other side , if they attempt and fail in it , let the rogues hang , we and our church are free , both from the danger and the odium of it ; nay more , we shall gain this advantage , that when we shall do it in earnest , 't will certainly be laid at their doors , because of their former attempt , and to load them the heavier , they had set down the names of all the most eminent dissenters , and such as had serv'd under the parliament , as concern'd in this plot , and left it with these people , that as a list of the conspirators , it might be taken with them , and consequently all those persons secured in custody at a time when they design'd the french , with whom we were then at war , should invade the kingdom ; and i am credibly inform'd , they had all been taken , had not his grace , the late duke of albemarle interposed . 4. as they had to do with ignorant enthusiastical people , so they managed them accordingly ; telling them a story of an equal division of lands , a councel of great ones that must be nameless , and another yet greater that sate with the states ; but especially they forgat not to name the third of september to them , being the day or next save one , themselves had so long pitcht upon for the burning of london ; and for this purpose , the oracle , lillies almanack , must be consulted , but indeed , it was the astrology of st. omars that resolved the question ; for they did this meerly , that if they should be discovered , that circumstance should likewise be divulged as part of this , fifth-monarchy-plot , and consequently being remembred by people when they should see the city on fire , they might thence take occasion to fall upon the fanaticks as the incendiaries ; and 't is more than probable , that not finding these half-witted fellows very fit to serve their purposes actively , they resolved to make them do it passively , and might themselves cause them to be betray'd , it being nothing infrequent with the jesuits to imitate their father the devil , in tempting people first to villany , and then to be the first that shall accuse them . an account of some other fires since that grand conflagration in 66. next after destroying the city of london , the popish design hath all along been to ruin and lay wast its suburbs ; this several of the fathers , as gifford , and others , have declared to me , and the same is evident by matter of fact ; for knowing the borough of southwark to be a place of eminent trade , and generally a sober industrious people , how oft have they made attempts thereon , till at last they laid the best part thereof in ashes . as first , at the george-inn the 25 of july , about 8 a clock in the morning . concerning the manner of this , iohn whitler head-ostler at the said inn , did attest , that the same morning he was removing some baggs of hopps which lay in a shed near to a flax-shop , in which was some tow and other combustibles ordinarily used to stuff chairs with , and then he did not perceive or smell any smoak or fire , nor had any candle or fire been in the said flax-shop for many months before , to his or any of the families knowledge ; but as he was removing the said packs , there came in 4 persons like gentlemen , to take coach for dover , or that way , which coach was standing by the said shed , and they by it drinking , immediately after which , the said ostler was called into the street , and left all in safety , but in short time returning , met the said coach driving our with all speed , and found the said flax shop on fire . anthony blake the head-tapster attesteth that he waited on those gentlemen , filling them drink , and being sent for 6 canns , at his return the coach was driving away , and the tow in the place aforesaid all on a flame ; mr. weyland the master of the house , and his whole family solemnly attesting , they know not how it came to kindle there , but verily believe it must come through some treachery . this is the more probable , because one harrison , some small time before , had told mr. atkins at the grey-hound-inn in holbourn , that there would within three weeks or a month , be great and dreadful fires about london and southwark , and particularly mentioned the talbot and george-inns , and advised him to put off his house and goods , which harrison in the time of this fire was seen suspitiously lurking about the talbot-inn , ( which suffered much by this fire ) and being known by the said mrs. atkins , daughter of the gentlewoman that kept the talbot , and coming thither to help them , he was seized , and carried to a foot-company that stood in arms near the said inn , and a charge given them by my lord craven and sir iohn smith , then one of the sheriffs of london , to keep him safe ; after the fire was put out , enquiry being made for him , the captain told them he was discharged by the lord craven . however , on the 27 of july , being informed he taught school in thredneedle-street , he was retaken , and examined before the lord mayor and court of aldermen , where the following articles were prov'd against him upon oath . 1. that he had had frequent correspondency with iesuites and papists . 2. that he had spoken to several of his acquaintance to go with him to popish meetings , declaring that he knew of many . 3. that he had been perswaded to turn mendicant fryar , and hath been offered a stipend to turn to the romish religion . 4. that he knew there would be divers great and dreadful fires in and about london within a month . 5. that he advised friends to rid their hands of all their concerns in and about london , for there would be a great consumption of houses there . 6. that when he was in custody of the foot company aforesaid , mr. atkins aforesaid offering to swear the former article ; he threatned him if he did , it should cost him the best house he had . 7. that he said there were forty thousand french papists lately come over , to his knowledge , besides many that were amongst us already . 8. the lord mayor asking him , who perswaded him to turn catholick ? he answered , king's under-barber , phillips . after which he told the court , that when he was first apprehended for these things , my lord craven discharged him , and took him with him in his barge to whitehall . he further told the court , that he was sometime an assistant to mr. lovejoy school-master at canterbury , and that he had letters testimonial of his goood behaviour from the dean of canterbury : upon which my lord mayor remembred that he had seen him with mr. lovejoy , and said , that mr. lovejoy told him , that he was an idle rogue . and so he was committed to newgate . on saturday the 30th of july , it was further desposed upon oath by thomas roe , before sir iohn fredrick , as follows . the information of thomas roe of bernards inn gent. taken the 30th of july 1690 by sir john fredrick , alderman , one of his majesties justices of peace in the city of london , upon oath , as followeth . thomas roe saith , that he hath for at least twelve or thirteen years last past been acquainted with one ioseph harrison , who was examined lately at the guild-hall london , before the honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen , upon suspition of his being a conspirator in the fireing the city and suburbs in several parts thereof . thomas roe , and ioseph harrison , having been school-fellows at eaton colledge , and being thereby acquainted ; ioseph harrison hath several times lately been with him , and advised him to with-draw his concerns , and remove above twenty miles out of the city ; for that the city , and twenty miles round . would be suddenly destroyed and laid waste ( or to that purpose : ) whereupon thomas roe asked him , whether he were privy to any such conspiracy , or concern'd in its agitation ? pressing him with divers arguments to discover what he was acquainted with of that kind . harrison replyed , that he had no personal and positive knowledge thereof . thomas roe demanded upon what ground then he did thus advise him ? ios. harrison replyed , that he was sometimes conversant among some papists , and perceived a plot or design was carrying on by them against the city of london and the protestant religion ; which plot or design ( said he ) the papists call , the game of trap , or , do you understand trap ad crucem ? which is the watch-word amongst them . further , ios. harrison said , that he was informed of those things by some german protestants , and that he had offers of fifty pounds per annum , made him by some iesuites and papists , to turn to their religion ; but he had refused it , and would not embrace the romish religion . thomas roe further saith , that about five weeks since , he walked through new-cheapside ; and from thence into mark-lane , with ioseph harrison , in company with mr. moseley ( a gentleman belonging to bernards inn likewise ) and one of his acquaintance , together with another man , a stranger to thomas roe . upon their first associating , harrison said unto him , that he would not discover himself to be an englishman , but pretended himself to be a german or italian , ( whether of the two he doth not well remember ) and that he might not detect himself , spake in the company , as occasion offer'd , in latine . but leaving the place where they tarried in mark-lane , going towards bishopsgate-street , mr. harrison told mr. roe secretly , that he believed that mr. mosely understood the game of trapp by some signs he had observed from him , and that he would try him . then going altogether into a house , about the end of thredneedle-street , mr. harrison ( having by this time discovered himself to be an englishman ) said trapp , and made a cross over his face with his finger ; directing himself to mr. moseley ; whereupon mr. moseley did also say trapp , crossing his forehead or race two or three times , and with a quick motion drew his finger over his own throat . upon which , mr. roe asked mr. moseley what was the meaning of trapp ? but he refused to tell , mr. roe urging him again , he replied , he would not , saying , you are not of my religion . then mr. moseley asked mr. harrison what his name was ? ( for he knew him not by name ) he answered , harrison . mr. moseley replied , i never saw your name . mr. harrison made answer , is it don olanso del harrisonto ; if so , saith mr. moseley , i have seen your name . after this , mr. moseley and the other stranger being parted , and mr. roe and mr. harrison being alone , said harrison , i told you mr. moseley did understand trapp ; you may see there is a list of the trapp-gamesters . now , whether mr. moseley's imitation of mr. harrison was feigned or real , mr. roe could not distinguish ; but as they two were passing through cheapside homewards , mr. harrison looking upon the new-buildings , said , to what purpose do they build this poor city ? it will again be destroyed ; at the same time he pointed at two several persons , saying , that is a trapp-gamester , and there goes another trapp-gamester . mr. roe further informs , that since the last term , mr. harrison told him , he would write all the rogueries of the trapp-game and gamesters in a play ; and that he would undertake to shew him twenty six papists meetings in and about the city and suburbs of london ; but ( said he ) some of them are very private , and if you be discovered not to be a papist , you will ( peradventure ) be poysoned or stab'd . mr. roe doth further say , that when the said harrison advised him to remove with all his concerns above twenty miles from london , the said roe asked him if windsor were not far enough , it being both their native place , and about that distance ? the said harrison answered , not ; reflecting upon the castle . and further , harrison told mr. roe , that the jesuits by a composition of ingredients , make such a matter , the fume of which would corrupt any mans intellects ; and that he the said harrison could do it . this harrison ( who 't is probable was some priest , or at least proselyte ) as you have heard , was committed to newgate , but we cannot learn there was any legal prosecution against him . the damage of this fire at the george-inne was considerable , for it burnt three parts of the said . inne and 140 loads of hay ; and at the white-hart there was burnt and blown up one stable , one dwelling-house , and 4 or 5 lodging chambers . at the three-cranes near adjoyning to the said george-inn on the north-side , three dwelling houses and a still-house ; and at the talbot three dwelling houses , a wash-house , and ( which is most lamentable ) two persons kill'd out-right , and six or seven wounded . a brief account of a fire providentially prevented in goat-yard near st. margarets-hill in southwark . another attempt was on thursday aug. 11. 1670. about 10 of the clock at night , a woman siting at her door in goat-yard aforesaid , heard a great hissing noise , and turning to see what might be the cause thereof , she saw a light upon a shed or hovel in a wheel-wrights yard , bounding upon the said goat-yard , on which shed or hovel were old wheels , and such combustible stuff , whereupon she cried out fire ; which caused several neighbours to come forth , who with speedy application of water , quenched the said fire ; which done , they diligently searched the place , where amongst the old wheels , they found a canvas bagg , in which was some sulphurous matter , compounded with other ingredients , and about half a yard of match tied to it , one end of which said match had been fired , and on strict observation , several spoaks had the marks of fire , and scent of gunpowder and sulphur remaining upon them . this villainous design was mischievously placed for the accomplishing of some great desolation ; for , near adjoyning to the said shed was a loft full of hay , the boards of it old and dry , and behind the said shed was also a great quantity of billets , and adjoyning to that hay-loft was a timber-yard , wherein was about an hundred load of boards and timber . a justice of peace inhabiting near the said place , had the match and combustible matter aforesaid delivered to him , and there are sufficient witnesses yet living , of the whole matter , as herein is related . several other attempts were made on southwark , but without any considerable effect , until the 26th of may , 1676. and then they fatally accomplisht their design , setting fire to the house of one mr. vvelsh an oyl-man , scituate near st. margarets-hill , between the george and talbot-inns , ( it seems that was the place ordered by the superiours ) which broke out about four of the clock in the morning , and was carried on with that art and violence , that it consumed 500 dwelling houses or upwards , many stately inns , the meal-market , the prison of the compter , &c. the whole loss , as to what was actually destroyed , was modestly computed to be between eighty and one hundred thousand pounds , besides damage to the inhabitants by loss and interruption of their trade : st. thomas's hospital was happily preserved , chiefly by means of a new invented engine for conveying of water , but he that made it , hath since beeen threatned to have his house burnt for his pains , which has likewise been attempted , as herein after is related : the manner of contriving this fire hath been confessed by iohn groves ( lately executed ) who was chiefly concern'd therein , and did on the 10th of august 1676 , in wild-house garden declare , that having prepared their fire-works , he , with three irishmen , procured by doctor fogarthy , to be his assistants , went over and did the business ; the said groves bragg'd that he himself did set fire to the said shop ; and by the manner of the thing , 't was plain , that it must be done by treachery ; for most of the family being out of town , there had been no fire in the house for 3 or 4 days before ; nor did the watch that stood hard by all night , perceive any danger , but the first that perceived it were some letter-carriers , who , going early to the post-office , as they passed by , saw a great light at the cellar window which opened to the street , and thereupon looking down , they saw a fire in the cellar , but not so great , but if they could presently have got in , they doubted not but three or four pail-fulls of water might have quench'd it ; but whilst they stood calling to wake the people who were fast asleep , and endeavour'd in vain to open the street door ; the fire got through the shop-floor , where meeting with great store of oyle , it instantly set the shop and stairs on a flame , and the people had much ado to get out at a window into the talbot inn to save their lives . the said grove further declared , that for this service , the society ( richard strange then provincial ) gave them a thousand pounds , viz. four hundred pounds to him the said groves , and two hundred pounds apiece to the three irishmen ; and yet ( besides carrying on their designe of weakning and impoverishing protestants ) got considerably by the bargain ; for groves affirm'd they got at least two thousand pounds by that fire , for whilst the fire raged , they had their instruments to plunder houses , and steal what goods they could , and convey them to their ware-houses at vvild-street and sommerset-house . and touching this their gaining two thousand pounds by southwark-fire , the said richard strange the provincial , hath likewise acknowledged it to be true ; yet it should seem they were not content with all this desolation , but endeavoured still to carry it on further ; for after the fire was believ'd to be stopt and mastered , about 10 a clock at night , on a sudden , a house appeared on fire near st. mary overies church , but on the other side thereof furthest from the general-fire , so that it must needs be wilfully set on fire , but by blowing up of one house in time , and good help , it was prevented from spreading further . of the fires at wapping , lime-house , and shadwell . these were places that the conspirators have divers years resolved should be destroyed by fire , and in pursuance thereof , not a few attempts have been made to that purpose . as , first , on the 29th of iune 1673 , there was a fire promoted over against vvapping-dock in a bakers-house amongst his bavins : now that this was wilfully and with design set on fire , besides what i and others know of such their resolutions to destroy that place , the circumstances attending it , may easily convince a considerate impartial man ; for about a month before , there was found in the said heap of bavins a new cordevant glove full of gunpowder and other ingredients , by a boy that happened to be at play there , and that very night it began ; there were seen several gentlemen with swords by their sides , that had that day been drinking at the fortune tavern near the place , with some of the bakers family , and were seen , in the evening the fire happened , to walk round a place called the new-market , which was on the backside of the bakers house , and to go in and out towards the bakers said house backwards , about an hour or two before it happened , which began on saturday . night between the hours of eleven and twelve , and continued most fiercely burning till 8 or 9 in the morning , which made a great devastation , being no doubt carried on and endeavoured to be augmented by the assistance of those wicked instruments who first occasioned it . the great fire at st. katherines was designed for the burning of the ships in the river , though in that respect , by the special providence of god , and timely help , there was no mighty mischief done , but on shore a great number of houses were destroyed . shadwell fire began at shadwell-dock in a brew-house , in which there had not been any fire for a considerable time , nor can account be given how it should happen by accident , and there-we may probably assign it to the same mischievous hands . but all these mischiefs did not satisfie the romish undertakers , but they resolv'd on a more general devastation ; for no longer ago than the 30th of august last , the before named blundel at ●enwicks chamber , produced a scheme or mapp , describing the manner of firing wholly both vvapping , westminster , toolies-street , barnaby-street , &c. for vvestminster , the jesuits and their agents were to begin at the next door to the palsgraves-head tavern without temple-barr ( being my appointed post as aforesaid ) and carry on the fire to the savoy , and then the benedictines to mannage it on both sides the way to charing-cross , and so to vvhite-hall : this was attested on oath before sir edmundbury godfrey in september last , wherein 't is observable , though then , and for long after , he was not at all acquainted with me , yet he mentions the very house where i was lodged , and had prepared materials as aforesaid , to be the place for the commencement of the fire ; so that 't is plain it was not the design of any particular men , but a thing generally known amongst them , and to be prosecuted not only by the iesuites , but benedictines , and others had an hand in it : he there likewise sets forth how this should have been done in the time of the great frost 1676 , but put off , because they were not then assured of the french kings aid , which now they have obtained [ by the negotiations of coleman and others . ] how vvapping and the ships were to be burnt by a fire to be begun near limehouse , and how himself was ordered to ply at the hermitage , with seven more as his assistants , to help carry it on ; for which service he was to have a great reward , and besides a priest was every day to come and say mass in his chamber for the good success of the design , [ so much a work of religion do they think it to be , and that heaven would interest it self to promote their hellish villanies . ] furthermore , that but a very few days before his open discovery , when they began to grow jealous of him , and thereupon had resolv'd to send him beyond the seas , blundel was ordered to supply his place in mannaging the said fire at vvapping . and though the plot were in the mean time partly discovered , yet such was their confidence , that they endeavoured nevertheless to go on with this design ; for on wednesday the 18th of sept. 1678 , a fire was promoted near lime-house , in pursuance of such their former order and resolution , which began there about five of the clock in the morning in a boat-builders-yard in a parcel of reeds , which afterwards being increased by certain dryed and seasoned timber caught hold of a sea-captains house with that violence , that the lower part thereof was possest by the dreadful flames before any of the family perceived it , or at least could get out ; at last ladders were brought , and two or three of the servants made shift to get out at the uppermost windows , but just as they came to save the mistress of the house and a servant-maid which attended her in her room , the floor of the chamber in which they were sunk down , and so they both , without any possibility of help , perished . as also an adventurous seaman , who presuming too far to save some goods afterwards in another house , was interrupted in his return by one of the rafters , which falling on his head , knockt out his brains . this fire was carried on very vigorously , insomuch that in three or four hours time , it burnt down and wholly destroyed between 40 and 50 houses , and had undoubtedly done much more mischief , had not the indefatigable pains and hazards of a great number of seamen , or rather , the accidental absence of some of those agents ordered to promote it as aforesaid , prevented its further progress . but often before this , there were several other fires , or at least attempts of that kind , for destroying the suburbs , as appears by the following depositions , which deserve our notice . the substance of the examination of robert redway victualler , at the red-lyon in fetter-lane , taken the 6th of august , 1670 , by sir thomas bludworth knight , as follows : the examinate saith , that on wednesday the third of august 1670 , about ten of the clock at night , his house was fired up three stories high , by a person or persons ( as he verily believes ) who were strangers , and near about the same time in his said house ; but not presently mistrusted by him , he keeping a victualling-house ( where it is not usual to take such special cognizance of guests . ) the fire was discovered by one of his maid-servants , who had occasion to carry a child to bed , which bed she found on fire , and the chamber so full of smoak , as put her into a sudden fright ; but it being but newly kindled , through the industry of the family , with the assistance of neighbours , it was soon extinguished ; but this examinate was so alarm'd by the unexpected suddenness hereof , and the many fearful occurrences of this kind of late , that he could take no rest in his house , till he had caused narrow search and inspection to be made in every corner thereof ; cleansing it from all such matter as might easily be fired , locking or bolting the doors of every room where any bed was , or that was not common for entertainment . yet notwithstanding all this care and vigilance was used , he saith , that the very next day , viz. thursday the fourth of august 1670 , his house was again fired two stories high , about twelve of the clock at noon , which was discovered by one of his men-servants , who , as he was going up one pair of stairs to attend some guests , heard a very great noise , cracking and bouncing like squibs , but much louder , which caused him to run down stairs , crying out , master , master , the house is on fire , whereupon search was made , and the fire found out two pair of stairs in an inclosed bed , ( commonly called a press-bed ) which was broke out into a perfect flame , the rails thereof , with the deal-boards that inclosed it all round , being on fire , and almost consumed , together with the bed-cloaths , all save the upper rugg . this bed this examinate saith , must of necessity be set on fire by some fire-ball , or such like stuff , conveyed into the bed , ( or cast on some combustible matter about it ) at a hole about an inch and half wide , which was made in a deal-board , instead of a staple to receive the shutter or bolt of the lock . had not the fire been seasonably discovered , it would have consumed the whole house , and probably many more . but by such timely detection thereof , it was suppressed without doing any further hurt , unless to the goods in the room adjoyning , and what else was near it . as to the persons that are violently presumed to be the authors hereof , this examinate saith , that on the said thursday at noon , two persons came to his house and dined above stairs , and by their long continuance there , gave some suspition ; but nothing appearing till they were gone , caused less notice ; yet in less than a quarter of an hour after broke forth the fire , as aforesaid , just upon the discovery of the breaking forth of which , these two men , one in black cloaths , the other in gray , well apparelled , having his hair of a bright brown colour , with a shash tyed about him , were seen as they went , to make a stop near by the examinates house , smiling one upon the other , and pointing at the fire , which was observed by a near neighbour , who was condoling the disaster , and making some compassionate reflections on the neighbourhood , who were like to share in the same affliction ; at which these two men deridingly said , it was either a casualty , or set on fire by the fanaticks , and so departed . now , that these two persons or one of them , were the immediate instruments of this villany , is more than probable by divers circumstances , as well as in the opinion of this examinate and his neighbours , who took some small observation of them the latter time ; for when they departed , they made no stay to change their money ( as is usual ) but had money ready for what they had to pay . and the description of the habit , stature , and complexion , &c. which the neighbours gave of these persons , doth exactly agree with the characters that this examinate and his servants describe them by . but that they were not apprehended or pursued at that instant , must be attributed to the deep surprize the people of the house and neighbourhood were in , every one striving to make provision to secure his own concern , and partly perhaps to the small encouragement and little notice then taken by some in office of such services ; it being less dangerous , as things were sometimes mannaged , to be a traytor and a villain , than to detect or discover one . the substance of the examination of joseph speed , servant to abraham euer upholster in the minories , taken upon oath before the right worshipful sir tho. bludworth , july the 31th . 1670. that he the said joseph speed being sent on the saturday before about eight of the clock at night , by his master to carry some goods into wapping , in his return homewards in new gravel lane was overtaken by two proper men in gentile habit , the one of them in a light coloured periwigg and a stuff suit , black and gray mixed , as near as could be gliessed , by the help of a link that a person passed by withall , it being then grown late in the evening , and a rapier by his side ; the other in a cloath coat , his own hair and a stick in his hand ; who began to discourse with the deponent , and after diverse discourses of the deadness of trade and difficulty of getting money , when they were come into an obscure lonesome place , being a field commonly known by the name of king davids fort , he in the wigg began to declare himself more fully , telling the deponent that there was a way of late come up of geting of money with a great deal of ease . he having some suspicious of them , by their frequent swearing , to found the depth of their intentions , seemed very inquisitive to know what way that was , and how glad and ready he would be to embrace it : whereupon at last the said person in the wig told him it was to be done fireballs and firing them ; at which the deponent , though much surprized , yet concealed his resentments , and pretended to comply with them , discoursing after such a manner as might give them reason to suppose him fit for their pupose . after several words passed , he in the wig tells him he shall be imployed . then the deponent desired to know when and how . whereupon the same person took two fire-balls ( as he called them ) out of his pocket , shews them to him , and tells him he should have twenty shillings to take those balls , and fire them in such places as they should direct ; the which he expressed as follows , viz. in the great ship that was building in such a yard , being wholly or near finished , and newly tarr'd on the outside : ( which ship was afterwards understood to be captain tailors , though the owner was not mentioned by them ; and whose bolt-spit lay cross the street , at wapping ) but if it might not conveniently be done there , then to do it at the house adjoyning to the yard : or if too severe a guard were kept thereabouts then at a tarr-shop , near the armitage bridge , or else at the talbot inn in southwarks , where he said , the deponent might come easily to the house , the back way , and no body observe him . but he principally urged the firing of the said ship ; and as for the time he bid him observe the tide , and be sure to do it within an hour of low water . he also gave him directions touching the manner of firing the said balls , viz. that if he could by any means privately get into the said ship , or any of the said houses , then to wrap one of the balls in half a pound of pitch , with some quantity of tow , and set fire to it . but if that might not be done with safety and secresy , then to observe a hole or narrow passage which was in the middle or centre of the ball , into which he should put some dust of gun-powder , and setting fire to it , throw it into the place intended . after these directions the same fellow gave the deponent one of the said balls into his hand , who then was urgent for his money , but is denyed till the ship or one of the houses should be on fire , they telling him that they would be thereabouts , and when they had observed his work to be done , would go to the bull-head tavern in grace-church-street , where they would meet with him and give him his reward . in this discourse about the money the deponent told them that twenty shillings was too small a matter , and they might well give him four or five pounds , because he ventured his life , being sure to be hanged if discovered : to which was returned by them , that they would certainly procure him a pardon , if it should happen so , but of that there was no danger . after all this talk the deponent willing to apprehend them , tells them he was very dry , and desires that they would give him some drink : to which they would by no means assent : but he was so importunate with them as begot a suspicion in them of his design upon them , whereupon he with the stick said , hang him dog , or hang him rogue , he will not do the business , or words to that effect ; and after some other words , endeavoured to seize the deponent , one of them drawing his sword , but he got away , and they did not pursue him , but run away themselves cross the fields as fast as possibly they could , as he turning back at some distance observ'd . they being thus fled the deponent at once apprehending the hazard of concealment , and the danger those places might be in that they directed him to fire , did immediately repair to captain tailors house , as also to the tarr-shop by the armitage bridge , acquainting them with this affair , as also several people in wapping as he went along , particularly two constables and their watch ; thence he went home to his master , and presently inform'd him of it , who repair'd to the next constable , they to the common council-man of their liberty , and then all together to the watch-house at aldgate , where part of the fire-ball was tryed for an experiment , which burned to their general wonder and amazement . the same night was he to appear before the right honourable the lord mayor at his house , but his lordship being in bed , he was put off till next morning , and then by reason of his lordships indisposition , carried before the worshipful sir thomas bludworth , before whom he deposed the premises , and further declared on his oath , that the before-mentioned persons told him , when the fire came to the midst of the ball , it would flame two yards or two yards and an half high . an account of the apprehending of a scotchman , about the same time , at the cross-keys in fleet-street , about firing . a scotch-man pretending great respect he had for william colborn ( then ) keeping the cross-keys , a victualling-house in fleet-street , near chancery-lane end , came to him , and advised him , that by all means he should remove his goods out of london , and dispose of his house . colborn askt for what reason , the scotch-man replyed , because that he with many others , were imployed to set the remainder of london on fire , and that they would set it on fire at several places at one and the same time , and chancery lane end ( which is near the said colborns house , as aforesaid , ) they intended should be one of the first set on fire . with several other discourses very soberly , and after a friendly manner expressed . whereupon colborn ( according to his duty ) apprehended him , and being brought to his tryal he was sentenced to stand in the pillory , and did accordingly stand three times , once at chancery lane end , and twice elsewhere in the city . a relation of a fire that happened in budge-row , in july , 1670. on the eighth of july about midnight , in a new house , not glazed , in budge-row , a fire began ; the shop-windows and doors were all made and close shut and fastned when the brick-layers went away , which was between six and seven of the clock in the evening before ; ( the carpenters not having been at work that afternoon ) and the bricklayers at that time having nothing to do above stairs , but only to build up a wall in the yard . when the fire was first discovered , it appeared in a room over the front of the shop , right against the chimney , where stood several deal-boards and laths reared against the wall , being prepared in order to floor part of the said house , then unfinished ; some of the next neighbours who heard the first alarm of the fire , do affirm , that if they could presently have got to it , they might easily have quenched it , 't was so small to appearance , or that they could , in case they had wanted water , have thrown it out at the window . but before they could get the doors open , it was grown so outragious , that there was no venturing up stairs to suppress it , and in short time it so far prevailed , as very considerably to prejudice four houses : that this came by treachery there is good reason to believe ; as well because there had been no fire , nay not so much as any person all the day before in the said chamber where it began , as also for that near islington , on the evening before , some persons that were going thitherwards , met two men and one woman , who very earnestly inquired , if there were not a fire in london near cheap-side . the information of one william trigg , taken before sir william turner , knight ; one of his majesties justices of the peace for the city of london , the 13th of august , 1670. as followeth . this informant saith , that he liveth in angel-alley in aldersgate-street , and hath no family but himself , and two young-men and a maid at home at this time ( his wife being at or near hampstead with his said young child ) and that his young men lie at his shop at a distance from his house ; that the next night save one before the fire happened , she call'd him out of his bed , saying , either the house was on fire , or there were thieves in it , neither of which being found true , caused him to have some jealousies she intended some mischief , and therefore last night after she was gone to bed , sent for her candle down , and caus'd search to be made over and under all the beds to see all safe from fire ; that this morning between six and seven of the clock when he went forth to his shop , he did not perceive or smell any fire , and left no body in the house but his said servant maid , and that about eight or nine of the clock his neighbours came to call him , saying , his house was on fire , so he went home , and up stairs , and found it all on fire , two beds , curtains and vallins , and some of the chamber floor under the bed burnt . joseph ashby saith , that he living over against the said mr. trigg , perceived much smoak to come out of his house this morning , and then saw the said maid go up stairs and down again , through the window ; but never heard her cry fire till mr. shirley went up to her room where the said fire was , and that he saw the window curtains of that room close shut , and that about six of the clock the same were open . william sherley , and matthew crockford in effect depose the same . nor could mary torberfeild the maid-servant herself on her examination alledge any thing material , but only denyed that she either went up stairs after the rose in the morning , or that she did open the window-curtains , both which were positively proved to the contrary as aforesaid , so that there was a most violent presumption that she set it on fire , and accordingly she was committed to newgate , but for want of positive witnesses that saw her do it , discharged and bailed out by some of her confederates as 't is credibly related . it is observable that this fire was most mischievously designed , as being in a place where no engine could come , the passages through the entries are so narrow , and that within five or six yards where it began , there lay two or three thousand bavins belonging to a baker : but the providence of god timely prevented , otherwise it had doubtless seized both the alleys , and then quickly would have reached juin-street : but being thus discovered before it had got head , it was suppressed , doing no further damage than to that room where it began . the fire in the savoy , 1670. about the latter end of june , in the savoy , near one a clock in the morning , a fire happened in a back room that had been a strong-water-shop , where it was first discovered , which immediately went on from house to house , eastward and westward , till there were burnt and blown up fourteen dwelling-houses in four or five hours time . there is treachery believed to have been in the bottom , as occasioning this damage : for it is credibly reported , that sr. jeremy whithcot upon his examining the premises had two watermen brought before him , who did affirm , that they carried two persons appearing as gentlemen , over-night , to westminster , who were speaking of the heat of the evening , and one replyed to the other , in the said water-mans hearing , that it would be an hotter morning at the savoy . timely care with the help of engines and blowing up of houses eastwards ; was a prevention of its going further into the strand and towards worcester house . westwards there was a great brick wall , which gave such a check to it , that by gods good providence , and the industry of those that came in to help , it was stopt , but two persons were killed outright and six or seven hurt . an impartial account of the fire happening near the royal exchange , on the 23 of july 1670. at the house of mr. francis nowers , herauld-painter . the watch belonging to that ward , gave in upon oath before the coroner and his inquest , that the said mr. nowers was in his own balcony at twelve a clock that night , and that he talkt to them in as sober and compos'd a frame as ever they saw him in their lives , and about one of the clock it appears his house was on fire ; being first discovered by some passengers going that way , who gave notice to the neighbour-hood . there were in this house , the master and his brother , a nurse and two young children , a maid-servant , and an apprentice : at the time when this fire began the maid was in the kitchin under ground , all the rest of the family being in bed ; but the said maid understood nothing of it till it was noised in the street ; upon which she ran up stairs to her masters room , which she found all on a light fire . by this time her masters brother ( who lay a story higher ) hearing a sudden shriek , awaked , and in his shirt ran down to his brothers chamber , but found the door on fire , and with the strength of the smoak was forced back again having much ado to save himself ; yet remembring the apprentice that lodged on the same story , forthwith awaked him , and they ran together out at the gutter-window and so broke their way into the dolphin tavern near adjoyning . how this fire happened is very uncertain ; though it is suggested that it might come by a careless nurse that lay on the same floor with the masters chamber and used to have a candle burning all night , having in her charge a child of about thirteen weeks old : but whether it happened so or not , the fatal consequence was very sad , for it did destroy the master of the house and a child in bed with him ; and the said nurse and child with her ; yet through the timely help of neighbours it did not much further harm than destroying the said house , with the upper parts of two houses adjoyning . nor were great and unusual fires less frequent in these times in the country ; of which i shall mention only two amongst many . the first at northampton , where on munday the twentieth of september , 1675. a dreadfull fire began in the afternoon , and in few hours space burnt down most part of the high street , the market place ( which was a very goodly one ) the stately church of st. allhallows and two other parish churches , and above three parts in four of the whole town . which being known to be a corporation of great trade and generally sharp enemies to popery , it may probably be supposed there might be something of design in it , but i shall not urge that , because 't is the general opinion it came by accident . another great loss by fire was at cottenham near cambridge happening on saturday the twenty ninth of april , 1676. about ten of the clock in the forenoon , when a great part of the inhabitants , especially the men , were gone to cambridge market , or otherwise imployed abroad : it began in an house almost at the entrance of the town , at a place called green-end , and the next house to it remaining untoucht , the people were in hopes it would have ended there , but on a sudden , another house being the third from it , was on fire , and from thence ( the second still remaining without harm ) the flames were dispersed almost all over the town , furiously raging on both sides of the street , and burnt down the whole street as far as the church before three of the clock in the afternoon . which is in distance of ground near three quarters of a mile , there being about one hundred dwelling houses , besides barns , out-houses , corn , hay , &c. consumed in that short time . i the rather mention these fires in the country , though generally they pass unregarded as common accidents ; because as i well know the design of the jesuits &c. was , that their instruments should do all the mischief in this kind , whereever they came , either in city or country , so 't is well known that about this very time , i mean in 1675. or 76. there were two idle extravagant persons formerly about st. martins le grand , one named robert norris , the other , finch , whose ill course of life to the great trouble of their friends had reduced them to a condition fit to become the agents of any villany . these two came on foot into an inn at hodgsdon in hartfordshire , and having lodged a while there , took an opportunity and with a light burning fire-brand , purposely carried out of the house through the yard down into the stables , set a parcel of straw on fire ; but being observed by a young maid who acquainted the master of the house therewith , he that did it was taken in the very act ; the straw flaming and the fire-brand lying in it ; but being seen so soon was quickly extinguished without much hurt done . one of these companions hereupon run away and made his escape , the other being apprehended confest he put the fire-brand there on purpose to burn down the inn and town if he could do it , and that they came down for that very end , being hired to burn that and some other places , and were to have such a sum ( 5. l. as i remember ) for each town they could fire ; hereupon he was committed to hartford gaol . but in his tryal i know not how things were so ordered that though the fire was actually begun in the straw as aforesaid , yet it was lookt upon only as an intention , and consequently not a felony , but only a misdemeanour , for which he was ordered to stand in the pillory , &c. in town still their work went forward with all the insolence imaginable ; for about the year , 1676. one mr. keeling a smith , a very ingenious workman in black fryars , having made an engine most effectual for quenching of fires , being so contrived that it might be carried into any room , and the pipes of it and consequently the water conveyed by ladders or up stairs into any place where fire may be , the excellency and great use of which engine was notably experimented at the fire in southwark , the hospital there being chiefly by means thereof preserved ; for which he was shortly after upbraided and affronted by a certain person , said to be a frenchman ; telling him plainly that he deserved to have his house burnt for making such an engine ; and several other threatning words : nor did they fail to attempt it : for within few days after such menaces , there was one evening a hard ball thrown out of the street through a glass window breaking a pane as it passed into a chamber of his said house one pair of stairs high , which as providence would have it , fell into the middle of the room where there was nothing near apt to take fire , but only the boards ; into which it burnt a round hole of considerable depth , but did no further harm , whether by reason the matter of the fire-b . was not rightly prepared , or what other accident not known . the whole room was filled with smoak and stench of burning when the people came into it , which much affrighted them , especially when they found this ball which was then almost cold , and saw how it had burnt the boards , and which way it came in , expecting no other but that their house was resolved upon to be burnt . in the winter 1677. at the sign of the shipin shadwell , the house of one peirce a victuallerthere , there was a fire-ball placed ready to be fired under a shed , found and discovered accidentally fore the intended mischief was performed , by some of the watch , it was of the bigness of a large orange , very black in colour , and smelt strong of brimstone , they that found it brought it to shadwell watch , and divided it to several parts , some to wapping , and white-chapel , some to rosemary-lane watch , to try experiments for all their satisfaction . from whence mr. samuel maurice had a small part no bigger than a cherry-stone , and fired it at the house of thomas horn the beadle in rosemary-lane , where that little quantity flamed up at least three foot high , and then the flame suddenly ceasing , the coal left burnt down into an hard walnut-tree-plank a quarter of an inch deep ; this was done in the presence of samuel maurice , thomas horn , and many others in the said horns house , where the hole is yet to be seen . the temple ( as we told you before ) was a place these incendiaries had particularly in their eye , whether it were to revenge themselves in some measure on the lawyers , many worthy members of that honourable profession having from time to time , in our parliaments , been the most active patriots to preserve the protestant religion , and prevent the fly invasions of popery , law being the best humane out-guard to religion ; or whether ( as i rather judge because they have told me so ) that they thereby aimed to destroy what writings and records they could , some of which relating to their conviction of recusancy have ( as i have heard some boast , ) been prevailed with for valuable considerations to have been kept there , and never returned to the proper offices , whence effectual prosecution and levies might have been made on popish estates . but for whatsoever particular intent , or perhaps only for the general design of doing mischief ; or whether they were ( as some would have them thought ) unconcerned therein , this is too certain , there have happened two grievous and lamentable fires in the temple of late . the first on the 28th . of september , 1677. at the kings bench office , which thereby was burnt down with divers good chambers and about a dozen dwelling-houses in white-fryars ; the beginning of this was generally charged on one mr. carpentar , who was reported to have gone to bed in drink , but possibly it might be by some other means : however this is certain , if he were the unhappy occasion , he suffered severely for it , being burnt there , and seven or eight persons killed by the fall of a wall. the next was yet more great and calamitous , beginning at one mr. thornberies chamber ( a gentleman known to be a very sober worthy person ) on sunday the 26th . of january , 1679. about eleven of the clock in the night , the vast desolation hereby caused is yet sadly visible by te hruines , and by the circumstances it is most apparent that the same was fired by design . after this an attempt was made on an inn in smithfield , where a french-man came in the evening , set fire to the stables and ran away , but going into thamestreet was apprehended , and for the present committed , but afterwards for want of a through prosecution got away . on the ninth of april one elizabeth oxley having dwelt about six weeks as a servant-maid with one mr. bird an eminent attorney in fetter-lane , took the opportunity when all the family was in bed , to fire a large press in his closet , in which were kept papers and writings , and when she thought fit , acquainted her master that the house was on fire ; and running down let in the watch : but it being observed that she had packt up her cloaths , and several other suspicious circumstances , she was charged with setting the same on fire , and at last confessed the same , declaring on her examination , that she was imployed to do it by one mr. stubbs , who promised her five pound to do it . hereupon mr. stubbs was seized , and acknowledged that he had perswaded her thereunto , and was to give her five guinneys , besides a crown in hand . and further said , that one father gifford ( the same man that i my self was to be an assistant to for such wicked purposes as aforesaid ) his confessor had put him on this business , and told him it was no sin to fire all the houses of hereticks , and that the said gifford had promised him one hundred pounds for the same , and told him he was to have the money from the church . and further declared that he used to meet the said gifford , and other two persons , in st. james's fields , in the dark of the evening to consult these matters . they likewise declared several other things concerning an insurrection at home by papists , and an invasion speedily to be made by the french , &c. upon which ingenuous confessions , the house of commons became suitors to his majesty to grant them both his gracious pardon , which was granted , and lately allowed in court. the last intrigue of this kind i shall mention is that of daniel clark , an apprentice to a gentle-woman that kept a flax-shop in the minories , who on the fifteenth of may last set fire to his mistresses house by putting a candle to a bundle of flax , but being seen to do it , the same was seasonably extinguisht without much damage , and he committed to newgate , declaring on his examination , that he was hired to do it by an eminent papist ; on the fifth of june he was indicted at the old baily and thereunto pleaded guilty : and though it appeared he had been much tampered with , yet at last the indefatigable pains of the court got the whole truth ( as i am credibly informed ) out of him , and in pity to his youth reprieved him . after these numerous instances i think no ingenuous , impartial man can question that this cursed design of treacherous burning has long time been , and to this day is vigorously carried on by the jesuites and other papists and their instruments . also that no wise man or good subject will be wanting in caution to prevent the future designs of these incendiaries , or in contributing all he can to bring any of them that shall be discovered and apprehended to condign and exemplary punishment . which god grant , and ever preserve his majesty , the protestant religion , and this honourable city . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a27248-e2270 * since condemned for high treason . * piedlou in french , signifies wolves-foot , in english , a right name for a popish incendiary . * the alehouse in buttolphs lane joyning to mr. farrine●s house , was the place to which piedelou brought hubert , and he put in the fire ball through an hole broken in the wall , which he mistaking for a window , made the relation to be suspected . the memoires of mr. james wadswort [sic], a jesuit that recanted discovering a dreadful prospect of impiety, in the blasphemous doctrines (or gospel) of the jesuits, with their atheistical lives and conversations / faithfully published to the world out of the authors own original notes, with the particular places, persons, and circumstantial actions &c., of which he himself was both an eye and ear-witness from time to time. wadsworth, james, 1604-1656? 1679 approx. 172 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65789 wing w183 estc r38026 17161984 ocm 17161984 106054 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65789) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106054) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1161:8) the memoires of mr. james wadswort [sic], a jesuit that recanted discovering a dreadful prospect of impiety, in the blasphemous doctrines (or gospel) of the jesuits, with their atheistical lives and conversations / faithfully published to the world out of the authors own original notes, with the particular places, persons, and circumstantial actions &c., of which he himself was both an eye and ear-witness from time to time. wadsworth, james, 1604-1656? [4], 68 p. printed by henry hills for henry brome ..., london : 1679. "licensed, william jane. jan. 31, 1678/9"--t.p. verso. imperfect: stained, with print show-through. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng escorial. jesuits -england -controversial literature. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the memoires of m r iames wadswort , a iesuit that recanted : discovering a dreadful prospect of impiety , in the blasphemous doctrines ( or gospel ) of the iesuits , with their atheistical lives and conversations . faithfully published to the world out of the authors own original notes , with the particular places , persons , and circumstantial actions , &c. of which himself was both an eye and ear-witness , from time to time . london , printed by henry hills for henry brome , at the gun at the west end of st. pauls . 1679. licensed , william iane . ian. 31. 1678 / 9. the contents . chap. i. the occasion of his whole family's turning papists , and of his education in spain , and the colledge of the jesuits at st. omers ; with a full relation of their manner of discipline in those schools : laying a foundation to all superstition and idolatry ; tending to the great degeneracy of the english gentry , and others . chap. ii. their order of the virgin mary unbowell'd , with the garbage of intollerable blasphemies in that their new gospel . chap. iii. the several orders of the jesuits , and their demeanor therein . chap. iv. their stratagems to prevent revolters from their societies , and to draw in simple novices . chap. v. the true description of that famous monastery , or house of the king of spains , called the escurial , the worlds wonder . chap. vi. the bloody and cruel projects of the jesuits cabal , and of their enchantments , &c. in the secret vaults of their societies . chap. vii . the reasons why this gentleman left them , and turned protestant , and the miseries he be suffered by the iesuits and others , before he arrived into england . the memoires of mr. iames wadswort , a jesuit that recanted , &c. chap. i. the occasion of his whole families turning papists , and of his education in spain and the colledg of the iesuits at st. omers : with a full relation of their manner of discipline in those schools ; laying a foundation to all superstition and idolatry ; tending to the great degeneracy of the english gentry , and others . i was born in the year 1604 in the county of suffolk , in the reign of our late royal sovereign , whose eminency of vertues procured the wonder of all other nations , and the glory of ours . my father was a student in emanuel colledg in cambridg , where the university and his own merits invested him with a degree of batchelor in divinity , and his majesty preferr'd him to be a double benefic't man in cotton and great thome , in the county aforesaid , and chaplain and ordinary to the bishop of norwich , and after that , his majesty sent him with his first ambassador legier sir charles cornwallis into spain as his chaplain , and joynt commissioner ; where at his first arrival the iesuits held with him a subtile dispute about the antiquity and universality of the church of rome , which they made the preface to all their seducements , his grand opposers being ioseph creswell , and h. walpole , two the most expert politicians of our nation , who then maintained the state of the tripple crown ; whose understanding nevertheless would not prove captive , either to their subtlest arguments , or most alluring promises . the ambassador seeing how wisely he quitted himself , sent letters to his majesty , informing him how learnedly he was accompanied . the king as he was a liberal mecoenas to the learned , especially to those who were of the clergy , sent him his royal grant of the next falling place of eminency in his kingdom , as an encouragement to his further services . mean while the iesuits perceiving how little they prevailed , used other illusions stronger than their arguments , even strange apparitions of miracles ; amongst others , the miracle which they pretend to be true to have happened to the eldest son of the lord wotton , at his death , in the city valodalid , where a crucifix fram'd him this articulate sound , now forsake heresie , or else you are damn'd . whereupon the young lord and my father became proselytes to their jugling religion , the report whereof not long after became a loadstone also to the old lord wotton , with many others to draw them to popish idolatry . and so my father leaving the ambassadors house privately , and discarding wife and children and fortunes in england , was conducted forthwith by the means of father creswell to the university of salamanca , whereat the next day after his arrival , he was carried to the bishops their inquisitors house , where he was admitted with no little joy to their church , where he prostrating himself on the ground , and the inquisitor putting ( as their custom is ) his right foot on his head , said with a loud voice , here i crush the head of heresie : the which ceremony and others ended , after a months abode in the said university , he passed with creswell to the university of madrid , where the king informed by creswell what had happened , was exceeding joyfull , and gave charge to his chief secretary of state don iuan idiaques , that he should give him whilst he lived a fair annual pension out of his private purse . but here creswells policy is seen , which was in counselling him not to take above 50 duckats monthly , for fear if he should take more , the hereticks ( for so his tongue stiled them ) should happly say , he changed his air for profit , not conscience : and that having left greater means in england , it would prove a singular example to draw many souls after him , since it was clear it was not gain that was his mark. kind reader , take notice here of iesuitical stratagems ; recount a while the grief and sorrow of my mother , his wife , my brethren and kindred ; when as they hoped daily he would prove the honour of their linage , their expectation on a sudden was terminated in sighs and lamentings . but it 's necessary i declare how my mother , not long after , was allured by my father thus revolted : and having withstood for 5 years space all his letters and inticements ; with those also of the jesuits and priests ( but where the husband goes first , the wife commonly follows after , it being the weakness of that sex ) was at length seduced by one kelly a jesuit , who coming for that end with letters from her husband , misled her away having brought her to sell all she had ▪ carried , her forthwith into flanders with her four children , hugh the eldest , since dead in madrid , catherine who died a nun in lisbon , mary who now lives a nun in a monastery called camber , by bruxels ; and iames ( viz. my self . ) these with my mother lived and expected my fathers pleasure , and there having been ordered to take shipping for spain , embarked her self at dunkirk for st. lucas in spain , in a ship call'd the hound of dunkirk , a ship very famous for its feats in war ; and thus through a million of dangers ( meeting with a mighty wrack , &c. ) we arrived on the spanish coasts , where her husband with joyful embracements , most lovingly welcom'd her , and her children . i now forthwith was brought to a school in sivill to learn to write and read the spanish tongue , and having attained here to my prefixed end , was presently after chatechised in the roman faith at madrid , where and at sivill i continued about 8 years ; from whence , through the counsel of the jesuits my father sent me to st. omers , where i was ensnared to the discipline of the place after their accustomed manner . in the year 1618. i took farewell of the royal town madrid , and of my father , mother , and other friends ; and having encountred with several difficulties in my voyage , ( which for brevity sake i omit ) at last i arrived at the colledg in st. omers , which was founded about 40 years since , by the order and furtherance of father parsons , that famous jesuit , who sent father flack to st. omers , with sufficient moneys for the foundation , having before obtained of his catholick majesty a pention of 2000 duccats per annum , for the maintainance of the students there . the first night i was by the rector and other fathers very well entertained , at supper , and lengthen'd the meal ( according to my narrative of my voyage ) untill bed-time broke up both . no sooner had the morning and my self open'd our eyes , but the rector , and father creswel sent for me , where they begun a remonstration of their rules , orders , and observations somewhat shorter than their entertainment . first , that they may take none blindfold , they anatomized me with a general confession of all my sins ; then closed up all again by the sacrament : and after this , least there might be any relique of the world left upon me , they made me disinvest my self of such prophane garments that i had , and the superfluities of hair , but one they kept , the other they threw away . then was i reinvested with a doublet of white canvas , breeches and stockings , that had not troubled the weaver with over much pains , cassock and stockings of the same , black and grave , the band precise and short , with a hatt that might almost cover all , and shooes correspondent . thus accoutred , the rector delivered me another student to whom he gave the charge of shewing me colledg , and committing me to father thunder to appoint me a study and chamber in the dormitory , which was speedily done , and the next morning i was promoted to the first form , ( called the figures ) there had i given me a schedule , which contained the duties and observances of the house , which are as follows . first and above all entire observance and duty to be performed to the rector , as our vice-god : next , to the vice-rector as his minister ; next to the praefects , who are overseers of the schools . the first of these was father robert drury ( who had his sermon knock'd out of his brains at black-fryers ; ) the other father thunder , who appoints chambers , and studies , and makes them render an account thereof , keeps hours of study and recreation , and exercises many of his claps upon their breeches . the third is father darcy , praefect of the sodalitium beatae mariae , and the refectory . then to all the rest of the fathers in the house , as father iohn flood ( and likewise ghostly father to the students ) he who is their champion to answer and write against the protestants in england . and father baker , who is burser of the colledg , who keeps the bag , and provides necessaries . besides , special respect is due to the five masters of the schools , to father adrian or tush , ( which the students call him from his own mouth ) to father lacy , the reader of poetry , and master of the syntax . father h. bentley , and father i. compton of grammar , and father i. crater of the figures , and father wilson overseer of the print-house . and besides , duty is to be given to the porter , who is the lord mountague's brother , ( who hath not as yet been higher promoted . ) also to the burser , brewer , tailor , butler , baker , apothecary , shoo-maker , master of the infirmary , who over-looks the sick ; the clerk and cook , who are all lay-brothers . let us now descend to the students , their chiefest quality is noble blood for the most part ; and to make proselytes of such , the fathers compass sea and land , persuading them , that such a calling adds to their nobility ; for , nobilis non nascitur , sed fit . of others less eminent by birth it is required , they should at least equal , if not transcend in eminency of parts and wits , which in time would purchase better portions , than men more nobly descended would have afforded from inheritance . the number of the first sort are ordinarily about an 100 , of the latter about 20. the observations of the distributions of the day is thus : every morning the fifth hour summons them up , the first half is bestowed in making up themselves and their beds ; the place where they sleep is call'd a dormitory , containing three long galleries , topping the house ; each of these is furnish'd with about fifty beds , distanced onely by a partition of boards . the next half hour the chappel doth challenge their attendance , and the mass their devotion ; whosoever is absent , shall be sure to have the unwelcome presence of father thunder . at six , they all go to study in a large hall , under the first gallery , where , according to order , each takes his seat , where they study one hour , and in the midst walks father thunder , and sees they all keep silence , and be diligent at their books . all are bound to be there without budging at seven , which is their hour of breakfast ; they go down two by two , with their books under their arms , and first those in the rhetorick unto the refectory , where every one hath for his part a piece of bread and butter , and beer as pleaseth him . the loss of this breakfast is their punishment , whose names had been given up to the praefect the day before for having spoke eng●●sh within a quarter of an hour , each boy quits the refectory , and repairs to the schools , from seven and a half until nine ; after which time , the praefects and masters leave the schools , and the students of the three under-schools go up to those of the upper , who read greek to them till ten , at which time , every one betakes himself to his study till eleven , then to dinner . after they have ranged themselves awhile , the rector and father enter , the elder says grace himself , or ordains another ; which being done , he placeth himself at the upper end of the table , the others in their order . all this time the students mouths are shut , not from eating , but speaking , bestowing their ears upon six other of their companions disputing , three against three , in two pews , one overthwart the other , of such things which may rather help digestion to the fathers , than benefit their own understandings : as , whether their paternities had not better eat flesh or fish , drink wine or beer ? and this dispute begins and ends with dinner . at the fathers meal , both ceres and bacchus vouchsafe their company to sit , and that liberally too ; their meat is what their delicate stomachs can desire , which their procurator caters for . of which , and much more , you may read in lewes owen . now let us come to the collegiates and their diet : first , they are served in by seven of their own rank weekly , and in course , and according to seniority , each man hath first brought him a mess of broth , which is the antipast ; afterward half a pound of beef , which they call their portion ; afterward an apple or piece of cheese , which they call their post-past ; bread and beer as they call for it . when they have ended the meal , the rector enjoyns silence to the disputants ; and then rising from the table himself , stands and says grace ; which said , the students first go out one by one , each making his reverence , with hat in hand , to the rector : next after himself goes forth to hear them play their musick , which is in a great hall over the refectory , thence until one of the clock , they recreate themselves in the garden ; thence each man to his study till two , then again to the schools , so until four and a half ( as in the morning ) at their greek and latin exercises ; then again to their studies until six , which is supper-time , and in the same manner spent as dinner , saving that six others go into the pews , and after some short disputations , one of one side reads the latine martyrology , and another after him the english , which contains the legend of our english martyrs , and traitors together . the students hear out the relation with admiring , and cap in hand to the memory of campian , garnet , thomas becket , and moor. after this , until seven and a half , musick until eight , they recreate themselves together ; thence to their studies again until half an hour be past ; so to their litanies , and to provide themselves to bed . but before they do it , for the most part , they demand on their knees all the praefects benedictions , otherwise they take not themselves blessed : then while they are disrobing themselves , one amongst them reads some miracle , or new book , until sleep close up all , and father thunders noise awake them in the morning . discipline is here enough , were it well bestow'd . thus pass they their days and years , save tuesdays and thursdays , when on the afternoons they are licensed to the recreation of the open fields , on this wise : dinner ended , we march forth out of the colledg by two and two , father thunder himself carrying up the rear , until we are distant about a mile from the town , where we walk , or play at ball , or bowles , or other such games , till the clock , or our stomachs strike supper-time ; then repairing to the colledg , rost mutton is our provision , not being ordinary . now let us touch sabbath affairs , unto which , on saturday in the afternoon , from four till six , and after supper till eight , all the students confess themselves to their ghostly fathers above named . on sunday-morning at six of the clock , they hie to their studies , where they read sacred letters until seven ; from thence to the chappel , and congregation of our lady , which is kept in one of the schools , father darcy , aforesaid , being praefect of that place , where sitting in a chair , he exhorts all to the honour of the virgin mary , declaring to them her great power and miracles . all the schools are not admitted hereunto , but onely those whom the praefect and his twelve consultors approve of ; which twelve consultors are ordinarily termed his white boys . the priviledg of this sodality is , that they have graces , rosaries , beads , indulgences , medals , and hallowed grains , from his holiness ; in vertue whereof , as the praefect tells them , being once admitted into the same society , they may obtain pardon of all their sins past , and at the hour of their death , saying , or but thinking on the name of iesus , mary , ioseph , they are actually pardoned and freed from the pains of purgatory , which otherwise , had they not been of this society , they should have endured . with one of the aforesaid grains , saying one ave mary , they may , by the vertue of each , deliver a soul from purgatory . besides , on the day any that are in this sodality established , their sins are remitted , swearing fidelity , and stiling themselves the virgins slaves . on this manner each sunday between seven and eight they spend their time , and they all go to mass , and receive the communion ; thence to breakfast , afterward to the study , busying themselves in reading divine stories ( as they stile them ) till dinner ; anon , after dinner , they hie to their church , where they sing vespers and litanies to our lady for england's conversion , having written on their church and colledg doors in great golden letters , iesu , iesu ! converte angliam , fiat , fiat . o iesu , convert england ; let it be done , let it come to pass . these are onely the outsides of their profession , if you desire to rip up the heart , guts , and bowels of these treacherous wolves ( or holy fathers ) you have it in these two particulars . i. their interrogatory , or confessions . ii. their doctrine , or gospel . touching the first , ( because i will not spend time in this particular already published ) i refer you to peter du moulin , which is entituled , novauté de papisme , where you may at large read those abominable abuses committed in their interrogatories . touching the latter , ( viz. their doctrine ) i shall onely give you a taste , ( some having written largely on this subject ) and not of every particular , but onely some droppings , each whereof are no less than deadly poisons ; but we will not fear to be infected by any of them , because ( blessed be god ) this age is provided with antidotes and precious preservatives against that contagion . chap. ii. their order of the virgin mary unbowell'd , with the garbage of intolerable blasphemies in that their new gospel . the reader must note , that in this latter age , the cup of abominations was almost drunk up and emptied , even to the very dregs , ( viz. the idolatries and superstitions of the church of rome , that scarlet whore ) having made drunk many of the inhabitants of the earth therewith ; but in this exigent and extremity , other locusts came flying out of the bottomless pit , to repair the ruines of the romish state , and to replenish her golden cup with a new supply of spiritual fornications ; to which end , they have ( first ) revived many devilish doctrines , half dead , and damned in the former ages ; and what in former times were scarce mentioned in converse by the worst of their predecessors , is now by them preached on the house-tops . and ( secondly ) not so content , the better to fill her cup brim-full with the quintessaence of most refined abominations , they have hatched many horrible doctrines , and hellish opinions , never heard of in the elder ages ; which are such exquisite infections to a mans soul , that the purple whore hath willingly thrown away a great part of her old drugs , to make room for the new and more precious poisons confected by the jesuits : popery being much altered since the jesuits started up , ( which luther call'd the devils last fart ) both in their service ( as may be seen in their missals and breviaries ) and in their ceremonies ( as appears in their pontificals and ceremonials , comparing the old and new together . ) of the first sort of poisons are these . 1. that an image of god or christ is to be worshipped with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , with the same worship as god himself . so teach gretser , and greg. dae valent. and say , it is the common and receiv'd opinion . ( 2. ) that god hath divided his kingdom with the virgin mary , keeping justice to himself , but committing mercy unto her . ( 3. ) that a man may appeal from gods justice , to the mercy of the virgin mary . these two biel and bernardine de bust do teach , and possevine the jesuit highly commends those books . ( 4. ) that the pope is superior to the emperor , not onely in spirituals , but in temporals , and ought to have precedence before him . so teacheth liber sacrarum ceremoniarum romanae ecclesiae , which is highly commended by bellarmine , and passevinus also . these and many others are by them revived . of the second sort are these . ( 1. ) that god hath made the virgin mary partaker of his divine power and majesty ( as far as he may . ) so horatius tursellinus a jesuit . ( 2. ) . that a man shall oftentimes be sooner heard by god , through the mediation of the virgin mary , than of jesus christ. chrisostoma visit a cistertian , and is allowed by possevinus . ( 3. ) that a man may equivocate before a magistrate , azorius , tollet , and all jesuits . ( 4. ) that heresie makes a man uncapable of a kingdom , and makes him a usurper , who is otherwise a lawful king , viz. marianus simanca , bozius , and others allowed by the jesuits . ( 5. ) that the pope hath power not only to pronounce what is heresie , but after that to deprive kings , and to dispose of their kingdoms , as he thinks best . viz. rosseus and others allowed by them . with many other , not convenient here to be particularized , which the former times never heard of , at least in such manner as now they be holden . but seeing they are all of two sorts , either touching the crown of christ himself , or the crowns of kings , his deputies on earth ; i will desire you to be contented with one example of both sorts . touching the crowns of kings &c. thus teacheth a jesuit too well known in england . viz. it is the judgment of all catholicks , divines , and lawyers , and it is certain , and de fide , that what christian prince soever , doth apparently fall from the catholick religion , and would also draw others with him , doth ipso facto forthwith fall from all right , title , place and power of their kingdoms or dominions , by force both of gods and mans laws , and this before any sentence be pronounced against him by the pope : and that all his subjects are free from the oaths they have made to him : and they may ( nay they ought ) to put him down , and cast him out from all government as an heretick , an apostate , and an enemy of god , and the common-weal , &c. and this doctrine , is certain , undoubted , and refined . see the book called , andreae philopatris responsio ad edictum elizabethae anno 91. sect. 2. artic . 157. pag. 109. editionis aug. 1592. this english jesuit ( of whom i but now spake ) is arthur creswell . alas that we should live to hear such doctrine taught ! especially by an english man , but whereas he stiles himself a divine and a priest of rome , we thence conclude , that he carried no such learning with him out of england , but found it at rome concerning christ. that which i have afore set down , is vile and wicked , and such as the elder world , and misty times of popery would have abhorred : but there is one impiety of late broched by one jesuit , ( clarus bonarscius ) and possivine the jesuit in the name of all others approves of it . ) so horrible and heinous , that i want words to express it ; but this i can say . it is such as the world never yet heard of , such as the ages past feared not , and the future will not believe , nay such as we in these days would not believe of our very enemies , if the evidence of the fact made it not past all denyal and excuse ; for , would a man imagin that they who profess themselves the servants of iesus christ above other men , should conceive of him , speak to him , and play with him , as with a sucking child in his mothers arms ? nay that is nothing , they make him an underling to a woman , and not his person only , but his blood and merits , comparing his blood and the virgin maries milk together , and upon comparison find them so equal , that they mix them together , and in the mixture finds the milk so excellent , that they prefer it above and before the blood , as a thing more precious , and with which they may not be so bold , as with the blood of christ , and fear not to affirm that the corruption of our nature , and sins of our soul are healed as well by her milk , as by christs blood . a blasphemy whereat the angels will shrink , and the very devils tremble , and yet no doubt but we shall find jesuits will defend it . before i come to speak of the approbation of this author [ clarus bonarscius ] who vents such abominable stuff , and likewise a discovery of the ladies of hall , and sichem ( who are the occasion of this new gospel ) i shall relate to the world one particular expression of a jesuit , who preach'd in ausperg in the year 1583 , and his text being these words , we are made a spectale unto god , angels , and the world. in his sermon he compared the iesuits order to nebuchadnezzars image : our father ignatius ( saith he ) is the golden head , together with those who lived with him : but when the first 10 fathers were dead , others followed , nothing so good as the first , and these were the breasts and arms of silver . then our society being enlarged from 60 to many hundreds , it grew in greatness : but decayed in goodness , and then most of them were idle-bellies , and such whose god was their bellie , and these are the bellies and thighs of brass ; and then still growing in number , and falling into more voluptuousness , and carnality , they were so drowned in pleasures , that their hearts were harden'd against all good councel , these were the legs of iron ; and lastly many of us are such , as though they live in our golden society , yet they are all together earthly minded men , and these be the feet of clay . hereupon ( saith he ) it is out of all doubt that as our society suddenly begun , so shall it suddenly come to nought , seeing it daily falls from ill to worse ; o my brethren ( saith he ) such a spectacle are we made ! now therefore , least this image of ours be broken in pieces ( as that other was , ) we must go to our father ignatius , that good alchymist , and learn of him how we may be transformed from clay and iron , into gold again : let us therefore go into the furnace and purge our selves . thus far the jesuits sermon . but if their lives be look'd at for the 30 years since he spake , we shall find , that either they could not speak with ignatius , or if they did ; he was no true alchymist , but a quacksalver , and could not direct them ; or if he did the furnace is too hot , for all the world can witness they are not purged from their ambition , covetousness , treacheries , deceitfulness , and in special from their blood , and cruelties , ( which appears in that this is their maxim ) nisi religio lutherana ferro & igne tollatur , eccles. romana pacem & tranquillitatem habere non poterit . unless the religion taught by luther be removed by the sword , and fire , the church of room will never enjoy peace and quietness . see the book called epistolar . iesuiticar . libellus agab . bariaco 99 in epist. art . 11. pag. 66. i come now to shew the world the occasion of this jesuitical blasphemy ; iustus lipsius , a man of learning enough , but too much levity , having run over all religions , and at last set up his rest in popery , fell in his declining and doting days to open idolatry : and as he never troubled himself much with christ in his life , ( whose name a man shall seldom find if ever in his books , ) so at his end , wanting matter ( it seems ) to magnifie christ , he writes 2 books in praise and honour of 2 idols , viz. 2 old rotten , or 2 new forged pictures of a woman with her child in her arms ; which must needs be taken for pictures of our lady : wherein the prophane wretch blusheth not to write , that at these 2 images , there are more and greater miracles wrought , than the scriptures speak of to be done by christ himself . a learned low country divine wondring that such owles durst flie abroad at noon light , and such trumpery be set to sale in these days of knowledg wrote a short reproof of the impieties utter'd in the first of these books , which is de virgine hallensi ( of the lady of hall ) wherein because the jesuits were also touched , as being the fathers of such fooleries , and the makers of those bolts , which such fools as lipsius do shoot , thereupon a jesuit of antwerp calling himself clarus bonarscius ( but his true name being carolus scribonius ) taking upon him in a jesuitical pride , the general quarrel of the whole order of the jesuits , undertakes to defend their innocency , and their honour against all the world , and to that end writes a book , and calls it , the great theater of the iesuits honour , amphitheatrum honoris , in quo calvinistarum in societatem criminationes jugulatae . wherein after many blasphemies against christ , and slanders against princes , all kind of lyes against our ministers and professors , he comes at last to defend their friend lipsius , and his legend of our lady of hall. and after he hath abused him that wrote against it , with all despightful terms , and rail'd most artificially , wherein he excells all other jesuits , ( parsons excepted ) as far as they , all other papists , he makes a transition from rayling on men , to playing with god : and from disgracing princes , to dallying with iesus christ , and not only defends the legend of hall , written by lipsius , but farther to shew his own devotion , he makes a poem , not to the honour of god , or of christ the mediator , but to our lady of hall , and the child jesus . wherein , whether the verse be better , or the matter worse is hard to tell ; but whether his devotion therein is greater to a creature , or his blasphemy against the blood of the mediator , let the cristian reader judg , by the poem it self ( which shall be manifested word for word , after i have shewn you the approbation of the author , and given you the discourse of the ladies of hall and sichem , shewing you particularly the occasion of this their new gospel . ) in the next place , i will shew you how highly the author of this poem is approved . clarus bonarscius ( otherwise called carolus scribonius ) is a jesuit now living at antwerp , and of much account amongst them , he writ the iesuits theater of honour ( before mentioned ) and spewed this blasphemy out of his unclean heart , and whereas both the author and his book deserved the fire and halter ; it was so far from being misliked in the romish synagogue , or any way censured ; that since the book hath been reprinted , and the author and his book stand enrolled , approved and commended ( in their great volumes set out for that purpose ) for good and catholick . clari bornarscij amphitheatrum honoris iesuitici , in quo calvinistarum in societatem iesu criminationes jugulatae . prostant palaeopoli 1605 , & postea 1606. [ palaeopoli hoc est antuerpiae ] haec possevinus iesuita in apparatu sacro . tom. 1. lit . c. pag. 357 editionis ultimae . and it is to be noted , that these volums of possevine contain only an inrolement and approbation of no other other writers , save such as are approved romish catholicks , and are set out with great and publick allowance of the romish state. besides let all men know , the book stands yet uncensur'd , and the man lives still unpunish'd , nay unreproved , or rather commended and rewarded for it ; therefore this cannot be called an obscure , or private fact of the romish church . now follows a discourse of the ladies of hall and sichem , shewing particularly the occasion of this new gospel . the blessed mother of our lord , as the church in all ages hath done , so doth ours , willingly honour , as the most blessed of women , yet as a creature , and as one saved by her son , that saviour in whom her spirit rejoyced . we know and acknowledg that not she but the holy ghost hath said , that all generations shall call her blessed : yet we must confess , we are of that fathers religion who said , her spiritual bearing of christ was happier than her carnal , and her self more blessed by conceiving christ in her heart , than in her woomb , and by believing in him , than by bearing him , for her bearing him in her body would not have saved her soul , if she had not more happily have born him in her heart . ( august . lib. de virg. ) and in another place , she was happy and blessed , not because in her the word was made flesh , but because she heard the word of god and kept it . this her blessedness far be it from us to impeach , and who would not yield her all blessedness and honour that a creature may have , of whom god vouchsafed to take the flesh of man ? and if any of our religion hath spoken any thing of her , that may in the least blemish her blessed state , it was not done in any the least contempt of her , but in the zeal they bear to the honour of their saviour , whom they held dishonoured by the unequal comparing of her with him . for what will not a christian's zeal cause him to do when he seeth his god dishonoured ? who would have thought that moses would so carelesly have cast out of his hands , so precious a jewel as were the two tables , written with the finger of god ? and yet when he heard the name of the lord blasphemed , he forgot himself and them , and as though he remembred none but god he threw them away , and brake them in pieces . if mose's zeal makes his hastiness excusable , then no reason to condemn them , whose zeal gave passion to their passions , and caused them for the honour of the creator , to forget the priviledg of a creature ; and i dare say there was never man of our profession , that presumed to touch the very skirt of her glory , unless they saw her set in comparison with god , or iesus christ , thereby eclipsing the glory of gods mercy , and the worthiness of christs satisfaction , which seeing the romish church dare offer to do , we hold it our duty to be zealous for the glory of our god , and the prerogatives of our saviour . if it be said they match her not with god , or christ , i answer they do , and that in such a measure , as we dare pronounce her , or any angel accursed , who should either arrogate or accept of that , which the romish religion ascribes unto her . too good evidence hereof hath been seen in all ages , for these 200 years last past , wherein they have fallen from honouring her as a saint , to magnifie her as a mediator ; to pray to her as to a god , to trust in her as in a saviour . many particulars have been specified by several of our writers , which by our adversaries could never be denyed , ( they are so evident ) and yet were they neither recanted or removed but contrarywise they have proceeded from evil to worse , till their blasphemies have pierced the heavens , and touched the crown of the almighty , and confronted the wounds , merits , and blood of our saviour , ( as by and by it will appear . ) but above all , there is one , which as it is the latest , so it is the fowlest , and wherein popish blasphemy is at that height , as now it gives hope to all christians , that their prayers are heard , her end is at hand , and that her iniquity is come up before god , and there remains nothing but the revenging hand of god to be stretched out against her . we have it not from the report of merchants , from the letters of the ports , from the intelligence of ambassadors , for then our adversaries might suspect it : nor from the report or writings of our own men , for then let not the world believe us ; but we have it from the fountain it self , even from the record , wherein it is written with the authors hand . thus it is then amongst the late devices that rome hath forged to uphold their ungodly hierarchie , a principal is their art of miracles , that in many churches they pretend to more miracles than sermons ; but alas daily experience sheweth they are but lying wonders . now because such tricks are most effectual to delude the common people , and finding their cause had lost much ground of late in christendom , [ for in 80 years , the pope lost all england , scotland , ireland , denmark , sweden , and a great part of germany , france , switzerland , poland , and hungary , ] therefore to recover themselves and to regain credit to their forlorn cause , they have by the craft of machivilian iesuits ( as watson their brother priest often stiles them ) so far prvailed that scarce a month passeth , wherein some new image of our lady is not found , or some strange miracle and wonders heard of . five years ago they caused a story to be written , and published , [ see , the book called iust. lipsij diva . uirg . hallensis . ] wherein they blush not to make people believe , that more miracles , and greater then christ did , have been and are daily done at hall , ( a town on the borders of brabant and henault ) by the virgin mary , at a picture of hers in a chappel there : and this is set out by no vulgar fellow , but by that famous apostate lipsius , that the tale may carry the more credit ; and the miracles are not of ordinary but of the highest nature for healing frenzies , feavers , convulsions , is nothing : nay , sight is given to the blind : and whereas christ raised but 3 from the dead ( that we know of ) our lady of hall ( saith lipsius ) gave life to 7 at least , who were dead : lo , here how far short christ himself is of his mother . and now we marvail no more , if they have written that st. francis did all that christ did , and more than christ did , seeing the picture of his mother can do more than he did . georgius fabricius the popes censor of books , in his allowance of this legend of lipsius saith , that god giveth and communicateth divine power to work miracles not only to the virgin mary , and the saints , but even to their images and pictures ; and lipsius further adds , that god suffereth so many miracles to be done by their very pictures , to defend them in their due honour , and to establish that worship which they do unto them . it seems then by popish doctrine , god doth more to establish the worshiping of saints ( and such saints too as they please to make , as afterwards ) than his own son our lord iesus christ ▪ but what assurance have we for the truth of these miracles ? or how know we that this is an approved picture of our lady ? lipsius answers , that there was one sophia daughter to the landgrave of hess , by his lady saint elisabeth ( a saint of pope gregory the 9ths , making within 4 years after her death . ) this sophia ( saith he ) as it is thought , had certain images of our lady , given to her by her mother elisabeth , ( was it but thought so , and must we now believe it ? ) one of these she gave to the nuns of the nunry at vilvord , and that was called our lady of comfort : 2 more she gave to madam machtild or maud , her husbands sister , who bestowed them thus . one she gave to gravesand , another to harlem , ( two towns in holland : ) the third ( which it seems stole all the vertue from the other ) to hall , a town in henault , ( and this is that we now speak of ; ) and to add more credit to the story , he tells us that this lady maud was mother to that lady maud , who bare at one birth 365 children , who were all born alive ! and baptized by a bishop : so ( saith lipsius ) this is that image , which now we worship at hall : and thus strong a foundation hath the story . now we are all unbeleiving hereticks ( and like dogs deserve to be knock'd on the head &c. ) if we will not believe , ( as lipsius assures us ) that one was dispossessed of a devil , who was before this image , and that without any other means ; and that 10 at least were delivered from present death , but by calling or thinking upon our lady at hall ; and that 7 were raised from death to life , being but laid before the image ; and in one country ( so ordinary a matter it is in popery to raise the dead ) all these were raised , and within the space of 20 years ; nay we must believe that when a faulkner should have been hanged for losing his lords faulkon , and had the rope about his neck , and did but call to mind the lady of hall , forthwith the hawk came flying home , and lighted on the faulkners shoulder , and so saved his life , and this lipsius is not ashamed to affirm ; and the legend reports for as great a truth , that a parrat ( who had got out of her cage , and was sporting abroad ) seeing a hawk coming to seize on her , presently cryed out , st. thomas of becket save me , and instantly the hawk fell down dead , and the parrat was saved . [ see the old legend in folio , of the life of thomas of canterbury ] and also those miracles of st. francis , so far beyond christ or his apostles , that he tamed wild beasts , that he preached to a woolf , ( in specie ) and converted him from his cruelty , &c. [ i wish they could convert themselves ] and if we hereticks will not believe this , look in the holy book of conformities , and there you shall find all this , and a great deal more , and thither will we refer our reader , ( not worth spending time and paper to enumerate them , except it be to raise our laughter , and drive away present melancholy , ) but we have other business , and so we will pass on . [ vide lib. conformitatum sancti francisci , ] only take notice , that i alledg these ( or may aledg others , but that i blush for shame , ) out of the book of conformities , lately corrected from the impieties and follies that crept in , 100 , or 200 years ago , and printed in italy within these 20 years ; nay the book hath been twice printed at antwerp , and once at paris , with allowance of authority in both places , not only of the censors of books , and the archbishop of the place , but the matter and miracles in the book are confirmed with the bulls of 2 popes , one of pope nicolas , in 1451. the other of pope clement the 8th , within these few years . nay possevine the jesuit in his apparatus sacer hath published to the world , that lipsius in the year and at the place aforenamed , did put out such a work , and gives him special commendations for his labours in that , and the like in the catholick cause . and so far was lipsius from recanting , or the romish church from reforming this , that he published another pamphlet , a more ridiculous legend , and fraught with more improbabilities , and impossibilities , it bears this title — iustus lipsius his history of our lady of sichem , or of our ladies picture of the craggy rock , or sharp hill , and of her new miracles , and benefits at antwerp . 1605. at this image ( saith he ) are wrought miracles of all sorts , apoplexies , epilepsies , gouts , and all kind of diseases are healed . it cures the lame , the blind , the deaf by heaps , not seldom and extraordinarily , but yearly , monthly , daily . but what credit hath the story of our lady of sichem ? even the same that our lady of hall hath , else let the reader judg . near to the little poor ( but old ) town of sichem ( saith lipsius ) there is a mount , barren , craggy , and rough , on one side thereof is a little hillock , on it grows an oak , and in it or fastened to it , is a little image of our lady , which hath done great miracles in times past , and therefore was worshipped by the people in those parts ; but how is that proved ? thus ; about 100 years ago a shepherd found that image , and put it in his bosom , intending to carry it home to worship it , but musing thereon he was suddenly struck and astonied , and his whole body benummed , in such a manner that he could not stir one limb , but stood like a dead trunk , not knowing what to think of it , nor how to help himself ; his master wanting both his shepherd and his sheep , as he was searching , found them , and found him so standing , who told him the whole matter : his master taking the image , went with great devotion and set it up in the oak again , and forthwith the shepherd had his limbs restored again , and went and worshipped it , and so by their reports all the country heard of it , who came thick and threefold , and so were healed of all diseases ( except agues ; ) and so it continued ( saith he ) till within these 20 years , about which time the blessed image was stoln or lost , no man can tell how . ( but is it not strange , that if it could do these miracles they would let it be lost so carelesly , that seems as great a wonder in my mind ) well , lost it was : but what then ? people went as fast afterwards as before , and still as great cures were there done as when the image was there , and for want of the image the people worshipped the oak ; and why might they not ? ( saith lipsius , ) for the holy image had hallowed the tree , so that it might lawfully be worshipped : ( behold popish devotion ! ) yet ( saith he ) we worshipped not the tree , but the image that formerly stood there , and in it our lady , and in her god. pray observe , good reader , god gets his worship at last , tho it be at the fourth hand : they tender it to the tree , the tree yields it to the image , the image conveys it to our lady , and she presents it unto god. o heavens and earth blush ! but to return to the story ; our lady of sichem is lost ; but what then , must the poor town lose her traffick and living ? no no , they will make another rather than so , ( for that is no hard or unlawful thing in that religion and so ( saith he , ) 7 years after , an honest devout alderman of sichem ( perceiving how his and his neighbours gain came in , and how the poor town lived ) like a good townsman , made another image , put it in a box of wood , and fastened the box to the oak , that so their lady might not be lost so carelesly as before . this new image thus made , did as many miracles as the other , ( for it was perhaps more curiously carved , and received of the virtue of the hallowed oak unto which it was fastened . ) thus it continued certain years , till at last the parish priest perceiving they had a great trade , bestowed some cost on their lady , which got them so much , that they built her a little chappel of boards , and there placed her . but still their custom growing greater every week , they shewed themselves thankful to their patroness , and as she fill'd their purses , so they bespoke her more and more honour , and at last built her a fair chappel of stone very lately , and in that now resteth the image working miracles every day . but mark what became of the holy oak ? it was cut away by pieces , and carried away by devout persons , and at last it was so hack'd and hewn , thatit was in great danger of falling , and a councel was called in the town , what was best to be done with it ? and after serious consideration it was gravely concluded that it should be cut up by the roots , and with a great deal of solemnity brought into the town of sichem ; where when it came , happy was he that could get a piece of the holy wood , whereof ( saith lipsius , and blusheth not to write ) diverse made them little images , and with much piety do worship them : others that were sick of grievious diseases shaved it into their drink ( its great pitty it had not been harts-horn ) and so were healed . see what an excellent religion this is ! one image hath begot many , and the first image being but fastened to the tree , so sanctified the whole oak , that every image made of the tree should be as good as the image it self , and every crumb of the wood should work miracles as fast as the image did . behold , he is not ashamed to thrust upon the world this wooden history , for a true and undoubted story . such a cause is popery as that it cannot continue in credit before the people , but by forging a continual succession of lying wonders , for now we are made believe that the virgin mary hath 2 images within few miles together , which hath done more miracles in a few years past then god himself did in the old or christ and all his apostles in the new testament . and yet good reader ( as god saith to the prophet ezechiel , ) turn thee a little , and thou shalt see greater abominations than these ! it is but very few years ago since the tale of our lady of hall was forged by some jesuits , and published by lipsius , when withall a fair picture graven in brass , was prefixed on the first page before the book ( viz , of the virgin mary holding her son christ in her arms. ) and behold the jesuits , as tho they had gained enough by christ already , and would now see what they could get by the mother , begin now to call in question his merits , and mediation , and the dignity of his wounds , and sufferings , and at last pronounce that his wounds , and her paps , his blood , and her milk , are either all one , or else that the milk is better of the two . and yet before we enter into the blasphemous poem , let the reader observe that tho the image , be both of our lady ( as they call her ) and of her son jesus our lord , yet notwithstanding the miracles are all ascribed to her and her picture , and none to iesus christ : for the colouring of which impiety , what they can say i see not , unless they dare affirm , that the son will do no miracles in the presence of his mother ; and it is to be observed , that the virgin mary is always pictured in their churches , as a woman and a mother , and our saviour as a child or infant , either in his mothers arms ( which is most commonly ) or in her hand , that so the common people might have occasion to imagine , that what power of over-ruling and commanding a mother hath over her little child , the same hath she over her son jesus : and that seeing the son is but an infant in his mothers arms , therefore they might not wonder why her picture doth all the miracles and his none ; ( for it is like christ did no miracles when he was a child : ) into these superstitious and blasphemous thoughts do they endeavour to drive the poor deluded people . but yet this , and all their impious speeches and practises against the honour of christ and his religion , are in my judgment inferior , and may all stoop to this new impiety of the iesuits wherein the mother is compared to the son , not as being a child or a man , but as the saviour and mediator , and the paps of a woman , equalled with the wounds of our lord , and her milk with his blood. if this were written by protestants , some might say we might report partially , or if it were a matter of old , the age might suspect it was made worse in the relation , but when it is a matter of yesterday ( comparatively spoken ) and comes from themselves , and in their own express words , partiality it self cannot cavil against it . the particular is this , clarus bonarscius a jesuit , or their patron , published in the year 1606. a volume large enough in defence of the whole order of jesuits , entituled — clari bonarseū amphitheatrum honoris , in quo calvinistarum in societatem iesu , criminationes iugalatae . editio altera , libro quarto auctior , palaeopoli advaticorum , apud alexandrum verheidon . this volume he erected as a theater , yea , an amphitheater of honour in defence of the jesuits , wherein after he had attempted with much slight of wit , and in a strange stile , to wipe away many fowl blots , with which that atheistical brood had stained the holy name of iesus , and after he had raked up all rotten slanders , and revived the calumnies that were all answered , dead , and buried , 40 , 50 , and 60 years ago , railing upon many holy and learned men , with great virulency , as never was before him , and laid high and horrible imputations upon the kingdom of england , and ( like a true jesuits imp , ) slandered the whole government , with foul injustice , and monstrous cruelty in many particulars , and in jesuitical pride dared to defile the name and honour of the renowned queen elisabeth , with words unworthy the mouth of man ( if he had not been a jesuit , ) at last from the defence of jesuits , he falls to defend lipsius , ( this good friend of theirs ) and his stories of our lady of hall , and our lady of the craggy rock , and not only labours to make good all his fancies , and fables , but further to shew that a jesuit hath one trick of impiety beyond all , ( and is anointed by the devil with the oil of mischief above his fellows ) adds a number of verses directed to that picture which he calls our lady of hall , fraught with so many blasphemies against the blood and merits of our saviour , ( the alone mediator ) as no christian heart can patiently endure it . and if the blessed virgin mary ( to whose picture he hath consecrated them , ) may be his judg , without doubt , both he and his blasphemy will be condemned to hell. but some will say , shall we hear them ? no : let blasphemy rather be buried in the depth of oblivion , darken not the sun , desile not the heavens : poison not the air , burden not the earth with it , amaze not the minds , terrifie not the consciences of weak christians ; and assuredly could i bury it so , that it might never live , and quench it so , as it might never flame again , and if this book were the only copy in the world , i would rather choose to cover the shame of this shameless whore of babylon , than in this sad manner to discover the filthiness of her skirts , which doubtless will cause all good mens ears to tingle , and their hearts to tremble . but seeing the strumpet hath the whores forehead , and glorieth in her shame , and soundeth out this monstrous blasphemy ( as with a trumpet ) in the ears of all christendom , by publishing it at first , and afterwards by divulging it in a second impression , ( least the world should want it ) let us therefore crave leave of our lord iesus to discover her , and that we may , without impeachment of his honour , repeat so foul blasphemy , that so the world may perceive what a religion popery is , and that we may have no fellowship with such abominable works of darkness . thus then begins the abominable poem , dedicated ad divam hallensem , & puerum iesum . to the lady hall , and the child jesus . haereo lac inter meditans interque cruorem : inter delicias uberis & lateris . in english thus . my thoughts are at a stand of milk and blood : delights of breast and side , which yeelds most good ? be astonished at this , all good christians ; st. paul desired to know nothing but christ , and him crucified , and taught the churches to know and believe in christ alone for salvation , and almost 20 times in his epistle hath magnified his blood , without so much as once mentioning the virgin , or her milk ; but some who profess to be his disciples , ( or fellows rather ) cannot tell whether to choose , his blood , ( the only mediator ) or the milk of a woman . hear o heavens ! and be astonish'd o earth ! et dico si forte oculos ad ubera tendo , diva parens , mammae gaudia pos●o tuae . sed dico , si deinde oculos ad vulnera verto , o iesu , lateris gaudia malo tui . thus. and say aloud when i the teats do see , o goddess mother , lend thy breasts to me ! but thus i beg , when on the wounds i think , o jesu , give me from thy side to drink . mark how indifferent a papist is , whether he receive the one or the other : yet hearken what follows , and we shall hear worse , but hearken with fear and trembling . rem scio , prensabo , si fas erit , ubera dextra , laeva prensabo vulnera , si dabitur . thus. long have i mus'd , now know i where to rest , for with my right hand i will grasp the brest , ( if so i may presume ) as for the wounds , with left i catch them . hitherto he doubted , but now he is resolved : the devil himself never doubted whether the blood of god were better than the milk of a creature . so then ( says he ) i will refuse the blood , rather than the milk , if one must be laid aside ; i will lay hold on the milk with my right hand , ( a thing so sacred , that he craves pardon for his presumption too , ) and the blood with my left , as a thing less sacred , and for which no apology is needful . lac matris miscere volo cum sanguine nati . non possum antidoto nobiliore frui . thus. and of her milk mixt with his blood , i l'e make the soveraignst cordial sinful soul can take . it 's a wonder in the ceremonial law that moses had not a command to mingle milk with the blood in the passover , exod. 12. 5. 1 cor. 5. 7. for a cordial cannot be made ( it seems ) of the most precious blood of christ alone . o god , thy patience ! vulnera restituent turpem ulceribus mendicum , testa cui saniem radere sola potest . ubera reficient ismaelem sitientem , quem sara non patitur , quem neque nutrit agar . illa mihi ad pestem procul , & procul expungendum , ista mihi ad longas evalitura febres . thus. these wounds the sores do cleanse , and cure full well , which none can dress , but scrape them with a shell . these breasts the fainting ismael well would cherish , whom sara would not , hagar could not nourish ; the first from me expells all pestilence , the second drives all lingring feavers hence . if they had prescribed this , and much more to christs wounds and blood alone , they might have passed with praise , for none can sufficiently extoll it's vertue and efficacy ; but that the vertue is little or nothing without its being mixed with the virgins milk ( and a confection made hereof ) is impious . ira vomit flammas , fumatque libidinis aetna ? suffocare queo sanguine , lacte queo . livor inexpletâ rubigine saevit in artus ? detergere queo lacte , cruore queo . vanus honos me perpetuâ prurigine tentat ? exaturare queo sanguine , lacte queo . let ire belch fire , and lust like aetna flame ; choose either , milk or blood doth quench the same . let envies rust canker my heart about ; this milk , that blood , either will fetch it out or do vain glorious passions stuff me still ; either with milk or blood the same i l'e kill . the romish synagogue cannot pretend a fault that is escaped in the print through haste &c. ( though i have not heard they ever did , or can ) for here they repeat their blasphemous doctrine once , twice , and again . sure they fear the common dictates of an unsatisfied conscience will cast every rational person into such an agony , as will fright them from fixing attendance on this execrable stuff , at first hearing ; and therefore they so impudently repeat it over and again , that it may at least-wise catch such , who together with themselves , will heap up wrath against the day of wrath , and the revelation of the righteous judgment of god , ( whose damnation slumbers not . ) ergo parens & nate , meis advertit● votis ; lac peto , depereo sanguinem , utrumque volo . thus. mother and son give ear to what i crave , i beg this milk , that blood , and both would have . it is not the son and his blood that will serve , they must also have the mother and her milk , nay they prefer the milk in the first place . for keeping christ still under wardship ( as a minor ) they hold it not fit he should have the place before his mother , and therefore without any necessity , even wittingly and wilfully they put christ in the second place , who was the brightness of his fathers glory , and who thought it not robbery to be equal unto god. but let us hasten to an end of this ( if it be not endless and bottomless ) impiety ; upon these fearful premises he thus proceeds . parvule maternis medius qui ludis in ulnis , qui tua jam comples ubera , jam vacuas : quid me respectas obliqua tuentibus hirquis ? roboris in coelum nil habet invidia . saepe quidem dixti , noxis offensus iniquis , tune meas mammas , improbe , tune meas ? nolo tuas , o nolo tuas , puer auree , mammas : non sum tam duri tam gravis oris homo : sed tantum lateris pluat unica & unica stilla : et saltem à dextrae vulnere gutta pluat . si nihil è dextrà vis impluere , implue laevà : si nihil è laevà , de pede sanguis eat . si tibi non placeo , vulnus mihi vulnera danto , mercedem danto vulnera , si placeo . thus. youngling that in thy mothers arms art playing , sucking her breasts sometimes , and sometimes staying . now from blasphemy he proceeds to plain atheism , not fearing to expose the greatest mysteries of christian faith , and even our blessed saviour himself , to the ridiculous and scornful contempt of prophane men ; speaking unto christ ( god coequal with the father , and whose infancy had in it the divine nature annexed to his humanity , and whose humanity now reigns in glory at gods right hand , &c. ) as unto a silly infant playing in his mothers arms , and a poor suckling babe , and never speaks of the virgin mary , but with the title of queen of heaven , lady of angels , gate of paradise , the fountain of mercy , or some such other titles befitting only god himself ; or at least she is always a commanding mother , and he as an infant governed , and an obedient child . and he speaks this in the present time too , qui ludis , &c. who doest play or sport in thy mothers arms . [ for the verb can be rendered no otherwise . ] if it be so , sure st. paul was much to blame to teach us , that even the man iesus christ , after he offered sacrifice for our sins , sitteth for ever at his fathers right hand . [ heb. 5. 10. & 10. 12. ] and what is he doing ? not playing in her arms , not sucking her breasts , but there he ever liveth to make intercession . compared with , 1 cor. 5. 16. heb. 1. 3. psal. 120. 1. 1 tim. 3. 16. luke 24. why dost thou view me with that look of scorn ? t is forceless envy that gainst thee is born . jews , turks , pagans , infidels , assemble your selves , here 's matter enough to astonish you ! the great god of heaven and earth , the supream creator , and the governour of all things , will never condemn any of you for laughing that religion to scorn that durst vent such impious blasphemies ! if you can have patience with me but this once , hearken with the best attention that your alarum'd conscience will give you leave , that so you may be confirmed , how much nearer the kingdom of grace and glory you are than these iesuits , ( and all who know them such , and yet adhere to their impieties , ) if you gain but this one step forwarder to heaven , ( viz. in fixing an eternal hatred against their doctrine , and practises , not against their persons , ( tho they could find in their hearts to murder , dam and sink us all at once for heretick dogs , who do but so much as question the truth of their divinity , ) i say if you advance no further than this aforesaid step , it is abundantly worth your time , hearken then — oft hast thou said ( being angry at my sin ) dar'st thou desire the teats my food lies in ? i will not , o i dare not , golden child , my mind from fear is not so far exil'd : but one , even one poor drop i do implore from thy right hand or side , i ask no more . the substance of the two former verses , ( compared with these last six , ) is easily seen at first glance , and plainly speaks thus much ( and would to god they could not speak one syllable ) — asking why christ is angry with them , and chides them for desiring that milk wherewith he himself is fed , and not only so , but as if he greatly emulated such a happiness and dignity as they ( notwithstanding ) had the presumption to demand , ( viz. to touch his mothers paps , and to desire to be fed with that food which she reserved for her son to feed upon , ) as if this was such an honour that christ himself would envie them for , ( who gave his own hearts blood to redeem the world , and to purchase for mankind a compleat happiness in and by their actual enjoyment of the same glory which he had with his father , before the foundation of the world ( iohn 17. ) not to be once compared to the childish handling of a creatures paps , or sucking the virgins milk. ] o romish synagogue , is this the fowlest crime our lord and saviour will take notice of ? if thou hadst no greater sin whereof thou stoodst indited at the tribunal seat of this thy judg , no wonder then thou makest so light of his most precious blood ; for i dare say thou wouldest not need it much . was this it that cost him tears of blood ? that made him in such an agony ? that made his very soul ( as well as body ) an offering to satisfie his fathers wrath ? couldest thou find no higher crime , but thy presumption in offering or desiring to play with the blessed virgins paps ? what foolery , what mockery is this ? hell stands astonished at this unparrallel'd abomination , the angels and saints tremble at it , and pagans ( for this very reason may ) do deride the very name of christians for your sakes ! and will rise up in judgment at the great day against this monstrous generation of vipers , who call themselves by the name of iesus , and yet thus daily crucifie him , and trample under foot his most precious blood. but to go on , they have told us the great quarrel that christ hath unto them ; but what is their answer hereunto ? they plead at last not guilty , all edging for themselves that they are not so bold , nor will not be so rude and presumptious as to dare to entertain any such thought , or to attempt any such thing , as to touch her sacred paps , or to drink of that most powerful antidote , or cordial , ( viz. her milk , ) no , their ambition reached not so high , they will therefore content themselves with a part of his blood , and wounds , as being a thing of an inferior nature , and not comparable to the other ! i will not , o i dare not , golden child , &c. — i dare be bold to say , the devils fear and tremble at this horrid atheism , and stupendous blasphemy of these herodians , who under pretence of worshipping christ , designed to embrue their murderous hands in the pure and innocent blood of their redeemer . and now by this time ( patient reader ) i am persuaded thy ears have sent their sad message to each of thy astonished senses , therefore i shall not further detain thee in thy horror , but close up here , ( altho i have not nigh ended this their detestable poem , ( which i intended to have passed thro when i began to write , ) because we have read too much in that that 's past , and he that desires to see more may satisfie his ( sinful ) curiosity in reading the author himself ; or if he cannot easily come by it , let him but peruse the romish psalter ( a book too common amongst all papists ) and with which i shall close up this discourse , printed at paris , in the year 1520 ( or thereabouts ) and the same word for word is reprinted in 1569 , wherein every of the 150 psalms are in whole , or in part turned from god our christ , to our lady . as in the 19th . psalm , the heavens declare thy glory , o virgin mary , &c. and psalm 51. have mercy upon me , o lady , ( thou that art called the mother of mercy ) and according to the bowels of thy mercy cleans me from all my sins , pour out thy grace upon me , and take not thy wonted mercy from me , &c. in the 57th . psalm , have mercy upon me , o lady , for my heart is ready to search out thy will , and in the shadow of thy wings will i rest . in the 68th . psalm : let our lady arise , and her enemies shall be scattered , &c. in the 72 psalm , lord , give thy judgment to the king , and thy mercy to our lady his mother . in the 94. psalm , god is the god of revenge , but thou , o lady , the mother of mercy , dost bow him to take pity , &c. in the 96 psalm , o sing unto our lady a new song , for she hath done marvellous things , &c. in the 110 psalm , the lord said to our lady , sit thou mother at my right hand , &c. thus i might go over all the psalms ; but as he began , so he ends , in the last words of the last psalm , let every thing that hath breath praise our lady . now this book stands not onely not controlled , but even defended by the jesuits , and those of the principal . greg. de val. in vol. de rebus fidei controversis , sect . 5. lib. de idolatria 5. cap. 10. bernard de bust is in mariali parte 3. ser. 3. again , a famous frier , and well approved amongst them , preached this doctrine in the pulpit , ( amongst many other little better ) a man may appeal from god himself to the virgin mary , if any feel himself grieved at the iustice of god , seeing god hath divided his kingdom with her , having reserved iustice to himself , to be exercised in this world as he pleaseth , but mercy he hath reserved to her . this divinity was so well relish'd in the church of rome , that after he had preach'd it , he publish'd it under the pope's own patronage , and the book was again re-printed ; and the jesuits testifie , that this is a learned and godly book , and full of piety . and horatius turselinus , a jesuit of good esteem among them , writes thus , god hath made the virgin his mother ( as far as he may lawfully ) [ a modest expression from such a person ] partaker of his divine power and majesty . and possevinus , in lit . h. wrote a book , and publish'd it by allowance of authority , and says thus , that christ made his mother fellow with him in the work of his redemption . this book is dedicated to cardinal aldobrandino . and a great spanish doctor , and professor of divinity of his order , writes thus , we have often seen and heard of very many , who , in their extreme dangers , have called upon mary , and presently were delivered . and oft-times safety is sooner obtained by calling upon the name of mary , than upon the name of iesus christ. io. chrysostom . à visitatione , de verbis dominae , tom . 2. lib. 2. cap. 2. and this book is both dedicated to pope clement the 8th . and receives publick allowance . by this then it appears , that this blaspheming jesuit bonarscius , in his unsanctified poem , says no more in effect , than others of this damnable sect. the sum of their blasphemous doctrine , is contained in these particulars following . 1. that the virgin mary's milk may be mingled with christs blood in the matter and merit of our salvation ; and that a christians faith may lay hold on either . 2. that it helps and heals spiritual sores and sicknesses of the soul , as well as bodily diseases . 3. that it is to be preferred before the blood of christ ; and that if we must refuse the milk , or blood , we may with more safety refuse the latter . 4. that though no man did help christ in the work of our salvation , yet a woman did , ( viz. the virgin mary . ) 5. that god hath made mary partaker and fellow with him of his divine majesty and power . 6. that god hath divided his kingdom with mary , keeping iustice to himself , and yielding mercy unto her , ( viz. at her disposal ) and that a man may appeal from god to her . 7. that a man shall oftentimes be sooner heard of god through the mediation of mary , than of christ. 8. that christ is still a little child in his mothers arms , and may now be so prayed unto . 9. that it is the highest presumption , and so the greatest sin imaginable , to desire to handle mary's paps , or at least wise to drink her milk. 10. that the psalms may be turned from lord to lady . if these be the doctrines of the church of rome , [ and if they have recanted any , ( which perhaps they may have the impudence , in after-ages , to affirm to some of the more ignorant sort of women , seduced by them ) then take notice , reader , this their gospel is a nose of wax in their account . ] if so , as hath been evidently proved from their own authors , then let all the churches of god , and every christian or member in them , fix this in their hearts , that they who call themselves true christians , and members of the true ancient catholick and apostolick church of christ , ( pretending themselves peter's successors , who himself will blush to own them , when ever he rises from the dead ) are in truth and reality not so , but contrariwise are antichrist ; none so opposite to the doctrine and practise of true christianity , as they who dare presume thus hainously to disparage the person , the wounds , and the most precious blood of christ our lord and god , and cast this abominable contempt upon the most glorious office of his mediatorship , who alone trode the wine-press of his fathers wrath , and with whom was none . wherefore in short , since babylon might have been healed of her blasphemies , fornications , and abominable impieties , but would not ; let every rational creature [ turk , jew , and pagan not excepted ] forsake her , for her judgment is come up to heaven , and lifted up above the clouds . chap. iii. the several orders of the jesuits , and their demeanor therein . now let us come to the jesuits themselves , ( having spoken of the manner of their discipline over their scholars ) and to their three-fold professions . the first and chief of them are machiavillians , who do nothing but employ themselves in matters of state , and insinuate themselves into the secrets of great ones , and giving true intelligence to none , save to the pope , and his catholick majesty , whose sworn vassals they are . these observing no collegiate discipline , are dispensed withall by his holiness , as if they did god good service , nay greater , in thus employing themselves , than following collegiate courses . as for their religion , they make it a cloak for their wickedness , being most of them atheists , or very bad christians . these are they that observe these ten commandments following . 1. to seek riches and wealth . 2. to govern the world . 3. to reform the clergy . 4. to be still jocund and merry . 5. to drink good wine . 6. to correct texts of scriptures . 7. to receive all tithes . 8. to make a slave of their ghostly child . 9. to keep their own , and live on another mans purse . 10. to govern their neighbours wife . these ten commandments they divide into two tables , all for me , and nothing for thee . the charity they maintain among each other is none at all , labouring with envy and malice , &c. [ as you may read in speed's chronology , in two remarkable stories of father parsons and creswel , too long here to relate ; and many other instances ] as father foster , flack , strange , and gibbins , can sadly testifie . the second sort of jesuits are those , who preach , confess , and teach youth , and envy each other for the number of their scholars , and ghostly children . they are besides in no small emulation about their own worth and learning , reading to their white boys ( those especially of the sodality , that celebrate the honour of the virgin mary ) all sorts of loose and lascivious songs and poems . a third sort of jesuits there are , ( not unfitly termed simple ones ) these are wonderfully austere in their life , of a scrupulous conscience , and brought up to colour the courses and actions of the more cunning and politick ones . of this rank some four years since was one mr. s. of whom the jesuits got some 12000 l. sterling ; but since he hath seen their jugling and cheating , he hath left them , and returned to the true religion , and to his native countrey . of this rank there also yet lives vicount mountague's brother , now porter of the colledge at st. omers , of whom they have got no less than 10000l . sterling , of whom they report , that after his death his body shall work miracles , for the austereness of his life . of the same condition is sir gerrard kemp's brother , who is a caterer to the same colledge , out of whose purse they have pickt 2 or 3000 l. these three sorts and ranks of jesuits are grown to a faction about the jesuitrices , or wandring nuns , some allowing , some disliking them utterly . this order of nuns began about some twelve years since , by means of mrs. m. ward , and mrs. twitty , two english gentlewomen , who observe the ignatian habit , and go clad very like the jesuits ; in this onely differing from other nuns , that they walk abroad the world , and preach the gospel ( as they call it ) to their sex in england and else-where . the first who induc'd this order of nuns was father gerrard , then rector of the colledge at liege ; father flack and father more assisting him therein , though others very much opposed them , as father singleton , benefield , and flood , refusing to give them their ite praedicate , but rather adjudging them to a retired and monastical life . however , in the mean time this mrs. ward is become mother general of no less than 200 english gentlewomen , most of them being ladies and knights daughters , who live in their colledges at st. omers , liege , and collen . their mother-general not long after went to rome ( with seven or eight others ) and procured another colledge of them to be erected in rome , where she hath under her government about 100 italian maids ; and afterwards she procured to be erected a monastery at vienna , and now she is daily expected in england , to take an account of her she-apostles labours . in a word to conclude , these jesuits endeavour to demolish all orders and places of eminency above them . all which i observing , laboured with all possible means to get out of their clutches ; and though i had promised them to turn jesuit , yet had i leave to go to sevil with their mission , and from thence to madrid , to take leave of my parents , and so to return again unto them . and thus in 1622 i departed from st. omers for spain , with the mission , consisting of twelve of us , whose true names were , clifford , gerard , appleby , conniers , hausby , robinson , evely , naile , atkins , middleton , farmer , and my self . chap. iv. their stratagems to prevent revolters from their societies , and to draw in simple novices . those scholars who are nobly descended , and of rich parentage , the jesuits strive to allure by their honey'd words , and flattering embraces , endearing them with pictures , medals , agnus dei's , &c. which they have from rome . also that their baits may take the more effect , they license them to enjoy all those wines and junkets provided for their own pallats ; and if white boys , of a comely feature , they bestow on them ( though ill deserving ) the preheminence of the schools . and with these is the praefect of musick most recreated , reading to them ovid , horace , catullus , and propertius . but for those who are more grave and considerate , ( and therefore duly weighing their doctrine and practise in the ballance of their awaken'd reason ) such of whom they begin to suspect , and in whom appears a real reluctance against their ways and manners , &c. they have a second bait ; for instance ; a gentleman of york-shire ( and your north-countrey men have generally shrewd pates ) mr. hen. fairfax , son to sir thomas fairfax , who not yielding to their inchanting allurements , one night being asleep in his bed , two jesuits , clad in gorgeous white , ( in imitation of the two angels that whipt st. ierome ) approaching his bed-side with two good disciplines in their hands , ( the ends of some stuck with wiery pricks ) and having uncovered him , they did after so savage a manner rase his skin , that he became for a while senseless ; they spake to him in latin , saying , they were angels sent from the virgin to chastise him for resisting the power , and reviling the proceedings of his superiors , exhorting him to that order , by virtue of the testimony given by the virgin of their holy order , and so departed . the day dawning , he found his lineaments of such a purple dye , that they kept their hue a month after ; but somewhat to allay the fury of his torment , father thunder and father gibbins persuaded him , it was some divine correction , to the intent he should take on him their habit ; which he believing , he was admitted into their society at 17 years of age . another example is of mr. william abbington , son to mr. io. abbington , ( in whose house garnet the grand traitor was apprehended ) the course father francis wallis , alias clark , [ for they counterfeit their true names many times ] one morning seeing him pass by his window , he called to the student , and told him , that a little before he passed by , he had sent him a divine revelation from st. ignatius loyola , that the first student he saw going by his door , he should declare to him , that he had chosen him to be one of his apostles , and that without delay he must be for their order , &c. all which the young gentleman having attentively heard , he doubted not of the truth of the vision , but before he would be entred a iesuit , he craved leave for a month to take his farewell of his friends in england ; which was granted , with a conditional proviso of his speedy return ; but he never returned , and utterly disclaimed them . another example is of mr. herbert crafts , sometimes of oxford , ( son to sir herbert crafts ) who travelling to st. omers to visit his father , was by him and father io. hood brought to the roman obedience ; and though his father was a catholick ( as they term themselves ) yet he counselled him never to turn jesuit . but for all that , they had a subtil way to draw him into their net , viz. by entising him to take on him the spiritual exercise , this being a matter of great honour amongst them ; which he refused not . the order they observe in taking of it is this ; for fifteen days he is appointed a solitary chamber , and sequestred from the rest ; for these days he is to speak with none , save his ghostly father , who directs him in the distribution of each day . one hour is to examine his conscience , what sins he is guilty of ; another time to say his prayers , and office of the virgin mary ; another for the hearing mass , and saying his rosary : but the great thing the ghostly father doth , is , to give the said person certain meditations made by ignatius loyola , as 1. of the creation of the world. 2. how man is obliged to god for his creation , &c. 3. of mans great duty unto god. 4. that a monastical life is the most certain way to salvation of all others . 5. what this monastical life is ; viz. to live in a desart or monastery . 6. that all their religious orders were at first holy and sacred institutions , but by corruption of time they have lost their ancient purity . 7. what a man is to do for the surety of his salvation , seeing that ( as it is their abominable maxim , with a kind of a negative limitation ) any wandring from their collegiate society ( which they call their paradise ) into the world , can hardly attain to the hope of salvation . 8. that that man which desires the salvation of his own soul , must renounce all the doctrine of the reformed churches , and cleave onely to their society , and that upon these considerations : first , because this society is the newest of any , and therefore hath not had the time to corrupt and degenerate , as divers others are . secondly , for that ignatius their first founder , is one of the greatest favourites of the holy ghost , [ equalling him with our saviour , in that power of casting out devils , &c. so franciscus teacheth : vid. testimon . gregorii 9. in fine testamenti francisci . ] thirdly , because st. ignatius received by divine revelation , that none of his order should ever be damned for 200 years , [ so that they have above 50 years yet to become more vile , if possible , and to fill up the measure of their iniquities , from this year 1678. ] and this they believe as an article of their creed . and so by this means they won the gentleman to their order , against his father's will. in this very exercise i my self was initiated for the space of 15 days , but it was gods pleasure to give me more understanding than to be led away with the rest . besides they have other devices to gather fish into their net , making their young student believe that they are well skill'd in chiromancy , and can tell them their fortunes , and that some are born to disastrous ends . all which may ( and undoubtedly will ) be prevented , if they turn jesuits . of these trifling tricks , i my self was an eye-witness . now let me descend to their most barbarous proceedings , which are indeed numberless ; but for avoiding prolixity , i will here recount a few . there was one mr edward hastings , at harlston , an ingenious young gentleman , whom when they could not draw to them by the means aforesaid , they exercised on him such tyrannical discipline , that the least fault he did , they stoically interpreted to be equal to the greatest , and punish'd him accordingly : whereupon he writ to his friends , earnestly entreating them to send for him . ( now there is no way to get out of this colledge , or to write any letters , or receive any , save with consent of the rector ; for they are kept as in prison , under lock and key . ) but the letters were intercepted , &c. which he perceiving , resolved to leap over the colledge wall ; but being taken in the instant , father thunder clapt his buttocks , till he left him half dead , as an example , and then sent him away with four shillings in his purse , to conduct him for england . and thus also they dealt with one mr. henry taylor , ( since secretary to count gondamor ) and in the same manner they used sir george brown's son , who afterward died at st. omers . so likewise there was sent to this colledge mr. estevelaus brown , son and heir to mr. anthony brown , brother to the vicount mountague , who after two years abode , wearied by their tyrannical discipline , and desirous to get his neck out of their yoak , counterfeited a letter from his father to the rector of the said colledge , ( who then was father baldwin ) desiring him to furnish his son with all necessaries , and send him over into england ; which the rector opening , thought it came from his father : but the gentleman disclosing this device to one of his fellow-students , ( in whom he confided ) was betrayed , and severely punished for his ingenuity . the rector afterwards wrote to his father , ( the contents you may easily ghess ) and his father wrote back to have him detained , &c. who remains there ( to his grief and torment ) to this hour . and if any escape them , and afterward come to be promoted , they traduce him , and brand him with all titles of ignominy ; and to this end they have their agents in all places of consequence , to put in against them ; as witness sir edward bainham , sir griffin markham , the archbishop of rhemes , and father barns , a benedictine , and divers others , whom i omit for brevity . i could likewise relate several horrid tragedies ( to my own knowledge ) exercised in that temple of moloch , the spanish inquisition , and the cruel and inhumane usages of divers english gentlemen , upon no ground or colour at all , onely picking and watching all occasions ( upon the least word spoken of the protestant religion , &c. ) but i have some things to discover to the world , which are not so much known ( or at least seldom , if ever , discoursed on ) by the common people , and may be as advantagious to every one to understand , as they really are wonderful and curious . but what the end of all will be , god onely knows , before whom all mens secret thoughts are open and manifest ; who holds the world in the hollow of his hand , and before whom all nations of the earth are as dust of the ballance , who notwithstanding all their secret and cunning contrivances , deep laid designs , and devilish stratagems , hath determined to stain the pride and glory of all flesh , and to overturn , overturn , overturn , until shilo ( that great prince of peace ) shall reign , and his interest , name , and glory , be exalted throughout the earth . chap. v. the true description of that famous monastery or house of the king of spains , called the escurial ; the worlds wonder . in the countrey of segoria upon the carpetan borders stands a village , heretofore of small note , but now famous for the stately monastery called scorialis , or commonly the escurial , from the dross ( as some guess ) which in old time came of the iron about those parts ; the former buildings of that village were ( till of late ) very mean and homely , more for the profit than pleasure of the poor husband man. the soil about it is barren and strong , afording very hard passages for carts and carriages ; whereupon there is but little provision of corn and wine , but good store of cattle , by reason of the good feeding , and sweet temper of the air ; whereas the more inland parts of the countrey , are some what scorched with overmuch heat , this blows many cool blasts , from the snowy neighbouring mountains , whence flows good store of water , enriching the ground with grass , and beautifying the fields with a continual greenness . beyond this village westward about a mile , at the foot of a high hill in an enclosed vally , several leagues from madrid , stands that stately pile , dedicated to the honour of st. laurence , being the labour of 24 years ; a building of incredible cost and magnificence , and such as no former age could parrallel ; so that it may be justly accounted one of the greatest wonders in the world. besides the charges of rich vestiments , massy vessels of gold and silver , and other precious furniture , it stood the king of spain ( according to his book of accounts ) in 1200 sesterces , which makes ( according to somes computation ) about 9 millions of money , ( or pounds sterling ) likewise it is credibly reported , that when the work was finished , and the officers brought the book of accounts , the king hearing the total of accounts , said , i have taken great care many years , and troubled my head much heretofore to have that finished , i will now trouble my head no longer with the charges , wherefore he commanded the book of the accounts to be cast into the fire . the whole fabrick is built in a square , except on that side towards the kings palace , and on the back side of the church , looking towards madrid ; which seems to resemble a cradle or gridiron ( upon which st. laurence was broiled : ) every side but this extending 220 paces . some account the whole length of it ( from north to south ) no less than 720 feet , and from east to west ( according to common measure ) 570 paces . each corner of the building is guarded with a fair tower , made more for neatness than strength , and beautified ( from the bottom to the top ) with many fair windows . the whole fabrick may be divided into three parts ; on the south side stands the monastery of the monks of st. ierom , which takes up almost one half of it ; towards the north side stands the colledg for younger novices of the same order , and foreign children chosen and maintained by the king at a common table amongst themselves . somewhat eastward stands the kings own palace , being his mansion in the summer time . before you come to this stately edifice , you may first observe on the outside lying before it , an open walk , beginning from the west side of the monastery , and thence compssiang all the north side , being 200 foot broad on the west part , between the monastery , and the partition , and 140 foot broad on the north ▪ all beautified with a fair pavement of small square stones . in the midst according to the length of the building , on that side where the adjoyning mountain overlooks it , a fair great gate opens it self between 8 huge pillars on both sides of it , one above another , upon which are four other lesser pillars , and in the midst of the front stands a curious statue of st. laurence . this great gate opens to the church , the monastery , and the colledg ; on both sides of it are other lesser gates : that on the right hand , affords a passage to the shops of mechanical arts for the use of the colledg : that on the left , opens a way to the lodgings of the younger students or novices . on the same side also is a lesser gate , through which you may pass into the kings palace . in a fair front over the entrance to the church , stand the statues of 6 kings of israel , upon their pillars and bases , each of them 18 foot high , whose heads and hands are of white marble , the rest of a courser stone . let us now enter into the inside of this goodly fabrick , and first when you are up the stairs that lead to the chief entrance of the church , a large open walk offers it self to your view , separating the monastery from the colledg : in this walk are broad steps all along , which lead to the entrance of the church , and thence to another open plain , and so to a narrow alley , through which those of the monastery on the one hand , and those of the colledg on the other , may pass to the church , and from thence into the lower station of the quire. now the place where this quire stands is 4 square , have 3 which are accounted for the body of the church . adjoyning to this place of the lowermost quire , is an open court on both sides , from which the lower quire it self , and 2 chappels situated towards those 2 courts , receive their light . above this lower quire stands the church it self , with its proper quire also ; which church , ( besides the upper and lower stations of the quire , and the great chappel ) is 4 square of it self , and is sustain'd by 4 pillars , and other necessary props , and it hath 3 collateral alleys and cloysters , after the manner of the former . in this church are 2 pair of organs , having each of them 32 registers or keys : this church also hath no less than 36 altars , and a stately dore , by which they go into a large vault at the time of divine orisons ; this church is higher then the inferior quire , by 30 foot , and the quire of that is so much higher then the church . the pavement of the church , as likewise of the upper , and lower quires , is chequered with white and black marble ; in the roof of the quire is painted the sun , moon , and stars , with all the hoste of heaven , in a most glorious manner , and on the walls the portraitures of diverse vertues , and some histories of st. laurence , and st. hierom , the seats are all made of precious wood , of diverse kinds and colours in corinthian work . on the south side of the church is a fair porch , arched and beautified with diverse pictures ; in this porch is a clear fountain , built about with iasper and marble , having 7 cocks and cisterns , where the monks use to wash their hands , when they go to celebrate their divine service , the pavement also of this porch is chequered with white and black marble . the vestry is next , a stately place , all arched and paved as the former ; the chests , and presses , and other places , where they keep their holy vests , and ornaments of the altars , are all made of precious wood , and the walls covered with historical pictures . from this vestry they ascend up many steps , unto the high altar : the place where this altar stands is 4 square , and paved with iasper of diverse colours ; in the same place are certain oratories , built for great princes to hear mass in , which oratories are distinguished into 4 little chappels , and adorned both on the walls and pavement with chequer'd iasper ; this place where the altar stands , is 10 foot higher then the church , and they go down from thence to the church by certain steps ( before the great chappel ) all of iasper . through this holy place ( as they call it ) they go into the reliquary , where are kept diverse precious reliques of the saints ( forsooth , ) and shut up in their boxes . the like reliquary is on the south side also , full of rare monuments . on the one side of the high-altar , is a little house , wherein is distributed the holy eucharist , ( a place of great holiness and devotion surely ) on the walls are curiously painted 4 histories out of the old testament , shadowing out this holy sacrament , in the roof is portrayed the rainbow in the clouds , with many cherubins and seraphims about it . between this house , and the high-altar , stands the sacrista , within which is the custodia of the holy eucharist ( as they call it ) this place is built upon 8 pillars of iasper of a yellowish colour , with some veins of white ; and is so hard and excellent that it cannot be polished , but with an adamant . the bars and chapiters wrought with flowers are all made of guilded mettal ; on the bases which hang over the wreaths , stand 8 statues of the apostles , the other 4 stand in other hollow places thereabout . those 12 statues are cut and engraven with admirable art , and are guilded by fire . the pavement of this sachrista is laid with diverse kinds of iasper , and wrought in guilded mettal with mesaik work . the two leave-dores of this holy place , are made of the best rock-crystal included in guilded mettal , and are so transparent , that the inner sachrista or custodia , wherein the eucharist is kept , may easily be discerned ; this piece by those that have seen it , and all other rare pieces in the world , is thought to be the most exquisite and admirable . the chief contriver of this curious fabrick , was that famous architect iacobus de frizzo , who spent 7 whole years in cutting and polishing those iaspers . now are we come to the high altar it self , a work no less noble and artificial , built all of fine iasper and marble , whereon are placed many crosses , candlesticks , and other precious ornaments . this altar is beautifi'd with many curious pictures , and four high places for the said pictures , whereof some are higher than other . in the lowest , between two painted tables , is the place where the custodia stands ; on each side of it are two statues , representing the four doctors of the church , hierome , augustine , gregory , and ambrose . this custodia is of pure iasper , and adorned with flowers engraven in iasper of divers colours , upon which , as upon their bases , stand all the other statues , and columns of green and yellowish iasper , with their feet and chapiters of gilded metall . the square tablets upon the chapiters , as also the wreathes , and borders , and globes , are made of a more refined and party-coloured iasper . what shall i say more ? the whole piece is composed of the richest iasper of several colours , with metalls cast and gilded . next to the pictures of the second high place or hollow , are two other statues on each side , representing the four evangelists . after the same order , on the third high place , are placed on each side two other statues , one of st. iames , the apostle of spain ; the other of st. andrew , the titulary saint of the house of burgundy . on the uppermost high place are the images of st. peter and st. paul. the innermost sachrista or custodia ( as they call it ) wherein the holy sacrament , or body of christ ( as they say ) is preserved , is made with the greatest art that can be devised : it hath four pillars of the purest iasper , whose basis and chapiters are of pure wrought gold , and so are the tablets , borders , wreaths , and flowers , all about the custodia : here and there also are placed many shining emralds . the feet of those pillars are of the same stone , engraved and inlaid with gold in divers places . three little square pilasters , which sustain the feet of the other pillars , are of silver , and gilt. the ground-work or foundation of the whole is composed of the same stone , interlaced with gilded metall . the tablets and squares of the pillars or pyramids , are of the same materials with the pillars , the champhering whereof is all wrought with gold. the pyramids are made of the richest iasper , of a dusky colour . the little spears or bulls on the top , are of fine wrought gold. the hinges and borders of the two-leaf'd doors , are silver and gilt. the doors themselves are of rock-christal . that side of it towards the church hath a large square window of the same . the two other sides are adorned with vari-colour'd iasper , and inlaid with pure gold ; with the very same materials and artifice is the inside beautifi'd . in the midst of the roof hangs a precious topaz , wherein is laid up the consecrated body of christ ( as they believe ) inclosed in a box of precious arhate . we have seen the church [ which i affirm for truth is very transparent and bright in the darkest night . ] now follows a description of the monastery it self : in the great walk before the common entrance into the church , there is a gate opening a passage into the common porch of this monastery ; passing through this porch , you come to a tower where the bells hang , together with a curious clock , shewing both the natural and planetary hours . this tower is erected from the very ground-work of the church towards the monastery , and is answered by another right opposite ; there is a way also from this porch of the monastery to a fair parlour , for the resort of those who would have conference with the monks . next to this is a most stately and magnificent stair-case , with a roof and covering answerable . next these stairs adjoyns a chappel , where their mass was celebrated whilst the church was building ; here is also a closet , where the records and writings of the monastery are carefully preserved . through the same great porch you pass into the court of the monastery , thence to the vault , and so to another court , where under-ground is kept all the rain-water , which gathers together in that place . betwixt these two , a fair arch is erected , together with a closet of excellent workmanship , where many necessary implements are laid up . from this porch also there is a passage to the porch of the refectory , whereunto is adjoyned a closet or wardrobe , where their vestments are kept ; which closet and porch also are vaulted and arched with a great deal of art and curiosity . this porch is eight square , having eight windows , by which all the galleries adjoyning receive their light . in the midst of that porch is a pleasant fountain , whose conduits and aquaeducts are of iasper . the refectory ( or dining-room of the monks ) is a most magnificent piece . next to the chamber of keeper of the robes , is a way to another chamber , for the entertainment of strangers . next this the kitchin , with the porch of it , wherein , besides many other commodities , are divers fountains of hot and cold water . to the refectory is joyned the cloister of the hospital , wherein are two great cisterns . the hospital it self is joyned to this cloyster , whose dining-room reaches to the kitchin porch . besides these aforesaid places , there are three other houses , wherein are made and conserved all those things which belong to the distillation of waters . that walk which leads from the conduit to the hospital , is for them that are recovered from their diseases , to exercise themselves therein . from that great porch aforesaid , is another passage to the vault , where daily orizons are said : here are pourtraied the histories of the new testament , from the annunciation of the blessed virgin , to the second coming of christ. in the midst of this four-square vault , or cloister , is a pleasant garden , distinguished into divers beds and knots most curiously ; in the midst of it is a pretty fabrick of eight corners , representing the form of a church , built of a black stone , and adorned in the inside with diverse coloured iasper . in four of the corners stand four great giants , vomiting water into four marble cisterns . in the midst of this arbour lieth the principal path of the garden . now from the said vault you pass to the chapter-house , and another house like it . these two rooms , together with their porch , have their roofs set forth with most exquisite pictures , and their pavement chequer'd with white and black marble ; round about them are seats for the monks , and each hath his sumptuous altar . the way to the monks cells is from the great porch also , wherein by winding stairs you ascend to the priors upper cells , and other chambers and cock-lofts besides , all covered with lead . the prior's lower habitation is an excellent building , all vaulted and arched , exhibiting divers histories of holy scripture , which are included in artificial crowns and studs , wrought with flowers ; the pavement also is chequer'd with white and black marble . the prior's upper cell is built towards the north-west , on both sides of which are the cells of the other monks . the chamber or dormitory where the novices lodge , joyns to the monks cells . the monks beds are all in a row , over the wardrobe or refectory . we come now to the library , which is seated above the chief entrance to the monastery ; it is 185 foot long , and 32 foot broad , in whose arched roof is the representation of divers arts and histories ; to which place is joyned another room for the use of the library . the library it self is distinguished into three partitions : in the first and principal are painted all the arts and faculties , and at the foot of every ones picture , all the books of that faculty , marshall'd in seemly order , all gilt , and of the same binding . here is to be seen a great parchment-book , wherein are exactly expressed in their proper colours all kind of living creatures which are known to be in the world . the other partition contains nothing but ancient manuscripts of divinity , in latin , greek , and hebrew , with the pictures of the several authors set before them . the third room is furnished onely with manuscripts of diverse faculties and languages , the authors whereof are in like manner expressed to the life . we come in the next place to describe the colledge and the kings palace ; these two take up the north part of the building ; their porch is an open gallery which lies before the church , over against the great porch of the monastery . to this porch is joyned another , by which the youth , who apply themselves to learning , pass daily into a little room to hear mattins and vespers ; this place is shut up with three brazen gates . in the great court separating the colledge from the monastery , is a common passage to the schools , where are taught all arts , but especially law , physick , and divinity . this place hath its peculiar courts , and cloisters , and galleries , to one of which adjoyns the refectory of the colledge , with its porch ; near the porch stands the kitchin , between its proper court , and the court of the common school ; to which is joyned the childrens school , and their refectory . on the north side , through a narrow gate and entry , is a passage to the kings palace . in the porch or entrance are three mansions or offices , with their courts , built partly for those who oversee the purveyance of corn and victuals , and partly for the use of the kitchin. these houses are joyned together for the service of divers tables . by the same porch is a way to a fair room , where the nobles of the kings bed-chamber , the captains of the guard , with others of noble rank and quality , do dine and sup daily . this way also you may pass to the galleries , and other offices belonging to diet and workmanship . those galleries round about contain other chambers both above and below . on the same side is another portal , by which they pass from the palace to the lower quire , church , colledge , and monastery . near to this gate is a walk , where the kings watch and other officers use to meet . towards the east side are lodgings for ambassadors , which reach to the great porch , and run out us far as the palace : in the same court are other houses for the kings own use , and from hence by a gallery through a stately portal you enter into the kings own lodgings built behind the chappel , where you meet with an open court , with porches and cloysters . on the west side next the high-altar , is another gate whereby the king passes to the monastery , the colledg and other offices of the court ; the kings porch looks towards the north side of the church . hereupon the church wall is curiously painted , the famous battle of higuervela , wherein king iohn the second overthrew the moors , and saracens of granado , which picture represents the story most exactly , and shews both the order and manner of their fight , with the several habits and weapons both of horse and foot , which were then in use . this picture was drawn from the first copy , which was made at the time of the battle in a fair linen cloath above 130 foot long , and found since by chance in the tower of segovia , which history the king caused to be painted again upon that wall for a perpetual remembrance of so noble a victory : this piece is well worth the sight . in the last place we come unto the garden , lying towards the east and south part of the buildings . it reaches 100 ( yards ) in breadth , and is distinguished into many curious knots and beds , &c. set with all kind of herbs and flowers , and watered with many pleasant springs and fountains ; this garden is much higher than the orchard adjoyning , and you ascend from hence thither by a walk of many stairs , set with trees on both sides . there are accounted to be above 40 fountains of pure water within this monastery . there are so many closets and keys belonging to this monastery , that there is a special officer appointed to be master of the keys , which keys are kept in a closet by themselves , and are esteemed to exceed some thousands . the third part of this famous monastery of st. laurence , is possessed by 30 monks of the order of st. hierom , whose yearly revenues amount to above 35000 spanish ducats , and the rest goes to the king and his family . to conclude , it is furnished with so many halls , parlours , dining-rooms , chambers , closets , offices , lodgings , and other the second had begun this 〈◊〉 work , he coming thither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of lemos , and having shewed him the plot , and disclosed his purpose in finishing so great a piece of work , which would amount to an incredible charge ; he demanded the earl to tell him 〈◊〉 what he thought of the work ? the earl stoutly and with a 〈◊〉 spirit answered the king , thus , your majesty , as you are the 〈◊〉 monarch of christendom , so are you reputed the wisest amongst kings ; now considering the great charge your majesty is at in your wars in italy , in france , and the low-countreys , with the great turk , and elsewhere , together with your ordinary and extraordinary expences , and the likelihood of wars with the queen of england : all these things considered , it would be a blemish to your wisdom , if your majesty should go forward with this building , and the charges will make you sink before it be finished . the king replied that notwithstanding all his wars , and other charges , he would go on with this , and hoped by the grace of god to see it finished , and to take pleasure and comfort in it in his life , ( the which he did , and enjoyed it 7 years , ) and that after his death it should be a receptacle for his bones , and likewise for the kings which should succeed him ; to be for a court in their lives , and a sepulcher for them after their deaths . and now ( reader ) you have had the true and exact relation of this mighty structure , which for beauty and riches , &c. may be worthily esteemed the wonder of the world ( exceeding solomons temple ) in several respects , if it may be lawfull to compare the true church of the living god ( which was a figure of the heavenly jerusalem above ) with this , which ( for all its splendor , &c. ) is but the seat of that black prince , who hath here transformed himself into an angel of light , or purpose by this means to delude ( if it were possible ) ever gods own elect. thus by captivating the astonished sences with this gilded appearance of true religion , and specious pretences of christianity , for they only garnish the statue and sepulcher of christ , his prophets and apostles , &c. and at the same time murder all who teach their blessed doctrine , and live their lives , ( at least are setting their examples before their view , ) on whose charge the righteous blood of all the prophets , apostles , and martyrs ( nay of christ himself ) will most certainly be laid , ( without a true repentance ) when the glory of this babylonish synagogue shall be laid in dust , and driven like the chaff , before that great and terrible tempest and whirlwind of gods wrath , which is hasting on apace ; and who shall abide this day ? who shall stand when god doth this ? chap. vi. camilton's discovery of the devillish designs and projects of the society of iesuits of late years . what marcus cato sometimes spoke concerning the roman south-sayers ; that he wondred how they could forbear to smile upon each other , so often as they met , may not unfitly be applied to the iesuits : it is a wonder that one iesuit when he looketh upon another doth not straightway burst forth into a laughing outright , they being amongst themselves privy to such impostures practised upon the people . i speak not touching your simpler sort of iesuits , from whom these more reserved and closer practises of the society are altogether concealed , either in respect they are not held wise enough ( forsooth ) to be acquainted with them , or that they are thought too devout to entertain them , or else in regard of their short continuance in that society : for all such are so kept short through severity of discipline , that not one of them except he be wondrous quick of sent , can ever smell out in the least measure what knavery is therein practised under a shew of holiness . my discourse onely toucheth the prime and principal fellows of that society , their regents , fathers , provincials , and generals ; all which , are so universally and joyntly tainted with all manner of wickedness , but especially with whoredom , covetousness , and magick , that indeed any reasonable man may think it little less then a miracle , if a iesuit of this rank meeting such another upon a sudden , and beholding , as it were , another picture or lively representation of himself , should have power to abstain from laughing outright . i therefore thought it not amisi , considering the premisses , to lay open to the world some particular passages , and practises of that society , of the greatest part whereof my self have been an eye-witness , and some part whereof hath been related unto me by iesuits , whom i am able to name , and will undoubtedly nominate , if they shall but dare in the least manner to lift up their tongues against me , or to contradict what i have written . first of all then , at your entrance into any colledge of iesuits ; especially , if it be scituated in or near unto any large , and populous , and rich place . but alass , why do i say , if it be built there ( seeing they have no colledges in any poor , mean , or obscure place ) at your first entry , i say , into such a place or colledg , take principal notice of the porter of their gate , and him you shall find to look like unto the picture of a very charon , or rather a cerberus ; for the most part you shall observe him to be a man of very great years , or if he be younger , he is a fellow of most approved trust and secrecy . and this is the man , if any such there be , who is well skilled in all the mysteries of the iesuits cabal , or reserved divinity . in this fellows keeping is great store of apparel both for men and women of every degree and calling . and with this apparel do the iesuits , habit themselves according to the quality that every one findeth himself ablest to personate , and so practise wonderful impostures in the world. for at sometimes being habited like souldiers very gallant , they walk in the streets and high-ways , whoring and swaggering in the publick stews . at other times in the civil habits of citizens , professing themselves to be of the reformed religion , they pry up and down and listen in inns , in play-houses , in taverns , upon the exchange ; and in all places of publick meetings , wheresoever there is any frequent resort , what the people speak up and down concerning them , what consultations are abroad , what manner of action is set afoot in any part . another while , like doctors of physick , or of the civil law , with great rings on their fingers , avowing and purposely professing themselves to be papists ; wheresoever they know any of the common sort that is wealthy and hath sons , they devise some cause of business with them , and insinuate themselves into their acquaintance by strange fetches , and in conclusion do advise them to bring up their sons in some school or colledg of iesuits , affirming that themselves have been educated by them , and that they have so profited under them , that ( god be thanked ) they never had cause to repent thereof : and sometimes again apparelled like noblemen , and compleatly attended , they cause coaches to be provided abroad , and frequent the courts of princes , as giving attendance upon ambassadors of foraign states , and serve as intelligencers to unlock the cabinets of great potentates . nay further , i have known them to make shew of being banished persons , and to crave collections amongst protestant divines , purposely to learn under-hand what such men write against them : yea such were those men for the most part , who so miserably deluded so many reverend men in many places by sinister ways under that habit , furthering the designs of their society , and breeding disturbances in the reformed congregations . but you will say unto me , whereto , i pray you , serveth so much womens apparel , or what is their end in depositing so much in the keeping of the porter of their gate ? attend , and i will tell you : no pander , that ever terence or plautus mentioned in their comedies , was so nimble at the trade of winning pretty wenches , as are the iesuits at this day , but especially that porter of their gate , whom i mentioned but now . for , that which the confessors themselves are not able to wring out of them by auricular confession in their churches and chappels , this fellow knoweth how to win from them by flattering speeches , with wonderful pleasing and delightful toys , especially if he meet with a poor widdow , or any such silly woman which sendeth her child to the colledg now and then for an alms ; or with some landress , or spinster ; whom so soon as this base pander hath once but allured to come to his net , although her apparel be never so old and tattered , yet he hath gay gowns enough in store , with accoutrements suitable , wherewith he can make her both trick and trim , which when he hath done , he knoweth how to convey her through many secret passages and by-ways to his venerable masters , the fathers of the society . and yet he never doth this in the day time , but near upon the shutting in of the evening , and then they make away the whole night in riot and luxury , with revelling and dancing , the younger sort and novices of the society being kept far enough from discovery thereof . for they have for the purpose certain vaults framed like chambers , and rooms under ground , as had those ancient romans , who first devised their stews in vaults , whose inclination to all carnal lasciviousness was so great , and so brutish , that the senate of rome , fearing the just anger of their gods for the same , utterly suppressed those lupanaria or publick stews . and thus much for the jesuits porter of their gate : onely i must not forget to tell you this one thing , that if any party who by chance shall come to the sight of such and so great a wardrobe , do demand with admiration , what is the end or use of it , answer is made unto them , that it is the wardrobe , reserved purposely for acting of plays : but that is the least part of their intention to my knowledg . moreover , when thou entrest into any of their churches , make account that thou walkest under an heaven of iron : bloody mars is over thine head , not that prince of peace ; below thee is the very pit of hell , and a shop of tormenters . i now do relate in good earnest , what mine own eyes have seen ; at prague in bohemia upon the roof of their churches are thousands of iron bullets , whips , and fire-balls , such as the bobemians use ; upon the sides are placed pieces of ordnance , with a great number of musquets and harquebushes , with pikes and halberts . in the middest , where the arches meet , are great heaps of huge bullets of stone . and the like preparation have they also made at cracovia . nor do i make question , but that upon due search their colledges in other places , would appear as well provided . but some man may perhaps make question . to what end religious men should make such preparation , or what need can there be so to do ? i confess the matter at the first sight astonished me , and my best understanding was exceeding strange : but thus standeth the case . the iesuits know well enough , that the courses which they have taken formerly , and now every day do take , are so indirect and turbulent , as maketh them odious to all such as they live amongst ; yea , to very papists themselves , at least to the wiser sort of them , in respect of many things which they have done both tumultuously , and wickedly , wheresoever they have got footing in the least manner . for they have no regard of any , they spare not to root up the very catholicks themselves , so that they may pleasure the popes holiness therein , though it were with the betraying of their countreys , and setting the whole christian world in a combustion . and therefore because they are in daily fear to be massacred by those among whom they live , they make this provident and timely prevention by warlike preparation . for indeed they are afraid ( as i my self have heard them confess ) lest it might befall unto them as unto the knights templers , who notwithstanding they were forward enough to serve the pope at all times , and as good catholicks as could be wished in the matter of religion ; yet for their too much ambition and covetousness , whereby they became insupportable , they were by consent of all christian princes , and not without approbation from the pope himself , put to the sword all at an instant , and utterly rooted out almost in a moment ; as sometimes were the pythagoreans , those very iesuits in effect , among the heathen , served throughout italy , and the provinces adjoyning . now the reason wherefore they do make choice to lay up their arms and munition in their churches , is onely this : for if when any insurrection or rebellious tumult ariseth in a province , the papists come thither to help and assist them ; by this means they have arms for them in a readiness upon a sudden : but if any who are of contrary religion come thither to do them wrong , or to steal any thing from them , they have munition and stones above-head , to destroy them withall before they be aware . and is not this ( i pray you ) the ready way to make the house of prayer a den of thieves ? and yet by your patience , if you will but attend , i shall relate things more strange and horrible than these , in respect whereof , the things i have related hitherto may well seem tollerable , i may almost say innocency . under the pavement of their church at gratz , and else-where , to my knowledge , are vaults and buildings under-ground , whereunto there is no way but by stairs and steps : here have they hoorded up ( like to that cacus whom virgil speaketh of ) all their prey and treasure , and do obscurely conceal a world of wealth : so professing poverty , not onely with publick consent , but also with incredible pleasure , suffering the same with admirable patience , and cursing to the pit of hell all such as are poor against their wills , as unworthy of so blessed a cross. but as for this their treasure , for the most part it is so contrived , that it is buried directly and perpendicularly under their greatest , and chiefest , or most eminent and highest altar , and so they shall be sure , that when they chant mass , they shall sacrifice to mars above-head , and to mammon below . now furthermore , in their vaults under-ground they maintain a very strange library , of cords , halters , racks , swords , axes , iron-pincers , stocks , torches , pillories , and several instruments of torture , wherewith and whereunto poor wretches being tied fast , are joynt by joynt torn asunder , as many as fall into the hands of these tyrants , who are far more cruel in this kind , than mezentius or phalaris ever were . nor are they without a devils coat , and a long steeple-crown'd hat , with black feathers , a jagged doublet cut and slashed , breeches puffed out and bagged like bellows , down to their ankles , such as would even make a man affrighted to look upon them . but perhaps he that readeth this relation , will wonder to what end religious persons , who profess themselves the disciples and followers ( as they would have all men to believe ) of our most meek saviour iesus , should make such provision . i will resolve you this question also , if you please to attend . with such instruments as these doth the society captivate the understanding of their disciples unto jesuitical obedience ; for if in the least matter they get any hint of suspicion against any of their novices , that he will not be constant , or that he desireth to escape from them , and that he is likely to betray the secrets of their society , they clap up such a fellow in a fair pair of stocks , and having macerated him a long time with hunger , and cold , and want of all bodily comforts ; at the last they make an end of him with some exquisite tortures , and killing torments . i do not belie them , i write nothing but a truth . there was at gratz , about three years ago , a young man named iacobus clusseus , a youth of an excellent and pregnant wit ; this man did they lay hands upon , and miserably tormented him by whipping and scourging , for a matter of no moment , and because he told them plainly , that he would renounce their society , and complain publickly ( if ever he got liberty ) for this and other such wicked dealing towards him , they clapped him up into such a prison under ground as aforesaid , from whence he was never seen to come out again alive . nor did any of us that were novices make question , but that he was made an end of with most exquisite torments . and how many women , think you , have been devoured and eaten up in the same gulph ? how many young children slain ? how many young men , that have been sole heirs of very large and ample patrimonies , have been made away by them ? i do not say , i think , but i believe , and am firmly persuaded , so often as shrieks , and cries , sighings , and most woful lamentations , were heard in the night season , the hearing whereof would put a man into a cold sweat all over , and make his hair stand on end ; though our simpler novices believed them to be the souls of some lately departed ; it was nothing but the shrieks and mone of children lately murthered , or then a murthering . moreover , that the extreme and devillish malice of iesuits may be in nothing defective , they are accustomed , divers times , in those their vaults under ground , to make the devil very fine sport ; putting on terrible disguises , they cause some of their novices to be called down to behold their tragedy , upon whom they will rush suddenly with an horrible yelling noise , to make trial ( forsooth ) of their courage and constancy . for if they find any to be timorous and fearful , they admit not such a man to the secrets of magick , as accounting them cowardly and degenerate , but appoint them to some of the inferious arts : but such as appear to be of bold and undanted spirits , they take special notice of them , and reserve them for serious imployments . and yet they are not always successful for all this , as appeared by that which hapned at prague : for whereas there were five principal iesuits , who being habited as devils , made sport with their youth . it so fell out , that there was found to be a sixth in their company , before they were aware , and he questionless was a devil indeed , who catching up one of the personated devils in his arms , gave him such a kindly unkind embrace , that within three days after he died of it . the fact was common talk at bake-houses and barber-shops , and at every table discoursed upon all over prague . and yet for all that , the rest of them , as nothing amazed with this tragical event , dare still , in an heighth of obstinacy , proceed in that most ungodly and devillish study of magick . now amongst that whole society , the prime man for a magician is a french iesuit , whom the king of france himself had in so high estimation , that he admitted him not onely to his princely table , but also to familiar conferences in private ; concerning whom , the iesuits themselves did make their boast , that he had a glass made by art-magick , wherein he could plainly represent unto the king whatsoever his majesty desired to see ; insomuch that there was nothing so secretly done or consulted upon , in the most private room of any cloister or nunnery of other orders , which he could not easily and instantly discover and disclose , by help of this his inchanted , or rather devillish glass . and indeed it was by the art and means of this magitian iesuit , that their society was confident , that they should be able to draw on their side one of the most potent princes of the empire , albeit a protestant ; forasmuch as he was observed to be somewhat delighted in the study of magick . now as for those whom they take in as novices to be instructed in this way , they expound unto them those nine hundred propositions , which picus earl of mirandula published at rome ; as also the book of iohannes trithemius , together with a tract or treatise touching abstruse or hidden philosophy , written by cornelius agrippa : likewise theophrastus , concerning the constellations and seals of the planets ; with the steganographia of i know not what abbot , and the art of paul to procure revelations , meaning st. paul , whom they affirm to have been instructed in the art magick , and thereby to have understood such high revelations , and profound mysteries . yea , they blush not to affirm , that st. iohn was an excellent magician : nor do they stick to say , that even our blessed saviour christ jesus himself , was a most absolute and perfect magician , as mine own ears hath heard it oftner than once or twice related by some of that society , and such as i am able to nominate . and thus much for the iesuits church ; onely take this direction along with you , those vaults and rooms under-ground , which i mentioned even now , those secret conveyances and circean dens , are for the most part contrived to be under the quire or cloister , not where the people do walk or stand . and now when thou shalt pass from their temple into their study , ( for i will say nothing touching their parlour , or chambers , refectories , or places of recreation , instruction of novices who are newly admitted , and the training up of other scholars committed to the iesuits tuition ; nor yet touching the method and order of their studies ) when , i say , thou shalt enter into their publick library , thou shalt find a most exquisite choice of authors of all sorts , all of them most curiously bound up in leather or parchment , with fillets of silver or gold : and as for such whereof there is daily use , they are laid in order upon desks , fastned with chains upon a long table . but as for the inner library , that is onely reserved for the fathers of the society ; it is free for none but them to go in thither , and to borrow thence what books they think good . those ordinary books are onely free for the iuniors of the society , nor may they take a sentence out of the rest without special leave obtained from the regent . moreover in this first library are no heretical books , ( as they call them ) but onely the writings of most approved authors , and catholicks all , for they hold any other unworthy to be placed amongst them , as fearing perhaps they should infect the rest . look therefore upon thy left hand , and there thou shalt see the wretched books of hereticks , ( as they term them ) standing all in mourning for the faults of their authors , bound up in black leather , or parchment blacked over , with the very leaves thereof died in black . of these , not one of the fathers themselves may make choice or use , without leave obtained from the regent before-hand : but your inferiour iesuits , and younger novices , may not be so bold as to desire the sight of any one of them , except he will before-hand , with all virulency and bitterness , rail upon and disgrace the author whom he desireth to see , by some infamous libel , and scurrilous satyrical verse or writing . in the midst of these several libraries is placed a study , being divided into many seats , distinct and seperate one from another , with a blue covering ; on the right side whereof sit the fathers , on the left the under-graduates , who have already taken some degrees upon them . the other novices , or fresh men ( as we call them ) sit mixt with the fellow-commoners , that they may take notice of them , and every man in his turn beat into them by continual discourses the sweetness and excellency of the order of iesuits ; especially into such as are of the richer sort , or wealthy heirs . i will say no more at this time as touching their studies , but i will describe briefly the manner of the visitations which every provincial maketh , because it is a point , which , as i think , and for any thing that i ever read or heard , hath been never hitherto divulged by any . now ▪ every provincial taketh his denomination from the province , or kingdom rather , which is committed to his charge and oversight . his place is to visit the several colledges , to take an account of their revenues , and oversee their expences exactly and punctually ; to take notice what noble personages commit their sons to the tuition of the society , and how many they are in number ? whether there be not yearly an increase of scholars , as also of their means and revenues ? whether there be any converted from protestantism , and how many such ? if there be no such thing , or if the popish religion have lost ground , or if there be any decrease of their wealth , he sharply reproveth their sloath and neglect , and chargeth strictly , that they make an amends for the wrong they have done , and loss they have received in this case . but if they have bestirred themselves bravely , and converted ( as they call it ) or rather perverted many souls to popery ; if they have been frugal , and scraped wealth together , he praiseth them very highly , and extolleth them to the skies . moreover he demandeth what is the opinion of the neighbouring hereticks concerning them ? what be the projects of the nobles ? what meetings they have ? how many ? and where ? what they consult upon ? what they resolve to do ? whether the heretical princes ( as they term them ) delight to live at home or abroad ? to whom they resort most frequently ? what is the several disposition of every one of them ? in what things he is observed to take most delight ? whether he take any care of his people or not ? whether he be a religious prince or not ? or rather , whether he be not a man who delights to take his pleasure in drinking , wenching , or hunting ? whether he have have any catholicks about him , or that are near unto him ? what the people report abroad concerning their own princes ? whether the churches of the adversaries be full of resort or not ? whether the pastors of those churches be learned and diligent men in their place and calling , or otherwise lazie lubbers , and unletter'd ? whether the profession of divinity thrive in the neighbouring university of hereticks ? whether their divines maintain frequent disputations , and against whom principally ? what books they have published of late , and upon what subject ? to these , and sundry such questions , if the regent , and the rest of the fathers do answer punctually , he doth wonderfully commend their industry and vigilancy . if he find them defective in answering to these or any such demands , he reproveth them sharply , saying , what mean you , my masters ? do you purpose , like lazie companions , to undo the church of rome ? how do you suppose your slothfulness in these weighty affairs can be excused before his holiness ? how is it that you presume to take these places upon you , and to manage them no better ? what or whom are you afraid of ? why do not you buckle up your selves better to your business , and perform your places like men ? these things ( if you had been such men as you ought to be ) had not been to do now : these things should have been done long before this time . do you observe the incredible watchfulness of the hereticks , and can you be lazie ? and with these or the like speeches he wheteth them on to their duty . at the last , he enquireth as touching the scholars , fellow-commoners , novices , and the rest , how many they are in number ? how much every one hath profited ? to what study or delight each one is inclinable ? whether there be any one amongst them that is scrupulous , or untractable , or not a fit subject to be wrought upon ? for he adjudgeth every such an one sitting to be removed from the study of divinity , except he have been very well exercised in the disputations in schools , and have a very great and good conceit of their religion beaten into him . moreover he enquireth if they have any one in the colledge , who can be contented , for the advantage of the catholick cause , to undertake any laudable attempt , and to spend his blood in the cause , if at any time necessity shall seem to require it . and at last , he sendeth away all these informations , being sealed up , unto the father general at rome , by whom they are immediately made known to the pope himself , and his conclave of cardinals : and so by this means an order is taken , that there is no matter of action set on foot , nothing almost consulted upon throughout the whole christian world , which is not forthwith discovered unto the pope , by these traitors , that lurk in every state and kingdom . also it is not to be omitted , that the iesuits are translated by their provincial from one colledge to another , and that for the most part once in three years , that so the provincial , out of their several discoveries , may attain to unlock all the secretest cabinets of the prince and state where he doth reside . in the last place i will add , instead of a corollary , some strange and wonderful devices of the iesuits , which being but of late newly hammered in the forge , they have earnestly endeavoured , yea , and at this day do labour , tooth and nail to put in practise by publick consent , for an innovation to be made both in the church and state throughout the whole roman empire . to this end , their chief and only aim is , how to set the princes of the empire together by the ears , and by taking off some of the principal doctors of the church , to bring the tyranny of the spaniard , and the primacy of the pope , into germany . concerning which very project i have heard the provincial del-rio himself , discoursing sometimes , whose plots and machinations , were such as follow . in the first place ( saith he ) care and pains must be used , to estrange the affections of the princes of the empire , one from another . now the means ( said he ) to effect that , is to work upon their contrariety of opinions , in matters of religion : and for this end let the emperor be incited to make a declaration , that he will not grant liberty of conscience in matters of religion , except there shall first be a restitution made of such goods , as were taken from the clergy upon the treaty at passaw : for this is a point whereat they will stick assuredly , and deny it . let the emperor thereupon send his princes , and demand the same of the cities of the empire . they will either obey or deny : if they consent and obey , all is well : if they refuse , let him proclaim them rebels , and expose them to be seized upon by the next neighbouring princes , but still let the matter be so carried , that he be sure to oppose a lutheran and a calvinist , the one against the other . moreover , some device must be found out , that the duke of bavaria may fall foul either upon the elector palatine , or upon the duke of wittemberg , for then may the emperor be easily won to proclaim him traytor whom the duke of bavaria shall distaste , and all means taken away of making pacification either with papist or calvinist for them ; besides , thereby will be raised unreconcilable divisions in the empire , never to be quenched before an highway be made for the accomplishment of our desires . for the further ripening of which design , the iesuits unbethought themselves further of this stratagem . it will follow ( say they ) necessarily , when any city of the empire shall be proclaimed rebellious , that every several prince will be more ready and willing to serve his own turn upon the spoil thereof , then to admit any other that shall be emulous of the same booty to prevent him . this for the generality . more particularly yet , means must be found out , to set the princes of saxony at difference , that their strength and power may be broken , or at least weakened . now that may be most conveniently effected thus : first , if the administration of the primacy of magdeburg , which now is vacant , be given to the bavarian elector of colen , neither the marquiss of brandenburg , nor the duke of saxony , will easily grant their consents thereto . secondly , if that succeed not according to our desires , there must be some cause pretended , why the duke of saxony either doth seem worthy , or ought to seem worthy to be removed from the electoral dignity . for , if in times past , the princess of the empire cast down wenceslaus , from the imperial throne , because they had adjudged him a negligent prince : surely the emperor may take as just an occasion , to remove , from the electoral dignity , the duke of saxony , who is drunk every day . and in this respect , let his imperial majesty restore and confer that dignity , upon the house and family of the duke of weymar . and because these princes are yet under age , let the administration of that electorship , be committed to henry of brunswick , a learned and vigilant prince . this project being once set afoot , cannot chuse but beget infinite distractions , throughout all saxony , so shall it come to pass , that they shall waste and weary themselves one against another , and by that means , become utterly unable to withstand a common foe , when he shall come upon them . and as for the marquiss of brandenburg and them of pomerania , let means be used to move the king of poland , who is the emperors kinsman , to covenant with his uncle the king of swethland , that they two shall invade and divide prussia , and canton the same : which thing the marquiss of brandenburg will oppose with all his powers . now as concerning the landgrave of hessen , he must be urged and solicited daily to divide the inheritance equally with his uncle lodowick , and to resign the government of hertsfield to the bishop of wirtzburg : if he refuse to do so , let him be proclaimed rebel , and let his inheritance be assigned unto his uncle lodowick . moreover , as for the duke of wittenberg , and the elector palatine , they two may with ease be set together by the ears , if the duke be commanded to make restitution of some religious houses , or otherwise upon his refusal be proclaimed rebel , and some neighbouring monasteries be assigned to the elector palatine , and amongst them one especially , which he hath been observed to have aimed at long ago . and these be those killing projects of the iesuits , which i have have heard from their own mouths , not without admiration even to astonishment , and they have many more of like sort , all which i do not at this present remember . moreover , there hath been a consultation among the iesuits to send abroad some bold assassinates , who by poison or by the pistol , may cut off the principal doctors of the reformed churches , fellows who are so absolute masters in that trade of poisoning , that they are able so to infect platters , saltsellers , basons , kettles , pots , and caldrons , and such like vessels of ordinary use ; that albeit they shall be ten times over-washed and wiped , yet shall they retain the power and infection of most deadly and speeding poison . wherefore , i humbly advise all godly and religious governours and ministers of the church , that hereafter they be wary , and cautelous how they trust any , but such as of whose fidelity they have had sufficient trial . and these things could never have fallen within compass of mine understanding , nor ever did , before such time as i heard them from the principals and heads of the society of iesuits , together with many other particulars , which i held my self bound in conscience to reveal to the world , for the good of my countrey , and of the church of christ. chap. vii . the reasons why this gentleman left them , and turn'd protestant , and the miseries he suffered by the iesuits and others , before he arrived into england . though i had not yet attained to the years of a man , yet i was still ( as all are by natural inclination ) well affected to my native soil , which the iesuits perceiving ( though they suspected not any thing to the contrary but that i would continue a catholick ) they declared daily to me how much i was obliged to god , for delivering me out of the bondage of error and heresie in my very infancy , and dis-swaded me withall from conversing with any of my native countrey , which were not of the church of rome , upon pain of being anathematized , and rejected out of the same holy catholick church . and when they heard of the decease of my grandfather and other kindred , they charged me not to wish a requiem to their souls , because they were hereticks , and so by consequence are damned in hell , and commanded me to pray to the virgin mary , and to all the saints in heaven for the rest of my surviving friends , that they might at length become proselytes to the roman faith and obedience , i gave them the hearing with patience ; but when i came to be of the age of 18 years , or thereabouts , i began to read the sacred scriptures in secret , and being curious to know the grounds of the differences between the protestants and our selves , viz. of the popes supremacy , the real presence of christ in the eucharist , the indulgencies , pardons , and profits of purgatory , with the popes authority to set up and depose kings , ( for , nitimur invetitum semper cupimusque negata ; we have a very itching desire to that which is most strictly forbidden us , which we had from our granmother eve. ) i began to enquire into and examin the lives and courses of our iesuits and priests , and besides , i supervised the letter of dr. hall and mr. bedel , which i found in my fathers study , &c. and after i had conferred one thing with another , i found more resemblance of probability in the protestants religion , than in our own ; besides i never found any pregnant proof that they could alledg out of the scriptures that the pope was the only head of the church militant [ nor that the apostles of christ were commanded to exercise any spiritual or temporal jurisdiction over each other , but directly to the contrary , and least of all , over all other dominions in the world. ] nor could i ever find they had good authentick arguments for purgatory , indulgences , holy grains , meddals , &c. as for the real presence of christ in the eucharist , i could never obtain a full liberty from my reason to believe it ; and as for the popes bull ( for which each person from 7 years of age and upwards gives 12 pence to his catholick majesty , by vertue whereof he may eat any gross meat ( called grossura ) with eggs , milk , butter , cheese , &c. on saturdays , and such like days ; i perceived this to be but a trick of state-policy of the king , to fill his coffers , the pope giving him way , and sharing with him in the profit ; now touching their miracles , they pretend to be daily done in spain , flanders , italy , and other parts , ( though inquisitive about them , yet ) i never could see any . and as for the holy crucifix , which is in the suburbs of the city burgus , which they shew to great personages , with as much devotion as if it had been christ himself , telling them , that his hair and nails do grow miraculously , which they cut and pair every month , giving them to noblemen as holy relicks , forsooth , i judge it a thing incredible , and thereby all their pretended miracles to be but meer impostures . as likewise the grand miracle of hermana luisa , the nun of carrion , who for twenty years space hath lived by the bare receipt of the host , which if any could believe in truth and reality , argues , in my opinion , a very sottish credulity . and infinite other miracles and relicks which they have , i have found to be meer cheats and cosenages . as also their masses for the dead , and delivering of souls out of purgatory , by saying mass for them on a priviledged altar . nay , some of them make spells of their relicks , as peter godfrey , that priest of marseils , ( famous for infamy ) who was burnt not many years since , for bewitching the principal ladies of that province ; for instead of agnus dei , and other relicks , he gave them inchantments , whereby they might fall in love with him , ( of which you may read at large in the french tragical history . ) moreover , i examined the cause why the pope should beautifie garnet and campian , with several others , as saints and holymen , and could find no manner of colour and ground , except it were because their souls were so frightfully black with the gun-powder treason , that they were in danger to terrifie all the devils guests of that generation ; and therefore to abate of their dreadful aspect , he painted them , and of black made them white devils . for the iesuits themselves confessed to me , witness father bently and father freeman , the one minister of the colledge at st. omers , the other , one of the masters of the schools ) that the legend of miracles of their saints is , for the most part , false ; onely ( said they ) it was made with a good intention ( forsooth ) and that in this particular it is not onely lawful , but meritorious to lie and write such things , to the end the common people might , with greater zeal , serve god and his saints , and that otherwise there would be no means to govern them , and especially to draw the women to good order , being by nature more facile and credulous , and for the most part addicted to novelties and miraculous events . likewise i detested that doctrine of theirs as abominable , viz. that it is a very meritorious thing to kill or depose any king or prince who is excommunicated by the see of rome . likewise the discontent of my father after his death , and his ●etters to his brother in england , gave me to understand , that the roman faith was not the surest way to salvation . [ what this gentleman's meaning is , i cannot certainly tell , i have writ his own words verbatim ; i suppose his father walked after his death , and related several things that evidenced a disturbed mind , upon the account of the catholick religion , &c. ] likewise these most abominable dealings that are used at the election of their popes , being chosen , for the most part , by favour and money , their predecessors being extinguished by poison and villanous means , and for which end the king of spain hath ambassadors continually employ'd at rome , which confer great largesses of annual pensions , to inflame them to nominate him pope whom he pleaseth . the like doth the king of france by his ambassadors ; but the spanish indian oyl for the most part greaseth home to the purpose : for when the spaniards saw the king of france to invade the valtoline in the year 1624 , that the pope took his part as one of his creation , they began to cast out libels , and set them upon the pasquil of rome , threatning the pope with a sudden end if he did not recant ; which he did , for fear the spanish venome might operate in his stomach . likewise the detension of the kingdom of naples from the pope confirmed me , that the spaniards were , and are little better than atheists , onely making use of the pope for their own particular , ambition , and ends , as to confirm and establish him in unlawful monarchies , and under colour of religion to make subjects become slaves . moreover charles the fifth sacking rome , and with his army besieging the pope in his castle of st. angelo , was to this particular end , to confirm him emperor , and to colour and maintain all his unlawful usurpations . likewise it confirmed me in the protestant religion , to see how flanders and other parts , the jesuits , friers , and others , before they enter their colledges , monasteries , and other religious houses , to be probationers onely for a week or a month , their friends , parents , and others give them a good sum of money to spend in ale-houses , taverns , and other prophane houses , for to take their farewell of the world ; of which i was an eye-witness both at antwerp and doway . likewise it confirmed me in the said protestant religion , to see protestants with whom i conversed , so modest , religious , and honest , quite contrary to the report of the jesuits , who make them worse than devils . all which i having well consider'd , and also observing the cozenages and impostures of the jesuits , priests , and monks in st. omers , doway , flanders , spain , france , and elsewhere , my father being dead , and i at my own disposal , i came for england , where intending to declare my self a protestant , i was advertised by some great personages of authority in this kingdom , to keep my resolution for a time , that so i might the better discover the plots and stratagems of our adversaries , and hereby do my countrey far greater service . whereupon i streight made my repair to the court of the arch-dutchess , where being suspected as a spie , i was in great danger of my life , by the negligence of some who had employ'd me ; i had forthwith been imprisoned , had not earl gundamor interceded for me , who never could be perswaded that ever i would turn protestant , being so long confirmed in the romish religion . but i would not let any occasion over-slip me , but taking the best opportunity time did then allot me , i directed my course for england . where after a quarter of a years abode , i was sent back again into france , having my residence at paris , where i gave intelligence to some great personages of this kingdom : and sending letters by my man for england , he being bribed by some of our land , ( whose names i here spare ) they were intercepted and delivered to a sorbon doctor , dr. matler by name , whom the letters partly concerned . ( now at this very time one smith , nephew to the bishop of chalcedon , staid two months in paris , on purpose to have kill'd me . ) this became an occasion of great affliction to me , for being by him discovered , my pension from spain was debarr'd me , and forthwith the jesuits and priests banded themselves , and conspired against me , and caused my host to imprison me for some moneys i owed him , where i suffered for six months space ; receiving letters from my mother in spain , ( who perswaded me to fix my self either in naples , milan , sicily , &c. ) and several visits from the fathers , ( who could not well tell what to conjecture of me ) i entertain'd them with all outward shews of favour , &c. till my mother had paid my debts with my own pension , and being freed out of prison , i shew'd them a fair pair of heels , and in stead of going towards spain or italy , i bent my course towards england , taking my journey towards roan and deep in normandy ; and finding no shipping at either places , i bent my course for callis , taking my journey by a town call'd arks , or arka , where lodging at an inn , i ( with a fellow companion ) was robb'd by soldiers , and in extreme danger of our lives ; and being escaped that difficulty ( blessed be god ) i soon fell into a greater ; for being embarqued in an english vessel newly come from dover , there being five or six papists in the ship , bound with me for england , it hapned that some of them knew me ; and understanding that i had left my pension , &c. fear'd that i had no good affection to the catholicks in england , and therefore they accused me as a spie against their state : whereupon the captain of the ports committed me to custody , and the serjeant-major of that town cast me into prison . i began to manifest my innocency ; but he told me i was false , and was accused by angels , ( meaning the iesuits ) and presented me to the rack to extort consessions from me , where i was kept in a cage or dungeon , remaining under seven locks , for the space of three days , without any food ; my bed was straw , which had not been changed in ten months , without any cover ; as for my shirt , i never had any variety , my hair grew wild and savage-like , my companions were thousands of lice and fleas , and in this misery i continued near ten months . and to augment my misery , father baldwin , with the rest of the english iesuits in st. omers , not onely sent , but came themselves to callis , to persuade the governour for my continual restraint during my whole life . the iesuits in england also hearing of me , writ letters to callis to the same effect . at length i perceived my life was the mark they shot at , ( they not long before having determined to hang me for a horse-stealer ) had not the truth been discovered by one carpenter , the king of france's advocate-general , and one of the politest wits for law in the whole kingdom , whose hap it was at that time to be in prison with me . to be short , several persons of quality hearing of my misery , interceded with the governour in my behalf , ( as my lord mountroy , who had been taken prisoner at the isle of ree , colonel grey , mr. walter mountague , the governour of pontsel , who was my lord mountjoy's conductor ) but all in vain : nay , the king of denmarks youngest son , coming by callis at that time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 land , did the same ; as also sir edmond ver●●●● and mr. hawkins , the kin●● chief agent did the same , but none could prevail ; onely they relieved 〈◊〉 with moneys , which the jaylor for the most part got from me , threatning to keep me more recluse if i did not give him the better half ▪ and there passed not one person of note by , but ( for his own lucres sake ) he acquainted them with my case . at last , through the great providence of god , one mr. scipio intima , a gentleman of friezland , came that way , ( who had been my fellow-prisoner at paris ) and he never left solliciting , till he obtained leave of the governour that i might have an equal trial by law , which before this i could not obtain , and so got leave , that the kings advocate might be my counsellor . all which being granted , ( through great importunities ) my advocate began to write the occasion of my unlawful detention , with a petition which he sent , drew up , and presented to the high court of parliament at paris , where the parliament commanded all my adversaries and accusers to be personally cited before them . my advocate did likewise challenge the law of the kingdom , which is , that no malefactor can be kept in prison above three months , but he must have either the sentence of life or death to pass upon him , unless it be for treason against the kings proper person , i having continued a long while in prison contrary to the said law. all which was so well pleaded and alledged by my advocate in my behalf , that there was no accuser to prove any thing against me ▪ so that the high court of parliament declared me innocent , and condemn'd the serjeant-major of callis , and the rest of my adversaries , to the reparation of honour , damage , and interest ; and so forthwith i was set free . thus giving almighty god hearty thanks for this his gracious deliverance , in freeing me from the hands of these infernal monsters and blood-suckers , ( and at such a time when all hope was fled and gone ) and of their faction , i forthwith embarqued my self , and came into england , with full resolution never to depart out of it ; beseeching god to make me a worthy member of his catholick church of england , unto whose sweet embraces i happily arrived , after very many persecuting afflictions and miseries thus endured . and now , courteous reader , thou hast had a view of my travels , observations , and miseries , which it pleased god i should endure abroad ; in the narrative of which , i here vow to god ( in whose holy presence i am , and most in another manner shortly appear ) i have not written any thing , but what for the most part i have been an eye-witness of . so beseeching god to keep in true faith , concord , and unity , this our kingdom of great britain , france , and ireland , ( together with all protestant dominions ) i rest an humble suppliant at his throne of grace , that the end of all may be gods everlasting glory , and his true churches eternal peace and rest. finis . the pernicious consequences of the new heresie of the jesuites against the king and the state by an advocate of parliament. pernicieuses conséquences de la nouvelle hérésie des jesuites contre le roy et contre l'estat. english nicole, pierre, 1625-1695. 1666 approx. 218 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52328 wing n1138 estc r16118 12858558 ocm 12858558 94639 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52328) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94639) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 722:4) the pernicious consequences of the new heresie of the jesuites against the king and the state by an advocate of parliament. pernicieuses conséquences de la nouvelle hérésie des jesuites contre le roy et contre l'estat. english nicole, pierre, 1625-1695. evelyn, john, 1620-1706. arnauld, antoine, 1612-1694. [32], 144 p. printed by j. flesher, for richard royston ..., london : 1666. translated by john evelyn from nicole's les pernicieuses conséquences de la nouvelle hérésie des jesuites, 1664. sometimes wrongly ascribed to antoine arnauld. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -england. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2002-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the pernicious consequences of the new heresie of the iesuites against the king and the state . by an advocate of parliament . london , printed by i. flesher , for richard royston , bookseller to his most sacred majesty . 1666. the dedicatory preface . my lord , the title your honour has 〈◊〉 these ensuing papers , and to the person who makes them english , defends him from being thought presumptuous , that now they are publish'd and come abroad in the world : they wear this cypher in front , as a periapta or amulet to protect him from all malevolent influenences . and he had need have a seven-fold buckler , that has to doe with an host against whose assaults and stratagems even kings themselves are not safe from danger . the pens and tongues of their sworn adversaries have sharpned the swords and poniards , to say nothing of the knives , the poison , and the gun-powder , which have so often been prepared for their destruction . much of this is indeed stifly deny'd : but is 't not then a wonder , if the villanies are so detested , there should be found so few of the party who renounce it in their writings ? i speak not here of the jesuites alone , but ( as our author has well observ'd ) of their other church-men too , who would certainly more decry it , were there not some other mysterie in it , which we understand not , and they artificially conceal ; when one poor widdrington and some few others ( 'till of late the jansenists ) have been charg'd with no less crime then heresie , for disowning their pernicious doctrines : nay , it has gained that ascendent in france , ( a country where these holy fathers have stood so long on their good behaviour ) that they have even dar'd to justifie the excommunication of one of their kings in the king 's own printing-house , at his own palace , proper cost and charges , and under his very nose ; prevailing with his facility by an unbeard-of and unparallel'd insolence : not to mention here coriolanus's abridgment , so destructive to the gallican liberty , and other their late practices , sufficiently detected and perstringed by the author of this ingenuous piece . methinks it were impossible that princes , who either lov'd their people or the glory of the crown , should truckle under such impostors , to gratifie a sort of phanaticks thirsting after their bloud and ruine , to subject it to a forein and unreasonable pretence , by the wild and novel interpretation of i know not what infallibility , which even those of their own party deride them for , who have but a grain of sobriety . but what may not they pretend to who can create new symbols and articles of faith with an unerring faculty , as well as confidence ? which can make men believe 't is for the interest of religion , how flagitious soever their designs and practices are ? 't is but calling for the chair , and his holiness dubbs himself infallible , and that sufficiently to consecrate the most nefarious and prodigious of doctrines : and i doubt not but when the devil himself tempts men to the most detestable treasons , he gilds it also with this religious bait. we have had ample testimony of this , even in those who amongst our selves had sucked in the principles of that roman wolf ; and which puts me in mind of what that hypocrite rouse ( a partizan of the late rebellion and long parliament ) reply'd to a seduced , but worthy , person , when near the catastrophe of our liberties he was one day press'd with an evident conviction by what unjust waies they had pursu'd the destruction of that glorious and excellent prince who fell into their snares , that indeed he could not altogether excuse the procedure ; but this he knew , there lay honesty in the bottom of it . papa post mutare regna , & uni auferre , atque alteri conferre , tanquam summus princeps spiritualis , si id sit necessarium ad animarum salutem , say the roman champions : and would not one swear the men were confederates , and understood one another , whose actions and replies are so near of kindred ? santarel the jesuite gives for one of the reasons why the pope might depose kings ; because their persons were burthensome to the state : compare this with the very expression and words of our late republicarians . and again , that they have their authority not from god , but the civil law onely , and ex arbitrio populi , as creswell words it : nay , that kings may be deposed by their subjects for sundry causes , a nolumus hunc regnare is sufficient . the whole council of trent free'd subjects from their obedience : so did the rump-parliament . what an harmony of confessions is bere ! i 'le be bold to affirm , there were never any two doctrines more conformable , then that of the fathers ( as they will be called , forsooth ) and that of these novellists , who have so improv'd the zeal of their predecessors , as if the aphorisms of emanuel sà , bellarmine and mariana , were not the suggestion of a diabolical , but the dictates of the sacred spirit . and who of either sect can have the forehead to deny this , that shall but look into their writings or practices , and the solemnity of their several approbators and apologists ? a man needs but to turn over the persecution of monsieur arnald , to find how these poor men are treated that but offer at the vindication of the sovereignty of kings . i appeal to the horrid murther committed on those sacred heads by clement , chastel , ravillac , &c. if after those crimson tragedies they had not each of them more then one compurgator ; the mariana's , veruna's , guignard's , in our milton's , our goodwin's and our ascham's , another spawn of these holy cleremontanians . the thunder of paul the iii d against henry the viiith , even before his more signal defection , and that he but at first scrupl'd the supremacy , may be parallel'd with their branding our most religious of kings as inclining to popery , who died to defend the most orthodox faith in the world. the bull of pius quintus against queen elizabeth is notorious , as well as the catastrophe of those who plotted against her royal successor by the instigation of clement the viiith : and what hand they may have had in fomenting our late disorders both in church and state from 37 to 60 , let the world judge , when they seriously reflect upon what principles the brethren proceeded , and what were the consequences ; since nothing save hell and rome , could have inspired so horrid a rebellion . but to number the heads and authors of this holy fraud , begun by mahomet , phocas , and boniface the iii d , almost contemporaries ; to shew that turcism , universality and king-killing are of an age , we may hear it justified , as well as practised , out of their own mouths and writings , ( after a thousand years that all the world had condemn'd it ) not as a probable , but infallible doctrine , if but the catalogue of their citations would consist with the limits of a preface ; since our author might have fill'd another volume with their names and numbers onely : alvarez , ariana , augustine triumphus , azoride , baronius , becanus , bellarmine , bonarsius , bozius , campianus , capistranus , carrerius , catena , chirlandus , creswell , doleman , duval , eudaemon , fevardentius , gabulius , garnet , greg. of valentia , gretser , guignard , kellerus , lessius , molina , pacensis , parsons , pelagius , richeome , ribadeneira , rosseus , sà , sadlerus , santarel , scribanius , stapleton , symancha , tesmond , veruna , wendeckius , zodoricus , and thousands more , who have dipp'd their pens in the bloud of kings , with a praeclarè cum rebus humanis ageretur , si multi , &c. as one of these gallants does not blush to say publickly and in print . velim sciatis ( says campian ) quod ad societatē nostrā attinet , omnes nos , qui per totum orbem longè latéque diffusi sumus , quorum est continua successio & magnus numerus , sanctum foedus iniisse , neque quamdiu vel unus nostrûm supererit , studiū & consilia nostra de salute vestra ( meaning the subversion of the government , and the religion profess'd in it ) intermissuros : jampridem inita ratio est , & inchoatum certamen ; nulla vis , nullus anglorum impetus superabit : and 't is bravely resolved . nor are these all of one , but of several nations also ; to shew that 't is not the vote of private doctors onely , ( as creswell would bear us down ) but of their whole college , divines and lawyers too . et certum est , & de fide , that if any christian prince deflexerit , shall but warp a little , he is immediately deposeable ; & possunt & debent eum arcere ( like another nebuchadnezzar ) ex hominum christianorum dominatu : and who shall say nay ? nos , nos imperia , regna , principatus , & quicquid habere mortales possunt , auferre & dare posse . i could not forbear a smile at the pretty interpretation which father creswel gives to a place of scripture upon this deflexerit which we mentioned : such a prince ( says he ) does ipso facto forfeit his right of government , according to that of the apostle , si infidelis discedit , &c. if the unbelieving depart , let him depart . a brother or a sister ( suppose a subject , he or she ) is not under bondage in such cases . but all this is no news , my lord , to those who shall observe how happily they apply that concession to s. peter to invade the unclean beasts , whenever his holinesse's stomach serves him ; occîde & manduca . christ must reign 'till he have put all his enemies under his feet : that is , as one inferrs , 'till the pope have serv'd all heretical kings as barbarossa was . to which we adde that of jer. 1.10 . see , i have constituted thee over the nations and over kingdoms , to root out , and to pull down , to destroy , and to throw down , to build , and to plant ; for so they interpret that passage of the prophet , as our author observes . and what of all this ? we must know that the pope has a faculty beyond any prophet or apostle of them all , as antonius maria blushes not to affirm : and hosius once for all ; unless the sense of scripture ( says he ) be expounded juxta sensum ecclesiae romanae , according to the sense of the roman church , 't is not the express word of god , but the express word of the devil . my hand trembles to proceed to the rest : and it was high time , my lord , for the gallican church , as it is for us , to lay their hand to the buckler , and to look after these monsters , who have felt the effects of these bold and perverse spirits , from their childeric to their darling henry his majestie 's renowned grandfather ; not to mention that henry of our own . it would fill an iliad but to repeat the sad consequences of this exauctorating doctrine since gregory the viith degraded that proto-martyr-emperor ( as we may style him ) to this idol the pope . and what befel our john of england , whose crown was given away to philip augustus k. of france , and received again on condition of a sordid vassalage ? nor did innocentius the ivth pretend less to the emp. frederic the ii d ; bonifacius the viiith on king philip the fair ; julius the ii d , who deposed john of navarr ; sixtus v tus henry the iii d , as a fore-runner of the knife . who can with patience reade the insolent treatment of celestine the iii ● crowning an emperor with one foot and spurning it off with the other ? and where the neck of a frederic was proudly trod on , we have beheld the very marble and inscription justified by that perverted scripture , super leonem & aspidem — to shew their contempt of kings . dr. parry was encouraged to murther q. elizabeth from his holiness , by an express letter of the cardinal of como's extolling the design : and perron has celebrated the like pretences , to palliate the odium , or , at best , leaves it problematical ; when after all that the third estate had declared in abhorrence of it , and the parricide committed on the person of the french henry , he tells us , the doctrine which renders kings indeposable is a doctrine which opens a gap to no less then schism and heresie , and is wholly unnecessary , advising his auditors to submit to the judgment of the pope , as the onely moderator in the case ; and what that is , we have in part declar'd . woe be to that prince whom our holy father resigns to chastisement propter haeresin ; or that the eruditi & graves pronounce for a tyrant and burthensome to the state ; as pope bradshaw and his assessors not long since with us . would one think the action of jehoiada upon athaliah should be suborn'd to justifie a popish regicide ? but 't was done zelo matris ecclesiae , says tolet. i omit to speak of the decrees of the council of constance against this accursed doctrine , so worthily vindicated by our illustrious author , and of the practice as well as precept of our blessed lord himself , the apostles , primitive fathers , and the ages they liv'd in ; because they are written with the beams of the sun. and if tertullian had not long since assured us they wanted neither strength nor numbers , the duty of our obedience had been sufficiently described to teach us subjection to our princes , good or bad , 'till our modern * fathers did open the eyes of the superstitious world , forsooth , and obtained a brief of his holiness , by which subjects were dispens'd withall , ut servirent tempori — or until ( as our country-man explains it , ) they should have vires idoneas , sufficient force , which * ribadeneira styles christian prudence : for then , omnium catholicorum sententia , 't is universally agreed upon , that subjects are not onely to rebell against heretical princes , but are by divine precept , & conscientiae vinculo arctissimo , and under pain of damnation , obliged to it . that which i would evince is , the peril kings are in , who stop their ears to the trumpets which are daily sounded to alarm them against a sort of sycophants and roman pensionaries , who swarm in their courts and kingdoms , watching onely for this bloudy signal . let our own incomparable prince but consider , how often his dominions have been claim'd as feudataries to the holy see , and how difficult it would be to wrest it out of these harpyes talons , had they power equal to their will , or to the right they have so insolently forg'd . the king of england ( says bellarmine ) is a vassal to the bishop of rome ratione directi dominii . what can be more directly said to prove what i assert ? nay , and , as a learned prelate of ours well observes , masconius transferrs the title of fidei defensor to the pope also : though 't is well known , our princes have a right of more antiquity to it then any pope's donation , and that jure coronae ; as were easie to evince , though we admitted leo the xth to have prophesied that year , as his brother caiaphas had done before him . but this is fortified , say they , by the authority of the canonists , decretals , and , what is yet more formidable then all this , by the subjects and properties of a new obediential vow of an whole order of king-killers . let us produce a specimen or two , to shew with what secrecy and religion they proceed . the jesuite binet told casaubon at paris , that 't were better all the kings in christendom were kill'd , then that a confession should be reveal'd in which the life of a prince might be concern'd : and emanuel sà , that the confessor potest jurare se nihil scire , may swear and lie too , whatever he heard , rather then detect the villany of such a traitor : eodémque modo potest penitus jurare se nihil tale dixisse , &c. and upon this it is that bellarmine celebrates our garnet for his laudable obstinacy ; though the less-perverted monks of the other orders have made no scruple to reveal the treason , and prosecute the traitors to the gallows . i tremble almost to repeat the instance , but 't is his majestie 's grandfather of glorious memory who affirms it of them , that there was not long since a french jesuite so impudent as to assert , that if our blessed saviour jesus christ himself were now conversant on earth , passible and obnoxious to death , should any man confess to him that he design'd to murther him , he would suffer jesus christ to be kill'd , rather then reveal the confession . to this perron's reply is so impertinent and superficial , as one would even blush to see how he shuffles it over . the confessor ( says he ) needs not reveal the manner of his treason , 't is enough he give the king warning to take heed of himself . so , 't is reported , did the augurs to the great caesar ; but it prevented not one stab of the two and thirty : nor did their garnet so much as this , nor any one of those reverend fathers , that ever i could learn. but let us have a tast of their politicks . — caeso rege ingens sibi nomen fecit , says one of henry the third's murtherer ; and emanuel sà , clerici rebellio in regem non est crimen laesae majestatis , quia non est subditus regi , the rebellion of a church-man against his prince is no such thing as treason , for he is none of his subjects . an excellent argument to make kings in love with jesuites . but this is not all : summus pontifex ( says bellarmine ) clericos exemit à subjectione principum : plainly , non sunt ampliùs reges clericorum superiores , kings are no more their superiors ; so that upon the matter , how many priests and jesuites in a state , so many kings and emperors . who art thou ( speaking to princes ) that judgest another man's servant ? domino suo stat aut cadit , says the cardinal . and santarel goes farther yet ; papa sine concilio — the pope does in spite of a council depose an emperor ; quia papa & christi unum est tribunal , they are collegues in office : but which is more then bozius it seems allows , who speaking in the person of popes alone , says , per me reges — by me kings reing ; he may remove them , yea and mulct them too with death , not for heresie onely , but if they so much as favour it . i cannot affirm that all our roman catholicks are of this belief ; but then i can hardly call them roman catholicks ; indeed , ( my lord ) they are not through-pac'd . we see how barclay , watson , widdrington , sheldon , bekinsaw and others have been censur'd , hated and reproch'd for maintaining the contrary ; as of old the more loyal sorbonists , now sinking under this prodigious tyranny , to their everlasting reproch , as well as prejudice of the poor jansenists , who with the church of england are the onely confessors amongst all the christian professors now extant , that i could ever reade of or discover . and though one might instance in some few honest papists who were in times past of this opinion too ; yet when i seriously reflect how many are now-a-daies devoted to the jesuite , i am amaz'd to consider to what disloyal temptations they are expos'd , even by their very institution . indeed cardinal perron denounces severely against any who shall dare to perpetrate the crimes ; but in the same breath he ingenuously tells us , that he means it whilst they are kings , since being once excommunicated they are no more so , but become plebeians , or but wild beasts rather , made to be taken and destroy'd : and therefore that their new saint clement , who murthered henry the third , did not kill the king , because he was depos'd . which lesson was well took forth in our late holy warr at home , when they were by no means to kill the king , forsooth , but to shoot at charles stuart : for thus have all the malicious topics and devilish arguments been made use of by our late fanatics , as if this cardinal had inspir'd them : witness what they borrow of him from the prophet abias's deposing roboam ( as they call it , ) azarias's outing ozias , &c. bellarmin affirms that kings are not only subject to popes , but even to the most inferior deacons . we have a pack , my lord , amongst us , that would think themselves much injur'd to be call'd jesuites ; yet speaking of the consistorian discipline and power of eldership , are bold to say , — non hic excipitur episcopus , aut imperator : to omit the famous t. c. and the many others i could bring on the stage , suffragans of this doctrine , had we no worse experience of it . but it is not their passion for god , but for the world , which makes these men defend their interest by such pernicious consequences . adde to these the crue of anabaptists , and those other truculent champions of the fifth monarchy , who have improv'd their principles to that notorious height and danger , that god forbid their dominion should ever be founded in his majestie 's grace : for let us but examine what they teach , and what they have practis'd , from that infallible dictator in s. peter's chair , to the meanest sectarian ; their writings and their actions , from knipperdolling to venner , from pope hildebrand to pope henderson , are sufficiently instructive what princes are to expect . one would think the divine right of kings as superiors , obedience to governors , relative duty of subjects , and primitive example , had been so positively describ'd and secur'd by that admirable institution of christianity , that all who profess themselves of that belief , disciples of that religion , and who pretend so much to extraordinary illumination , ( from the fatal examples of the event of all rebellions since the very first defection of lucifer to this period of ours ) should be sufficiently convinc'd of their duty to kings as god's vice-gerents on earth , and of that irrefragable truth , that those who resist shall receive to themselves damnation . but since a sort of monsters there are , who neither believe moses nor the prophets , no nor god himself , who rose from the dead to assert and plant the doctrine of obedience to the civil magistrate , by the preaching of his holy apostles and their successors , till of late ; what moral confidence can a prince repose in the pretences of any who are thus sworn and addicted to their tenents ? i speak here as to the jesuites in particular , and to those who of late lay at his majestie 's feet , out of that religiou● pretence , the tenderness of conscience , without ever shewing either religion or conscience in any their actions or writings hitherto relating purely to his majestie 's interest , the church of england , or her friends , whiles the years of her most barbarous persecution continu'd ; but which if they had done , i would here turn apologist in their cause , and plead it with affection . but , say those of the church of rome , what is the disloyalty you lay to our charge ? name us the persons , and produce the instances . the answer is short : that whiles the doctrine of deposing kings , ( whatever is pretended , remembring that of charles the vth , vocem esse jacobi , manus autem esau ) abetted by so many late decrees of popes , remains uncondemn'd , there is reason sufficient for princes to be jealous of favouring a party who suck in those principles with their milk , as many of them at least as are alumni of the jesuites , and who by the papists own acknowledgment are not worthy to be consider'd , no , not as to exemption from the most rigorous of our laws against them . 't is the same author who frankly confesseth that f. parsons did most deservedly draw it upon that whole order , by his continual and intolerable practices against the crown'd heads of this nation ; from whence he inferrs , that neither can his majestie be safe , for reasons unanswerable to any that shall take the pains but to survey their tenents , and the voluntary obligation into which they have precipitated themselves , slaves to the pope as they are , and to that theological bawd , the doctrine of probability . but would they now cut off this objection at once , and give just satisfaction to the charge , ( as , most assured i am , divers of his majestie 's loyal subjects , of their persuasion in many other things , earnestly contend for , though with the sacrifice of that whole pragmatical order , which thus has set the world in combustion ) let them , and the intire party , subscribe to all doctrines which deny the pope's authority of deposing kings , and releasing subjects from their oaths of allegiance ; and let the pope himself approve it , and cause an index expurgatorius to be made of all those authors we have enumerated , and the books that more lately maintain and favour it : since even all this were little enough to secure his majestie from too just apprehension , whiles that sacrilegious thesis , asserting the pope's dominion over temporals , and infallibility , ( even extra generale concilium ) is yet publickly cherish'd , which enables him to rescind all this in a moment , and absolve to morrow what he obliges to day , and make that to pass for the undoubted word of god , which is in truth the very doctrine of devils . for if ( as a most pious and learned prelate of our church has explain'd it ) truly and ex animo they are otherwise affected , they should doe well to unsay what hath been said , and declare themselves by publick authority against such doctrines , and say whether or no their determinations shall be de fide. if they be , then all those famous catholick doctors , tho. aquinas , bellarmine , creswel , mariana , emanuel sà , &c. are hereticks , and their canons teach heresie , and many of their popes to be condemned as heretical , for practising and teaching deposition of princes by an authority usurped against , and in prejudice of , the christian faith. but if their answers be not de fide , then they had as good say nothing ; for the danger is not at all decreased : because if there be doctors on both sides , by their own * assertion they may without sin follow either ; but yet more safely , if they follow the most receiv'd and the most authoriz'd : and whither this rule will lead them , i will be judged by any man that hath consider'd the premisses : briefly , either this thing must remain in the same state it is , and our princes be still expos'd to so extreme hazards : or else let his holiness seat himself in his chair , condemn these doctrines , vow against their future practice , limit his ordo ad spiritualia , contain himself within the limits of causes directly and merely ecclesiastical , disclaim all power so much as indirect over princes temporals ; and all this with an intent to oblige all christendom . which when i see done , i shall be most ready to believe , that nothing in popery doth either directly , or by necessary consequence , destroy loyalty to our lawfull prince ; but not till then , having so much evidence to the contrary . thus far this reverend prelate . and that this is likewise the sense and ( as i affirmed ) earnest desire of all the honest men of the romish church , is most convincingly , as well as boldly and loyally , asserted by that learned remonstrant * r. carron ; whose vindication of what i here produce against the jesuites and other popish errors ( that * zizania ( as he truly styles it ) of infallibility , &c. the subject of the ensuing treatise ) i find publish'd since this preface was finish'd : and i heartily wish it may produce an effect sutable to the attempt of that candid and ingenuous person ; that so , though we have many other failings to charge them withall , they may yet lessen by degrees , and as god shall please to enlighten them , till we come to a perfect and consummate reconciliation . in the mean time , with what forehead , my lord , can this faction cry out against us as cruel , or at our sanctions as unjust , whilst his sacred majestie has a faculty commensurate to his piety , and a prerogative which can gratifie his merciful nature , without reversing what his predecessors have enacted , who reign'd in such prosperity , not so much because they executed the penalties , as for that they had the power to doe it , and did use it prudently : and i confess i was infinitely pleas'd to find it avow'd by a romanist , that they were themselves the occasion of those sanguinary laws , ( as they would brand them ) and to justifie them too , as the forecited author has most ingenuously acknowledged . and how indeed can that party exclaim against his majestie or his laws , accusing the regulars as the persons culpable , and the seculars as the persons accidentally and for their sakes onely obnoxious and punish'd , whose demerits were the cause ? it is for these therefore , my lord , i would sooner plead for mercy , and in earnest i wish it might consist with the wisdom of the legislative power to state a difference between them . but we have already described the expedient : let them first renounce their dangerous opinions , by some such publick , irreversible and authentick act , as may totally cancel the just presumption which lies at their doors , and at once remove that intolerable scandal which the world does universally charge them withall , and which even one of their own acknowledges to be their due , after a thousand notorious examples , proprium esse ecclesiae , odisse caesares , that popes have even a natural antipathy to kings . it is the reverse ( my lord ) of these doctrines , and of all those fatal images of jesuitical disloyalty , for which the church of england alone will have the honour to be deservedly celebrated to posterity . and if his majestie do not love and cherish her above all the churches and professions under heaven , a church which has so constantly maintained a truth so ancient , so pure , and so obliging to kings , even in the sense and interpretation of her very adversaries , who have the least grain of true illumination and ingenuity ; the miracle of his and her stupendious restauration will rise up in judgment against us . but he has already done it to his eternal renown ; and i have no more to adde , but that god almighty would still maintain what he has so signally wrought amongst us . and for those heroick assertors of what not onely concerns the french kings , but indeed all the crown'd heads of christendome besides ; mine option and augure is , that , as god gave aegypt to the king of babylon for his hire and reward in having chastiz'd those wicked nations he was angry with ; so it may please him to give these sincere defenders of jansenius , and other truths , in opposition to the errors of the roman court , the light ( in fine ) of his divine truth , and to emerge out of that aegyptian darkness in which the rest are so miserably involv'd . these , with my prayers for your lordship 's consummate felicity are the votes of , my lord , " your honour's most obedient and most obliged servant . the pernicious consequences of the new heresie of the iesuites against the king and the state . advice to the reader . this treatise being written two years since , and several copies thereof dispers'd among divers persons of condition ; it was deemed the conjuncture of the present affairs might render the publication of it necessary for the benefit both of the church and the state : but it is thought fit to advertise , that the author of this piece having made use in it of some memoires concerning infallibility , which he had before prepar'd ; these notes happening to fall into the hands of a person of small iudgment , he caused them to be printed under the title of a defence of the liberties of the gallican church , &c. adding of himself a great many impertinent and indiscreet particulars , which have exceedingly disfigur'd these memoires . it does not suffice that our divines have represented to the church the exorbitances of the new heresie of the iesuites in what concerns religion and the honour of god , to whom they would equal a mortal man by a most sacrilegious impiety ; the faithful servants of the king find themselves oblig'd likewise to elevate their voices , and to represent those pernicious consequences as to what regards the safety of his sacred person , and the good of his estate . the apostle s. peter establishes for the two principal parts of piety , the fear of god , and the honour which is due to kings : deum timete , regem honorificate . if these divines have satisfied the first of these obligations , by the just aversion they have stirr'd up in all pious persons to the pernicious adulation of the iesuites , which they have discover'd to be no less then a kind of idolatry : it were but reasonable that others should satisfie the second , by inspiring all those who bear any love or affection to their king , with the horrour which they ought to have of a doctrine which may prove to funest to his person , and is in danger of ravishing from him the most august and supreme quality that he has receiv'd from god , which is to depend on him alone in temporals , and to be independent of all other powers upon the face of the earth . true it is , that his majesty has already been advertis'd of it , and has clearly perceiv'd by that light and vivacity of spirit which all europe admires in a prince so young , of what pernicious consequence this novel doctrine was which they would introduce into his state , and the advantage which they might take to establish their pretensions , who design nothing more then to reach the heads of kings , and even subject them in temporals . it were fit therefore that all the world knew as much , that those who are not sensibly touch'd with the prospect of an error so prejudicial to religion , ( as falsly imagining it to concern the divines onely ) may at least be affected with the consideration of the prejudice which it may bring to the state , and to the sacred and inviolable rights of the crowns of our kings . but since the address which has been made use of by the partisans of those corrupt opinions has been to infuse it into the minds of the people masked under the vizor of religion and respect to the pope , and to decry the opposers of it as enemies to the holy see ; it is necessary we should defeat their artifice by discovering it to the world , and by teaching them to distinguish ( as our fathers have done before us ) the apostolical see from the court politick of rome , which are things totally different : for that which we are to understand by the apostolical seat is , that spiritual authority of the head of the church which iesus christ gave to s. peter , residing in the pope , and which all christians are oblig'd to acknowledge and reverence , by an inseparable union with it , as the very center of the communion of the church . but the court politick of rome is nothing else but that swarm of courtiers who are about the pope's person to advance their fortunes , and thrust themselves into church-dignities ; and the person of popes consider'd not as popes , but as men , who being as obnoxious as others to their ambition and other humane passions , suffer themselves to be often transported by the adulation of their courtiers , to attribute to themselves , without reason , rights and prerogatives which god never gave them , and that are equally prejudicial to the sovereignty of kings , the repose of the people , the tranquillity of the church , the good of the catholick religion , and , in fine , to the true and solid grandeur of the holy see it self . in this sense it is we shall speak of the court of rome in the present treatise , as so many great persons and saints have already done , by opposing themselves to their unjust pretensions , without at all thinking they did thereby in the least violate the respect which they ow'd the pope as head of the church ; to which they , on the contrary , believ'd these opinions must needs be most disadvantageous . and we have so much the more liberty to doe it now , since the moderation of the present incumbent speaks him very far from these ambitious thoughts . now amongst all these illegitimate usurpations of the court of rome thus considered , there has none of them proved more funest to christian princes , the church , and even to popes themselves , then that by which some of them have been transported to domineer over kings , to make themselves their superiours and judges in the administration of their kingdoms , and by pretending of a right , when they fansied it for the cause of religion , to depose them of their empires , and give their estates to others , or to abandon them to the first usurper who had power to make himself master . it 's impossible to describe those horrid confusions which this pretence of theirs hath brought forth in italy and in germany for so many ages together , the warrs it has kindled , the bloud it has made to be spilt , the provinces it has rendred desolate , the cities it has ruin'd , the scandals and disorders which it has filled the church with : but one of its worst effects is , that it has render'd the holy see ( which should as well be the centre of the love of catholicks , as of the unity of the church ) odious both to kings and people , by making them to look upon the vicar of iesus christ not as a common father , full of tenderness for all his children ; but as a temporal prince , that would trample all other princes under his feet , and render himself absolute master of all the kingdomes of the earth . this is one of the main causes which has made so many people revolt against the church of rome , and the most usual pretence which they have taken to hinder many christians from paying that observance to popes which they are oblig'd to render them , by confounding it with these odious excuses . for having once anticipated the people with this erroneous opinion , that one could not acknowledge in the pope that real authority which iesus christ has given him , without owning that also which these sycophants attribute to him over temporals and states ; they have by an hateful schism kept them from acknowledging the pope as head of the church , for fear lest they should be bound likewise to own him for their king and master . it concerns the church therefore to take away this color from schism , which is the greatest of all mischiefs , by separating the spiritual power of the sovereign bishop , as it has been instituted by iesus christ , and acknowledg'd by all catholicks , from this false and exorbitant power , which ambition and flattery would adde to it , repugnant to the spirit of iesus christ and the doctrine of the apostles . and therefore we must needs confess , that the zeal of the parliaments of france for the maintenance of the sovereignty of kings against the enterprises of those who , subverting the order of god , would have it to depend upon this spiritual jurisdiction , is no less advantageous to the church then to the state ; and that , on the other part , there is nothing more prejudicial to them both , then that low and fleshly prudence of these theologues , who think to exalt the divine grandeur of the prime minister of the new law , which wholly consists in the love to eternal good things , and in the despising of the things of this world , by secular and temporal advantages which god did never annex to him ; or that seek to enlarge their fortunes by this pretended zeal for the enlargement of the authority of the pope . 't is known to the whole world , that the iesuites have within these hundred years been the chief defenders of these ambitious pretences , and that their society has employ'd the most renown'd of its writers to disseminate this doctrine every-where : it is this which has been taught by (a) iohn mariana , (b) gregorie de valentia , (c) alphonsus salmeron , (d) ludovicus richome , (e) louys molina , (f) robert bellarmine , (g) iohannes osorius , (h) carolus scribanius , (i) andrew eudemon , (k) iohannes azor , (l) robert parsons , (m) francis suarez , (n) gabriel vasquez , (o) leonardus lessius , (p) iacobus gretserus , (q) martinus becanus , (r) antonius santarellus , (s) vincentius filiutius , (t) stephen bauny , &c. on the contrary , it is well known what extraordinary care the parliaments of paris and the universities of france have taken to repress the authors of these pernicious opinions ; the one by their arrests , and the other by their censures . it 's above an hundred years since , that the parliament of paris gave a famous arrest upon this subject , the 4 of december , 1561. against a certain bachelour in divinity , who had put it into his thesis , that it was in the power of the pope to excommunicate kings , to give away their kingdoms , and to absolve their subjects of their oath of allegiance and fidelity . this proposition was declar'd seditious ; the bachelour being not to be found , it was order'd that the bedel of the sorbon vested in a red hood should disavow it before a president of the court , and the chief of the faculty of divinity ; and that during four years space there should no publick disputation be permitted in the college where it was defended . this whole affair is twice told us in the bibliothec du droit , under the words interdictions , p. 4478. and effigies , p. 1110. and bouchel , who is the author of this bibliotheca , in reciting of this history adds this remark ; the plain truth is , that within these fifty years past there is come a certain new sect to be planted amongst us , called by the name of jesuites , who maintain propositions quite contrary to ours , to the very ruine of the state. the same parliament testifies its zeal for the interests of the king and crown upon several other occasions ; as when it condemn'd to the fire the 8 of iune 1610. the book of the iesuite mariana , intituled , de rege & regis institutione ; and that after the same manner iū . 26. 1614. it treated that of suarez , intitul'd , defensio fidei catholicae . but there was never any thing more celebrious upon this subject then that which pass'd 1626. in the censure of santarel . this iesuite had written a book of heresie , schism , apostasie , &c. printed at rome 1625. permissu superiorum , in which ( following the common sentiments of his society ) he taught , that the pope might punish kings and princes with temporal pains , depose and deprive them of their kingdoms and states for the crime of heresie , and for other causes ; as when they were culpable of any fault , if he find it expedient ; when they become negligent of their duties ; when they are incapable to govern , and their persons burthensome to their kingdoms : he adds , that the apostles were not subject to the secular princes but de facto onely , not de jure ; and in summe , that since the pontifical majesty had been establish'd , all other potentates were become but his vassals . so soon as ever this book appear'd in france , the sorbon , knowing that the doctrine was invented and publish'd for the universal destruction of civil polity , and particularly the monarchy of france , which was at that time governed by the most christian , most clement and just king lewis the xiiith , that in treading the steps of their ancestors , she might testifie her zeal and affection as well towards this religious prince , as towards the whole most christian kingdom , and at the same time satisfie that which all honest men requir'd of her ; resolv'd to examine the two chapters of this book of santarel , 30 , and 31 , where this matter was treated of : and on the 1 of april 1626. having first heard the deputies report , and consider'd the several opinions of all the doctors , she condemn'd the positions ( being the common opinion of the iesuites ) for a novel , false and erroneous doctrine , repugnant to the word of god , and that renders odious the dignity of the pope , opens a gap to all schism , derogates from the supreme authority of kings , ( which depends on god alone ) disturbs the publick tranquillity , tends to the ruine of kingdoms , states and republicks , debauches subjects from that obedience and submission due to their sovereigns , inciting them to factions , rebellions , seditions , in summe , to commit parricides against the persons of their natural princes . this censure approved by the whole body of the university of paris , and the rest of the universitics of france , was authoriz'd also by a famous decree of parliament of the 13. march 1626. which declared the propositions contain'd in this book of santarel false , scandalous and seditious , as tending to the subversion of sovereign powers , ordain'd and establish'd by god , and to the stirring up of subjects against their princes , withdrawing their obedience , inducing them to attempt against their persons and states , disturbing of the publick peace ; and order'd that the book should be torn and burnt , and that the iesuites should be oblig'd to disavow and detest it , and to approve the censure of the sorbon . this vigorous resistence of the parliament and sorbon has of late render'd the iesuites a little more reserv'd in producing to the world this pernicious doctrine . but as they never abandon what they have once undertaken , they have invented a way of establishing it after a more dextrous , but more dangerous , manner : for daring no more to propose it grossly and in terminis , they work more subtily to introduce the principles on which it depends by necessary consequence ; wisely judging , that if once by their artifice they can but deceive the vigilancy of our magistrates and the sorbon , they shall easily make the people swallow it when-ever they please , and that as a truth indubitable , which they will shew by a necessary consequence from what they have already made pass for a most catholick verity . this is that which the iesuites have done in maintaining that famous thesis of the 12 december 1661 ▪ as a catholick truth repugnant to the greek heresie concerning the primacy of the pope , namely , that jesus christ hath given to all popes ( whenever they shall speak è cathedra ) the same infallibility himself had , as well in matters of right , as in those of fact. and that we might not imagine there were any great mystery in this condition , when they should speak out of their chair , cùm loquerentur ex cathedra , they expresly declare , that this condition does not concern the pope's speaking in the head of a general council : and in proposing for example , for one constitution made ex cathedra , the two constitutions on the five propositions , they give us clearly to understand , that they do not pretend , that to the end the pope should speak from his chair , it were necessary for him to assemble so much as a council of the bishops of his province , as the other popes did ; or that he should consult the college of cardinals , as they have since done , ( enterprising nothing ( how inconsiderable soever ) but by the advice of their brethren , de consilio fratrum ; ) but that 't is sufficient for him to speak in his bulls , or from the constitutions and decrees which use to be pasted up on the gates of s. peter and in campo de fiori ; this being the onely solemnity which at rome they pretend does render them sufficiently authentick , and that without so much as thinking it necessary they should be receiv'd and publish'd in the provinces . see now to what a height the iesuites pretensions are come . all that the popes say in their bulls and constitutions , as well on matters and questions of fact as those of right , is to be look'd on as indubitably true as if iesus christ had himself avow'd it ; the pope's infallibility being still the same , ( according to their reckoning ) on these occasions and incounters , as that of the son of god himself . now how little so ever one knows of the fundamentals of santarellism , that is to say , of the doctrine which affirms the pope has power to depose kings , it must needs be acknowledged that it is establish'd by this thesis of the iesuites , and that it is after a sort made more pernicious and criminal then ever it has hitherto been . for the defenders of this doctrine , so prejudicial to kings , were contented to establish this temporal power in popes , by shewing that they themselves did attribute it to themselves by several bulls and decrees ; and that so we were bound to believe them , as being infallible in matters concerning faith. but there was none of them that yet durst deny but that popes might fail and be mistaken in the exercise of this power , because none of them did ever think them infallible in questions which concern'd the fact ; whereas the iesuites now presume on both : they render popes absolutely masters of kings , in attributing to them ( who by so many bulls have defin'd their superiority over the temporalty of kings ) the very same infallibility with iesus christ , even in matters of right ; so as they leave a king whom a pope had deposed no place of appeal , or so much as to complain that the pope might be mistaken in the matter of fact , upon which they had judged him worthy of so severe a punishment : since by this new doctrine of the college of clermont he is equally infallible , whether he judge in general , that he has this power to depose kings , which is the question de jure ; or in particular , that such a king merits to be so us'd , which is the question de facto . we must therefore clear these two points ; one , that the infallibility of the pope in matters of right is , according to the iesuites , the establishment of his power over kings ; the other , that his infallibility in matters of fact takes away all means from the kings they please to depose , to complain of so rigorous a sentence . for the first , 't is an easie matter to convince all the world of it : nor ought we to imagine it a consequence held onely by those who profess themselves enemies to the iesuites doctrine , and which the iesuites disavow ; 't is a consequence which they themselves derive from it , which they every-where acknowledge must needs follow , and which does so indeed naturally and of necessity . for popes ( as iesuites themselves have learn'd us , ) have so many waies decided that they have power to degrade kings , and dispose of their kingdoms when-ever they judge it for the interest of religion ; that if to be catholick one is oblig'd to consider all that popes say in their chair , that is , by their bulls , as decisions of infallible authority , and oracles pronounc'd even by christ himself , kings , their ministers and parliaments , must either renounce the quality of catholick , or else tamely acknowledge that kings are sovereigns independent in respect of their own subjects and other princes , but nothing so in regard of the pope , but that he has power to make them descend from their throne , and to resolve them into their simple originals ; so as exercising a royalty superiour to theirs , it may be said of his empire as an heathen poet said of that of god , omne sub regno graviore regnum est . all this is an infallible consequent of infallibility , as the iesuites well prove . for who can chuse but believe that popes have the power to depose kings , if once he be persuaded that their decisions are so many articles of faith ; when it shall be shew'd him that gregory the viith has decided it in express terms in a council held at rome , anno 1067 , according to onuphrius , baronius , and all the iesuites , quòd papae liceat imperatores deponere ; quòd à fidelitate iniquorum subditos potest absolvere ? whence (a) lessius the iesuite concludes ( supposing the principle of infallibility ) that this doctrine is no problematick doctrine , but a constant truth , not to be deny'd without violation of our very faith. we must absolutely believe ( says he ) that this doctrine ( viz. that the pope may depose kings , ) is an undoubted truth , and not such as we may believe what we please of ; but such an one as is intirely certain , not to be contradicted without wounding our faith. and this i prove , first , because these propositions are defin'd in proper terms in the roman synod under gregory the viith , where it is affirm'd , that the pope may depose emperours , and absolve the subjects of wicked princes from their oath of allegiance and fidelity . now a definition made by a pope in council is matter of faith. this is clear now without mincing , nor can it be more expresly declar'd that the power to depose kings is a necessary consequent of infallibility ; so as those iesuites must needs be very impudent who shall after this dare to affirm , that they are their enemies who derive this sequel from their doctrine . the iesuite cardinal (b) bellarmine , under the feign'd name of sculkenius , writing against widrington , proves in the same manner by this gregorian decree , that the pope's superiority over kings is an article of faith , 't is an heresie ( saies he ) to affirm that the pope , as pope , and ex jure divino , has not the power to depose secular princes of their states , as oft as the publick good or some urgent necessity of the church does require it . i prove this conclusion . an opinion becomes heretical when its contradictory is de fide : but it is de fide that the pope has power to depose princes ; since it has been defin'd and concluded by gregory the viith in a roman council , where it saies expresly , that the pope may depose an emperour . now who can deny this conclusion that holds but the principle , which is , that what has been defin'd and concluded by a pope is de fide ? is not this argument of the cardinal invincible , supposing the maxime to be true ? by consequent then , who can doubt but that , according to the iesuites opinion and the truth it self , the power of deposing kings is in the pope a certain consequence of his infallibility ? the same gregory the viith has so often decided the same point , that no man questions his pretence of making it an article of faith ; as may yet be seen in the bull of the deposition of the emperor henry the ivth , made likewise in council , where , addressing his speech to s. peter and s. paul , he thus expostulates . now therefore exert and vindicate your power , o great and most holy princes of the apostles , that all the world may take notice and acknowledg , that if you can bind and loose in heaven , you can also on earth dispose of empires , of kingdoms , principalities and marquisates , in summe , of all mens goods and fortunes whatsoever , by taking them away from those who deserve them not , and by bestowing them on others . — for if you judge things spiritual , shall we believe you have not the power to judge of temporal and secular ? let all the kings and princes of the age learn what your grandeur is and your power , and not dare to despise the commandments of your church : and be sure to leave such prompt and lasting marks in the judgment which you exercise against henry , that his ruine be not attributed to the fate of arms or fortuitous accidents of war , but to your sole and almighty power . in consequence of this he denounc'd to the emperor , as from god , that he should never win battel . but if popes are infallible according to the iesuites in actions past , 't is certain , at least , that they are not in those which are to come . for never did prince gain so many , remaining victor in more then 50 pitch'd battels , and having at the very first slain the person whom his holiness had design'd to make emperor in his place . i could recount a number more of passages relating to the same pope , where he argues for the same doctrine , as visibly founded in the scripture , and annex'd to the papal dignity . for 't is not imaginable that he should pretend onely this right over emperors , because the popes had so much contributed to the re-establishment of the western empire . on the contrary , 't is perspicuous that his pretence was over all kings , and that it was built on that supposition of his , viz. that the power of the keys contain'd in it the temporal superiority , which made him set upon the crown he sent to rodulphus , usurper of the empire , this latin verse , petra dedit petro , petrus diadema rodulpho . to shew that he believ'd he had power to dispose of kingdoms by a right pretended to be given s. peter by iesus christ himself . 't is likewise on the same basis he threatned alphonsus king of arragon , to stir up his subjects against him , if he gave him not speedy satisfaction concerning a certain affair : as , according to cardinal bellarmine , he brav'd philip the i st king of france , to shew that he exempted none . but nothing does so evidently discover that one cannot acknowledge the pope to be infallible , but that at the same moment we must acknowledge him likewise above kings in temporals , as that famous decision of pope boniface the viiith has done in the bull unam sanctam , approv'd by leo the xth in the council of lateran ; and the use which the favourers of the roman court make of this bull to establish its pretensions . there this pope defines , that both the one and the other sword appertains to the church , and to the pope : that the temporal sword is subordinate to the spiritual , and the temporal authority to the authority spiritual : that if this spiritual power deviate from the right , it must be judg'd by the spiritual authority : that this power was bestow'd on s. peter and his successors : and that whoever resists this subordination of power , resists order , in establishing two principles like the manichees . whence he concludes , that it is necessary to salvation , that every humane power should submit it self to the bishop of rome . cardinal bellarmine , a iesuite , in his book against barclay concerning the power of the pope , proves by this bull , that kings are subject to the pope in temporals ; and this doctrine is certain and most indubitable . now that it is ( saies he ) a thing constant and evident , that the sovereign bishop may for just causes be iudge of temporals , and sometimes depose temporal princes , we prove by the extravagant unam sanctam de majoritate & obedientia , which shews us that sword is subordinate to sword ; that is , that the temporal authority is below the spiritual : and that if the temporal neglect his duty , it shall be judged by the spiritual . and for fear it should be objected , that clement the vth seems to have revok'd this bull by the extravagant meruit de privilegiis ; he prevents the objection by saying , that clement the v●h did not revoke the bull of pope boniface , but advertis'd onely that this bull of boniface had defin'd nothing new , and had onely reviv'd the ancient obligation which men have to obey and submit themselves to the apostolicall see , in the manner he had before declar'd , and which this bull does observe ; that is to say , as well in temporal things as spiritual . alexander carrerius of pavia , in a book intituled de potestate primi pontificis adversus impios politicos , of the power of the sovereign bishop against the impious politicians , ( which is the name he gives to the french , and particularly the parliament , ) proves by the same bull , that the superiority over kings in temporals is an article of faith. this power of the pope ( saies he ) over the temporals of kings is confirm'd by the testimony of jeremiah ; see i have this day set thee over the nations and kingdoms to pull down and to destroy , &c. as 't is also decided by the extravagant unam sanctam ; where 't is said , that if the temporal power deviate from the right , it shall be judged by the spiritual , declaring that every humane creature is subject to the bishop of rome , and that this is necessary to salvation . therefore boniface writ to philip king of france in these terms : know that you are subordinate to us both in the temporal and spiritual ; and we do hold and declare them hereticks who maintain the contrary . for there are three marks whereby to distinguish matters of faith. the first is , when the decrees of a synod are couched in these terms , if any one affirm such or such a thing , let him be accursed . the second , when it saies that those who maintain the contrary shall be excommunicate ipso facto . and the third , when those of the contrary opinion are reputed and held for hereticks . in fine , cardinal baronius having in a certain place mentioned the very bull , concludes , that none do deny this determination of boniface , unless such as are excluded from the church : haec bonifacius , saies he , cui assentiuntur omnes nisi qui ab ecclesia excidit . and very well argu'd it were , if to be a member of the catholick church it were necessary to believe the pope infallible ; since there is nothing more trifling and absurd then those subterfuges which some authors retire to , to put themselves under covert from this bull , because they would fain support the pope's infallibility , but dare not maintain his temporal sovereignty in france . the chief of these is doctour duval , who , in his treatise of the power of the pope , avows that boniface the eighth did establish his superiority over the temporalty of kings through the whole body of his bull ; but saies , that in all the bulls there is nothing save the conclusion which is of faith , and that the conclusion of this in particular imports onely , that every creature is subject to the pope : which is true ( saies he ) as it relates to spirituals . certainly , if the authority of kings had need of so pitiful a reply , one would conclude it built on a very weak foundation , nullas habet spes troja , si tales habet . for what appearance of reason is there in this learned doctor 's solution ? 1. how does he pretend we should believe that a pope , who makes a bull onely to establish his superiority over temporals , ( which is the thing contested , and not over the spirituals , which no body does dispute ) and that he who speaks throughout his whole bull of this superiority in temporals , should in the last line form a conclusion different from the principles which he has establish'd , and that we are onely to regard this last line ? 2. the word subesse indifferently signifying a subjection in temporals as well as in spirituals , is it not clearly express'd and determin'd to temporals by all that precedes it ? 3. how shall we ever comprehend what a bull means but by the way it was then understood when it was made , as well by those who oppos'd it , as those who defended it ? and do not we know the troubles which then disturb'd all france and the church caus'd by this pretence of the pope , maintain'd by his partisans , and contested by all the french ? 4. in fine , has not boniface himself explain'd his own words by another bull shorter then this , which he sent to king philip in these terms , scire te volumus , quòd in spiritualibus & in temporalibus nobis subes ; aliud credentes , haereticos deputamus ? whence carrerius , as we have already seen , concludes well , ( supposing the pope infallible ) that those who disagree concerning the pope's superiority over the temporals of kings are hereticks . and the french of those times , without amusing themselves with monsieur duval's sophistry , answered after another manner , and sufficiently testified , that the opinion of infallibility was not so much as known in france . see an act of the whole kingdom against these bulls of boniface viiith , as 't is inserted in the first tome of the liberties of the gallican church . of you , sir , our most noble lord , by the grace of god king of france , the people of your kingdom supplicate and desire , ( because it behoves them so to doe ) that you preserve the sovereign freedom of your kingdom , which is , that you own and acknowledge no sovereign on the earth over your temporals , but god alone ; and that you give all the world to understand , that pope boniface does manifestly erre , and commit a most notorious mortal sin , in sending you word by his letters and bulls , that himself was sovereign of your temporals , &c. and those who should believe the contrary , he esteem'd as hereticks . also that you cause to be declared , that we are bound to hold the pope himself an heretick , and not you , good king , and all the liege people of your kingdom , who have ever believed and do believe the contrary . the same protestation is to be seen in several acts inserted in that collection which mons. du puy has made of the difference between king philip the fair and pope boniface ; where you 'l see how pope boniface's bulls were then explain'd , and what was the opinion of france touching infallibility . 't is in vain to strive to make any other replies to these kind of popes decrees , then such as the french of that age did before us . for as there 's nothing to which the court of rome aspires with greater passion then to this temporal empire ; so neither is there any thing which the popes have establish'd with so much industry . cardinal bellarmine summs up no less then 18 since gregory the viith to our times , who manifestly attributed to themselves this right ( as they call'd it ) of deposing kings , and chastising them temporally , even to the privation of their states ; viz. victor the iii d , urban the ii d , paschal the ii d , gelasius the ii d , calixtus the ii d , alexander the iii d , innocentius the iii d , honorius the iii d , gregory the ixth , innocent the ivth , boniface the viiith , clement the vith , paul the ii d , iulius the ii d , paeul the iii d , pius the vth , gregory the xiiith , and sixtus the vth . he counts to 16 or 17 kings and emperours against whom popes have pretended this right of sovereignty as a debt due to them ; amongst which there are 5 french kings , philip the i st , philip the fair , lewis the xiith , henry the iii d , and henry the ivth . baronius mentions also the excommunication of a world of germans , who are not yet well agreed concerning the pope's power : by which it appears that they alwaies pretended to make it an heresie when at any time they were the strongest party . nor is there any thing more frequent in these bulls then their menacing kings and princes to deprive them of their states , in case of disobedience . which universally betraies that passion which the court of rome has to infuse this belief into the minds of the people . but if one could forget those other enterprises of rome against our kings , which are founded upon this pretented superiority , as this superiority is upon infallibility , since france has so universally hindred their effects ; yet we cannot but remember that which made us lose navarre , because the wound is yet bleeding . ferdinand had no other pretext to swallow it up from iohn d' albret , great-grandfather to henry the great , besides a bull which he obtain'd of iulius the ii d against the king and queen of navarre , importing privation of their kingdom for having assisted lewis the xiith , whom it call'd schismatick , and as having denied passage to the army which ferdinand king of arragon would have sent into france to assist the king of england in the conquest of guienne . i know very well that cardinal du perron , to render this doctrine of the power of popes over the temporals of kings less odious to the french , tells us , that the real cause of the loss of the kingdom of navarre was the breach of the alliance which the king of navarre had with ferdinand king of arragon , which ferdinand pretended to have been establish'd on condition , that if the kings of navarre should violate it , the kingdom of navarre should again revert to the spaniards , who had render'd it by deed in writing to the race of albret ; and that pope iulius's excommunication was neither the true cause , nor real pretence , but a certain tail of a pretence , which though ferdinand had made no use of , he had notwithstanding pretended that the kingdom of navarre appertain'd to him , and consequently possess'd it . but i know as well too , that there is nothing worse founded then this answer , as mons. du puy has made appear by most invincible proofs in his treatise of the right of the king to the kingdom of navarre . for he does there prove by the spanish historians themselves , that ferdinand during the usurpation , and whiles he liv'd , had onely the title by the pope's excommunication to justifie his arms. he shews how ferdinand having swallow'd up this kingdom 1512 , and being press'd by the king of navarre 1513 to doe him reason , defended his possession by no other right but by that of the excommunication ; and that in the two most authentick acts on this subject , one whereof is the will and testament of ferdinand , by which he bequeaths the kingdom of navarre to his daughter iane queen of castile , and the other of the union of that kingdom to that of castile , it is expresly signified , that iohn d' albret and catharine his wife had been depriv'd of it by the pope , for having adher'd to the schism of the french kings against pope iulius the ii d ; and that the pope had given him this kingdom to dispose of as he pleas'd . i omit the other proofs . which sufficiently shews that the pope's bull was no tail of pretext , but indeed the onely and sole pretence of that unjust usurpation which continues to this very day . in the second place , there is nothing more absurd then to say that the spaniards had never rendred the kingdom of navarre to the race of albret , but with this written caution , that if their successors should violate the alliance , the kingdom should revert to the spaniards . for iean d' albret ( on whom was the usurpation ) was the first of albret's race who possess'd the kingdom . how then could it be said that the spaniards had render'd it to albret's race , who before never enjoy'd it ? and supposing we did take the word render'd for given ; it is no less false that the spaniards ( were they of arragon , or castile ) gave this kingdom to the race of albret , who in no sort held it of the spaniards but by the marriage of catharine , who succeeded king francis phoebus his brother , and francis phoebus to elianor his grandmother , wife of gastion de foix , and sole superviving daughter of blanch queen of navarre , which lady had espous'd iohn king of arragon the father of ferdinand , who being born of another venter had nothing to doe with navarre : so as this pretended caution can be no other then a mere impertinent fable without any foundation , since the spaniards having neither render'd nor given the kingdom of navarre to the race of albret , they could never appose any caution or condition either in rendring or bestowing it . thirdly , the spaniards themselves could never yet produce any treaty of alliance between the kings of arragon and those of navarre where this condition was appos'd : though , besides all this , it be beyond the power of kings to annex any such condition , since they are not so masters of their kingdoms , as to transfer them to any others then those who are their legitimate successors . fourthly , in fine , 't is plainly false that ever iohn d' albret broke any alliance with ferdinand ; but , on the contrary , ferdinand it was who invaded navarre in the month of iuly anno 1512 , and who made himself master of pampelona , the capital city of that state , before there were any french in navarre ; which compell'd iohn d' albret to throw himself into the arms of lewis the xiith , with whom he was before but in ill intelligence , to endeavour to maintain himself against this unjust usurper , who four months before this treaty of iohn d' albret with lewis had obtain'd a bull of excommunication of the pope against the king of navarre , as falsly representing , that being joyn'd with the king of france excommunicated by the holy see , he deny'd the english free passage to enter into guienne . it is therefore evident that it is onely this pretended power which the flatterers of the pope have of late ages attributed to him , to dispossess kings , and make donations of their kingdoms to him that can obtain them , which has cost our kings the kingdom of navarre ; since ferdinand had but this pretence onely to invade it ; and all that the spaniards would add to it since , was never so much as in their heads , because it was out of all probability . and it is still true , that this right is annex'd ( by all those who defend it ) to this infallibility . we see likewise that ever since this , popes have alwaies favour'd the usurpation of navarre , as a mark of the power which they pretend to have for the deposing of kings . this is evident by their shunning as much as possible the qualifying our king with the title of the king of navarre ; as in the bulls of barberin's legation 1625 , wherein the king being but simply styl'd king of france , it was ordain'd by parliament , that it should be declar'd by the pope , that the quality of the king of navarre had been omitted by inadvertency in the said bulls , and that till that were rectified the arrest of verification should not be delivered , and the bulls continue without execution in france . but what they could not then obtain by the wise resistence of the parliament , they have now found an expedient to obtain by the credit which the iesuites have at court : for finding they had there wrought so great an aversion against the iansenists , that there was nothing more desir'd then their condemnation ; they believ'd they could make it be purchased with the loss of the quality of king of navarre : nor were they at all mistaken in their expectation . for pope innocent the xth address'd his bull to the king by a breve , wherein he onely styles him king of france ; and all who lov'd the state saw with grief that they receiv'd this breve so injurious to the king with open arms . you see how well the roman court knows how to profit on occasions and take her advantage , she never lets any escape which she does not manage with a singular address . but this breve will one day prove one of its most memorable examples : since under colour of ruining the poor iansenists , she has open'd a gap to establish two of the most considerable points of her grandeur , and which have indeed been the most contested in france : the one is , that the pope alone may decide poins of faith with an infallible authority ; the other , that he may give kingdoms away at pleasure , as iulius the ii d gave that of navarre to the spaniards . by all these proofs 't is evident that the superiority of popes above kings in temporals is an inseparable position of infallibility , as to the pretence of all those theologues who are married to the interest of the court of rome , especially the iesuites : 't is also clear that the subtilty of those who have made as if they would separate them hath so little basis , that it were an unworthy and dangerous prevarication in those who are oblig'd to maintain the supreme authority of their prince , but to reduce the right of kings , which is certain and indubitable , to so shallow and trifling a defence . so as the onely means of hindring the establishment of this pernicious consequence is , to stop that so dangerous a principle ; and above all , not to permit the iesuites the impudence of making it an article of faith , and the carrying it even beyond all sorts of bounds , and to an infallibility in questions de facto ; which is , in summe , to have given the fatal blow to the ruine of the royal throne . this is easie to prove . for popes being once establish'd superiour to temporal princes in temporals , as we have shew'd they cannot fail of obtaining , if once we allow them infallible in questions de jure ; what defence remains there to a prince against the stratagems of this power , but the pretence of its being possibly miss-inform'd , and that it was mistaken in the grounds on which it proceeded to despoil him of his state ? but what means is there of opposing that pretence against a person who shall be in possession of the same infallibility with iesus christ in matter of fact ? what christian is there who should dare oppose to iesus christ that he is mistaken ? and what were there more easie for a pope then to ruine this defence ; since for that he had onely to declare by a bull that he has well examin'd the prince's cause , and that he deserves to be excommunicated and depos'd , to oblige all the world to believe that he did merit it indeed ? nor let any pretend that 't is not in these kinds of facts that popes are infallible : for both the principles and reasons of the iesuites tend to it : and the benefit of the church ( which is the sole foundation of this imagination ) will rather incline to believe , that god is bound to make the popes as infallible in affairs so important as the subversion of kingdoms , the consequences whereof are so terrible to religion it self ; as in the judgments which they make , whether there are or are not errours in a particular book , which is of it self but of very little consequence . now if the iesuites , without any reason , and from an humane apprehension and fear , should except these facts , they would not in the least diminish of the pernicious subjects of their doctrine ; because the spirits of those who are once imbu'd with their opinions would easily break through these weak restraints , in which they made believe they would keep them , and maugre these groundless exceptions carry their corrupt principles to all their natural consequences . so as there is nothing able to oppose the funest effects of this doctrine , which subjects kings to a forein power , whiles they permit this double infallibility of fact and right to subsist , from which 't is impossible to divorce it . i very well know that there are some who seek several pretexts to charm the vigilance of kings and their ministers , that so they may not perceive how this doctrine of infallibility is prejudicial to states . one of these pretences is , the affirming that this infallibility relates to faith and doctrine onely , which are things spiritual , and that have nothing of common with the temporals of kings , and the rights of their crowns . but there is nothing more unreasonable then this adulterate colour . for 't is true , that indeed this temporal is not of faith it self , nor is the doctrine the immediate object of infallibility : but one cannot without heresie deny that it may not be the subject and matter of faith ; since 't is an article of faith establish'd both by gospel and the apostles , that we ought to pay tribute to caesar , which is a temporal thing ; and that we owe obedience to temporal princes , not onely to escape the punishment which they may inflict on us if we transgress , but because we are in conscience also oblig'd to it . non solùm propter iram , sed etiam propter conscientiam . so as to persuade kings that their temporal is so far remote from faith , that it can be no matter of faith , is to dissolve and break the most sacred bond which unites their subjects to their empire , to wit , that of conscience and religion . faith is in it self a thing intirely spiritual and divine ; but that does no way hinder things humane and temporal from being very often both the subject and matter of it . warre is a secular thing ; yet 't is matter of faith to know whether a christian prince may make warre : and the anabaptists erre in matter of faith , when they maintain that it is unlawful . the power which magistrates have to put malefactors to death is a temporal thing ; and yet it belongs to faith to decide whether iesus chirst has left this power to christians or no : and the same anabaptists , who deny it , are esteem'd hereticks by the church . usury is a temporal thing ; yet is it matter of faith to resolve whether or no it be a sin . in like manner the power of kings is temporal ; but it concerns faith to determine whether the power of the keyes , which iesus christ has given to s. peter , does extend to the breaking of that obligation and tie which subjects have to their sovereign , by absolving them from their oaths of allegiance . it concerns the interpretation of the words of i. christ , and by consequent has relation to faith : it imports the extent of the power that iesus christ has given the pope , as his vicar ; which we can know nothing of , but by divine revelation preserv'd in the scriptures , and by tradition ; and by consequence it is matter of faith. it is no way then to be doubted , but the question whether the pope have any right to punish princes with temporal pains , and to devest them of their states , by virtue of that authority pretended to be given to s. peter , is no concernment of faith ; and therefore 't is in earnest a mere mockery , to persuade kings , that the pope's infallibility does not extend to them , whenas in truth there are none whom it so nearly concerns as they ; since popes having so often decided this right to be theirs , if once the people be suffered to hold them infallible as to what they determin touching faith , none can hinder them from acknowledging also that they do not erre in their explication of the words of the gospel touching the primacy of s. peter , as of an empire and monarchy which extends it self even over the temporals of kings . but , besides this , the question is not of what the thing is in truth , but what 't is in the opinion of the iesuites , and that the strive to infuse into the world ; seeing from thence it is the ill effects proceed which this unlucky doctrine may produce : errour and superstition being infinitely more capable then either truth or religion to engage an abus'd people to insurrections and disorders more nefarious . now the iesuites , as we have already seen , maintain that this infallibility of the pope reaches even to the making their sovereignty over princes an article of faith. it is of faith ( say bellarmine and lessius ) that the pope may depose kings , because pope gregory the viith has decided it , and that the decision of a pope is a point of faith. it were to take away all humane reason , to hinder men from thus arguing ; and by consequent to sleep on the point of a precipice , to suffer the doctrine of infallibility to creep into a state , from whence it is impossible but the other must needs spring . for having once permitted the people to be season'd with this opinion , and that they are but accustom'd to receive all that popes pretend in their bulls , as well concerning matters of right as of fact , as if iesus christ himself had pronounc'd it ; if a pope please to apply the infallibility acknowledg'd to be in him , for the determining ( as they have frequently done ) that by virtue of the power which iesus christ has given him to bind and loose whatsoever is on earth , he has power to depose kings and absolve their subjects from their fidelity , and that such a king merits to be depos'd ; it is not to be thought 't will prove so easie a matter to defend ones self from these fulminations , by altering the minds of the people in a moment , and persuading them that he whom they took to be then so infallible , is now no such thing , or is not at least in that matter ; that is to say , that he is infallible when what he affirms does not concern us , but ceases to be so when it imports us he should not be so . this were to make an ill estimate of the mindes of men , and of the force which custome has over them , to suffer one's self to be dazzled with these vain confidences . those opinions which do by little and little establish their authority in the minds of men , are weak and tender in their infancy and beginning ; nor is it then so difficult a matter to extirpate them : but when once time has rooted and confirm'd them , they get dominion of reason , and discover a tyrannous look against which it dares not so much as lift up its eyes . capable they are to precipitate it into all manner of excess , and make men violate the rules of very nature , and the most sacred obligations of civil society ; especially when they happen to be opinions which possess the spirit by the way of religion . for men being once persuaded , ( and with reason ) that they ought to prefer religion before their lives , their goods , and whatever else they injoy , if in that they chance to be prepossess'd by an errour of dangerous consequence to the civil state , they maintain and defend it to the utmost . nulla res multitudinem efficaciùs regit quàm superstitio . the league , the guelphs and gibelines are sanguinary examples of it : so as there is not a more mistaken and wicked policy , then that of those who , minding onely the present age and their own interest , suffer these opinions to root themselves ; without considering that it is infinitely more easie to hinder their establishment , then to stop their accurs'd effects when once they are confirm'd . the next pretence is , to make the world believe that there is no such great reason to apprehend even the opinion it self of the pope's sovereignty over the temporals of kings ; because , say they , popes can exercise in so few instances , that they seldom happen ; as in case a prince fall into a formal apostasie from the faith and the church , to embrace a false religion . but 't is in vain these authors endeavour to excuse this pernicious doctrine by this false colour ; since those whom they would defend loudly disavow them , as not induring that any should prescribe such narrow bounds to this temporal monarchy . on the contrary , there is nothing ( with these divines ) so ordinary , as the occasions for which they give the pope this right to depose kings ; so as there is not one in europe whom they may not justly depose , according to their maximes , had they but as much power in effect as they conceive themselves to have in right . is there any thing more frequent then not to pursue the pope's intentions in making warre or peace ? it suffices the pope ( according to the iesuites ) to dispossess a king , whenever he shall conceive peace or warre necessary for religion . this is what bellarmine teaches in express terms , in his book against barclay , cap. 19. and what ( saies barclay ) if the emperour refuse to draw his sword at the command of the pope , or draw it against his will ? i answer , ( saies bellarmine ) that if the emperour will not draw his sword at the command of the pope , or draw it against his will , and it shall be requisite for the spiritual weal , he shall force him to doe it by the spiritual sword ; that is , by his censures , to draw the material sword , or to sheath it again : and if the emperour be not concern'd with these censures , he shall absolve his subjects from their obedience , the necessity of the church so requiring , and even take away his empire from him . 't is thus he shall make him know that the sword is subordinate to the sword , according to the bull unam sanctam ; and that they both belong to the church , though not after the same manner . we see likewise in * raynaldus , continuator of baronius , a famous example of this manner of proceeding in popes . for he reports , anno 1458. n. 36. that calixtus the iii d , desiring to hinder the warre 'twixt the king of navarre and the prince de viana heir of that kingdom , sent them a legate with order , if he could not reconcile them to peace , to dispose them as from the pope to lay down their arms , by menacing them with an anathema , and arming their neighbour kings against him that should disobey . is not this to subject kings in the noblest right of their crowns , which is to conclude peace or warre as themselves think fit ? nor is there any thing more ordinary with the most catholick princes , then to have alliances with princes either hereticks or infidels . the example of iohn d' albret , depos'd from the kingdom of navarre by iulius the ii d , declares again that this pretence is sufficient for a pope to depose kings ; since this king had not been sold , but on pretence of an alliance which he was accus'd to have contracted with lewis the xiith , whom this pope pretended to be a schismatick , because he was in warre with him for temporal interests . 't is a thing of no great consequence to molest a few monks in the possession of their privileges ; yet was that enough to depose a king , and deprive him of his state. for so it is that bellarmine explicates the privilege of s. medard of soissons , falsly-attributed to s. gregory , and conceiv'd in these terms . if either king , prelate , iudge , or other person whatsoever , shall violate these decrees of our authority apostolical , or but contradict , disquiet or trouble the friers , or shall ordain any thing contrary hereunto ; let him be depriv'd of his dignity , of whatsoever quality he be , separated from the communion of the faithful , and condemn'd to eternal pains in the judgement of god. though there was never any thing more false then this privilege , as all knowing persons understood ; and albeit it had been true , one might say that it only contain'd a menate of god's displeasure , very frequent in those ages , and not a severe sentence of downright deposition : yet did this serve the iesuites turn in favour of popes , to establish them a right of dispossessing princes and iudges upon like occasions ; and they extort this very interpretation from gregory the viith , who takes in the same sense certain expressions somewhat resembling them , of this saint , concerning the hospital of autun . the interpretation of the words of s. gregory ( saies bellarmine de potest . roman . pontif. in temp. c. 40. ) is not mine , but of another gregory , equal in dignity , and not much inferiour for sanctity . for s. gregory viith , in his epistle to the bishop of mets , which is the 21 of the 8 book , cites this place of s. gregory , to shew that the emperour henry was justly depos'd . s. gregory ( saies he ) declares that kings are fallen from their dignity , when they have the boldness to violate the decrees of the apostolical see , writing in these terms to an abbot nam'd senator ; si quis verò regum , &c. so although one may , and with great reason , destroy that foundation which is alledg'd from s. gregory ; yet one cannot doe it against the testimony of gregory the viith , who was no whitless infallible then he , if all popes be infallible ; and , by consequent , it must be acknowledg'd , that by the doctrine of infallibility popes have right to pronounce kings to be fallen from their dignity , as often as they molest monks and religious men in the injoyment of the privileges that have been given them by the holy see : à fortiori therefore may it suffice to dispossess chancellors , presidents , councellors and other magistrates , when they have given any judgment or sentence prejudicial to their privileges . but innocent the iii d , in the chapter novit . de judiciis , has open'd a door that leaves no considerable errour of princes , for which the pope may not depose them , at least if they persist in them . for he pretends , that granting he had no right to meddle in secular affairs , yet he was to judge of all such wherein there might be any mixture of sin ; ratione peccati , cujus ad nos pertinet ( saies this pope ) sine dubitatione censura , quam in quemlibet exercere possumus & debemus . and as in all contests there is commonly some sin on the one side or the other , especially when there is warre , there being none of either part just , according to the divines ; so by this means the pope becomes sovereign arbiter of all the secular differences of christian princes . now menaces of deposition and privation of all dignity alwaies march with the judiciary sentences of popes against those who do not obey them ; and so , unless kings were impeccable , or blindly resolv'd to obey whatever the roman court shall ordain them , it is hard if they ever want a pretext to depose a king when they have a mind to undertake , and have strength enough to execute it . it must then be acknowledg'd , that if once infallibility be establish'd , the pope will alwaies find reasons enough to dispossess a prince , which if he do not put in practice , it must be when he wants either will or power . but were it reasonable that kings , who are establish'd by god , should suffer maximes to be introduced , according to which the acknowledgment of them for kings by their subjects should depend upon the will of another ? does not christian prudence and policy oblige them to banish from their states all the seeds of division and trouble , and not onely to consider the present , but enlarge their vigilance for the time to come ? it is true , that by the grace of god , he who now sits on s. peter's chair is so wise and moderate , that we can expect from him nothing save actions of goodness and sweetness towards all christian princes ; but we have no assurance that it will alwaies be so ; and the past examples shew us sufficiently how easily things change at the courts of princes in a little time , which changeing so often their princes , change also their interests with them . i will onely recite what i find recorded in the history of king henry the great , so judiciously written by my lord bishop of rhodes . this prelate remarks , that the league ( which took birth from the time of henry the iii d , and which , with reason , he styles a powerful faction which thought to introduce the spanish dominion in france , and which strove to subvert the order of the succession of the royal family under the most specious pretence in the world , viz. the maintenance of religion ) would needs at first sustain it self by the authority of the holy see , which they carried to rome , and presented to pope gregory the xiiith , to obtain his approbation ; but he never would consent to it , but as long as he liv'd did altogether disavow it . had henry the iii d any reason for all this to be confident that rome would never joyn with these factious persons , who desir'd nothing more then to dethrone him themselves ? if he did believe it , he was strangely abus'd . for the same bishop acknowledges , that gregory the xiiith was no sooner dead , but sixtus quintus , who succeeded him , approv'd of the league , and fulminated terrible bulls against the king of navarre and the prince of conde , declaring them hereticks and apostates , &c. and , as such , obnoxious to the censures of the church , and the pains denounc'd in the canons ; depriv'd both them and their descendents of all lands and dignities , rendred them incapable to succeed in any principality whatsoever , especially that of the kingdom of france , absolving their subjects from their oath of allegiance , and forbidding them to obey them . notwithstanding this prelate notes , that sixtus the vth was shortly after displeas'd with the league , and could never be brought to furnish any thing towards the expence of the war , which plainly abortiv'd the greatest part of their enterprises . but urban the viith , holding the seat but 13 daies after sixtus , gregory the xivth succeeded him , who being of a vehement spirit , and by inclination a spaniard , ardently embraced the party of the league , prodigiously lavishing the treasures which sixtus quintus had amass'd , to levy an army of twelve thousand men , which he put under command of count hercules sfondrati his nephew , and accompany'd it with a monitory or bull of excommunication against the prelates who follow'd henry the great , which he sent by marcellino landriano his nuntio , with a world of mony to be distributed to the sixteen of paris , and amongst the heads of the caballs in every great city . to which this bishop addes , that the parliament of tours , ( that is to say , that party of the parliament of paris which was at tours ) having receiv'd intelligence of the monitory , caus'd it to be torn in pieces by the hand of the common hang-man , and decree'd seisure of body against the nuntio ; and that on the contrary those of paris annull'd this arrest , as being given ( saies he ) by people without authority , ordaining , that they should obey his holiness and his nuntio . these examples produc'd by a famous bishop , and one whom we cannot doubt to have been most affectionate to the holy see , makes us judge , that a wise politician will never neglect betimes to suppress these strange opinions , which both the parliament and sorbon have so often pronounc'd so pernicious to states , as tending to the subversion of sovereign powers ordain'd and establish'd by god , and to the stirring up of subjects against their princes , under pretext that the present state of the court of rome would appear very far from such like enterprises . it belongs also to the wisedom of a king so illuminated as ours is , and affection'd to the prosperity of this kingdom , not to confine his cares within such narrow limits as the present age. his own so wonderful birth , and that of a dauphin which god has so early bless'd his marriage with , should make him hope that his race ( which is that of s. lewis ) shall reign to the end of the world over this great monarchy : 't is this which yet obliges him farther to extend the thoughts of his royal providence beyond the bounds of common prudence , to prevent the source of those evils which may possibly happen in the ages long to come , and to permit nothing which may one day shake a throne upon which all his descendents ought to sit hereafter . and truely it were highly necessary that great kings should labour for themselves and their successors to establish their authority , since they have to doe with the most crafty and able politicians in the world , who perpetually watch all occasions of more and more amplifying that of their master ; who with infinite diligence manage the least occasions of advancing them ; who take for well-grounded all that escapes and is let pass , changing as soon favours into right ; who are not repuls'd at every resistence which sometimes opposes their undertakings , but , giving place for a while , are by the next opportunity ready to make fresh assaults ; which often succeeds , either by change of some minister of state , or the humour of our nation , whose vigour being but of a short continuance , yields that with the greatest facility to day , which she never resolv'd to agree to yesterday . we have an example of this in that possession which the pope's nuntio's have gotten , of receiving the attestations of the life and manners of those persons who are nominated by the king to bishopricks and abbies . the late mons. du puy has compil'd a treatise concerning this subject , where he shews , that by the ordinance of blois , anno 1576 , by advice of the states general conven'd at paris 1615 , and by the assembly of the notables anno 1627 , this information ought to be made by the ordinaries , as conformable to the council of trent , sess. 22. ch . 2. and sess. 24. ch . 1. that notwithstanding those of rome had alwaies striven to put the nuntio's in possession of this right ; that they had vainly attempted it when henry the great prosecuted his absolution there ; that they had begun to usurp this possession during the late king's minority ; and that by little and little they had reduc'd things to such a point , as to oblige all those who were nominated to have recourse to them , till in the year 1639. it happen'd that the sieur hugues de l' aratut , nominated to the bishoprick of cominges , making his information before the ordinary , and the pope refusing to admit him , the late king of glorious memory resolv'd to oppose this violence and stop its course ; so as the affair having been sent to the parliament , there was an arrest given the 12 of december 1639 , by which 't was ordain'd that these informations concerning life and manners should for the future be made by the diocesan bishops of the places , and not by the nuntio's . notwithstanding the nuntio's have still continued to maintain their pretensions in despite of this arrest , nor is there a person of them that does yield obedience by his addressing to the ordinary ; because those who are dispos'd to doe it apprehend ( and not without reason ) lest their bulls should be denied them . well known is that famous arrest given anno 1648. upon the remonstrances of the late advocate-general mons. talon against those who would have valid in france the censures of the inquisition and index ; in the interim they were never more in reputation then since that time : and it is hard to comprehend how the clergy of france ( which has ever been so generous ) could endure it , without once complaining , that the episcopal decrees of the prelates of france have been treated by the inquisitors of rome with so much indignity ; that they have rang'd them amongst the damned books which they esteem so disgraceful , without vouchsafing either to clear it with the bishops before censure , or to render them any account of what they found amiss therein afterwards . see but how they bear all things before them with a perseverance indefatigable ; and by degrees how the pretences of the roman court ( which have formerly been so odious among us ) establish themselves in the kingdom , and the ancient maxims that our fathers have conserv'd with so much zeal and jealousie are chang'd and come to nothing . 't is not alwaies done at once , but sometimes by degrees and insensibly ; and to give an instance of it , we need goe no farther then to that of the infallibility of the pope onely . 't is certain that in the time of the councils of constance and of basil they acknowledg'd no other infallibility in the church then that of the church universal , and the general council which represented it , and that it went for current among all learned men , that the pope might erre in point of faith. it is what may be seen not onely in the works of the greatest persons of those times , as of gerson , peter d' ailly cardinal of cambray , the holy and knowing carthusian dionysius rikel , cardinal cusa , the abbot of palermo , the cardinal of florence , iohn patriarch of antioch , alphonsus tostatus surnam'd the prodigy of the world , iohannes de parifiis , and of many more ; but likewise by the contest which sprung up in those times , whither a council were above a pope , or the pope above the council ; which was decided in favour of the council by the fathers of the council of constance and basil , who maintaining the preeminence of the council , made use of this principle as certain and indisputable , that a general council could not erre in determinations which regard faith and good manners , and that the pope therein might erre . so the council of basil , minding to establish this preeminence of oecumenical councils in its synodal letter published after the third session , speaks in this manner . this holy church has receiv'd so great a privilege of jesus christ our saviour , which he has founded by his bloud , that we most firmly believe she cannot erre . this is what is agreeable to god alone by nature , and to the church by privilege . nor was this gift imparted to the sovereign bishop , of some of whom we reade that they fell into heresie . 't is the church alone which is without spot or wrinkle , which cannot erre in things necessary to salvation . and afterwards , if the council might erre ( it being certain that popes may erre ) all the whole church would be in an errour : si errare posset concilium , cùm certum sit papam errare posse , tota erraret ecclesia . see the voice of the whole church legitimately assembled by the h. spirit in general council : for 't is not to be doubted but that then the council of basil was oecumenical , since pope eugenius the ivth acknowledged by an authentick bull ( recited in the 16 session , ) that the council was legitimate and general from the beginning of it to that very moment . but what clearly testifies that no body in those times doubted of the preeminence of a council above a pope in things concerning faith , which cannot be establish'd but on this of the council's not erring and that the pope may , is what pope eugenius ( what time he chiefly strove to set himself above a council ) was notwithstanding oblig'd to acknowledge , that in matters of faith the opinion of the council ought to be preferr'd before that of a pope . this we see in the last of the 3 bulls , which he revok'd when he rejoyn'd himself to the council , 1434. in these terms . suppose a pope or his legate would doe one thing , and that a council would doe the contrary ; we ought to follow not the sentence of the council , but the opinion of the pope , or his legate who represents him , because the pope 's iurisdiction is above that of all councils ; unless it happen that the things in controversie concern'd the catholick faith , or that they were such as without the determination thereof the whole state of the universal church would be in disorder . in such a case there must be had more regard to the opinion of a council then to that of popes . nisi fortè quae statuenda forent catholicam fidem respicerent , vel si non fierent , statum universalis ecclesiae principaliter perturbarent ; quia tunc concilii sententia esset potiùs attendenda . this pope you see acknowledg'd that in things concerning the catholick faith , the pope being of one opinion , and the council of another , that of the council was to be chosen . now this were ridiculous if the pope were infallible in decisions touching faith ; since there is no opinion which we ought to prefer before a man that is infallible . and therefore pope eugenius , what-ever he pretended to place himself above all councils , durst never arrogate that of infallibility . dionysius rikel carthusian , ( term'd the extatick or illuminated doctor , as having through all his works joyn'd an illuminated and inflamed piety with his profound skill in divinity ) in his treatise of the authority of the pope and councils , having in several passages spoken highly of that of the pope , does notwithstanding acknowledge that in council one cannot dispute the having this advantage above the pope , that a council cannot erre in matters which pertain to faith and good manners , and that the pope may erre there . the power of a council ( saies he ) is in this greater then the pope's , that iesus christ has promis'd to his church , or the council ( which is her representative , ) an infallible direction and divine assistance which shall never fail . so as a council can neither erre in matters of faith , nor in what regards good manners ; forasmuch as it is immediately led by the holy spirit in the determination of these things . and therefore the pope himself is in these things to adhere to the churche's determination , that is , to the decrees of the council , as to an oracle , and regulation of the holy ghost ; whereas the pope being obnoxious to erre in points of faith , good manners , and other matters necessary to salvation , methinks men should not acquiesce in his judgement as the onely certain opinion , because he is not an infallible rule , nor yet a foundation so establish'd , but that it may deviate from the truth . this holy monk saies the same thing in a sermon upon s. hilarie ; and excepting onely those authors who are notoriously ingag'd in the interests of the roman court , all the knowing divines of that age spake the same language . i observe onely pope adrian the vith , who having taught the same doctrine before he was exalted to the pontificate , did not onely not retract it afterwards , but caus'd his works to be printed at rome , in which we may yet reade these words , namely in his fourth book of sentences : if by the roman church ( saies he ) you understand him who is the head of it , 't is certain ( pray mark the term ) that this head of the roman church , viz. the pope , may erre even in things appertaining to faith , by defending an heresie by his determination or decretal . si per ecclesiam romanam intelligatur caput ejus , certum est quòd possit errare , etiam in iis quae tangunt fidem , haeresin per suam determinationem aut decretalem asserendo . see what this holy and knowing man has written , being then a private person ; and what it was he so approv'd when he was pope : so little did his advancement blind him , as it has done many others , or make him forget what he ow'd to truth , to gratifie his new dignity with advantages which he believed iesus christ never imparted to him . it is not here necessary to alledge the parisian doctors opinions , so well known to the world , and to the iesuites themselves , who term the opinion against infallibility sententia parisiensium : but we must not omit the sense of the whole faculty in a body , in this celebrious declaration of the faith which she made by order of francis the i st , and which was afterwards verified in parliament ; so as in france it held a particular force of a law and a publick ordinance : having therefore receiv'd a command of the king to reduce into articles the principal points of faith attacqu'd by hereticks , she declares , that general councils cannot erre in points of faith and regulation of good manners . certum est concilium generale legitimè congregatum , universalem ecclesiam repraesentans , in fide & morum determinationibus errare non posse . but for the pope , see what she saies of it all ; it is no less certain , that there is one sovereign bishop by divine right in the militant church , to which all christians ought to submit , and who has likewise power to conferre indulgences : nec minùs certum est , unum esse jure divino pontificem in ecclesia militante , cui omnes christiani parere tenentur , qui quidem potestatem habet indulgentias conferendi . this different manner of speaking of councils and the pope in two articles which immediately follow , attributing infallibility to the council , and none to the pope , sufficiently states the different sentiments which these doctors had both of councils and popes upon this subject . for i think not my self oblig'd to refute the extravagancies of a certain writer of these times , who pretends to prove by the obedience which these doctors teach is due to the pope , as if by that we acknowledg'd his infallibility . by the same argument he may prove , that not onely all bishops in particular , but that all abbots , and abbesses , priors & prioresses are infallible , because they are promis'd obedience . but he should have learn'd that in promising obedience to the pope , men are so far from acknowledging an entire submission of belief to his decisions , that the divines say expresly , and amongst others mons. duval , summo pontifici parendum esse , sive errare possit , sive non : which signifies but this , that men should not dogmatize the contrary to what he has decided , and with this caution yet , nisi error sit intolerabilis , as gerson affirms . such as has been the common sentiment of our parisian divines , till mons. duval , who would have introduc'd opinions into the sorbon totally repugnant to these ancient maxims : but , as 't is customary with those who engage in quarrells against what is universally receiv'd , it has hitherto been with much wariness ; for he did in that manner assert the pope to be infallible in matter of faith , that in the same breath he likewise taught , 't was no matter of faith to believe it : non est de fide summum pontificem esse infallibilem . he holds moreover , that the opinion of his not being infallible is neither rash nor erroneous . non est erroneum , neque temerarium temeritate opinionis , dicere , summum pontificem in decernendo errare posse . and speaking concerning the decision of a pope against a doctor of paris , he saies , that this definition of sixtus the ivth is not of faith , but onely very certain ; because , saies he , the definitions of the sovereign bishops have not the certitude of the catholick faith , till they be first received by the universal church , or a general council . and thus , whatever the doctor 's design be and those of his gang to advance the authority of the pope , they have been yet oblig'd to acknowledge , that a divine who should doubt , or not believe what has not been decided but by a pope , should neither be accus'd of errour or temerity , provided he did not contradict the pope publickly and with scandal . behold here the very first breach which has been made , at least in the sorbon , against its ancient doctrine . but in the mean time this has not hinder'd those very persons who incourag'd this doctor , and that were ingag'd by interest with the court of rome , to reject this personal infallibility of the pope , whenever they had any regard of their reputation amongst learned men . this is evident by cardinal perron , who in his reply to the king of great britain , l. 6. p. 1083. expresly acknowledges , that the onely expedient to determine disputes of religion with a certainty of faith is by a general council . were the service ( saies he ) taken away from the original tongue , and transferr'd into another , all means of celebrating universal councils , and having any certitude or assurance of matters of faith , would cease . for there being no certitude of the genuine sense of scripture by our particular interpretation , since no interpretation of scripture is of private inspiration , and we having no way left us of resolution with certitude of faith in debates which rise about religion upon the meaning of scripture , besides the voice of the church speaking in general councils ; evident it is that whatever it be which takes away from the church the means of holding general councils , takes away from it all means of deciding the disputes of christian religion with certitude of faith. cardinal de richelieu , in his book of controversies , which has been approv'd by the late mons. lescot bishop of chartres , and divers other divines exceedingly devoted to the court of rome , acknowledges the same thing , lib. 3. c. 5. p. 424. since there is ( saies he ) no oecumenical council which injoyns the use of the images of the divine persons ; it is evident that 't is no article of faith : supposing that for the principle , that onely general councils can frame articles of faith. thus we see that the doctrine of infallibility , which had been promoted by mons. duval with some kind of fear and reserve , was abandon'd by the most knowing persons of the church , and chiefly by those who defended it against the hereticks ; because they would not engage the cause of the catholick religion in defence of an opinion so insupportable : and therefore the favourites of the roman court were then contented that this opinion should pass for problematick onely . whence it came to pass that mons. duval ( who had but just propos'd it in this manner ) was all his life in so great esteem at rome , that he was look'd upon there as the person in the world who had render'd the greatest services to the holy see ; and that all the nuns had order not to doe any thing here without his advice . but finding this tentative succeed so happily , and that the iesuites ( having gain'd the catholick universities ) had fill'd all mens thoughts with this infinite power of the pope , which was highly advantagious to them for the withdrawing of them from the jurisdiction of the bishops , they no longer remain'd in this moderation . they pretended that it was not enough for the french to permit them to say the pope was infallible ; but so order'd the matter , that no man was suffered to acknowledge him for less . they were contented that mons. duval should say that it was no matter of faith to believe the pope infallible , because this reserve was necessary at that point of time , for the currenter passage of the doctrine ; but having first begun to distribute it in this manner , they did not long rest there ; the design is to make men believe that the doctrine of the faculty of paris ( opposite to this infallibility , which in mons. duval's daies was neither an errour , nor any rash opinion ) is since that time ( though the church never thought of any change ) become a manifest heresie . this is what the iesuites have exceedingly farther'd : for 't is about 5 or 6 years past that father theophile raynaud , a iesuite of lions , publish'd a book with this title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ipse dixit , to shew not onely that the pope is infallible , but that it is matter of faith that he is so , and , by consequent , those that doubt of it hereticks ; and he treats mons. duval very ill in his book , whom in contempt he calls a certain doctor , for his caution in not so openly venting this false doctrine as a new article of faith. and because they saw this enterprise of theirs was not punished as it deserv'd , growing daily more insolent , they proceeded to that extravagant impiety of their theses of the college de clermont , which is now the object of the indignation of all france , daring publickly to maintain , ( even in the midst of paris it self , and in face of the parliament ) that the catholick truth which opposes the heresie of the greeks concerning the pope's primacy is , that jesus christ has given to all popes the very same infallibility which himself had , not onely in questions de jure , but in those also de facto . by this 't is visible to what their boldness may aspire , if not timely prevented and repress'd , and what progress these monstrous opinions are like to make , to the total destruction of the liberties of the gallican church so precious to our ancestors , unless we be more vigilant in stopping its carreer . and in earnest it is very hard it should not be so , if we but consider a little those three expedients which the abettors of the court of rome make use of to establish their maxims . the first is , the company of iesuites spread over the face of the universe , and got to be masters of the greatest part of the colleges ; so as all the world being imbu'd with these principles from their infancie , as 't were , opinions not advantageous to the church , but the court politick of rome , they are receiv'd with respect , as if they constituted a part of our religion ; so as it is quite against the hair of any other , because the iesuites accustom those who have once plac'd their belief in them , to look upon men as persons suspected of their faith , who in this are not of their opinion . there is the hands of many persons a treatise of the late father eustachius gault , a very knowing and pious father de l' oratoire , nominated by the late king for bishop of marseilles , wherein he mentions how dangerous it is for this very reason , lest all the colleges should in time , and by degrees , fall into the hands of the iesuites . the second means is , the care they take concerning books ; blasting all that they find containing any thing of the ancient maxims of the school of paris , suppressing them all that they can ; or at least so ordering the matter , as to retrench whatever is not in their favour : as they have done by a large discourse of guicciardin , treating of the politick incroachment of the court of rome , which is no more to be found in the late italian editions , but conserv'd in the old ones , as may yet be seen in an ancient french translation of that famous historian . in the mean while they give all manner of liberty to such books as maintain their own pretensions , and that establish the opinions on which they are supported . it must be acknowledg'd that there 's nothing has more advanc'd their interest : for 't is almost impossible but the minds and spirits of students should be fill'd with the sentiments of those authors which they reade most . now without speaking of the less considerable authors , who are infinite , those who would more deeply apply themselves to the ecclesiastical science do commonly addict themselves to church-history and the councils ; and for the first , they goe to seek it in baronius and his continuators . this person had doubtless very many excellent qualities , and deserves great commendations for having by his indefatigable labour disintangled an infinite many of things which before lay in a strange confusion : but withall it must not be deny'd that the zeal which transported him for the grandeur of the h. see made him commit very many excesses , which might be pardon'd in a person so commendable on some other occasions , but by no means be defended : for how can we possibly excuse him all those fabulous imaginations of his , where he engages himself to make the world believe that pope honorius was never condemn'd by the 6th council ; but that what we see of his condemnation in the acts of that council has been maliciously inserted by the order of a most pious emperour , whom he affirms to have consented to the falsification of the originals which he had in his hands ? and yet for all this , because f. cambefis ( a very learned dominican ) thought himself oblig'd , for the honour of truth and of the church , to refute this fiction , which is of most pernicious consequence , ( since there is not an act of general council which one may not with as much likelihood say to be forg'd ) it has pleas'd f. theophile raynaud , a iesuite forsooth , in a book intituled an cyriaci immunes à censura ? a most bloudy satyre against the whole dominican order , most outrageously to rend and tear this learned frier , as if he had perpetrated the hainousest sin in the world , for having shew'n that baronius engag'd himself into very great absurdities , in not acknowledging that a pope had been condemn'd as an heretick in a general council . a strange piece of tyranny it would be , to take away all liberty from divines that love the truth , to defend it against whomsoever when 't is thus wrong'd , and to interpret it a crime to take notice of the excesses of baronius , when he endeavors to advance the authority of the holy see. he is not then himself , and he sometimes saies such things seriously on this subject , that 't is hard to reconcile them to sense ; as when he attributes a kind of infallibility to the pope , which is not well applicable to god himself , viz. that the pope can make new articles of faith , and change them again when they are made . ut planè appareat , saies he on the business of the apollinarists , an. 373. n. 22. ex arbitrio pependisse romani pontificis decreta sancire , & sancita mutare . this is prodigiously strange ; and yet we find something like this of baronius in the preface of f. sirmondus upon facundus : for ( saies he ) this bishop is not to be blam'd for having maintain'd the three chapters , since pope vigilius was ever more dispos'd to defend them , as it was in truth reasonable , saies the iesuite : * vigilius ad defendenda , ut par erat , & probanda capitula propensior . save onely that he was not blamable but for blindly adhering to pope vigilius , in changing his opinion as often as it pleas'd the pope to change ; defending the three chapters when this pope defended them , and condemning them when the pope condemn'd them , undertaking to maintain when the pope undertook it . after this guise it is f. sirmond ( quatenus iesuite ) would have us conform our conscience to the will of the pope , without troubling our selves with the truth of the thing . but i say , quatenus iesuite ; for as f. sirmond , 't is well known to all his friends , that there are few divines who have less believed this blind obedience then himself . but to return to baronius : it must be acknowledg'd that his annals being in other places fill'd with many very good things for the confirmation of catholick verities , and the purity of discipline , contain also very many pernicious maxims , and false reflexions as to what concerns the pretences of the court of rome : and 't is that which makes these last to be receiv'd and swallowed , because they are mingled with the first . the continuators follow all of them the same spirit , and do but tread in his steps ; but without coming near him in that which he did well , they infinitely surpass him in what he did ill . this is truth , especially of the last and most ample , which is raynaldus . there can be nothing more weak of one part , or more insolent on the other ; and 't is a shame to the church , that a writer so little able should presume to compile its history . he is a man without discernment , without the spirit of an ecclesiastick , without style , without judgment , without sincerity , without credit , and who delivers with an insupportable boldness , and as if they were forsooth so many articles of faith , the most indefensible pretensions of the court of rome ; who alledges authors the most partial and least worthy of credit , such as poggius , blondus , turrecremata , and the like , as the most authentick testimonies , and after whom one were oblig'd to condemn the honestest men , and those whose sanctity it has pleas'd god to make known even by their miracles , as the cardinal d' arles ; in fine , who upon all occasions , where he wants proofs , overflows with injuries and outrageous declamations , unworthy an historian , who should never be transported with passion . for all this , he has had the boldness to dedicate his eighteenth tome , containing the history of five popes , and two councils , viz. that of basil and florence , to the french clergy ; and 't is easily seen by his epistle , that his design was onely to engage the church of france , by the glozing elogies he gives it for its steady obedience to the holy see , to approve , or , at least , dissemble , all that his tome contains advantages for the interests of the roman court , and prejudicial to the liberties of the gallican church . but the design did not altogether succeed ; for having made an offer of his book to the assembly of the clergy 1660 , thereby to obtain some letter of thanks , and so in time to make it pass for an approbation of his book through all the french churches ; the bishop to whom 't was referr'd found the book so repugnant to our liberties , that he would doe nothing in it : and with this repulse was his unworthy present repay'd . but the abettors of the court of rome believe with great reason that they have however gain'd a main point , that there has been nothing positively done against a work presented to the whole clergy , where the * doctrine of the authority of a council above a pope , which is the prime foundation of the liberties of the gallican church , and the first article of the pragmatick sanction , is every-where styl'd heretical and schismatical , though it has been decided for a catholick truth by no less then two general councils : where the (a) council of basil , ( so rever'd of all france ) is rent and torn the most outragiously in the world , and that in a time when popes have declar'd it for oecumenical : where a (b) trifling scribbler imperiously presumes to decide a difference upon which the church would never yet pronounce , making those to pass for anti-popes who possess'd the seat in avignon during the schism , who are yet the onely ones which france has acknowledg'd ; though god himself seems to have been willing that this question should have remain'd undecided , since he has permitted very holy persons to maintain the parties of both these popes ; saint catharine that of urban , and s. peter of luxemburg that of clement , from whom he receiv'd even his cardinal's hat , as s. vincent ferrier , who also adhered to the avignon popes : (c) where , by an abominable lie , they impute to charles the seventh , that he knew the gallican church had made a detestable schism by pronouncing an impious sentence in behalf of clement the viith against urban the vith : (a) where the pragmatical sanction , which was contriv'd at bourges , following the decrees of the council of basil , by the french bishops , which king charles the viith had assembled there , with the princes , lords and great persons of the kingdom of all degrees and qualities is unworthily styl'd the opprobrium of the king , because it declares the pope inferiour to a council , many waies limits his power , and re-establisheth canonical elections . (b) where the mandate de providendo , expectative graces , reservations , regresses , and other like abuses , so justly condemn'd by the council of basil , and by the whole french church , are maintain'd as legitimate rights from this strange pretence of a bull of eugenius the ivth , that the church of rome does what she pleases with all church-dignities , without wrong to any man ; because she may alledge this word of the holy gospel , friend , i doe thee no wrong , is it not lawful for me to doe what i will with mine own ? and that the same pope writing to alphonsus king of portugal saies , that the free disposition of all churches appertains to the apostolical see , and that the popes dispose of them as best they like , to which even kings and princes submit themselves . (a) where the most sacred canons of the church are so subdued to the pope's will , that he makes a pope writing to a king of france , to say , that 't is a ridiculous thing to alledge them to him , or demand of him their observation , as if he knew nothing of them ; whereas if he acted aganst the canons , we are not to believe that 't was done out of ignorance , but because it pleases him to have it so : that he is so far master , that according to his pleasure he might not onely interpret , suspend , and mitigate them , but alter and abolish them likewise as pleased his fansy . the whole book is stuffed with like excesses , and greater then these too : notwithstanding the fautors of these pernieious opinions have this advantage , that no body having complain'd of them , they will one day take this silence for a tacit approbation ; beside the gain which they receive , when they who would be learned in the church-history , studying it in these books , shall at the same time suck in all these dangerous maxims . nor have they less perverted the other source of ecclesiastical science , to wit , the study of the councils . the last collector of them , binnius , being but a small copier of baronius , bellarmine and suarez , who has stuffed his notes with all that he thought proper to inspire these new opinions . and what is altogether prodigious , is , that whereas the king of spain has never permitted that any man should print in his dominions any passage of baronius's annals prejudicial to his pretences ; they have in the louvre it self printed the collection of the councils of binnius : and that the iesuites , who have ever had all the government of this royal press , have left there in the life of boniface the viiith these outragious words against all france ; philippum pulchrum , galliae regem , justè excommunicavit , this pope did justly excommunicate philip the fair , king of france : as much as to say , that all france was schismatical in that age , for opposing ( as she did ) the excommunication , as judging it very unjust , and appealing to the future council ; and that she yet continues so , for having never since chang'd her opinion . you see in the mean time what the iesuites think fit to print in the king's house , under his own nose , and at his charges , that so they may give the enemies of france the advantage to reproach her for owning in this period the justice of an excommunication of one of her kings , against which she has heretofore so vigorously opposed herself . the abridgment of the councils by coriolanus , printed at paris , and revised by a doctor of the faculty , is yet in some sort worse ; all the contrary maxims to the liberty of the gallican church being set at the head of the book , as if they were so many catholick opinions . nor is there any thing better to be hop'd for from that new edition of the councils which they are undertaking now at paris , if the iesuites continue masters ; seeing we find well enough by the plan which father l' abbé has caus'd to be printed , that besides all binnius's notes , if any thing be added , it shall be rather more and more to ruine the liberties of the gallican church , then to defend them : and in effect we see , that whereas in binnius the council of basil is call'd , concilium oecumenicum ex parte reprobatum , a general council in part reprov'd ; father l' abbé in his new project totally suppresses this quality of oecumenick , by simply calling it basileense concilium ; though he be exceedingly exact in giving the title of oecumenick to all the other general councils , and even to those also which as yet france has never acknowledg'd for such ; as that of florence for instance , which he styles florentinum oecumenicum sive universale concilium , and that of lateran under iulius the ii d and leo the xth , which he calls lateranense quintum oecumenicum , seu universale decimumseptimum . you see how little they respect the judgment of the gallican church , degrading the councils which our ancestors have ever had in such singular veneration , as that of basil ; and magnifying those which our fathers would never receive for oecumenical , as that of florence , concerning which the cardinal of lorrain writ to pope pius the vth , that in france 't was never receiv'd for legitimate or general , and that all the french would sooner die then affirm the contrary . much more that of lateran , which bellarmine himself durst not assert oecumenical , as not compos'd but of a few italian bishops , who had no other mark but the ruine of our canonical elections , and against which the french have alwaies protested , as 't is to be seen by the history of the concordate de mons. du puy ; and , in effect , the council of constance having decided that a council is superiour to a pope , and the council of lateran the contrary , one of the two must necessarily be in an errour , and , by consequent , one of the two is not oecumenick : and so all the world avowing , and the iesuites themselves , that the council of constance was general , father l' abbé calling it constantiense concilium oecumenicum decimum-sextum , that of lateran , which is repugnant to it in a certain decision concerning faith , has not been so . but be it what it will , we may judge from hence that the iesuites design is in this new edition of the councils to favour the pretences of the court of rome in all that possibly they can ; there being nothing she so much desires as to hinder the council of basil from being reputed general ; insomuch as those of the party have presum'd to falsifie a list of the general councils at the beginning of the epitome of augustinus's canon law , leaving out that of basil , which this learned arch-bishop had set down , as may be seen , where , after these words , constantiense sub martino v , there is in these falsified editions , florentinum sub eodem , which is ridiculous , that of florence , not having been held under martin the vth ; but it sufficiently shews what there was in the uncorrupted copies after that of constance , basileense sub eugenio iv , and then , florentinum sub eodem . there are a world of other things in this draught of father l' abbé , which ought not to be suffered in france ; but above all , 't is a thing insupportable , that these disciples of santarel should dare to treat as hereticks and persons suspected for their faith both priests and divines , better catholicks then themselves , for defending onely the sovereignty of kings establish'd by god , against those who would subject them to the spiritual power . thus this iesuite injures roger widdrington , an english priest , whom we may believe a very firm catholick , since some temporal interests might have else been able to make him quit his religion , had he not held it by a divine obligation . but because he had several contestations with bellarmine in favour of kings , l' abbé is pleas'd to rank him in the same design with blondel , and to speak of him in these terms ; non ignoro davidem blondellum , rogerum widdringtonum , & quosdam alios aut haereticos , aut de fide saltem suspectos , &c. the third means which the court of rome makes use of to establish her pretensions is , to defend and gratifie all those who favour her , and to decry , yea persecute upon all occasions , those that are any waies averse and contrary . 't is so meritorious an action in their judgment to maintain that which they call the rights of the holy see , that even those whom otherwise they have no esteem of for any sense of piety , become recommendable ; and 't is on the other side so great a sin to prescribe canons for a limit of this infinite power , that whatever vertue or piety one might be acknowledg'd to have had before , he becomes wicked and heretical upon an instant . i find two memorable examples of both in the 18 tome of raynaldus . the one is of laurentius valla , whom he affirms in a certain place to have been an impious fellow , and whom in another place he extolls for having exceedingly praised eugenius the ivth , who is one of those popes that endeavour'd to advance his authority to the utmost . the other is of an arch-bishop of mentz , a person of great worth and piety , that had some contest with calixtus the iii d touching canonical elections . this arch-bishop complains that the pope did not observe the concordate which eugenius the ivth and nicolas the vth his successor had made on this subject with the princes of germany ; and aeneas sylvius , who was then cardinal , and who writ about it to this arch-bishop's chancellor , was not able to deny it , since what he saies is , that if the elections were canonical , they ought to be confirm'd in virtue of the concordate , and that they were not to be rejected ; unless ( saies he ) the pope in council with his brethren the cardinals conceive it fit to put in a person more advantagious to the church : as if this last clause were not a visible infraction of the concordate , which this arch-bishop had great reason to complain of ; since the right of elections had no more any thing solid , if the pope refusing to confirm them had been acquitted , by saying , he onely did it to constitute a more fitting person for the church in place . be it what-ever , 't is certain this contestation concern'd one onely point of church-discipline , and another in which the pope was visibly in the wrong . see yet what raynaldus teaches us anno 1457. n. 49. that pope calixtus the iii d wrote to this arch-bishop of mentz upon the complaint he made of the non-observance of the concordate touching elections : * i cannot conceive that you should doe any thing against the authority of the sacred roman church and apostolical see , knowing you to be a learned and prudent pastor , and one that fears god , which are contrary to those who offend the authority and power of the holy church of rome , and of the sovereign bishop ; since whoever presumes to commit this attempt incurrs not onely the pains ordain'd by divine and humane right , but does also commit the most hainous crime of heresie . thus a man becomes an heretick , and ( as he saies ) a wicked heretick , how knowing , prudent or fearing god soever he be , if he opposes the pope in any thing which does purely concern the discipline of the church , whatever reason he may have so to doe . those of rome have alwaies pursu'd the same course ; and bellarmine ( though one of the most moderate of them ) forbears not to speak most outragiously against those who defend the sovereignty of kings , and to treat them as calvinists , pagans , publicans , and parasites of kings , to the loss of the kingdom eternal , under pretence of conserving to them their dignity which is temporal . and an italian author , who styles them in the title of his book impios politicos , addresses these words to them at the conclusion of his book : away then with these modern insipid politicians , who , led with envy and ambition , would derive the authority of states from that of pilate ; and of whom those saints of god have thus prophesied , the kings of the earth and the princes are met together against the lord , and against his anointed . that is to say , the pope is iesus christ , and all christian kings who maintain their sovereignty against the usurpations of rome are the herods and the pontius pilates . this publick decry yet in the books of these writers is nothing so considerable as the particular and clandestine traverses that the court of rome excites upon all occasions whatsoever against those whom she believes not favourable to her interests . by that it is she stops the mouths and stays the pens of almost all learned persons , who cannot really possess themselves of that title , that they are not inwardly persuaded of the hypocrisies of these ambitious pretensions ; but they chuse rather to be silent , then to speak of it : because there are but a very few persons so in love with truth , as , in resolving to maintain it , will endure to be tormented and barretted all their life-time , and to be torn in pieces when they are dead . they see that kings and their great ministers take not for the most part that care to protect those who maintain and defend their right , by some testimony of their acknowledging it , as the court of rome does to persecute them , or at least to deny them all kind of favour . they must be touch'd with an extraordinary zeal , and very disinteress'd , to surmount all these considerations , and to sacrifice themselves for the interest of their prince and countrey , without any hope of advantage , or , to speak more properly , with reason to apprehend all sort of disadvantage by it . all those principally who are ty'd to any community are thereby oblig'd to a silence , which they believe to be just , as holding themselves responsable for the conservation of their body . and 't is true , these vast bodies have stricter bonds which tie them to rome , and are more expos'd to persecution , because they have more places which expose them to seisure ; to which one may adde , that almost all the religious and communities have their generals resident at rome , who will never permit that the divines of their orders should undertake to teach things which would not be well receiv'd there , and from which there may lie a grudge against the whole order . they are therefore private persons onely who are fit upon these encounters to engage for the truth : but then it is necessary that they be furnished with light to know it , with zeal to love it , with steadiness , not to fear the ills it may produce , and with sincerity and disinterest , that so they may have no occasion to be in danger of being thwarted . and when there were onely this last , how rare a thing it is to be found ! well therefore has iohn major , that renowned doctor of paris , long since observ'd , that it was not to be wonder'd at , if they were fewer who declared for a council then for the pope , since councils met but seldom , and gave no benefices , whereas the pope does , and thence 't is ( saies he ) men flatter him with an omnipotent power , as well in spiritual things as temporal : hinc homines ei blandiuntur , dicentes quòd solvere potest omnia , quadrare rotundata , & rotundare quadrata , tam in spiritualibus quàm in temporalibus . hence it proceeds that the liberties of the gallican church and the ancient maxims of the sorbon are now-a-daies hardly vindicated but by secular persons , such as we that have less relation to the court of rome then ecclesiasticks have ; whereof the wisest of them are rather satisfied to approve them in their heart , without defending them in their books : such power have fear and interest upon the spirit of those who should be more free from them by the sanctity of their profession . but if there be persons disinterested , so as not to be touch'd by these temporal considerations , it often falls out that having little judgment and less science , their piety it self engages them into these new opinions ; because they are publish'd in the world under this artificial veil , that 't is , forsooth , to violate and wound religion to contest the pope's infallibility and temporal sovereignty over kings . those in the mean time who have no relation to it but this pretext , without any mixture of humane interest , may easily be disabus'd , if once they but consider that the most pious of all our ancient doctors , as the illustrious gerson ( wihtout mentioning dionysius the carthusian , and the blessed cardinal d' arles ) have oppos'd with greater vigour those ambitious pretences of the court of rome , and that they have judg'd that , on the contrary , 't is the sincere zeal for the catholick religion which ought to oblige all judicious divines , courageously to resist this temporal superiority over kings and infallibility , as two inseperable maxims one from the other , either of them capable to raise very great mischiefs to the church . for in effect , what is there more opposite to the real benefit of the catholick religion then this doctrine of the pope's superiority over kings in temporals , which is a necessary consequence of infallibility , and of the power which they give him to depose them ? is not this to render religion abhorr'd and suspected of all princes , as the sorbon has judiciously remark'd in the censure of santarel , to give them cause to believe that 't is impossible they should have subjects at the same time good catholicks and faithful to their king ? what infidel prince indeed would permit men to preach faith in the countries under his obedience , if he knew that all those who embrace it think themselves by that dispens'd with for obedience to him farther then another sovereign pleases , who can at any time cause them to take up arms against their lawful king ? were this for example a proper expedient to incline the americans to receive our faith , to say to them , as some spaniards did , that the pope had bestow'd their country on the king of castile ? and however barbarians as they were , had they not reason to reply , as they did , that they knew no such thing as a pope , but that if there were , he must needs be a wicked man , to give away that which was none of his own ? were not this also to dispose heretical princes not to suffer catholicks in their states , when they shall behold them but as so many subjects to another prince , who has power to command them to depose him in the country where they live ? and do not we know , that 't is this has so imbitter'd the king of england against the papists , and the almost sole cause of the disturbance which they suffered in iames's time , as being to this day the greatest obstacle to the progress of religion in that kingdom ? in fine , what catholick prince would be willing that his dominion , which he takes so much pains to preserve both in peace and war , should continually depend upon the judgment of one sole person , who may be possess'd perhaps by his enemies , or transported by his proper passions ? for 't is a weak confidence to resolve they will give the pope no occasion to excommunicate or deprive them of their kingdoms . what occasion had iean d' albret given , that for all this was despoil'd of his estate ? really one cannot offer a greater injury either to the church or pope himself , then this attributing of so odious a power to him : and the church will have reason to say to these preposterous defenders of her interests , as iacob said to his children simeon and levi upon the sack of sichem ; turbâstis me , & odiosam fecistis me chananaeis & pherezaeis habitatoribus terrae hujus , you have troubled me , to make me to stink among the inhabitants of the land. besides , in celebrating the first advent of the son of god himself , she testifies , that all the kings of the earth , and even the most fierce of tyrants , had no reason to have been jealous of the coming of this new king , for that he who gives to his the kingdom of heaven , ravishes not from princes the kingdoms of the earth : non eripit mortalia , qui regna dat coelestia . but our popes take it for an honour done them , when men attribute to them praises quite contrary to what the church gives iesus christ ; and kings are in danger of their empires , since they can take from princes both their states and kingdoms . but doubtless , when they shall have consider'd how unfortunate these pretences have prov'd to them , and how odious they still are , they will easily themselves acknowledge the truth of these excellent words which the advocate general mons. du mesnil has , in those memoirs of his upon the procedures of rome against the queen of navarre , inserted amongst the liberties of the gallican church . whilest the popes of rome pursu'd the footsteps of charity and christian humility , confining their power to the spiritual government establish'd by god in his gospel , without arrogating to themselves a magisterial , temporal or worldly dominion ; so long they received universal reverence and sincere obedience from all men : but no sooner did they or any of them exalt themselves by assuming an authority not onely as peers , but superiours to kings , but they became in danger of losing their own authority , and that too which they would have usurped from others , and have created trouble both to the kingdom of god and of his church . certainly those popes who shall but consider these christian and pious reasons , will never suffer themselves to be surpris'd with the flatteries of those about them ; and will understand that 't is not the interest of the holy see which these sycophants look after , but their particular profit . nor do they alwaies dissemble their low and unworthy pretences ; nor are they afraid sometimes to sooth the pope , as one would do the turk or great mogul , by those profusions of mony which he spends on his courtiers . let the italians ( saies that italian carrerius ) lift up their heads above all nations of the earth , for that singular grace and favour which god has done them in bestowing on them a spiritual prince , namely the bishop of rome , who has chased great kings and mighty emperours from their thrones , to set others in their places ; to whom so many potent kingdoms pay'd tribute so long , as never any thing has been seen like it ; and who divides such riches amongst those of his court , as never any king or emperour hath done before . but these so lofty elogies in the eyes of these base and interested spirits appear but sacrilegious to those who truely honour the grandeur of the spiritual authority of the pope . it is the very same in the matter of infallibility ; the politick theologues thinking to procure a great advantage to the pope by publishing this doctrine : never considering that on one side they put a very great obstacle to the re-uniting of hereticks , who are more scandaliz'd with this pretension then with all those points of our faith in which we disagree ; and on the other , that by this doctrine they make the pope in danger to deceive himself , and expose the church to schisms and divisions . for 't is this pretence of infallibility which may induce popes to neglect to take the legitimate and ordinary waies of deciding points of faith , who , by the consent even of cardinal bellarmine himself , ought to assemble councils , and there onely regularly examine controversies of religion ; which they will hardly ever be brought to doe , so long as they are persuaded that they are infallible , without obligation to any other forms . nor let them alledge how great an advantage it is , the having an infallible authority in the church , to which there is so easie an access ; as if the verity of things depended upon their commodiousness . were this so , we must also conclude that popes are impeccable too , at least in the government of the church ; for who would question but that were likewise very commodious , for hindring the damnation of so many persons by these unlawful dispensations , which persuade them that what-ever the pope permits is as truely lawful as if god himself had said it ? whereas really there is nothing more true then what an ancient has affirm'd , namely , that the greatest part of dispensations are nothing else but a more easie descent into hell with the pope's permission : facilis descensus ad inferos cum bona venia papae . but as this impeccability would be exceedingly advantagious if indeed god had bestow'd it upon popes ; so , on the contrary there can nothing be more pernicious then the flattery of those who goe about to attribute it to him , since it the more imboldens them blindly to pursue their own passions , without fearing to offend god. and this is what those cardinals and prelates ( chosen by paul the iii d for the reformation of the church ) affirm'd really to have succeeded by means of * some persons , who would needs persuade some popes that their wills were a sufficient rule for their actions ; whence it follow'd , that what they pleas'd was lawful ; and hence ( say they ) have ( as from a source and spring ) flow'd such an infinity of abuses and intestine maladies as have reduc'd the church to such a condition , as her recovery seems in a manner to be desperate . we may affirm the same of infallibility : it would be an extraordinary priviledge ; but the scripture having assur'd us that every man is a lier , unless some authority not inferiour to it have exempted us from that rule , 't is a great unhappiness to believe one's self infallible ; because there is nothing that we are more propense to then the falling into errour by presuming we cannot erre . and on the other side it may truly be said , that the likeliest means of rendring popes infallible were , to persuade them that they are not so ; to the end a holy fear may alwaies preserve them in an humble and salutary diffidence of their own sense , and incline them to a diligent research of those waies and expedients which god has established to assure them of his divine truths . paris the 1. of february , 1662. finis . an advertisement upon the following discourse . it has been long said , that in the precedent discourse there have been laid the grounds of pernicious consequences , &c. that divers things have been taken out of the notes upon the pope's infallibility formerly made by the same author : but since there has been nothing alledg'd against what was solidly discussed in these notes touching the authority of the councils of constance and basil , it is thought pertinent to adde it here . a refutation of certain cavils with which some theologues endeavour to elude the authority of the councils of constance and basil . the sense of the church upon the point of infallibility did never more perspicuously appear then in the times of the councils of constance and basil , so venerably esteem'd by all france . 't is well known that the doctrine of the superiority of a council above the pope does necessarily destroy his pretended infallibility ; because all authority which is inferiour , seeing it may be corrected , 't is impossible it should be infallible ; since an authority that is infallible cannot be corrected : it follows then of necessity , that if the pope be inferiour to a council , he is not infallible . all divines are agreed upon this consequence ; and there is none who maintain the infallibility of the pope , but they likewise maintain that he is superiour to a council . moreover , if popes be inferiour to councils , it follows clearly that they are not onely fallible , but it is also as evident that they have actually erred : seeing leo the xth has defin'd the contrary in the council of lateran . it is therefore certain , that the superiority of a council above a pope does by necessary consequence involve his fallibility . now this superiority was clearly decided in the 4th session of the council of constance , where the council declares , concilium generale habere à christo immediatam authoritatem , cui omnes obedire tenentur , etiam si papalis dignitatis existat . and thus the fallibility of the pope was defin'd by this decree . the novel defenders of the superiority of popes above councils exceedingly torture themselves about this decree of the council of constance . for they cannot deny but that pope martin the vth ( elected by this council ) did confirm it in all things which had relation to faith : now the authority of general councils is matter of faith ; which forces them thus to precipitate themselves upon solutions so ridiculously weak , that it is strange any divines should be found who durst propose them . in the first place they affirm , that the council of constance is approv'd by martin the vth in his quae conciliariter gesta sunt ; but that this decree was not made conciliariter , because ( say they ) it was made without examen , and therefore was not approved . 't is easie to see how dangerous an answer this is : since if men be once permitted to distinguish in councils after this manner between decrees examin'd and not examin'd , the way is open to weaken all their authority . for how many matters are there which , having been very well examin'd before councils have been call'd , have no need of being re-examin'd for a long time after , whilst all prelates and divines remain agreed concerning them ? but there is no necessity of insisting upon this , since this solution is founded onely upon manifest falsities ; there being in the world nothing more untrue then the pretence of those authors , that the decrees of the 4th and 5th session about the superiority of councils were not of the number of those things which were decreed conciliariter . for 't is remarkable that the order of the council of constance was , first to propose and examine matters in the particular congregations of the principal nations of christendom , and then they were said to have been decreed nationaliter . after that they were propos'd again in the publick sessions ; and when they were concluded there , then they were pronounc'd to have been determined conciliariter . whereas that which had onely been decreed by the nations , and not in the publick and general session of the council , was never said to be determin'd conciliariter , but nationaliter onely . this is the true explication of these two words , as appears by the place it self which these authors would pervert . for they have not any thing to alledge on this subject , save what we reade in the conclusion of the council , which was in the 45th session . a cardinal having said , according to the custom , domini ite in pace , and a dominican gotten up into the pulpit to preach ; the embassadors of the king of poland and duke of lithuania asked the pope in the name of their masters , that before the council were dissolv'd , he should cause to be condemn'd in a publick session , or else declare for condemn'd , the book of a certain frier , one john falkenberg , which notoriously maintain'd divers horrible errours and heresies , and which had already been lawfully condemn'd for heretical by the deputies as to what concern'd the faith ; and which had likewise been concluded by all the nations of the council , and by the college of cardinals : that unless this were consented to , they did protest denial of iustice in the name of their masters , and would appeal to the next council . which being done , ( the acts added ) our holy father the pope replying , said , that he would inviolably hold and observe all and every the things which had been determin'd , concluded and decreed in matters of faith by the present council conciliarly , and that he would never in any kind contradict it : that so he approved and did ratifie all that had thus conciliarly been done , and no otherwise whatsoever . dixit respondendo ad praedicta , quòd omnia & singula determinata , conclusa & decreta in materiis fidei per praesens concilium conciliariter tenere & inviolabiliter observare volebat , & nunquam contraire quoquo modo : ipsáque sic conciliariter facta approbat & ratificat , & non aliter , nec alio modo . see here the onely foundation of cajetan's distinction , and the sole reason which he alledges to pretend that pope martin the vth did not approve the decrees touching the superiority of councils , as not done conciliariter . but by the very same he evidently approves that he has approv'd them : since the pope includes in his approbation whatsoever had been determin'd conciliariter , and excludes but what having been concluded by the nations , had onely been determin'd nationaliter , and not conciliariter , forasmuch as it was not propos'd in the publick and general sessions of the council ; so as had been the condemnation of falkenberg's book , which he refus'd to ratifie for reasons not known to us . now it is evident , and no waies doubtful , but the decrees touching a council's superiority were first examin'd and concluded by the nations , and afterwards establish'd and determin'd in two publick and general sessions of the council , that is to say , in the 4th and 5th , where 't is noted , that these decrees were first of all deliberated and concluded by all the nations : certa capitula per modum constitutionum priùs per singulas quatuor nationes conclusa & deliberata legit & publicavit . and 't is said at the end of the session , that the council had uniformly approv'd and concluded them : quibus articulis sive constitutionibus lectis , dictum concilium eos & eas uniformiter approbavit & conclusit . were it not then altogether shameful and most impudent to presume to deny that martin the vth had approv'd these decrees , since he has so expresly approv'd whatsoever was determin'd in the council conciliariter ? and that 't is as clear as day , the decrees were determined nationaliter & conciliariter ? in like manner we see that the two latter annalists of the church , spondanus and raynaldus , to give some colour to this cheat , change either in the whole or in part the subject and occasion which caus'd martin the vth to say , that he onely approv'd that which had been done conciliariter . for raynaldus anno 1418. n. 2. falsly supposes that martin the vth speaks these words upon the fathers of the council demanding a confirmation of the acts : cùm veteri more ( saies he ) à patribus martinus rogatus esset , ut concilii acta apostolicâ authoritate confirmaret , ità ipsum respondisse tradunt acta ; s. d. n. papa dixit , respondendo ad praedicta , nimirum postulata , quòd omnia & singula determinata , &c. which is a notorious forgery , since one need onely reade the acts to see , that the fathers of the council did not ask for a confirmation of the acts , and that it was not to answer this demand that he saies what is reported by raynaldus ; but that he might not consent to what was requir'd by the king of poland's embassadors concerning the condemnation of falkenberg's book : so as it is not to be deny'd but this historian has committed a shameful falsification , in feigning the pope to answer what was never demanded of him , and in adding those two words , nimirum postulata , in italick characters , to the word praedicta , to make that agree to the demands of the fathers of the council , which has relation onely to the words of the polonian embassadors . spondanus durst not be altogether so bold with the truth , nor deny these words of martin the vth to have been spoken upon occasion of the polonian's demand : but he suppresses the protestation of appealing to the future council ; because that had too evidently shew'd how false that which he imagines is , that it was on design , and in collusion with martin the v●h , that these embassadors deferr'd their demand till this last session , that so they might have an opportunity to observe what decrees of the council he did approve by his apostolical authority , and what he did not approve ; lest if they had mov'd it before , they might have excited some murmure and trouble among the fathers , by reason of that which had been decided after an ambiguous manner touching the authority of a council above a pope , and their power of reforming the church both as to its head and members , which pope martin would not receive nor approve by taking these decisions absolutely , and in the precise significations of terms . all which is but a pure imagination , without any manner of ground : for besides that the polonians , who appeal'd from the pope to the council , could not be suspected to have conspired with him , since there is nothing which popes more abhorre then these appeals to councils ; the answer of pope martin the vth puts no distinction between the decrees which are found amongst the acts of the council , as if he had approv'd the one without the other , but shews on the contrary , that he approv'd all these decrees , and that he did not deny his approbation , but as to what did not appear in these acts as concluded in the council , for having been determin'd onely by the nations ; such as was the condemnation of this book of falkenberg . it cannot therefore be maintain'd with the least pretence of likelihood , that martin the vth did not approve the decrees of the council of constance touching the superiority of general councils . and that which makes it yet more evident is , that pope eugenius the ivth , though he continually strove to preferre himself above councils , durst not yet openly oppose those decrees of constance , nor reject them as not approv'd by martin the vth his predecessor ; but pretends onely that the council of basil had abus'd them by applying them to an ill sense , quòd concilium constantiense in malignum sensum pertraxerint ; because it had taken occasion upon this definition to depose him , and to create another pope . but towards the latter end of his life the emperour frederick and the princes of germany , who kept themselves in a neutrality between the council of basil and this pope , being willing to come to an agreement with him , one of the conditions of the accord was , that eugenius should by a bull make the same profession which had already been made in germany by his legates , concerning the power , authority and preeminence of general councils , representing the catholick church militant . these are the very terms of the harangue which was made by aeneas sylvius in the name of these princes . alterum est , ut professio potestatis , authoritatis & praeeminentiae generalium conciliorum , catholicam militantem ecclesiam repraesentantium , per tuos oratores facta , tuis literis approbetur . to which the pope consented by his bull , as 't is recited by raynaldus , tom. 18. ad ann . 1447. n. 15. where he declares , that he embraces and reverences the general council of constance , its decree frequens , ( by which this council took upon it an action of superiority over popes , in ordaining them to convoke and assemble councils every ten years , and disabling their power of retarding this term , but onely to advance it ) and all its other decrees ; as likewise all other councils representing the catholick church militant : that he did acknowledge their power , their authority , their honour and their eminence , as his other predecessors had done , from whose foot-steps he would not deviate : concilium autem generale constantiense , decretū frequens , & alia ejus decreta , sicut caetera alia concilia catholicam militantem ecclesiam repraesentantia , ipsorum potestatem , authoritatem , honorem , eminentiam , sicut & caeteri praedecessores nostri , à quorum vestigiis deviare nequaquam intendimus , suscipimus , amplectimur & veneramur . but the reflection which raynaldus makes upon these words of eugenius shews us what the faith and candor of those persons is : 't is a thing ( saies he ) that deserves observation , that eugenius by those letters gives no more authority to the decree of the council of constance , beginning with the word frequens , but what martin the vth had done before . now this very author pretends , an. 1433. that martin the vth had not approv'd the chapter frequens of the council of constance ; but that on the contrary he had abridg'd it by the dissolution of the council of siena : so as according to this author the sense of the words of eugenius were , that he receives , embraces and reverences the decree frequens , as far as his predecessors ; and that his predecessor having neither receiv'd , embrac'd nor reverenc'd it , neither did he receive , embrace , or reverence it . could one offer a greater injury to pope eugenius , then to take the words of his bull in a sense so estranged from christian sincerity , and think that he would juggle with the whole german church by so gross a delusion ? but that which does yet farther ruine all these sophisms is , that pope pius the ii d , in the same bull where he retracts that which he had written for the council of basil against pope eugenius , formally approves the council of constance , and in particular that decree touching the authority of general councils . cum his ( saies he ) & generalis concilii autoritatem & potestatem complectimur , quemadmodum & aevo nostro constantiae , dum ibi fuit synodus universalis , declaratum definitúmque est : veneramur enim n. constantiense concilium , & cuncta quae praecesserunt à romanis pontificibus nostris praedecessoribus approbata . so that if it be pretended that pius the ii d would maintain that the pope were superiour to a council , one must also necessarily pretend that he manifestly contradicted himself . but it is enough to refute this false distinction , that he not onely authorizes the council of constance in general , but particularly in that which it has defin'd concerning the authority of councils . the second reply whereof these modern authors make use is , that the council of constance does not define the authority of all general councils , but that onely which it has during a schism , when there is no lawful pope in the church . but this solution ( as novel as the former ) is manifestly ruined by the same words of the council of constance , which expressly particularize that it defines the authority of all general councils , and not onely its own in particular . item declarat , ( saies the council in the article immediately following after what i have cited ) quò quicunque , cujuscunque statûs & dignitatis , etiam papalis , existat , qui mandatis , statutis , seu ordinationibus aut praeceptis hujus sacrae synodi , & cujuscunque alterius concilii legitimè congregati , super praemissis seu ad ea pertinentibus factis vel faciendis , obedire contumaciter contempserit , nisi resipuerit , condignae poenitentiae subjiciatur , & debitè puniatur . there can be nothing then imagin'd more frivolous then such an imagination , that the council of constance spake onely of its own authority , and not of that of other councils ; since it clearly decides , that the popes who despis'd the determinations of any general councils whatsoever are worthy to be punish'd . moreover pope pius the ii d , in the fore-alledg'd passage , formally acknowledg'd that this council has determin'd the authority of councils in general , and not its own in particular : generalis concilii authoritatem & potestatem complectimur , quemadmodum & aevo nostro constantiae , dum ibi fuit synodus universalis , declaratum definitúmque est . in like manner the whole church in receiving the council of constance has uniformly understood , that it has defin'd the superiority of a council above the pope . therefore france , and the faculty of the parisian divines , which have particularly adher'd to this council , have likewise alwaies embrac'd this doctrine , nor have ever admitted any other , as major affirms in c. 18. matt. superiùs ( saies he ) ostensum est , quòd augustinus & alii doctores tenent partem quam insequimur , ( nempe concilium esse supra papam : ) hanc tenuerunt varii cardinales , & ioannes patriarcha antiochenus , petrus de aliaco cardinalis cameracensis , nicolaus de cusa doctor vocatus christianissimus , ioannes gerson cancellarius parisiensis nunquam satìs laudatus , nostra facultas parisiensis à diebus concilii constantiensis , in qua plures habebis exercitatos theologos quàm in duobus vel tribus regnis , quae sic hanc partem fovent , quòd nulli licuit asserere oppositum probabile . see here what has been the iudgment of the faculty of paris , till mons. duval appear'd on the stage . the council of basil ( held 12 years after ) renew'd these decrees of the council of constance of the second session , anno 1432. and because eugenius the ivth would remove it to bologna , the council having maintain'd that it was not in the power of the pope , ( because a council was above him ) eugenius was fain anno 1434. to revoke all that which had been done against the council , and to declare by a bull , that it had been lawfully continu'd from the beginning till then ; whereupon he sent new legates thither ( besides cardinal iulian , who had continu'd all the while there ) which in the 17th session swore to maintain the decrees of the superiority of a council , which were yet farther renew'd in the 18th session . all this shews that bellarmine had no reason to affirm that the superiority of a council above the pope was not defin'd till the 33th session , when eugenius had broke the council by adjourning it to ferrara ; it being evident that the decrees of constance were there several times renew'd , during the time that the council was acknowledg'd for oecumenick by eugenius himself ; and , by consequence , certain it is , that the decisions of the former sessions are the decisions of an oecumenical council , representing the church universal , and approv'd by a pope . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52328-e110 ouid interest an ferro , an veneno perimas ? mariana l. 1. c. 7. see the life of p. boniface in binnius's collect . of councils . bellarm. de pontif. ro. l. 5. c. 6. adversus edicta reg. p. 145. cap. 7. sect . 14. mariana de rege , l. 1. c. 6. in concert . eccles. catholic . anno 1583. treveris excusâ , p. 22. in philopat . 106. see also bellarm. cont . barcl . to prove the doctrine catholick . platina in vita greg. 7. p. 67. 1 cor. 7.15 . act. 10.13 1 cor. 15.25 carolus rufinus , consil. 109. ● . 1. henry ii. henry iv. in mark 's church at venice . psal. 91.13 . de inst. sacerd . c. 13. in apol. c. 37 vestra omnia implevimus , &c. * cunradus brunus , de haeret. l. 3. c. ult . n. 13. creswel ad edict . regi . ang. p. 151. & sect . 2. n. 160 , &c. * de princip . l 1. c. 26. p. 178. vide fr. bozium eugub . de temp. eccles. monar . l. 2. c. 1. p. 264 , 265 , &c. bell. apol. advers reg. ang. cap. 3. vide english statutes , 24 h. 8. c. 12. and the very first words of magna charta . john 11.52 . in verbo clericus . baronius in paraenesi ad venetos , pag. 47. tractat. de haeres . de temp. eccles. monarch . l. 1. c. 3.11 . de laicis , c. 7. in pact . car. v. cum clem. vii . see the book intituled , the jesuites reasons unreasonable , p. 2. published by a roman cath. p. 9 , 10 , &c. brunus de haeret. l. 3. cap. 15. bishop of down and conner ser. on 5. nov. * charity maintained by cath. c. 7. * remonstrantia hibernorum contra lovanienses , ultramontanásque censuras , de incomparabili regum imperio , subditorum que fidelitate & obediētia indispensabili , ex ss . scripturis , patribus . theologis vindicata , 1665. * querimonia ad alex. vij . ibid. guicciard . hist. l. 2. notes for div a52328-e10540 (a) in his book of the king , and his institut . (b) tom. 3. disp . 1. q. 12. puncto 2. (c) tom. 4. par . 3. tr . 4 par . 411. (d) in his truth defended under the name of francis des montaignes , p. 70. (e) of iustice and right , tom . 1. tr . 2. disp . 19. (f) in his controversies , tom . 1. of the pope , l. 5. c. 6. and in his book against barclay . (g) in his sermons of saints , sermon of the charity of s. peter , pag. 70. (h) in his amphitheatre of honour , lib. 1. ca. 12. (i) in his letter to a french friend , approv'd by the general aquaviva , pag. 11. (k) moral instructions , tom . 2. l. 4. c. 19. (l) in his treatise of mitigation towards the catholicks of england . (m) tom. 5. of censures , disp . 15. sect . 6. num . 7. p. 270. and in-his book intituled , the defence of the catholick faith , &c. l. 3. c. 22. and 23. and l. 6. c. 4. and 8. where he teaches prodigicus things against the life of kings , as this detestable position , rex talis post depositionem incipit esse tyrannus titulo , quia non est legitimus rex ; nec justo titulo regnum possidet : ergò extunc poterit tanquam omnino tyrannus tractari , & consequenter à quocunque privato poterit interfici . (n) in par . disp . 87. resp . ad 3. rat . & tom . 2. in c. 2. disp . 169. c. 4. n. 43. edit . antuerp . an . 1621. (o) of iustice and right , l. 2. c. 1.33 . dub . 2. and in other books , one of which is intituled an apologetical dispute for the power of the high priest. (p) in his book heretic chauvesouris , or vespertilio , concerning the excellency of the iesuites order , pag. 158 , & 159. (q) in his controversie of england 1. edit . p. 108 , 125 , 127 , 136. and 2. edit . p. 122 , 140 , 142 , 152. (r) of apostasie and schism , c. 30 , and 31. (s) in his treatise of controversies in particular , c. 6. q. 10. (t) tractat. 2. disput . 2. q. 5. art . 102. (a) in apol. pro potest . sum . pontif. part . 2. sect . 3. fol. 396. planè tenendum est hanc doctrinam non esse ambiguam , ità ut utrumque opinari liceat ; sed omnino certum , ità ut absque injuria fidei negari non possit . primò igitur id probo , quia hae propositiones in terminis definitae sunt in concilio romano , quòd papae liceat imperatores deponere , quòd à fidelitate iniquorum subditos potest absolvere . atqui definitio facta à summo pontifice cum synodo ad fidem pertiner . (b) bellarminus sub nomine sculkenii adversus widringtonum . haereticum est dicere pontificem , ut pontificem , & ex jure divino , non habere potestatem principes seculares suo principatu exuendi , cùm id bonum spirituale sive ingens ecclesiae necessitas requirit . probatur conclusio . ista sententia est haeretica cujus contradictoria est de fide : sed pontificem habere potestatem deponendi principes est de fide : est enim definitum & conclusum à gregorio vii . in concil . rom. quòd papae liceat , &c. jer. 1.10 . * odorious raynaldus , tom . 18 ad an . 1458. num . 36. novum legarum mittit , ut si ad pacem redintegrandam dissentientes inducere non posset , propositâ anathematis poenâ , illos ab armis juberet pontificis nomine absistere , ac finitimorum regum arma conjungeret in eum qui jussis non pareret . duvallius de supr . aut . rom. pontif. l. 2. c. 1. * sirmondus lectori . nec verò fraudi esse posse ( facundo ) trium capitulorum causam quam defendit : in qua si verum loqui placet , honestius fuerat cum vigilio cadere , quàm vincere cum iusiiniano . quòd si vigilium perpetuò ducem sequi maluisset , quam vigilium postquam iustiniano cedendum fuit cum afris suis reprehendere , nemo illum de suscepta capitulorum defenfione , ad quam vigilius ipse ultro postea rediit , jure accusandum judicaret . and afterwards , usus est ( vigilius ) libertate quam causa concedebat , semper alioquin ad defendenda , ut par erat , & probanda capitula propensior . * ad an . 1423. n. 8. and in the table , verbo constantiense concilium . (a) ad an . 1432. n. 9.12 . & ad an . 1433. n. 9 , &c. (b) in his letter to the clergy . (c) ad an . 1440. n. 4. (a) ad an . 1438. n. 14 (b) ad an . 1436. n. 4. & ad an . 1439. n. 40 & ad an . 1440. n. 2. (a) ad an . 1436. n. 10 & ad an . 1439. n. 37 in the collection of the memoires and acts of the council of trent , published by mons. du puy . * in mentem nostram cadere non potest , te contra autoritatem s. r. e. sedis apostolicae atque nostrae , aliquid perpetrare ; cùm te sciamus pastorem scientificum , & prudentem , & dei timoratum , quae sunt contraria offendentibus autoritatem & potestatem s. r. e. & summi pontificis ; cùm quicumque hoc attentare volens nedum in poenas à jure divino & humano institutas inciderit , sed etiam crimen haeresis atrociter committeret . alexander carrerius , de potest . rom. pont. abeant moderni illi infipientésque politici , qui invidia & ambitione jus statûs ad jus pilati referunt ; de quibus sancti dei ità prophetârunt , astiterunt reges terrae & principes convenerunt in unum adversus dominum & adversus christum ejus . gen. 24.30 * coacervavcrunt sibi non-nulli pontifices magistros ad desideria sua , non ut ab eis disecrent quid facere deberent , set ut corum studio & calliditate inveniretur ratio qua liceret id quod liberet : ità quòd voluntas pontificis , qualiscunque ca fucrit , sit regula quā ejus operationes & actiones dirigantur . ex quo proculdubio efficitur ut quidquid libeat id etiam liceat . ex hoc fonte , sancte pater , tanquam ex equo trojano , irrupere in ecclesiam dei tot abusus & tam gravissimi morbi , quibus nunc conspicimus cam ad desperationem fere salutis laborâsse . another letter of mr. a.c. to his dis-iesuited kinseman, concerning the appeale, state, iesuites also a third letter of his, apologeticall for himselfe against the calumnies contained against him in a certaine iesuiticall libell, intituled, a manifestation of folly and bad spirit, &c. copley, anthony, 1567-1607? 1602 approx. 194 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19321 stc 5736 estc s120368 99855567 99855567 21064 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19321) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21064) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1443:10) another letter of mr. a.c. to his dis-iesuited kinseman, concerning the appeale, state, iesuites also a third letter of his, apologeticall for himselfe against the calumnies contained against him in a certaine iesuiticall libell, intituled, a manifestation of folly and bad spirit, &c. copley, anthony, 1567-1607? 83, [1] p. newly imprinted [r. field], [london] : 1602. a.c. = anthony copley. printer's name from stc. the third letter is a reponse to: parsons, robert. a manifestation of the great folly of certayne in england calling themselves secular priestes. the third letter has a caption title on page 48: a third letter of mr. a.c. appologeticall for himselfe, against the calumnies contained against him in a certaine iesuiticall libel .. . reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng parsons, robert, 1546-1610. -manifestation of the great folly of certayne in england calling themselves secular priestes. catholic church -england -early works to 1800. jesuits -england -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-09 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-10 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-10 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion another letter of mr. a. c. to his dis-iesvited kinseman , concerning the appeale , state , iesvites . also a third letter of his , apologeticall for himselfe against the calumnies contained against him in a certaine iesuiticall libell , intituled , a manifestation of folly and bad spirit , &c. recta securus . domine libera animam meam à labijs iniquis , & à lingua dolosa . psal. 119. newly imprinted . 1602. another letter of mr a. c. to his dis-iesuited kinsman , concerning the appeale , state , iesuits . good cosin : to you who haue done me the honor , and your selfe the right , as to rest satisfied by my last letter to you in answer of one of yours , concerning the present schisme in our church here in england , betweene the iesuites , and our fathers the secular clergie of the seminaries ; i shall not need either with eloquence , or by protestation to perswade you how glad i am hereof , hoping you will take my word for it ; neither yet how vnfainedly i rest yours farther ( if farther may be ) then for euer . now whereas you write , that our clergies thus opposing and writing one against the other , doth greatly scandalize both catholicke and protestant : it is verie true , but what remedie ? vae to the treatie of schisme , and more then thrice vae to thè defence thereof so generall and by authoritie ( such as it is ) both which haue bene the ground of all this , and not to innocents who can do no lesse , nor better then they haue done . for will ye ( for example ) allow a fellon , and him his aduocate with prodigall tongue in his behalfe , and not a true man as much ? what iustice , or what charitie were this ? yea , or what ciuill pollicie in a common wealth ? greatly ( i confesse ) it were to be wisht that in a variance so ecclesiasticall as this , and in a church so vnder execution as ours is , more temperance and modestie were obserued of all hands , aswell for our owne honors , who are catholikes ; as for the edification of our common aduersaries , who are apt to be scandalized euen in our best cariages . howbeit on the other side it is no maruell , considering the irascible nature of man , if in a matter so taken to the heart on either partie , and that vpon opinion of gods glorie as this of the present schisme is , all mens pens be not alike sober , i meane of the iesuite partie , whose writings are fowle , and full both of intemperance and vntruth : namely and notably , their late apologie , as may appeare to the ciuill reader , although vnanswered by the appellants , howbeit ( as i heare ) their answer is forth-comming . a shame that inke and paper and the presse should be so abused , to the propagation rather then extenuation of a scandale : though so much the lesse shame , by how much the author seemes ashamed to set so much as two letters of his name vnto it . and yet ( forsooth ) must it passe current as no libell cum priuilegio prothonotarij apostolici , and that in notable disobedience to the supposed briefe of his holinesse , promulged of late by the said archpriest , in checke and heauy censure of all writings and writers vpon this argument . i say supposed , inasmuch as were there any such true briefe indeed , is it likely ( saith euery one ) that maister archpriest himselfe , and his to whome the promulgation , and consequently the obseruance there of primerly appertaineth , would be the first that would violate it ? or that maister archpriest would , or durst deferre the promulgation thereof a whole quarter of a yeare as he did ; namely vntill such time as the foresaid apollogie were come out by and for his partie ? considering that the disobedience is as great to conceale the popes bull from due and mature promulgation , as to disobey it being once promulged ; specially such the archpriests concealing it , being vpon a cause , and to an effect so meerely in repugnance to the tenure and purport thereof ; wherein he hath shewed notable disobedience and impietie to the briefe , and consequently to christs vicar , and holy church , aswell aforehand as after . againe , were there anie such briefe , is it likely that the archpriest would commit so grosse a fault against it , as to promulge it in so many different and repugnant copies as be to be showne ? or that not any of so many comming dayly from rome can report thereof from thence ? finally , admitting the bull to be truly his holinesses and truly promulged without all manner of fault by the archprist and iesuites ; it therfore followes not but it may be and is surreptiuely procured by them at his holinesses hands , aswell as the archpriests constitutiue was , by the spite and sleight of father cowbucke and his fellow fathers ; who held it no sacriledge to mis-informe the sacred sea by their 〈◊〉 instrument m. standish , and consequently to scandalize it . in consideration whereof , aswell for the honor of that mother sea , as for our owne indempnities , who in this behalfe , and for other important points of our church and countrey , do stand in present opposition to the archpriest and iesuites , it were meete , and necessary ( haply you would thinke ) that aswell we of the laitie , as our fathers of the secular clergie should for want of other competent redresse , appeale to his holinesse from the archpriest , concerning the said bull , be it right or surrepted , whereby to be quit in the meane time of the censures therein contained . this ( cosin ) i graunt you , might seeme a right catholike course and honorable ( as ye say ) for the sea apostolike , seing that by it what error the popes holinesse may herein vnwittingly , and by wrong information haue committed , he may right aswell to the informers rebuke , as to the appellants reliefe . but on the other side , when the penal statute of praemunire here at home against such appeales to rome is considered ; the archpriest and iesuites themselues ( i am sure ) are not of so inhumane a nature , but that they would be loath to see vs take that course , the same being much more in our preiudice one way , then it can profit vs the other against them . neuerthelesse , because we will not be beholding to their fatherhoods so fained compassion and curtesie , as proceeding rather out of their owne selfe-loue and feare to be so called in question at rome touching the bull ( which we are sure they are neuer able to make good ) as we could willingly aduēture vpon that course against them ( i meane we of the laitie whom the same with the censures concernes alike with our clergie ) and also would for any feare we haue of the praemunire , yea or of death , in a case that may be to gods glorie , & the churches peace , as this such our appeale might seeme to be : yet because it is seldome seene , that the laitie of any catholike realme , at leastwise of this realme ( that euer i read ) did appeale to the sea apostolicke , in any cause , by meanes whereof this example of ours might seeme preposterous , and preiudiciall to the lay catholikes hereafter , aswell as be pernitious to our selues in the meane time , for the reason of the statute alleaged : and likewise considering that such appeale by vs were no whit needfull , inasmuch as our clergie is presently in an appeale at rome concerning all our aggriefes with them against the iesuites and archpriest , and namely and in particular concerning this pretended briefe from his holinesse , as by the copie of their appeale , together with their reasons for it , you may perceiue at the end of this my letter ; we hold it not fit , either ex debito , or ex congruo , that we of the laitie should appeale to rome concerning it , and not of any pusillanimitie toward the praemunire ( as haply the archpriest supposeth ) which made him the more aduenturous vpon the wrong doing . besides , that neither is it true , that if we did appeale in this case to rome , the sayd statute can any way touch vs , considering that it were no appealing from her maiestie , or any 〈◊〉 ciuill magistrate in this realme vnder her , to his holinesse , ( which were the point of offence : ) but onely from his holinesse substitute , and that but a supposed one too , for more then supposed wrongs by him done vnto vs. thus ( good cosin ) ought our religion and allegiance to the apostolicke sea to be discreete , else ( as you see ) may it be preiudiciall to vs , and no honour to it ; and thus much in answer to that supposed obiection . i touched vnto you a litle afore , a booke set out lately on the iesuites partie , entituled their apollogie , &c. which forasmuch as peraduēture you haue not yet seene , it going as it doth but in hugger mugger amongst their purblind friends for all the world like a libel , as not daring to shew her , or her authors face ; i will here briefly vnfold vnto you the contents therof , referring you for your farther satisfaction to a copious edition thereof , together with an answer thereto , which is shortly forth comming ( as i said ) on the priests partie . first and formost , the iesuite begins me with a slie preposition , or rather supposition of a continued emulation , or animositie ( as he termes it ) of the laitie of this realme time out of minde against the clergie , and still betweene ( especially these later dayes ) of the secular clergie against the religious ; whereupon ( namely as touching the later ) after hauing laid great blame for the same vpon the diuell , the eternall enemie of the church of god. he then descends to the particular mention of certaine spies and false brethren , both of the laitie and clergie , that haue heretofore giuen scandales to gods manifest heauie hand and fearfull iudgements vpon some of them for the same : wherein he euer and anon twits and calumniates her maiestie and the state , as fautors and abettors of such vile persons & their proceedings . good god , how the author belabours this point , and is driuen for a seeming ground hereof to his owne forgeries of flat falshoods in the aire aswell against the state , as against the priests partie , which for our more ignominie he thinkes he hath quaintly coupled together all along his discourse , weening it not full and honorable inough vnlesse so haughtie , and against a royal state , though otherwise neuer so full of lies . this shift the good sir is fallen vnto , as well to winne credite to his discourse by making it seeme of and against state , as also whereby to giue the statelier flourish to his falshoods , as though we had not true imputations and those bad inough otherwise against our persecutors , without charging them with vntruths . iesu ! that a iesuite should be so vaine and impious , or rather who but a iesuite so vaine and impious , as to frame so fowle and false a matter and a method thereunto , in hope ( belike ) that doing it in the cloudes ( for no name , as i said , haue ye to it ) he and it to passe without shame ; although not so . for , though from the cloud downward to this world , he and it may perhaps passe vndiscried for a time , ( which i suppose wil not be past august next ) by what time the confutation thereof will be come foorth ; yet vpward toward heauen , where is no cloud betweene his shame , & reproofe to such the fowle conscience both of the man and matter , it is already manifest to god and all his angels to his farther condemnation in die irae . but to returne to the matter ; after that the apollog●… hath raked all the kennels of our countrey , and beyond-sea for english scandals in our church ( where who doubts but in fowre and fortie yeares ye may easily find plentie in particular persons that haue lapsed ) & lengthened out his leaues from some to many vpon that sweet argument , in the end he applieth them all to his presupposed ground aforesaid , namely of a hart-burning and haughtinesse of the laitie and secular clergie against the religious , whome he meanes the iesuite onely : and so patcheth me vp his apollogie not as an apollogeticall defence , but as a satyrical inuectiue against the appellant-party , especially against some by name , whom ( though most reuerend persons ) he together with the state most leudly slandereth . this is the summe of the iesuiticall apollogie , the ground thereof being the authours meere fantasie , and a chymaera like to turkie-worke , without anie idea or representation that he euer absolutely sawe thereof in rerum natura ; and the vpper frame altogether falshood . but to see how stoically he carieth the discourse along à termino ad terminum absque vllo intermedio veritatis , fashioning ( as it were ) an alliance of falshood to falshood with so cunning connexions , and a conclusion so according , that to the vnlearned reader it beares a reuerend shewe both of veritie and prudence ; to see it ( i assure ye cosin ) you would say you neuer in all your life read a worke more iesuiticall . how many are there ( i pray ) that reading in like maner ( for example ) amadis de gaule his chiualrie and loues , barnaby rich his brusanus and moderna , sir philip sidneys arcadia and the like , being all chymericall fictions , thinke them true neuerthelesse for the time , reading them with as great feeling as if they were verities : such power hath proper counterfait , and congruitie of feigned matter , with her circumstances of time , place , person , &c. howbeit to censure somwhat such the defect that is in this apollogie , whereby for want of not here & there but altogether the aptum ( vz. veritie to the discourse ) the pulchrum thereof is blemished ; i would aske the author , what ( for example ) had m. gifford his scandale at paris , or what terils , tedders , mondayes , belles , maiors , hardestayes and such like their apostasies here in england to do with the present appellants and appeale ; the scandales which it concernes growing not on their part , ( or graunt they did ) but on the 〈◊〉 iesuites who were the giuers : insomuch as if any affinitie or sympathie be at all betwixt those and these scandales , it is betwixt those relapsed persons and the iesuites , whose wils and dispositions seeme so iust to iumpe , and simbolize , ex parte dati scandali . wher●… on the other side the verie act of appealing , vz. in that it doth appeale to the sea apostolike for salue of all those sores , and the iesuites their earnest withstanding the course , cleares as cleare as the sunne the priestes partie from all and euery so hainous imputations ; as being a testimoniall of a cleare conscience : and much , yea as much as may , be to the glorie of s. peters chaire . there wanted therefore arte in the authour , touching this so speciall point of the fiction , as cunning maisters as the iesuites are in chymaeraes : likewise in that he so sleightly and pusillanimously ouerskips d. fishers treatie of schisme ; which is the ground of all the present schisme . besides this chymaericall conceipt of the apolloger , he likewise here and there taxeth verie ●…rdly the appellants bookes as temerarious and vnsound in religion , wherein how temerarious and absurd he shewes himselfe , all sincere catholicke readers of those bookes may discerne . on the other side , whosoeuer shall reade their treatie of schisme , and this their apollogie with the appendix , may well say and sweare , that there was a temerarious pen indeed , as well for matter of faith as of fact , and so of all their other writings vpon this argument of the appeale , and the estate of our countrey ; and therefore let not a iesuite become a censor of other mens writings or doings as temerarious , till he haue amended and satisfied for his owne temeritie , both in his doctrine of prince-killing , and other disloyaltie to ones prince and countrey , as also in libelling against innocents , ambitioning rule in the church of god , and being schismatickes therein . but what tell i them of temeritie , who are impudent , and whose ground where they take ( be it euen against the holy sea ) is dolus , not virtus , and all manner of falshood and coggerie that may be imagined ? as for the latter part of the booke , true it is that the author hath shewne himselfe therein his arts , or rather his crafts-maister , the same consisting wholly of defamations , whereof that societie hath the exactest schoole vnder heauen . how orderly he fetcheth in the principall appellants one by one , and hath his obloquie to them all : and how reuerently he calumniates them , for all is done vpon colour of religion , and as their position is , though not so their disposition , in ordine ad deum . of one he saith that his becomming scandalous ( he meanes for being in the appeale ) is for hauing lost the iesuiticall spirit , wherewith he defameth him to haue bene sometimes attainted ; and so of the rest . in effect all that part of the appollogie tends to this , that by deprauing of the persons of some of the principall appellants , their matter may be thought bad : whereas ( in truth ) they are and euer were in the eye of all our church , and euen of protestants , so excellent men , both for learning and all manner of good edification , that i know not what iesuite in the world is worthy , soluere corrigeam calciamenti eorū , much lesse that may truly say , black is their eye . wherefore ( good cosin ) if the booke chance to come to your hand , do it the correction as to reade it with iudgement ; in so doing , you shall find it no whit worthy so much as an ordinarie ciuill approbation , much lesse of the appellants answer . which notwithstanding , they are in hand withall , in fauour of the rude and ignorant catholicke , whom such matter with the methode proceeding from such persons as ought , and are thought to be religious , and the same supported by too manie more worshipfull then wise catholickes , is apt to seduce : so homely offices do the iesuites put these good men vnto , who else would i wisse be a great deale better occupied . well , the point of schisme cannot by all likelihood , be now long in difference , it being at this instant in his holinesse handling , where how little soeuer , and but bo-peeke-like , the iesuite speakes of it by his appolloger , he must be forced to say therein what he can or dare , and that in the audience of all the world , and so to his shame , i doubt not ; so litle doubt i of his holinesse high prudence and prouidence in so important a matter as it is , importing the peace both of our church and countrey : and the rather , for that his holinesse can not choose but see the eyes of all christendome vpon him in this behalfe , besides the infinite prayers of zelous catholickes throughout england concurring hereunto at gods hands . great was the iudgement and goodnesse of god , that whereas the iesuites had abused the sea apostolicke , by their so surreptiue procurement of the archpriestship at his holinesse hands , they in the same irreligious spirit of theirs , to administer that authoritie no lesse abusiuely , as by libell , and vniust censures against innocent priests , whereby to deserue to be cited ( as now they are ) to the barre of iustice both concerning the one and the other , which else ( peraduenture ) had not come to passe ; so much was their latter act , not onely peccatum ex se , but also , poena peccati , to the former , according to that of s. augustine in his confessions , domine tu inssisti & sic est , vt poena sua sibi sit omnis inordinatus appetitus . which being so , what a folly and shame is it , that the iesuites not being here in our church and countrey , a partie able of themselues for all the power of spaine to make good the offence , that our fathers of the seminaries must thus abbet them one against another , and so highly to their owne iniurie and disgrace ? call ye it a meeke spirit to be so humble ? or rather is it not basenesse and treason to the catholicke cause , as well as to themselues , as great as may be imagined ? call ye this iohn gersons imitation of christ ? or is this an autenticke cariage of his crosse ? this , if euer any , is meere dispersion and not aggregation , subuersion , and not edification , pusillanimitie , and not zeale and valour in the cause of god. which notwithstanding the iesuites quaile , and are rather retrograde then onward in the quarrell , it being so very vniust as it is . there is no question , and we know it well , that both with their teeth and nailes they still labour to hinder the businesse from the apostolike barre ; wherein they do but condemne themselues and their cause afore hand ; inasmuch as stood they vpon a good ground , they should rather reioyce to see their innocenc●…e so called in question , and examined to gods honour and theirs in the foyle of the appellants : who on the other side , were they not most innocent from schisme , and all other their aduersaries imputations , is it likely that they would euer haue engaged their existimations , their friends , yea and their liues ( as they haue done ) at so high and austere a barre as that of s. peters ? was it euer seene that the man of a guiltie conscience would prosecute a triall , and that with so many miles trauell as from england to rome , by sea and by land , farre from all friends , and against a profest and mightie enemie , who seekes nothing more then his death , such as the isuites are against these good men ? or rather is it not euer seene , that the man of guilt drawes backe and dies , to thinke of holding vp his hand , still holding downe his head before a iudge ? in few , what greater testimonie of a secure soule and innocence , can the appellants giue vnto the world , then their present appeale , and personall proceeding therein ? yea , how much honorable is it in them , ouer and aboue such their innocence from schisme ( which no doubt they will make good ) they to be withall in this businesse of the appeale , muri pro domo domini , and also for their countrey against those fierie fathers ? in respect whereof , though as touching the first , viz. the point of schisme his holinesse ( haply ) should inhibit and interdict all pens and tongues in fauour of the iesuites and archpriest , it seeming to be a meere ecclesiasticall matter , and so within the spheare of his apostolicke actiuitie and office to be seene and obeyed in ; yet for the other of our countrey , such his charge were not of force , other then of courtesie ; forasmuch as it is a meere secular cause and of state , and it an expresse charge of christ to all subiects , reddere quae sunt caesaris caesari , aswell as quae sunt dei deo ; as also the ingenerate law of nature for all men to be loyall to their countrey . so as in this case there is no law , either of grace , nature , or moralitie , that can tie vs from opposition both with pen and tongue , and howsoeuer , against these fathers as touching this point , whom we know to be no lesse infest foes against our princesse and countrey , then spaine it selfe is at this day , and such as labour nothing more then to betray that sweete portion , this sweete plot , our countrey to spaine , a meere forreine and morisco nation . nay more , it is a point wherein haply his holinesse and his predecessors haue bene ( i will not say too blame ) but ouerseene , inasmuch as what miserie hath this latter age befallen our church and countrey through new opinions in religion , nor he nor they haue yet duely seene to forestall it , as still mistaking the course for it ; that is , not by lenitie and ●…yle toward our princesse , which by all likelihood would more haue preuailed , especially at the first , yea or yet , but by the cleane contrary , as by buls and censures of excommunication and depriuation against her maiestie , through the instigation ( no doubt ) of spaine and lesuits . great pitie it is that so litle politike that holy sea hath bene and is in ciuill causes ; namely , betwixt these two nations , as also betweene others heretofore in the like iarres ( as ye may copiously reade in histories ) through her partialitic in affection : and yet no maruell neither , considering that well we wote his holinesse-infallibilitie is onely peremptorie through the holy ghost in matters meerely of faith , & not of fact . so as in the cariage of a matter ofstate , more easily may he erre by being a priest in function , rather then a secular prince , whose kingdome is of this world . very prudently ( we graunt ) did his holinesse interceed betwixt france and spaine these last yeeres , to the happie passe of peace that is as yet betweene those two nations ; and why might not his holinesse haue the like happie hand betweene england and spaine , vsing the like indifferencie and zeale to the same effect ? which with great reason ( me thinkes ) his holinesse is to do , considering that it is as equall good ( for the honour of england i speake it ) to gaine the queene of englands fauour by his loue and kindnesse , ( if so it please god ) as to retaine 〈◊〉 the king of spaine , and the house of austrich by so doing firme 〈◊〉 it . what though her highnesse be a woman , is she therefore the lesse worthy to be faire spoken by the apostolicke pastor , whose pipe ought to be all melodie ( if it might winne her ) or rather not the worthier for that ? much more then , for being so eminent a monarch as englands queene , and descended of progenitors so●… singular catholicke and well deseruing of that sea , by their extraordinarie beneuolence and bountie to it in former ages . at least wise her commaunding a nation , and a nauie so mightie as englands , whereby she hath hitherto made good her disgust and opposition to that sacred sea , to the notable preiudice thereof , aswell throughout most parts of christendome , as here at home in her highnesse owne dominions , may in all policie enforce so kind complement at his holinesse hands toward her maiestie . this latter consideration although it haue not so well preuailed with their holinesses toward her highnesse , yet well we see that the example of a princesse and her soueraigne father afore her so by it disgusted , and consequently their detriments done to that sea , hath inclined his holinesse that now is ( being withall of himselfe clement both by name and nature in octauo ) to somewhat more then ordinary and meete indulgence toward other princes : as for example his , and his predecessors continuall dispensations to the princes of the house of austrich , to match so very neare in bloud as cosin germaines scarse once remoued : and also this other day his holinesse dispensing the french king to marrie with his florentine now his corregnant , his former wife yet liuing , and the like : whereby in so yeelding to their fraile affections , we see how some he gaines , and other some he retaines together with their seigniories and estates in good termes and temper to the catholike church . whereas the cleane contrarie and rough hand hauing bene , and yet being holden by their holinesses ouer her maiestie and her worthy father , we see and rue to this day what holy church hath lost by it , which otherwise in the one it might haue preserued , and gained in the other . do not we the catholicke subiects of this realme endure at this houre vnder her highnesses displeasure with that sea through her corasiues , in liew of lenitiues vnto her , her very heauie hand both ouer our liuelihoods and our liues , whereby we are driuen to great patience , as by our alleageance aswell to her , as by our religion to god we are bound ? this is all we haue gotten these foure and fortie yeares , by the seueirtie of the supreme-pastors to our soueraigne , and this it he loseth . no no ( cosin ) these are not the dayes as heretofore , when princes were willing as well in secular as in spirituall causes to be for the most part s. peters leegemen . this is the age of discession from s. peters chaire , an age of obdurance , and if euer antichrists antelope . wherefore it behoues his holinesse ( in all modestie and vnder correction i 〈◊〉 speake it ) now another while to shift the raines into his left hand , and benignely though somewhat sinisterly to retaine christian princes in the right catholike way , and in particular so to win our soueraigne , if it please god : and not to suffer himselfe to be miscaried by spaine and spaines implements the iesuites against her . at leastwise i could wish , and i pray god , that howsoeuer his holinesse may continue to erre herein , we the catholicke subiects of this realme may still remember our duties , and despise the pipe of spaine . then would i not doubt but gods finger would come in betweene , and worke her maiesties princely heart to his glorie and our ease , which now that spaine and the iesuites would seeme to take this office out of gods hand ; they rather marre then make good . the remedie against which mischiefe is in our power , it being in our wils aswell as in our duties , not to be worse then turke or painim , as in such disloyaltie and misnature to our prince and countrey in the behalfe of that gothicke and barbarian nation spaine we should be . well , are the iesuites dijtitulares , as being so termed after iesus , but ( sure ) no way dijtutclares in this their gospell . farre better gods in that kind were the romaine geese , which with their cackle awaked the garrison of the capitoll in defence of that mount against brennus his escalada by night ; and more worthie a great deale they to be held for goddesses therefore among those heathen people ( as they were a long time after ) then these fathers for gods , amongst vs that are christians , whom by this their so vnnatural position they would transforme to worse then geese . for , what bird may be said so much to defile his owne neast , as a man to be so very a varlet to his owne countrey ? the iesuites neuerthelesse would haue it so , and to this effect it is more then probably suspected , that the king of spaine hath by their disbursements his pensioners ; and feed men here amongst vs ; yea , and the iesuites themselues sticke not to vaunt that they haue a finger not onely in the catholicke commons of this realme , but also in the state , wherein ( but specially the latter ) i dare sweare that mentitur iniquitas sibi . god of his infinite goodnesse ( i beseech ) neuer to suffer the crowne of england to haue such a circle about it as any so bad states-men , nor euer may english nobilitie be so stained . true it is , and we are not ignorant by the examples of sicilie , naples , lumbardie , and the low countries , that highly doth the spaniard dig●…ie the naturall nobilitie of th●…se prouinces , indowing them ouer and aboue their owne patrimonie ( though very ample ) with double as much pension from spaine : but to what end ? truly , to no other , then that by so retaining the affections of the nobles loyall to him , he may by their hands ( being naturals ) the easier tyrannize ouer the commons to their vtter bondage and beggarie , as in th●…se parts we see it . this kind of complement may perhaps allure a base minded states-man ( as none such we trust belongs to the crowne of england ) to hearken to such the iesuits suggestion in spaines behalfe , but neuer a true nobleman indeed . for whosoeuer such he be , that values the honour of his a●…mcestrie deriued to him in bloud , and withall the honour of such his office ofstate , whereby he is incorporate to the queene , and sworne a father to his countrey , it is not possible that he can be so iesuited . neither is it probable that any catholicke or other commoner of but common sort , sence , and ciuility , can be drawne thereunto , notwithstanding that in the point of a childs dutie to his parent , and also of a seruants to his maister ; it is strange how iesuitisine hath debaucht a great many catholikes that i know and haue heard of . i know the catholicke children of either sexe , and those ( some of them ) in their ripest sence , and of extraordinarie religious shew and reputation , who since their becomming iesuited , haue very scandalously not onely neglected their fillall dutie and reuerence to their parents , but which worse is , cleane set them at naught ; such swolne and puritane-spirits those fathers haue put into them , vpon opinion ( belike ) of their being gods dearlings , and assured of their saluation ; or else vpon perswasion that they being their spiritual parents , they ought in regard of them to misregard their carnall , by how much the spirit is more honourable then the flesh . it is no maruell if men so impious against the law of nature , do teach their pupils all foule manner toward the ciuill magistrate , as also if they dare to preach it for good religion , a man to be a traitor to his prince and countrey . but very much it were a maruell if englishmen , especially catholickes , who ( as such ) ought to be the best and loyallest subiects vnder heauen , and such as all princes may be glad to raigne ouer , would be depraued by their so morisco doctrine , as fauouring so much of spaine , and the bastard sowbucke , spaines so leud apostle . for setting aside the infinite scandale and dishonour , for such a realme as this to vaile bonnet to any forreine nation in the world ; what may we probably expect at spaines hands were it vnder her aw , then tyrannie in octauo , whose way-makers being religious are men of so foule desert both to it and our church ? al the good that we may be certaine of , were catholicke religion ( which i graunt were the greatest good vnder heauen ) but with it such oppression , and that vnder the pall and pretext of relgion , as what can be more irreligious ? or what catholicke may endure it ? yes , ( you will say ) we shall haue indie gold by the meanes ; i graunt ye , but how ? so dearely bought as we had better be pleased with our english copper . the same when we haue it , to be forth comming to the spanish magistrates extortion , and perhaps to euerie rascall spanish souldiers rapine ; or haply in liew thereof , the horne to your forehead , or the rape of your daughter , or the buggerie of your sonne , or the sodomizing of your sow , with thousands such like insolencies and shames , as are 〈◊〉 naturall to that torrid nation , and you had better be dead then endure . there would be such wresting then of reddite quae sunt caesaris caesari by the iesuits , that all that euer you are and haue , should thereby come vnder the execution of spanish tyrannie , euen to the accises vpon sallads , egges , pudding-pies , shooing-hornes , and the like plaine and pettie wares throughout the realme : whereas our sauiour christ gaue that precept in reuerence to true , lawfull , naturall soueraignes , and not to tyrants and vsurpers , especially forreiners , such as the spaniards would be if it should come to that . how much more comfortable construction may we that are catholickes at this day in england make of th●…se words of christ , being both by his instant example when he vttered them , and more fully afterward by his passion , at what time though he were god , and might ( as he himselfe affirmed ) haue commaunded legions of angels at his fathers hands in his defence against caesar and the ciuill magistrate , yet would not so do , but contrariwise yeelded himselfe like a most meeke lambe to the shamble , and in particular at his apprehension rebuked s. peter for drawing his sword against malchas , though in so good a quarrell as of him his lord and maister , being ( i say ) by all these his examples taught , that we ought in gods cause rather paeti then agere fortia against the ciuil sword ; passion rather thē action seeming by all his presidents ( as man & whose kingdome he himself said was not of this world ) to be the more honourable point of fortitude . non veni soluere legem , sed a●…implere , said our sauior in another place , and also by his apostle elsewhere , obedite praepositis vostris . besides , that the popes holinesse hath neither implicité nor explicité , as christs vicar other commission out of christs owne words , then that which christ said himselfe to haue , viz. no kingdome of this world but meerely pastorall , and for which the prophet forespelled of christ , that he was to sit in dauids throne who was a shepheard : whereby his holinesse is also to vse and delegate but onely pastorall armes by christs owne appointment , that is peram & baculum , and as all shepheards do , to take his sheep-walkes as he finds them , downe as down , and dale as dale , and not to transferre the same as s. gregorie tha●…maturgus did a mountaine by myracle , and as to bring spaine into england , and the like , according to this new gospell of the iesuites were to do . no no ( cosin ) saint peter had no keyes commissioned him by christ as a caesar , but as a shepheard , as appeares plaine by the words of his commission : pasce ones me as , pasce ag●…s me●…s : neither is his holinesse at this day a temporall prince , but onely in litle romania , and that by the bountie ( as ye may reade ) of our countriman constantine caesar. lastly , neither is it safe pollicie in his holinesse , as he fauours the church his charge , to attempt any such tradition of england ouer to spaine , considering that our soueraigne is truly a lionesse that knowes her strength and how to vse it aswell as euer any her predecessor-kings of this realme did , and as alreadie more then partly the catholicke church through gods permission hath found it , and his holinesse sees it , and we yet feele it as aforesaid . wherefore ( good cosin ) to conclude my opinion and conscience vnto you vpon this point , let all english catholickes aswell for that we are catholikes as english , explode and prosecute this doctrine of the iesuites here amongst vs in spaines behalfe as imposturall and disloyall , and flat against the grounds both of grace and nature ; and let vs sticke as well to our countrey like true english , as to the holy romaine church like true catholikes to the death . let vs be still armed with passiue fortitude , viz. patience toward our owne true , lawfull , and naturall princesse though neuer so heauie handed ouer vs , rather then in our impatience to call in a stranger , and a demi moore vpon vs whose language we vnderstand not , and whose humours and fashions we shall neuer be able to abide . in so doing though it should be the will of god her maiestie still to continue harsh towards vs , we shall giue god and our consciences honour both now present and in the latter day , as by the testimoniall of our true alleageance and religion , barke the puritanes neuer so currishly against vs as they daily do . you haue seene ( i am sure ) their late memoriall exhibited to her maiestie , and the two ll. archbishops , perswading farther vexations and grieuances to vs catholickes then hitherto haue bene accustomed , euen to the passe of occluding vnto vs all hope of her highnesse grace and clemenie for euer , which sounds as much as to driue vs to despaire ; a point which they verie vnchristianly and no lesse vnpolitickly define to be the onely securing of her princely person and estate against all both foraine and domesticke hazards , as though we were the onely disloyall subiects vnto her highnes in either of those kinds . but such their malignant reasons and imputations leaue we ( cosin ) to her maiesties examination , who in her high prudence cannot be but satisfied of our loyaltie ( setting iesuites aside ) by the proofe of these foure and fortie yeares , as also see how daungerous a thing it is to a state , to driue so great a part of subiects as catholikes are in this her highnesse realme to desperation were we not catholickes , who by the grounds of our religion would ( god willing ) be as litle disloyal to her maiestie in such our despaires ( would her highnesse driue vs thereto ) as we haue hitherto bene in our longanimitie and hopes for her fauor : whereas what puritanes would proue in the like case vnto her highnesse , it is greatly to be doubted , considering their frantike spirit , and what bellowes blowes them . but ( we thanke god ) that not they , but protestants steare the present state , who being lesse forgone from god and vs then they ( how foolishly soeuer this memorialist would make their religion all one ) is withall so wise as to iudge of that their memoriall as it is , remembring how little queene marie profited this realme in catholike religion by her seueritie against protestants ; it being the nature of persecution , rather to pullulate more and more spiritual errors , then to retrench them : much more veritie it selfe according to that of the psalmist , fluminis impetus laetificat ciuitatem dei. besides that , neither would such the puritanes course ere a whit preuaile ( i presume ) so much as in state ( setting religion aside ) with the iesuite partie , which indeed is the spanish , and that whereof they make least state ; forsomuch as ( we are sure ) howsoeuer the memorialist pleaseth to terme them catholickes of religion and not of state , that they would collogue with any such course , by either oath or other externall signe whatsoeuer should be required at their hands , according to the lawes of their mentall euasions and equiuocations grounded vpon their ordo ad deum , which permits them any dissimulation ; and also according to the examples they haue hereof giuen in scotland , by allowing and auowing it lawfull for catholickes there to communicate with heretickes in their externall seruice , which any true child of the catholicke church would rather die then do , as holding it flat apostacie . i am sorie to say thus much of them going as they do for catholikes ; as also that grossely is the memorialist mistakē , to affirme our variance with them but dissembled to the state , and by dispensation from his holinesse ; which if it were so at the beginning ( as what wise man would cuer imagine it , considering we are both one church , and that vnder persecution , and the scandall it would giue ) yet now both the state and all england sees , that if ( as such ) we entred at the first like two friends into a fence-schoole to practise with one another in ieast , and to deceiue the beholder ; such our ieast is now turned into earnest , our foyles to edge , our vennies to wounds . but leauing this point of state , wherein the puritanes and iesuites both do thus wrong vs to the world-ward though not to god , i haue no more to say vnto you concerning the same at this time , then what in my former letter i largely wished , and in this a litle afore i began to say , that is , that howsoeuer the world goes , we shew our selues ( as hitherto we haue done ) loyall to her maiestie , and respectfull to her law , and the ciuil magistrate vnder her in whatsoeuer trial of our faith ; and not malapert , saucie , and peremptorie , like as manie iesuited catholickes haue done , as though a good matter needed not also good manner . constant it behooues vs to be , usque ad aras , to our conscience if it come to that , but not currish , and surly , as in scorne of the law and magistrate we liue vnder , whom such cariage doth no whit edifie , but rather more and more exasperate to our harmes . besides , that it sounds a man in so doing to be guiltie of his owne death , and to die not so much for religion , as for an vnciuill fellow . so died one of the 14 gentlemen , who being questioned of his religion by a high commissioner , thought it not zeale inough to auouch it catholike ( which he did ) vnlesse with this addition , that he thanked god he was not a sheepe of the scabbed flocke of geneua . briefe , our obedience and seruice ought ( according to the apostle ) to be discreete , and as much as may be to edification , aswell by our morall good deportment , as by our religious . the protestants that suffered in queene maries time for their errours in religion , were in this point many of them to be commended , they fashioning their termes very reuerently to the ciuil magistrate : and shal we then that are catholikes be to learne of them ? no , let vs remember that we are subiects to a princesse , no more an vsurper , yea , more applauded to the crowne by all england , and in especiall , the same set vpon her royall head , and she annointed by a catholike bishop , then euer that good queene was , who attained to it through the pikes of a competitor . let vs withall hope that ( seeing bloud will haue bloud ) the protestants hand which we are now vnder , will one day be satisfied for the protestant blond , in my opinion , too profusely shed , and other their vexations in the aforesaid good queeens daies , and so perhaps appeased . but specially in so singular a good cause as this of our catholike religion , if no asswage or courtesie should euer befall vs from the protestant , let this be our rest , not to be ashamed to be torne members vnder so thornie a head as our lord and maister iesus . which the better we may do and be , if we will harken like good sheepe to the pipe of our true pastors of the secular cleargie , namely , the seminaries yet another while , leauing the iesuites as false ones , and who in their singularitie and worldly wealth ( wherin they settle like bettles in soile ) haue cleane forfeited and forsaken the spirit both of their founder and of the catholike church , and so are giuen ouer by god to themselues , & ad insanias falsas , as yet a litle more i will shew you and so make an end . first then to begin with what i now last touched of their singularitie and common-wealth , it is not to be doubted but amid all their euangelicall labours in india , they haue a speciall eye to their bonum societatis as they terme it ; but whether truly in ordine ad deum that is the question . not that i would haue you conster this item vnto them as in detraction by way of extenuation of their wel-doings for christs church in those parts , but truly as it is , that more then somewhat or competent they respect their temporall boote in that spirituall trafficke . which to do in a religious mediocritie might well ( i graunt ) beseeme them , forasmuch as dignus est operarius mercede sua , especially if they would vse their gettings as they ought and would haue it thought sincerely in ordine ad deum , as the benedictines did their riches heretofore in england , in almes-hospitalitie and all good edification , i meane the gold , and pearle , and spice , and such like indian-wares wherewith they so copiously euerie yeare inrich their societie here in europe from thence . but if it do appeare ( as too plaine it doth ) that by reason of such their riches from thence and what they no lesse secularly gather here in europe , they neglect gods honor by preferring their owne afore it ; then ( loe ) must we needs condemne both such their gatherings in india and here , and much more their said ordo ad deum as falsly and hypocritically by them pretended ; and consequently thinke , that qui cum ijs colligunt , spergunt . if it appeare to all europe that by meanes of such their wealth they trouble all europe by setting kings and kingdomes at oddes ; by sowing of factions wheresoeuer they come ; by ambitioning aboue all religious orders in holy church in ordine ad daemonem , aemulantes still charisma●… pessima , and dominion euen ouer the secular cleargie on which for their greatest honors they depend ; if they busie themselues in disposing and deposing of crownes and scepters betraying one nation ouer to the hand of another , yea , their owne deare countrey , and all this in iesus name ; briefe , if they be scarse good lay men in their cariages , & but in bare title religious ; if all this or but half do appeare true , how then ( i pray ) is their riches to be said in ordine ad deum ? or how are they the men they vaunt and would be taken for ? who that hath but one eye sees not how that by so abusing their wealth , they abuse god and his glorious name , after which in their singularitie they haue chosen to be called ? who sees not that by being so vnworthie stewards of worldly talent , they are much more vnworthie of the spirituall fauors , faculties , & prerogatiues indulged vnto them by holy church more then to any other order of religion whatsoeuer ; insomuch as in regard of the same ( being spiritual and holy talents ) they may truly say to god if they were so humble and penitent , or since they are not , any other for them , domine quinque talenta dedisti mihi , ecce alia quinque super furatus sum : for what hath a religious person to do with the fat of the earth , albeit he would vse it neuer so well ? much lesse when abuse it as these do . such fat doth but infatuate them from heauen , making them looke toward it with fat cheeks which they should do with leane . who sees not how that their neastling in pallace-tops by meanes of such their wealth , is not therefore their being true and kind storkes ; insomuch as they from such their tops and towers , pay not like the thankful storke tribute to the place , neither kil they vp all the frogges and other vermin in the countrey about ; but contrariwise would destroy the best things there , as here in england we see the lamentable proofe at this houre in their libel against the honors of our best fathers the seminaries who brought them ouer hither , as also in the catholicke church of holland which they haue likewise so fouly disordered with their schisme and faction at this day , that it is at this present in an appeale against them vnder her apostolicke vicar before the popes legate a latere in those parts , who to his infinit griefe to see it , is now in redressing the same . so haughtie that societie is growne by reason of her wealth , and the countenance of the house of austrich ( whose coate and cognisance it hath worne from an egge , as aiming to rise and fall by and with the greatest ) that wheresoeuer in all christendome it sets footing , it straight seekes to innouate all , and to captiuate aswell the laitie as the cleargie to her homage . here hence it is that all mens faculties must vaile bonnet to it , and their good names be vnder her praise or reproofe . it is not enough where a colledge of these fathers is , a citizen to be noble either in bloud , by office , or rare manners , no nor to be neuer so honest , innocent , and of a safe conscience to god and the world-ward , without their superscription or letters patents , which sounds as though a man should be more beholding to them then to god , to a icsuit then to iesus : whereas , bearing the print of their praise , it skils not how very a foole , or knaue , or both a man be . all mens honours and abilities must depend on them , and their republicke , or else be reputed reprobate . yea , the secular priest ( as i a litle afore touched ) which is the supremest dignitie in the church of god , and it whereby a iesuit priest is more reuerend , then for being a bare iesuite and no priest , ( which he can neuer be but by the imposition of the seculars hand , vz. the bishops ouer him ) such a one ( i say ) not to rise vp to him , and giue him the conge and vpper place in all meetings , is to be esteemed an vnmannerly puppie , and proclaimed by their drum●…e for a scandalous person ouer all the face of a countrey ; so exorbitant is their pride or ingratitude , chuse ye whether . examples hereof are so many , and so daily here in our countrey and in our church notwithstanding the affliction it is vnder , that to recount ye them , were more tedious then a wonder . was it not ( for example ) notable pride and peeuishnesse in a certaine iesuited priest northward now an assistant to the archpriest , who being there in a worshipfull womans house , where were also a secular priests residing for the most part , he vpon some generall termes of hers to him in confession , sounding as though she were scandalized in the too peremptorie cariage of one of the three in her house , to refuse to absolue her , vnlesse she would there at his feete declare , whether she meant it by him ( as indeed she did ) a point which she refusing to satisfie him in , as meere impertinent , nay vnallowable in that sacrament ; was faine to stay his inordinate leysure and pleasure for an absolution : besides the pride , was not this notable sacriledge to so high a sacrament ? in like maner this other day , a parcell of almes comming to a certaine prison in london , and deliuered to a iesuited priest of the last yeares condemnation , to be by him distributed amongst the catholikes his fellow-prisoners ; a iesuit who was likewise a prisoner in that place , demaunded that money of him as in way of exception , that he being a profest iesuit was the worthier man to distribute it . the other on the other side stood vpon the honour of his condemnation , alleaging that in that respect ( though no iesuit he , other then in voto ) he was the more worthy . thus stood they vpon puntoes so quarellously , and so long in this high affaire , that they could take no rest a nights , and that all the prisoners there were verie much scandalized thereat , who being for the most part iesuiticall , and the brabble referred in the end to their disciding , awarded for the substantiue iesuit against the adiectiue , notwithstanding his dissigned martyrdome , which i am greatly deceiued if euer god suffer to take effect , as long as he continues iesuiticall . out of this spirit it is that father cowbucke for all the disparage of his birth ( which not his basptisme could wash away ) and other his scandalous cariages aswell since his iesuitisme , as formerly when he was an hereticke in oxford , ambitioneth the cardinalate , forgetting how that to be a bare priest ( though no such peere ) he being a knowne bastard is against the canons of the church ; although to be a iesuite ( being such ) well and good he may . a proper person ( surely ) to be a cardinall , or to carie so great a taile after him as he doth at this day in england : howbeit ( insooth ) as good he to be such a ring-leader for spanish faction here , the matter being so leud as it is , and he ( setting his priesthood aside ) so base , as for his generall or other outlandish iesuite to be the same , who are no whit english. well , the man is a iesuit , and therefore to be esteemed whatsoeuer his birth or behauiour be , and they worthy the stropado , ●…ay the garotto that dare to censure him . see what a thing it is to be a iesuit , and what an ordo ad deum ( as they vse it ) in disorder to the church and of a common wealth . this is that societie of fathers of which it must be said , that by gods speciall prouidence it came vp with luther , as a curbe to his and from him all the ensuing heresies of this age , by which it hath morched along like a mattocke cheeke by ioule , rooting them vp instantly euery where . a fond foundation of a praise , as though beere did not also come in much about that time , which notwithstanding immoderatly taken and so abused , though good and wholesome drinke of it selfe , is as the iesuites are at this day pernitious , intoxicating the braine . this is that societie that must be termed of fathers in gods church , they being no whit her good sonnes , and which would rule , not knowing yet how to obey . this is that societie that thinkes it becomes it well in iesus name to grace her generals , and other her inferiour members to the worlds eye , with most curious and costly pictures and statues amongst the greatest lords and heroes of christendome , which is a monstrous vaine-glorie , and which all other religious in the church , are in their humilitie ashamed of . but their kingdome being ( it seemes ) wholly of this world , let not such their vanity seeme strange vnto you , neither yet strange a many other their like vaine-glorious fopperies . in few , this is that societie that must be thought most holy and perfect of all other orders , yea or then a generall councell , because ( forsooth ) they say , it is the most hated corporation , and the most persecuted of heretickes and the diuell of them all : which argument we might well graunt them for good , were it not that the societie is also no lesse disliked of the catholike church itselfe . moreouer if that reason might hold , aswell may we inferre that lutheranisme was truest religion in queene maries time , because the most persecuted then : but causa , not poena facit martyrem saith s. augustine ; and our sauiour , ex fructubus eorum cognoscetis eos . these be the true rules that heretikes and iesuites are to be knowne by of all catholickes , namely , as enemies the one , scandals the other to the catholike church , the one without , the other within the same . and yet these others sway mightily ( we see ) with ignorant catholickes in their good acceptance and commendation , according to that , stultorum plena sunt omnia . at a word it is such a societie , that were s. augustine now aliue and to write anew his citie of god , he would pen it downe , and make it knowne for the most imposturall corporation that euer was within the same , and as pernitious to it ( if it should hold on vnreformed ) as any malignant limme that euer hath bene thereunto . for which ye may see what great reason the french king had to expulse them out of his most christian kingdome , and how little reason the catholike king hath to giue them the countenance he doth , whereas the rude indians if they but vnderstood the french kings reasons for his expelling them , would ( i perswade me ) do as much amongst them . another querke this societie hath wherewith to winne to be admired , and that is her prophecies . great propheciers the iesuites are and fortune-tellers , to wit , not of trifles , as of stolne or lost neckerchers , handkerchers , crosse-clothes , pin-pillowes and the like , like gipsies or witches , but of the changes and deaths of states and statists , though for the most part most foolish and false , whereby you may see from whence their illuminations come , and with what holy-ghost their familiaritie and correspondence is whereof they so much boast . for example , they one while prophecied of the last lord treasurer of england the lord burleigh , that for being not so much a persecutor of the catholicke church in generall , as in particular of their societie , by gods angry doome he should die herods pedicular death : another while that he should be executed at the court-gate in her maiesties displeasure and to the infinite contentment both of court and countrey , who notwithstanding ( as he liued a great councellor ) so to the eye of the world died a faire death , and was laid out a faire coarse , and buried with great honor . so likewise of her maiesties end how disasterously they haue prophecied , and do expect , i am sure you haue heard and do disgust as much as i. but what talke i of protestants , seeing that also vpō very religious catholikes they haue augured no lesse fatally , for being their known or but suspected distasters ? if but a pin prick such a one , or his tooth ake neuer so litle , it must be straight thought gods anger to the partie , and that all the angels of heauen haue a finger therein in reuenge of his odious soule to god. whereas what mischiefe soeuer happens to any child or dearling of theirs ( though neuer so prodigious , and the partie neuer so leud ) must be reputed but ordinarie and naturall , yea and gods blessing vnto him as in probate of his vertues , and not in plague to his sinnes . thus rarifie they ( as it were ) all aduerse persons to their doctrine and proceedings , either to the diuell or to nothing , and blub vp their owne impes in presumption like rice or pease in pisse . i know the gentlewoman my allie , who in this strange ballowne-like spirit ( being extreme iesuitical ) vaunted these vaine ascensions of her soule to heauen-ward . imprimis , that her first ghostly father , being but a bare secular priest , brought her but on her way to heauen ; the second a iesuited secular , brought her to heauens gate ; but the third a profest iesuite , he , oh he of all the good men that euer liued , she was beholding vnto for heauen it selfe . was it not as puritane a spirit in another iesuitesse sometimes my good acquaintance , who in the case of her daughters preferment in mariage , refused to hold parley with a very worshipfull gentleman in a motion made by a secular priest concerning a match betweene his sonne and her said daughter , for no other reason in the world , then because such a priest , and not a iesuite was the meanes : which iesuitisme of hers the gentleman scorning aswell for his owne honour , as for the honour of the secular cleargie , gaue her ouer with an affrent as she deserued . the like puft spirit , or rather à fortiore was that of a iesuiticall priest now in framlingham , who in a letter of his to a kinswoman of mine , perswading her to iesuitisme in the present schisme , hath these pharisaicall termes vnto her , or the like ( as i perfectly remember ) in his owne commendation : o my good god , how much hast thou honoured me aboue thousands of my brethren in thy seruice , how may i not hope for my long sufferances for thy sake , my watchings , prayers , fastings , to be thine for euer in thy glorie ; oh see what vertue is , and how boldly it may bespeake gods iustice . all which neuerthelesse i would haue you think i attribute to gods goodnes and not to my owne deserts , &c. how like ye ( i pray ) this spirit of a man ? do ye thinke it tastes any whit of the holy ghost , or of his spouse the catholicke church ? haue ye euer read of the like in any saint of god , confes●…or or martyr ? beleeue me i haue not . a iesuit so to commend himself , how is it not to condemne others ? and to be too peremptory a prophet of disasters , especially to his distasters , though commonly as false in the one , as pharisaical in the other ? how is it that they condemne not onely other mens bad , but euen their best actions , not proceeding from the instinct of their spirit , but farther , dare ( as i say ) to prophecie gods dread doomes thereunto , and to them , oh monstrous singularitie to presume so high , or if not monstrous but meete , why may not ( i pray ) by the same reason a secular priest or his friend aswell not censure that societie for most impious , vnfortunate , yea and reprobate for the paucitie of martyrs that haue bene of it in england all this time of affliction , neither any saint of it as yet so much as their founder canonized in the catholike church since their institution to this day ? why may not we aswel by the same reason calumniate euen those three or 4. martyrs ( which are al that haue bin of their societie here in england ) to haue died rather to their shames for their sins , then to gods glorie , which ( though vnconfirmed as yet by myracles for saints ) god defend that absolutely we should . yea god desend we should so much as censure m. atkinson the late apostata priest , their renouned dearling both before and since his apostasie , for a reprobate , seeing that non est abbreuiata manus dei at any time toward a repentant sinner . howbeit , not that withall we are bound in conscience to extenuate his lapse & scandale as but a trifle , which some iesuits lately haue done , and that by their expresse letters in his commendation into ireland , which are forthcomming . but all their crowes must be white , which whether blacke or white ( being but crowes ) much good ( i pray god ) may it do them . in effect , there is nothing so religious , so honorable , and to gods honour , but impietie may depraue , nor any thing so criminall and abhominable , but it may be-honest at least in shew , especially vpon pretext of religion and holinesse as iesuites vse to do all their euils . but those fathers must not be repaid with their owne measure , nor is it meete , it being so much out of measure as ye see . if the seminarie or secular priest should so render vnto them , the example would be too scandalous and domageable to gods church here amongst vs , they being ( as it were ) the very brow of it , and as a beacon vpon mount sion . so should not our church be without continuall schisme , nor the state ciuill without imminent hazards from abroade and corruption at home ; so very foule for the most part are all their examples , which to expiate how many of these good men haue lost their liues as in equall condemnation with the iesuits from the state ? and in particular so should detraction be the greatest ladie in this land , it being the most iesuiticall vice of all other , & of the most varietie and facilitie to be practised ; for ye may do it by supposals . suppose ye ( for example ) that one of the appellant priests do resort to my lord of london , it is iust thereupon to report and sweare , that he hath alreadie recanted at paules crosse and is turned protestant , or maried to a wench and become a cuckold , and so of the like whatsoeuerye list , so the rule and standart in your conscience be ordo ad deum . and for i speake of detraction , i will here relate and condemne vnto you , hoping you will do the like with me , one of the foulest presidents that euer you heard or read of in this kind of iesuitisme . the authors whereof in generall are all the whole iesuiticall faction at this day in england as for labiall slander of the partie detracted ; but in especiall , and in way oflibell but three or foure . one is father cowbucke in his late infamous appollogie , or what other iesuite is thereof the author ; another the manifester of folly and bad spirit , &c. the third , the aforesaid cowbucke , or the archpriest ( as some thinke ) in the latin appendix ; and the fourth and last is one versteghen , alias rowland a coopers sonne , and a binominous fellow , worthily so markt and knowne to the world were it for no other spot orstaine of his life then this one alone . of this fourth libell and libeller onely i here meane to certifie you , letting the other three passe as throughly alreadie either answered or in answering to m. watsons lasting credit ( who is the man thus iesuitically infamed ) by those of his owne reuerend coate and companie . this versteghen then , alias rowland ( the honest coopers sonne here at s. katherins in london ) rising vp onely by brocage and spierie for the hispanished iesuits , liuing now as though he were an hidalgo in antwerpe ( as who may not be a gentleman so far from home ) hauing read or heard of a certaine passage in m. watsons quodlibets , where he feeles himselfe touched rather for a very fopperie indeed , then any enormous crime ( as may appeare to the reader ) takes the matter so highly in blemish to his iesuitical reputation , and withal pepper so in the nose as ye shall heare . he writes me hereupon his letter , or rather his libel ouer into england coppie vpon coppie , in which ( omitting how by the way he calumniates the partie of the appellants in generall ) he most sacrilegiously termes the said good man m. watson , an apostata vnworthy of priesthood , one who hath made shipwracke of his soule , a bussard , a dissard , a lier , a base companion , an out-cast of the world , hatefull to god and man , a contemptible , base , obscure , and ridiculous creature , a rauer , a railer , a slaunderer , detestable , abhorrible , perfidious , malicious , venimous , shamelesse , wicked , false , vile , a scholler of women and fooles , a notorious lying knaue , a iudas , and no wayes to be ballanced for worthinesse and credite to father parsons ; a fit cadence ( beleeue me ) to such a straine . good cosin , before i proceede any farther in reproofe of this wretch , do not ( i pray ) your eares glow alreadie ( being so very catholicke as you are ) to reade these termes against an annointed priest ? do ye not alreadie condemne and spit at so iesuiticall a spirit ? the fellow i haue knowne a long time , and withall to haue bene euer an impe of the iesuites ; else how is it possible that professing himselfe a catholicke and a gentleman , nay and to suffer for the ca se , he to be so impious to holy priesthood as these termes import him ? could any hereticke , turke , painim , atheist , witch , diuell haue beene more sacrilegious ? or any scauinger more vncleanely ? or could any though neuer so enormous a caitife haue bene more abiectly taunted then with these termes ? what thinke you when such a vermin as this , shall dare offer such indignitie to holy priesthood , then which what higher dignitie haue ye in the church of god ? a man would haue thought that had m. watson bene neuer so guiltie , and deseruing those epithetes , yet the sacred order of priesthood , whereby he abides neuerthelesse medicinable to all that sacramentally apply vnto his salue , by vertue of that character which still remaines indeleble vpon him vnto his graue , would haue had so much priuiledge with a catholicke man as to haue forborne him those termes ; especially the dissard ( for i wil render him but his own measure ) vouchsafing in his said libel vpon one digs a ranke puritane , & persecutor of catholikes the title of maister . but oh god , oh infinite corruption in holy church , when such spirits are suffered , nay nurtured therein : when a religious societie , and that of iesus can beget such brats ! how may we not feare , yea and in a manner sweare that cecidit ciuitas sancta , when whereas heretofore the lay did therein now and then debauch the religious , now the relgious do debauch the lay , and that as bad as bad may be ; namely to the outraging of what is most holy , to wit , priest and prince ; the later as we lately inough saw in the murther of the last french king , and latelier might haue seene in the now regnant ; and also in our own deare soueraigne sundrie times by the iesuiticall hand had not gods hand bene the stronger : and the other ( not to go farre for examples ) thus in m. watson . cosin , let me with your patience chide this bussard a litle , though a great deale he deserues , in zeale and honour of catholike religion , which no whit warranteth such a scandale ; as also in humbe loue and reuerence of the partie depraued , whose vertues i haue long tasted of to my much spirituall edification , and therefore may iustly challenge to be admitted a witnesse in his behalfe against this libeller . were sir thomas moore aliue , i am sure he would herein take my part , who so catholickly reuerberated luthers grosse termes against the annointed person of king henrie vpon the apostata himselfe ; howbeit an office he tooke no pleasure in , and much more ( no doubt ) would he haue bene rough with the outrager of a priest. and why not i the same , who ( i thanke god ) auow my selfe no lesse catholicke , though nothing neare so good a catholike as that good knight ? why ( i say ) should not i by his example haue also a pen to employ in a priests defence , aswell as he ? why how sirha versteghen or rowland , or ( as thou darest to terme an annointed priest ) thou notorious lying knaue , whether hath iesuitisme thus caried thee against thy true spirituall father a secular priest ? whether from catholike , dutie , yea and all humanitie ? are not these termes of thine percussio cleri in the highest degree ? for which thou hast deserued the cēsure of the canon & a great deale worse to be inflicted vpon thee . hast thou ( thou base and obscure creature ) forgotten our sauiors saying , that wherin thou misdoest to any one of these , thou mis-doest to me , and that who saith to his brother ; racha ; is re●… g●…ennae ignis , much more who saith it to his father ? wouldst thou thy selfe wert thou an apostata , a bussard , a dissard , a lier , a base companion , an out-cast of the world , hatefull to god and man , a notorius lying knaue , a iudas , yea a dog , and no wayes to be ballanced for worthinesse and credite to father parsons , &c. be patient to be thus called , thou being much part of all these , and but a lay mechanical gana-pan which is a spanish epithet that full well thou vnderstandest , and in english an earne-bread or bread-earner , and yet darest thou to giue a sacred priest such atributes ? art thou not ashamed ( thou out-cast of the world , and no wayes to be ballanced , &c. ) after hauing thus wounded thy father , to vaunt thy géntrie in the end and blazon thy coate-armour , who hadst thou bene a gentleman aforetime , hast herein forfaited not onely all that vaine honour , but euen the name and honour of a catholicke , and deseruest to be hissed and exploded both out of all ciuill companie and the catholike church ? how is it that holy church hath not incharged the ostiarius to whip out of it so impious a vermin as thou against priesthood , aswell as the iew , the vsurer , and the dogge ? how is it that by this thy foule president all catholickes may not iudge thee for a man that wilt as litle sticke to defloure thine owne sister , murther thy mother , prostitute thy daughter , or do and be worse if worse may be ? how is it that the iesuites themselues whose impe and instrument thou art thus to massacre thy true spirituall father , do not for their credits sake ( at least in shew to the catholicke church ) teare thee in peeces ? wretch that thou art so farre forth to forget thy selfe and the catholicke church thy mother , as to contemne thy father . wretch that thou art , whom god almighties curse vpon chams issue for deriding his fathers frailtie , could not terrifie from thus doing the like . wretch that thou art , whose heart , whose head , whose hand could be so wicked . wretched goldsmith that thou art , neuer hereafter graue thou any holy figure , hauing bene herein so highly vnholy . wretched painter , neuer paint thou but owles and asses , after hauing bene so scurrilous . wretched coopers sonne as versteghen , or ( perhaps ) a tinkars as rowland , neuer assist thou more at holy altar , nor to be partaker of any sacrament at a priests hand , hauing set priesthood so at naught . wretch that thou art , shun thou henceforward the communion of saints , hauing thus spet on a challice which is the cup of life . are these the ty●…es thou payest vnto the altar ? is this thy kisse vnto the spouse of christ ? or weenest thou ( haply ) that honora patrem & matrem is not meant spiritually by a priest and the church , but onely carnally by the cooper thy father and his wife ? or rather art thou ( haply ) ashamed of thy baptisme , and of all the absolutions and holy ostes that thou euer receiuedst at a priests hands , why thus thou shouldst abuse a priest like one that were turned worse then turke ? fie on thee wretched catholicke , wretched gentleman , wretched englishman , wretched painter , wretched coopers sonne , and all for being so iesuiticall . thinkest thou not ( thou vile and venomous companion ) that aswell as i and with me all good catholickes here on earth , the very angels of heauen do not crie shame and vengeance to light on thee ? fearest thou not that either thunderboltes from heauen should pash thee , or stones in the earth rise vp against thee ? fearest thou not that thy name ( whether of the two or what other i wot not ) is alreadie written in hell , and a place there prepared for thee , for hauing thus scandalized all the catholike church on earth , and the court of heauen , vnlesse thou repent and notably satisfie them both ? which how canst thou lesse do or better , then like the scorpion whose bloud rubbed vpon the bodie it hath stung , cures the wound ; so thou with the pen wherewith thou hast transgressed against holy priesthood , make the eternal priest of the order of melchizedecke ( who is to iudge thee another day ) and master watson the same vnder him present amends ? else be thou still as thou art a contemptible , detestable , abhorrible fellow , and one euery way to be ballanced for vnworthinesse and discredit to any worse then father parsons , especially to him for base birth binominisme . and ouer and aboue all this , omitting what plague hangs ouer thy head in heauen , and is at thy foote in hell , receiue in steed of the coate thou boastest of , this other from me , more fitly ( i wisse ) agreeing to thy bellowes and painting stuffe , and to thy fathers tubs and hoops , though he good man neuer dreamed ( i dare sweare ) of any gold-barres in a scutchion in all his life , but rather of halfe-penie siluer in his purse . versteghen alias rowland , &c. his coate . he beares a dunghill fumant proper of two partes ; on the first a tub-hoope poudered-scabs , nittie ; on the second a pensill betweene two kearne crickets rampant , mordant ; the first capitall , the latter pectorall , proper . vpon a tub on a torce of his colours a dasie-picker , crouchant , lowsant , and coughing backward through his posteriour ragges vpon a gyrisole . this gyrisole is a plant that still waites on the sun. and this in liew that i was not at thine elbow when thou wrotest that impious libell , whereby i might haue rasht the pen out of thy fist and prickt out thine eyes therwith , be mine and with me all good catholickes easie censure vnto thee till thou crie peccaui , which we will expect . indge ye ( cosin ) what shame we can do him lesse , who hath done so high scorne to our father : howbeit ( i assure ye ) it is shame pretie competent to the fellow considering his vaine glorious humour , and the gentilitiall puntoes he stands on being but a coopers sonne , and likewise for all his hornes , which for his wifes honour ( whom i neuer noted but vertuous ) transial , i am not apt to beleeue . now to satisfie you somewhat or rather to the full of m. watson , whom uersteghen , alias rowland , &c. hath thus abused ; for the credite of what i am to say , i giue you first to vnderstand , that i haue known this reuerend priest these fifteene yeares , namely from the time of that his slip , which this wretch so iniuriously vpbraideth vnto him as a flat apostaticall fall , such ( for example ) as iudas , iulian , luther , yea and many iesuites ( which were too long to name ) with infinite archheretikes and others haue fallen into , from which kind of enormous lapse he is and euer was in heart most free , and not as s. peters , s. marcellines , and thousand others now glorious saints in heauen , and nere a whit the lesse honoured therefore in holy church ; in which latter kind this slip and frailtie of m. watsons was ; since which how priestly his cariage hath euer bene , as also before , all that then and now knew and know him can and will witnesse . to the vtter shame then and confusion of the diuell and all his versteghens , rowlands , &c. that dare so gracelessely presume to vpbraid him , whom in all shew god hath pardoned , and his sweete spouse accepted of againe to the setting forth of both their glories , as is apparant in the many soules conuerted , altars erected , and other charitable workes done by him since that time , i will here set ye downe the true narration of all that accident . he the said m. watson was apprehended in sussex , trauelling on the way to a certaine worshipfull gentlewomans house ( as was supposed but not proued ) and so brought vp to london , and committed close prisoner in bridewell ; where to the end to secure from hazard by his owne personall cautions and caueats ( for meanes of message he had none in that place ) certaine deare catholicke friends of his then in the citie , who by a secret note ( he vnderstood ) were called in question about him ▪ to make way hereunto , he yeelded in his ouer-tender loue to them , to go to the protestant-seruice there in the prison ; which such his frailtie ( for frailtie i must needs terme it , seeing it was so , and often haue i heard the good man himselfe with teares and extreme remorse so terme and acknowledge it ) tooke this effect , that presently vpon this his yeelding he was permitted the libertie of the citie , yet that but with his keeper neither , by meanes whereof he was able to instruct his said friends how the better , and with the more congruence to his deposition alreadie taken concerning them , they might answer for themselues , and be secured as they were . this ( sweet cosin ) was the qualitie and quantitie of his fault , and not any mis-faith he euer bore to catholicke religion , or a mind to hurt any catholicke , or yet to remaine one minute of an houre in that dangerous estate longer then he could get out of it ; but onely a fraile loue ( as ye haue heard ) toward the temporall , and partly also the spirituall good of his catholicke friends , whom ( he feared ) might by this temptation of trouble for his sake haue fayled . which turne to them assoone as he had serued , see here god again : the goodman vsing the benefit of his said libertie comes in place of other priests his brethrē ▪ & there before them al acknowledgeth his frailtie , and according to his humble and penitent heart was by one of them ( now a blessed martyr in heauen ) eftsoones confessed , and againe reduced from whence he was slidden . after which his happie resurrection , being wished by his ghostly father and the rest to scape away ( as well he might without daunger of any at that time ) yet would he not , neither was it the will of god. for , what aduantage ( thinke ye ) would these malignant satyres haue had against him if he had flipt away ( as few in that case but would ) seeing that notwithstanding his constant resolution then , and perseuerance in the same to this present houre , they stil barke against him enuying at his happinesse . but god whose iudgements are abissus multa , would ( it seemes ) haue it so , to the end he to be a curbe to the iesuites as ( sure ) he hath bene after innumerable wrongs and slaunders patiently put vp at their hands . and whether it boded some such matter in father garnes his storming at maister watsons returne into england ( as afterward he went ouer but s●…aid not ) or what other glorie to god and to himselfe in time to come , i leaue to define ; being verily perswaded , and so i am sure would you if you knew asmuch as i , that digitus dei erat hic , he to be in england at this day . and thereupon no perswasion preuailing with him for his escape , voluntarily returning againe to prison , he there the very next sonday solemnely in the midst of seruice-time came into the chappell , & publickly before all the protestant-congregation calling out aloud vnto the minister to hold his peace , with great emphasis and fe●…our of spirit recalled himselfe from death to life , vtterly abiuring his aforesaid submission as a most leud equiuocation and dissembling with his lord god , professing and confessing withall our holy catholicke religion in euery part and parcell thereof , and himselfe ( how vnworthy soeuer ) an annointed catholicke priest. all which he did with so good grace ( as hauing tongue , voice , and action at commaund , ) that the diuell was highly confused , and he thereupon committed closer prisoner then before . what would ye more ? what gained the protestant or iesuit now hereby , or rather what not god ? after which his most catholicke confession made , a man would haue thought that in respect of the extremer vsage he was thereby to expect in that prison , he would now at least ( fearing his frailtie by former proofe ) haue inclined to an escape , namely hauing priuate meanes wrought for it , and he instantly perswaded thereunto ; yet would he not vntill the assises were past , alleaging for himselfe that the diuell and his aduersaries should neuer haue that aduantage to vpbraid him with running away , so long as there was any likelihood of his publicke arraignement and open death . so as he remained there in that lothsome prison till the sommer assises were come and past , to wit , the space of two and twentie weekes , expecting with the greatest alacritie in the world what god would award ; in which space hauing no comfort but from him , what vnusuall sufferance he was put vnto aboue all that euer i heard of any english iesuit , i here omit to shew you , both for the honour of the state with whose priuitie ( i am sure ) such indignitie could neuer haue bene offered to a free-borne subiect , ( as by her heauie censure vpon the honourable ladie lattimers two aldermen , skinner and catcher is euident ) as also in religious regard to the good man himselfe , who in his priestly modestie can be content the same to be concealed from the world , suffising that the angels of heauen and his owne conscience can witnesse it to gods honor ; and lastly for that according to the heathen poet ; ante obitum nemo supremáque funera foelix . notwithstanding , partly you may guesse how great it was by the iesuits their extreme reproching him euer since , who in their voluptuous pusillanimitie can neither abide themselues to suffer the least affliction for christ and the catholike cause ; but abhor those that do : the examples both of the one and the other are too manifest and too manie here in our church & countrey what so ere they are elsewhere . a shame that a religious corporation should so ioyne hands with the diuell against the vertuous ; as on the other side oh eminent glorie to m. watson to be so maliced , especially considering the laudable vse he makes thereof , as in the demonstration of an inuicted minde ; his opposing against their present schisme in our church , and spanish faction within our countrey ; his detection of their impostures ; and euery where his meeting their euils with good ; as for example his furthering an annuall almes to be bestowed on father cowbucks mother and sister toward their sustenance , who else had gone a begging . at a word , as touching the point of the appeale , and of spanish state against these fathers , he hath bene and is a very ecclesiasticall machabie at this day , and so much the more forward herein , by how much he with not passing some three or foure more , farre afore any of his brethren foresaw the iesuits proiects concerning the one and the other , to wit , the spaniard to rule the ciuill rost of this realme , and they the ecclesiasticall . it is very true that whiles cardinall allan liued , neither he nor other his graue brethren whom he had made of his mind ( for i thinke not any besides m. doctor bagshaw , m. bluet , and m. mush he found so with him foresighted ) would in modestie and for reuerence they bore vnto him their so worthy father intermeddle herein , referring it all to his prudence , whom they knew disgusted with these fathers , and as they gest vpon the same grounds . but so soone as god had taken him away whom our english iesuites stood in awe of , whereby they were now become ( as they thought ) their own men to ward the execution of those their two plots , which till then they caried but onely in dissigne , and but preparatiuely as farre as they durst for feare of him : then ( loe ) the said reuerend doctor , and the others with him forenamed , with one or two more vnnamed , thought it high time to be seene as at this day they are in opposition against their fatherhoods , like true catholicke priests and patriots , assuming vnto them in especiall this reuerend brother of theirs m. watson , both in regard of his perspicuous iudgement in so important a businesse , and the integritie and confidence of his heart where once he takes , which was neuer yet seene but with the right . and so brauely haue they vndergone the present appeale to the sea apostolicke touching the premises of our church and countrey , but specially of the former against these spanish fathers ; god prospering their ongate with accrue of associates dayly more and more of their seminarie-brethren , like to a litle current which g●…ding along the 〈◊〉 but shallow and narrow at the first , is by 〈◊〉 and litle augmente by confluence of vnexpected brookes to a great riuer , so as it is able at last to make it selfe way through all opposition to the attaining of the ocean . in processe whereof had not m. watson alone of late shewed himselfe a verie compleat man both in head and heart against the tepiditie or rather timiditie of some , who aforetime were thought no small atlasses in this businesse , by meanes whereof they were wel-nigh iesuitically ouer-wrought , or rather vndermined ( take ye whether ) to the ieoparding of the cause ; i do not see what the appellants need to haue done at this houre in rome , nor yet how the iesuits with their archpriest had mist ( i will not say ) a gudgion , but an olympiade . but hereof ( cosin ) you may ( haply ) he are more hereafter , whereby you may see what m. watson is , and how well worthie for his vertues , of the iesuites obloquie . were he a vertuous priest ( as he is ) and not their opponent , they ( perhaps ) would be at peace with his vertues , as weening with their silence to smoother them from the world ; but now that he is such euen his vertues must be reproched for vices most inormous . i , i , hinc illae lachrimae or rather 〈◊〉 iesuitic●… against him euer●… but especially at this instant more thē against all his other appellant brethren in england ; herehence their slie suborned missi●…es and messages vnto him vnder colour of frienship , warning him of danger to his life whereby he to flie away ; herehence their plotting to make ielousies betwixt his brethren and him ; herehence their imputing to him all spirituall and temporall either miscariage or misfortune to whatsoeuer priuate catholicke ; herehence their forging matters of his ouerthrow with his honourable and most especiall friends : briefe , herehence their vnchristian defaming him both by tongue and pen and their ●…uting his quodlibets to be generally condemned by the appellant partie and namely by the appellants at rome ▪ who it is very likely that not hauing themselues seene them other then by the corru●…pt relation of the aduerse-iesuite there , they may ( haply ) with an ( if ) haue disa●…owed them ; howbeit their appellant brethren here in england ▪ and also in france and flanders ( whose authoritie and credite as touching the appeale is and ought to be reputed equall with theirs ) do no wayes distast them saue onely here and there somewhat an ouer-cough and harsh terme , but contrariwise approue them for sound and catholike . let it not therefore skill what the malignitie of that partie do impose either vpon m. watsons person or his pen , which seemes to consort wholy with the puritane not onely in all spleene against him and his brethren of the appeale , but euen against the catholike church itself to the ruine of her hierarchi●…al 〈◊〉 ( for example ) whether the puritanes wish not m. watsons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iesuits ; whether likewise they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they , then which what can be more for m. watsons catholike and priestly credit , and the credit of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein can the iesuits more 〈◊〉 themselues to the catholike church then in seeming so much ●…he puritanes , who 〈◊〉 the most in●…st enemies thereunto of all the se●… in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as ●…f ( i will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lesse the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both english , 〈◊〉 whatsoeuer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that haue bin fro●…●…he beginning and 〈◊〉 condemned by them aswell as by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 and the like , may in some sort be said mala bona to the church of god , in that their 〈◊〉 and ●…diction doth 〈◊〉 refine and purge it from 〈◊〉 , for which our sauior in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the iesuits on the other side may we be●… bona mala thereunto : 〈◊〉 , as in regard of their institution●… and for ●…ing ye●… reputed ●…mbers of the church though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here in england ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 wealths , not onely in politicall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in morall 〈◊〉 , for which our sauiour expresly said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without any 〈◊〉 in th●… behalfe as to 〈◊〉 in effect 〈◊〉 is an euill which doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 catholicke 〈◊〉 both in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is abuse●… 〈◊〉 a mischiefe the●…unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for matter of faith , yet of fac●… . now what difference is betweene such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iudge you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that i can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that generally all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to th●… 〈◊〉 , whereby ●…it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it the ot●… 〈◊〉 iesuitisme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the examination of which difference more in particular would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v●… both into a dumpe , seeing that thereby w●… should perceiue the ground of all heresie to be first the abusiue life of the religious in gods church , which both giues the no●…ller such ( as fo●… 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of pra●… th●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 religion and also ●…n ●…esse to the laitie b●…ing like●…se scanda●…ed and depraued thereby to embrace and entertaine the same . so as i se●… up , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the ●…cliffist vpbraiding vs with th●… enormous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 religious 〈◊〉 gods church , we should be so straight laced as not to acknowledge him asmuch , seeing that euen at this day in our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church 〈◊〉 haue iesuites such that withall it makes nere a whit the more in app●…on of his erronious doctrine , no more then a bettle or share 〈◊〉 to be said the ●…est be●… because bred eue●…ore in cow-shards &c. and li●…dse 〈◊〉 which re●…ts of ●…ng throughly co●…ed and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of heart , to be said for the same cause the delicater soyld . to co●… th●… , 〈◊〉 ma●…ster watson to be thus wronged and ●…ted of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iesuite as the puritane and be thus verstegh●… vpon ; though vnhappie they herein a●…es day ; but that ( they thinke ) is but one day , and great while to come , without thinking that when it ●…th come it is a day 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 home . 〈…〉 other side versteghen , and to his du●…h m●…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 gentleman of our nation in those parts , though he appeale to them all in his commendation , he is faine to cite in particular and by name ( being a stranger ) to make good vnto him that complement : suffizing that m. watson is neither base borne , nor yet the sonne of a cooper , much lesse a notorius 〈◊〉 , a bussard , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 companion , 〈◊〉 any way to be ballanced for to fa. parsons ; but the cleane contrarie , that is a gentleman , an honest man , and which is most of ala reuerend catholike priest ; and hitherto a blessed confessor and a good patriot , as ye haue heard : suffizing also that you attribute this prodigie of a temerarious spirit against holy priesthood , not so much to versteghens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and diaboli●… nature , as to iesuitisine , which in her pharisaicall ordine ad deum , would bring all magistracie both spirituall and temporall either vnder it or in contempt . this same ordo ad deum , and with a iesuite , that it makes them all and not so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as robi●… good sollow , for herehence are all his equiuocations , where in his tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 way and 〈◊〉 meaning another , that ye know not where to find him ; herehence his periuries and perfidiousnesse , and herehence his ●…ney catching and gilb●…rting of his foole-friends for wordly wealth , and therehence his vpper euils . therehence his will , and abili●… to make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 princes as priuate persons , not onely to the corruption but to the ●…struction of common-wealths , and therehence his game to ●…gh them all to scorne when he hath so done . a shame that bonum societatic ies●… should subsist vpon so vile support as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordo ad deum , which was neuer 〈◊〉 on by their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 igna●… in their institution . a shame that a religious person should so 〈◊〉 his eye against his vow vpon the world , and so ●…ip his soule in her suds , so irreligiously gather wealth together and spend it worse , that better a great deale it were all in the bottome of the s●… ; ●…pended vpon the vanitie of alcun●…e ? or the tabacco lease . such 〈◊〉 of worldlings were those em●… & vende●…es which our sauior whipt out of the temple , or rather worser of the two are these for being such euen in the chancell of gods church , by being ( as they say ) religious . it is no maruell if such maner of merchant●… haue made many a prodigall child , distraying them from their true fathers , and bankerouting them ●…eane both of their temporall and spirituall patrimonies . it is 〈◊〉 maruel●… if in materi●…ll poi●…ts of catholicke faith they oppose against the angeli●…ll 〈◊〉 and be therefore at this present indi●…ed before his holinesse by the dominic●… in spaine for 〈◊〉 and sundr●…e other kind●… of heretickes , and also for impost●…rs by the sor●… of p●…●…nd ●…nd all the french cleargie ▪ as we credibly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 maru●…ll tha●… our sa●…iour hath not by his vicar the popes holinesse all this w●…e whip●… them out of the church , as it is to be hoped he wil ●…re long at least out of our church and countrey here , the aggriefes of each against them depending at this instant before his holinesse so ●…ustly and ●…aturely as they do . in the menage whereof if any defect should be in his holinesse ( which is no whit f●…d ) it i●… well 〈◊〉 at least our secular cleargie in the behalfe of the one ▪ and ou●… state of the other , haue yet be●…es ( thankes be to god ) di●…ed their hazards and disposed them to the redresse which redresse how and in what manner it is , or may be aduised vpon by the state 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the point of state ▪ i am 〈◊〉 of the councell that ca●… tell . ●…lesse hereof i rest●… perswaded , that if it should be 〈◊〉 to be wrought by 〈◊〉 heauie hand ( as by all likelihood it is like to be , if 〈◊〉 holinesse redresse it not 〈◊〉 rome by his excellent discretion . i meane aswell the point of state against spaine , as of our chu●… 〈◊〉 b●…th which the app●…ale containes , ) there will be a difference 〈◊〉 by the s●… betweene the de●…ites and ●…he seculars , and the●… 〈◊〉 of each ( though all one in religion ) how ere the iesuit●… say no. for●…●…hat reason ( i pray ) euen mor●…ay the state haue , to 〈◊〉 vs who ●…e afflicted with and for it against a common enemie , and who , euen with our liues would make it good to haue our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world . howsoeuer , hap what hap may , thus happie 〈◊〉 the app●…●…e , that if the afflict●… should p●…e alike , we to end●…re it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conscience , and at friends before god and the world to our 〈◊〉 , and the iesuites as they are : we to suffer what we should suffer meerely for the catholicke cause and fo●…●…o disloyaltie to the s●…e , at hitherto we haue and ouer will make shew ; and they 〈◊〉 catholickes 〈◊〉 but yet spanish , and disloyall . so as the state shall be sure to gaine no honor by our destruction vnder her edge ; but god shall , and we ( we doubt not ) at gods hand . as for the point of our church , to wit , the iesuiticall schisme and scandals therein which is 〈◊〉 point ( we wot well ) the state esteemes not a point being protestant , but could wish vs in that respect hanged one against another ; the redresse thereof ( as i say ) is at this instant sub iudice , the impostume of the imposture being now a yeare broken , and so long a running to rome , where ( by gods grace ) it wil find perfect cure . no other meanes in the world was for it then this appeale to his holinesse , who ( as appeares by the last letters from rome ) hath alreadie giuen the appellants benigne audience , partly by the french ambassadours meanes there , who stands stiffely for them to his holinesse against the spanish ; but chiefly of his owne godly and apostolicke nature who is wholly clement . true it is , that he hath withal committed the examination and report of al the matter to two cardinals , who be both the king of spaines pensioners , and the one his subiect , that is , the cardinals burghese and arragon ; which you are not to maruell at greatly , considering that what cardinall almost haue ye in that court who is not that kings pensioner . great hope notwithstanding the appellants write they haue of indifferent dealing , the rather because certaine romaines are ioyned in commission with those cardinals . and as for rome it selfe which is now thoroughly and throughout possest with these our english occurrents , it hath alreadie discouered her affection on englands behalfe against spaine , and her implements the iesuites as concerning the point of state ; wherein neither rome , nor any other prouince of italie , saue onely spaines owne part , and that perforce wisheth spaine to prosper . insomuch as we must thinke her maiestie is not altogether vn-well wished in those parts , but hath had , and ( i suppose ) hath still some friends euen in the popes consi●…torie . oh how much more might her highnesse be beloued and friended there , and of all the catholicke countries of christendome , were she but halfe the catholicke her predecessors were . also how much may we presume to shew our selues gratefull to her highnesse , for any grace she would please to daigne vs , so great a portion of christendome being catholike as is , and likewise all the saints of heauen haue bene such . cosin , we must pray god hartily for such her highnes dispositiō towards vs , but specially for her conuersion to our holy catholicke religion . what pitie is it that a princesse , otherwise so full of all princely indowments as her highnesse is , and of so excellent an apprehension , should mistake or be misled in so principall a point of princelinesse as catholicke religion , varying therein from her so worthy progenitors . verily it cannot be but if her highnesse had bene at the first mildly proceeded withall by the holy sea , and submissiuely by her catholike subiects , who a manie of vs were too soone turned iesuiters and so spanish , to the attempting of disloyall plots against her state and person , whereby her highnesse was driuen to trust wholly to her protestants holding vs all suspect ; but by this time god would haue opened her royall eyes to haue seene into the grounds of our holy religion , and not opposed ( as she hath done ) against the same . all the world but iesuites and the house of austrich admire her honours and her raigne neuerthelesse , the one so princely the other so prosperous : yea her very enemies do it , as for example i my selfe did see in anno 88. a spanish alferez of the garrison of newport , executed with the garotto in bruges , for no other matter obiected against him , then a certaine poeme which ( being a fine poet ) he had penned in commendation of her maiestie amongst and afore all the rare heroines of christendome . also i haue often heard my father tell how don iulian romero a spaniard likewise , sometimes castilian of antwerpe , admired and commended her for the most rare paragon of princelinesse , since the time he once beheld her highnesse and her court here in england . then for strangers and no foes ; my vnkle sir richard shelley sometimes lord prior of the knights of malta whiles he liued , was a loud witnesse how highly the signiorie of venice respected her and her amitie , being himselfe as loyall a subiect to her maiestie , and as respectfull of her honour and safetie to his dying day as any subiect in this land ; for the iesuites disgusted him and he them , and enforced him from rome . likewise in 86. i saw one fabio a venecian abbot , secretarie ( as i remember ) to the cardinall d'est of ferrara , burned in rome for intelligencing matter of state vnto her highnesse from thence . in like manner , in the prince of leeges court and councell her highnesse had , and ( i thinke ) yet hath her especiall friends of state. in effect , all the world but the house of austrich and iesuites ( as i say ) is her friend , whose malice god ( i doubt not ) will still from time to time make frustrate against her , as hitherto he hath done the almightie armadoes of spaine , and the big-boned menaces of the poland-king now some two yeares old . and so ( as i was a saying ) doth rome at this instant apprehend , and applaud that part of the appeale which concernes her maiestie and her state against spaine in fauour of england , though otherwise like a good mother-citie greatly disliking and lamenting the mis-faith of england : in so much as one night a certaine romaine-gentleman affixed a breife libell vpon pasquines buttocke , in derision and scorne of father cowbucke his treacherous agencie for spaine so against his countrey , which in plaine english is as followeth . if there be any citizen here in rome , that is minded to purchase the realme of england ; let him repaire to the rector of the english colledge here within the citie , and he in iesus name will affoord him a good pennie-worth . whereby ( cosin ) you may also gather and be glad , how vaine the iesuites vaunts hitherto haue proued of the appellants their commitment to either the inquisition , or the gallies , or both , vpon their arriuall at rome , whom that holy citie so kindly intreateth , and his holinesse too . i told you in my former letter what braggadochioes they were , whereby you might guesse the goodnesse of their cause , considering that bonum vinum non aget haedera . to this passe the appellants haue brought their businesse as yet , not doubting but to effect it ere long to their full desires , now that sub indice lis est who together with their cause is so very iust . insomuch as the archpriest and iesuites pottage begins alreadie to coole here at home , and they become more mild , labouring now another while praece & praecio to draw as many as they can vnto them both of the laitie and cleargie , and to that end haue offered and dayly do offer to restore to the one their pensions againe , to the other their faculties which by the archpriests hand they had withdrawne ; yea , they haue in a maner wide opened their mammonian-exchecker in prodigalitie to each , it being ( they see ) now their best armes ; like as the old romaines did their temple of ianus , which they neuer opened but in time of warre . ah , ah , ( cosin ) haue english innocents found this in rome ( as it was neuer otherwise likely ) and is also the spaniard eiected by english armes out of ireland , the rebell likely ere long to follow after ? wherein how forward our partie is to serue her maiestie , and my selfe in particular to leade the iesuited that loyall march against her enemies , ( were i thought fit and worthy to be employed , ) it is not vnknowne to some of the state , if not to her maiesties owne selfe . and thus ye see , how neither rome the sea apostolicke is vnder the iesuites cinct ( as they presume ) nor yet god at all vnder the spaniards girdle . and likewise thus you see , and so may her maiestie and the state that our fathers the seminaries are not altogether , yea , or ere a whit traitors ( as the iesuites with them haue made them be thought ) but the cleane contrarie , that is , altogether loyall ; who thus of their owne pure english nature and allegeance , and at their owne charges haue passed the iesuiticall and spanish pikes hitherto ( vnwitting to them , yea and in their displeasure , as whom they haue banished the land , to wit , the appellants who are a part of them ) and vndergone this seruice for the same , and their country . what penie-worths ( trow ye ) might the iesuits and iesuited here expect at her highnesse hands if she knew of these occurrents , who thus by their disloyalties vrge her other honest catholike subiects to such hazards to shew their loyalties vnto her ? not that her maiestie weyes the businesse or the successe therof a button , whose royal estate ( as hitherto ) she still meanes ( by gods helpe ) to make good , and to subsist of it selfe secure and english against iesuits , spaine , and all the world , without being beholding to rome ; though ( please god ) she would . neuerthelesse it may be that casting downe by chance her queenely eye vpon these our appellant fathers , and vs their childrens thus loyall cariage to her state , she will in time be pleased to be lesse heauie princesse vnto vs , if not indulgent , how ere she still distast our religion and the sea apostolike . which whether it be the will of god or not , euer let vs that are true catholikes perseuer as we are and ought no lesse true english ; and pray that long and happie may her maiesties raigne still lengthen ouer vs. in particular still do you ( cosin ) for your part your endeuour amongst other good catholickes , to reclaime your iesuited friends from that their imposture ( as some you write you haue alreadie done ) wherein you haue done both verie like your selfe , and greatly to gods honour . i , for my part haue likewise ( i thanke god ) performed herein some larger portion of my poore and lay talent , since my reducing you ; which ( i thanke you ) you please to attribute to me , and i take it as an honour , forasmuch as most ( we see ) haue hitherto runne with the dogge , and but very few with the hare . the more part of the cleargie is now come into the appeale , hauing subscribed thereunto , and to their appellant brothers , so as now daily more & more the iesuitical partie loseth ground and shrinkes in the wetting , and we may take comfort in it . also we may take comfort and thanke god , that our partie aswell the laitie as the cleargie , in all this time of iesuiticall persecution hath stood thus firme in our faith and so free from scandals , the temptation hauing bene so much the greater and more dangerous , as being within our owne bowels : whereas that partie hath and dayly doth apostate too too much , and both at framlingham and elsewhere agrees like cat and dog within it selfe . nay more , to note the prouidence and blessing of god on our behalfe , there dayly comes in vnto vs of the protestants full many , in approbation aswell of our loyaltie to the state ( which they heretofore generally held suspect ) as of sundrie points of our religion . who would not be a partie in so good a cause , and for so good fathers as these of the seminaries , whom we may worthily esteeme and reuerence as a notable portion of the catholike church against whatsoeuer imposturall malignitie of iesuite and archpriest ? as for my owne i do , and so do ye ( good cosin ) seeing that aswell the gentleman and souldier , is to expect and atchieue his part and portion in heauen by his seruices to gods church , as euen the popes holinesse by his high and pastorall offices thereunto . fare ye thrise heartily well , this last of iune 1602. and ( i pray ) put not this letter in print as you did my former , which onely i acknowledge to be mine , and nought else vpon this argument of the appeale , howbeit you seeme to say that one or two more of the printed bookes are supposed abroade to be mine . postscript . as i had finished this letter , see where a packet is come from the appellants at rome , containing a confirmation of his holinesse disc●…ssion & censure of m. listers schisme against him , and the archpriests maintaining it , which ere long you may reade reported in the end of m. colletons book forthcoming vpon that questiō , verbatim out of the originall from rome ; which notwithstanding , for that it is come vnexemplified by his holinesse breue sub anulo piscatoris , or rather frō s. peter himself to the archpriest , most of that peeuish partie hold off to beleeue : though who can tell whether his agents haue not certified him thereof from rome ( at least if to tell truths be in their commission ) and he in his proud melancholy ( the newes being no gratefuller nor more glorious on his part ) will not giue it passage . this is the reason why in this packet , the appellants in rome hearing asmuch , promise vs his holinesse breue in confirmation of his said censure , and likewise for the abrogation of his latter breue , which i toldye of in the beginning of this letter , promising you a copie of the priests appeale from hence to his holinesse touching the same , and their reasons for it , which now shall not neede . but is it not strange that the iesuiticall will not receiue these satisfactions without a breue from his holinesse concerning the schisme , as though the case were all one as the appellants was in their holding off to acknowledge the arch-presbiterate without that high instrument , it being a case expresly within the canon to be so notified for autenticke , and no otherwise ; and this such , as any morall certaintie may suffice for it , being but a moral matter . but this is all the spite and reuenge that the archpriest and iesuites in this their extreme disgrace can do the appellants , to put them to the charge of a breue , which ( truly ) were i of their counsell , i would wish them to spare , to see how far the iesuiticall presumption would wage against the sea-apostolicke , and wrangle with it . as for the point of schisme discided , you may see by it how erroneous a societie these loyolians are , and how no assurance it hath at all of the holy ghost , wherein it vaunts it selfe so equal with the pope and a general councell , seeing the holy ghost hath herin so iudicially condemned it . also you may see by this , how corrupt a man the archpriest is , who in so grosse an errour bringing schisme with it , could let himselfe be so instrumentally led by those fathers against his owne deare brethren of the seminaries , and the famous vniuersitie of paris , all for a litle fopperie of prelature , and how in this respect he is most vnworthy of the same . lastly , you may see herby that brag is not alwayes a good dogge , nor yet the inquisition nor the gallies of force against innocence ( as the iesuits presumed ) especially where the holy ghost sits in iudgement . be this ( good cosin ) all our comfort till we see farther of the appeale , toward which take ye this peece of a letter from a gentleman in rome , as a handsil or in part of good speed in the meane time , against the still flying falsheads of the iesuiticall , in the earth , in the sea , in the ayre . a peece of a letter of an english gentleman in rome to a friend of his in france of the same date . fvrthermore , whereas the priests in consideration that father parsons had spred so many foule speeches of them abroad , demaunded of his holinesse that the said father parsons should set downe in writing all he had to say against them , to the end they might in like sort answer and cleare themselues ; and that in thirtie dayes respite he had giuē vp what he could say : the pope vnderstāding all , said , that he was already satisfied touching al those points by that which he had heard before , and so not suffering these accusations to come vnto the priests hands , imposed there an end of such calumnies . by this you may see the priests matter goes forward with honour and iust reputation , and i hope shall haue no worse end ; their demaunds being reasonable , the cardinals iust , and the ambassadours countenance and fauour so singular that they feare no oppression , nor doubt but that iustice will preuaile , &c. m. bluet is expected shortly at paris with his holinesse breue aforesaid for england , and m. doctor bagshaw goes to rome in his place , where ( i feare me ) he shall not find father cowbucke forthcomming ; he being ( as it is credibly reported ) imbezelled away from thence by his generall , or rather flat run away vpon a notable check lately giuen him by his holinesse . the apollogie is answered in lorraine by m. doctor elie , and there are some of the bookes readie bound and prest for england by the next post. to conclude , all our newes being hitherto so good and so autenticke verities as they are , and the rest that follow after like to proue no lesse , let vs beleeue and applaud them , and as for those that will not , as being bettle-blinded with the iesuiticall and archipresbyteriall-mist , away with them ( cosin ) to the next market . god saue the catholicke church , the queene and her estates , and graunt vs his peace . amen . a third letter of mr. a. c. appologeticall for himselfe , against the calumnies contained against him in a certaine iesuiticall libell , intituled , a manifestation of follie and bad spirit , &c. my very good cosin : i euer thought that your diuulging my former letter to you in print , would bring me into the spheare of iesuitical obloquie ; insomuch as i haue hourely since the edition thereof looked and listened for their contumelies against me ; which now at last they haue from a full gorge discharged , but withall against so full innocence and secure a conscience ( i thanke god ) as the shame shall returne vnto themselues . not that i rest cleare neuerthelesse from condemnation in the eye of god and mine owne conscience for a misdemeaned and sinfull life otherwise , then whereof this iesuit impeacheth me , for which i may iustly say with the royall prophet , peccatum meum contra me est semper ; ecce enim in iniquitatibus conceptus sum , &c. and againe : delicta iuuentutis meae ne memineris domine . yet , as touching these his imputations , i boldly may and do giue him the lie to the honour of god and your satisfaction , and that by protestation , except what shall be excepted : being exceeding glad , and that ( as i hope in the holy ghost ) to be thus onerated and consequently honored with iesuiticall slaunder with and for so many holy seminaries and saints as they haue so serued , and daily do ; nay , with and for my most holy mother the catholike church , whose sacred hierarchie they no lesse contumeliously impugne . oh ( cosin ) how highly am i bound to god who hath thus respected and exalted the indignitie of these my yonger yeares and lay vocation to deserue ill at the hands of so inward enemies to his eternall spouse , and her best members ? why may i not hope in this respect , that were i ( as i am ) the vilest sinner in the world , much amends is made therefore vnto my heauenly father . and so i take it , knowing them to be for the most part ( at leastwise here in our church ) flat schismatickes and seducers ; and for such alreadie partly condemned by the holy ghost as by my last to you , you vnderstood ; and also expresse spanish enemies to our princesse and country : in regard whereof how litle credit they deserue to haue in any matter , especially matter of reproch ( which is the subiect whereupon they are reprooued at rome on the behalfe of our appellants ) i leaue to your consideration . which aduantage notwithstanding i for my part will not take against them in this my appollogie to you , hauing innocence inough on my side , which hath notably layd them open to my reproofe and execution otherwise , as now ensuingly you may reade and perceiue . thus then he begins . there followeth in the number of these libels one set forth by a. c. intituled , ( an answer to a letter of a iesuited gentleman , &c. ) see you not ( cosin ) how this fellow euen in the front of his reproches , contradicts himselfe in affirming me for a libeller , notwithstanding that he acknowledgeth my name to the booke , vz. a. c. which two letters was inough for a catholicke writing vpon an argument so litle pleasing to the present state and time , whereby to be exempt from the note of a libeller ; vnlesse i would by setting downe my name at large haue wilfully braued the ciuil-power and penall laws , and said thereto ( as it were ) loe i the man , come , attach me , and do the worst ye can . it sufficeth that in my originall to you my name was at large , as you , and it yet extant ( i suppose ) in your hands can both witnesse ; so as your doing it as you haue done 〈◊〉 in the printed edition ( seeing you would needs publish it ) with only two letters for my name , i therein agnize both your loue and discretion . moreouer your adding my mot to the title , doth likewise quit the edition from libellious , aswell as my ( fig for fortune ) which heretofore came forth with no other face , and yet was neuer taken vp for a rogue , no not by any iesuiticall bedle that euer i heard of . whereas if you looke into sundrie bookes of theirs which from time to time haue come forth without anie name or knowne liuerie at all , as the contents thereof are wholly infamatorie or traiterous , so in that respect are they to be reputed inormous libels : for example , greene-coate , philopater , &c. which are all or the most of them attributed to father cowbuck . then as for the present author , this iesuite , what name of his or but two letters of his name ( i pray ) find ye to this his ( manifestation of folly and bad spirit , ) whereby he not to deserue to be burned in the hand for a vagabond ? notany . no nor any durst he shew , manifesting so bad spirit and so much folly in that censure of his as he hath done for feare of the infamie that might attach him , which notwithstanding he hath not escaped at gods hands who knowes both his name and his nature . were he not a most leud companion , and of a most guiltie conscience , he would ( no doubt ) not haue shamed somewhat to haue showne his face aswell as i , who had i feared the worst of any iesuites spite , or the badnesse of the matter in that my letter handled , would haue made it a quarrell to you for that a. c. and wished my selfe as litle in sight , as he hath showne him . wherein he hath showne himselfe not so honest a man as uersteghen , who like a right coopers son stucke not to set one of his names to his infamatorie letter against m. watson , as in my last letter i discoursed vnto you ; but more to brag of his gentrie . sure this iesuite carieth with him cauteriatam conscientiam that he dares not plucke off his vizard for feare of shewing to the world a face more ilfauoured then it . which notwithstanding , partly he is discouered for such as he is , at leastwise if he be the man i take him for , vz. a man , who being the mis-begotten of a ploughman and he a cuckold too vpon the body of a plough-woman , hath accordingly demeaned himselfe ; fust in begetting two bastards male and female vpon the bodie of his owne sister , betweene his age of seuenteene and three and twentie , which was the cause he ranne away ( as fearing the sheete , &c. ) and so became a iesuite : secondly or rather formerly and continually , by being a common alehousesquire , and the drunkennest spunge in all the parish where he liued ; thirdly , for being an hereticke of the family of loue all his life till he became a iesuite , which was the leafe he turned . into which societie ( it seemes ) he was the sooner receiued , for hauing bene of that family , and also for the behoouefull vse those fathers saw they were likely to make of his seditious and libellious spirit in their common-wealth , which subsists much vpon that kind of prop. well , what he wanted hereof at the first , their fatherhoods haue perfected in him so fully now , that beshrew me if i know a more accomplished detractor in the world . adde hereunto their ordo ad deum whereby all a iesuites euils must be reputed frō the holy ghost ; and the very name of a iesuit to import infallibilitie in faith and charitie , so far forth that what he beleeues , saith , or doth , be it neuer so much to the blemish of any person , yea to the preiudice of a whole common-wealth , must not be thought to need any collaterall credit ; and that is the reason why ( for example ) this iesuite scornes to set his name to his booke like an honest man , as though it were no libell without it , being of a iesuits doing . it followeth . who if he be the man that we do gesse , we do not greatly maruell , &c. he doth well ( beleeue me ) in saying ( that we do gesse ) for that being a bastard , he is ( as you know ) filius populi , and consequently a plurall creature and of more names then one , and therefore ( we ) ; or else that knowing the points he meaneth to affirme to be meere false and slaunderous , he would by his ( we ) draw partners into his shame , amongst whom the holy ghost being alwayes pretended to be one , iudge you what blasphemy this his ( we ) is . poore praise and comfort it is to haue copartners in euill though reall and not forged euill ; euen as poore as a man to thinke to purchase himselfe a good name by deprauing of others ; in both which kinds this iesuite hath transgressed propter bonum societatis . for , as for the first , howsoeuer he pretends some iesuited secular priests to haue their pens in this his libell ; yet that rests at the readers courtesie to beleeue ; knowing the iesuits sleight , how still they seeke to set seminarie against seminarie by labouring to haue their mischiefes ioyntly against them all , to seeme the ones against the others : whereas ( in very truth ) it is but the iesuits sole act together with his particular paraclete ; except ( haply ) there be here and there a seminarie so corrupt , vnhappie , and foolish against his owne and his brothers honours or any others , as to be so iesuited in malediction . that after so great varietie of state and former life as some of vs haue knowne him in , &c. as for the varietie of my state and former life , i am ( i thanke my god ) not ashamed of it , the same not hauing bene variable in iesuiticall grosse scandals of schisme or mis-faith in the church of god ; as god , my conscience , and all that know me can witnesse , nor euer shall by gods helpe . neither was the varietie he taxeth me of , other then sutable to my yeares from time to time : for your satisfaction wherein , i must here ( the libeller so vrging ) rip vp my whole life vnto you , as followeth . first , at my age of thirteene i was taken from schoole , and sent vp by my good aunt ( whom you knew ) to an inne of chancerie , from whence i was shortly after by my cosin t. s. to whose care i was committed , admitted of lincolnes inne ; where i continued no longer then whiles i could steale ouer into france to my father . where being arriued he within some few moneths after tooke me along with him into flanders , where in the duke of parma his court lying then at tornay , the ladie franc●…lina the dukes reputed mistris taking contentment in my english daunces , which at that age did not ill beseeme me , she at my fathers request procured me a pages place about his alteze . in the nick whereof came letters from my cosin r. s. at rome , who hearing that i was come ouer , and desirous to see and enioy me there with him for the neere kindred that was betwixt vs , and the loue he formerly bore me in his mothers house my aunt aforesaid , had procured me a pension of ten duckats a moneth of his holinesse if i would come and liue in italy ; and to this effect were both his letters , the one to my father , the other to me . to be short , my father leauing the election of these two concurring courses to my owne will , commending vnto me both the one and the other , with proffer if i chose the latter to make his holinesse ten duckets a moneth fifteene of his owne exhibition ; i stood not long vpon the choise ▪ but for hauing already seene inough of the dukes court , & being curious to see renowned rome , the popes holinesse , and generally braue italy , easily made that my choise . whereupon my father by the way of rhemes from whence there was then a mission readie for rome , and i to haue that good companie , sent me away toward rome with crownes in my purse , whether i arriued vpon a horse which i bought of father cowbuckes brother . to rome then when i came , rome i saw and romes holy things ; two popes , the one dead the other aliue , and whatsoeuer else sacred or prophane was to be seene in that vaste citie ; of all which ( i giue god thankes ) i made me that catholicke edification which i could being but sixteene yeares old , and but a yeare and a halfe catholicke ; still vrging my aforesaid cosin when i should see naples and the rest of italy , and enioy my pension . but neither naples nor any rest of italy might i see , nor yet s. peters pennie , which the fathers ( vnderstanding that my father was then dead in the duke of parmaes campe before antwerpe ) put into their owne purse , forcing me to continue a scholler in the english colledge ; which i did the space of a yeare and a halfe , or thereabouts , till i got away as ye shall heare . and this was hitherto all the iesuits fauours vnto me , hauing both put me besides my page-ship to the duke of parma ( which was a preferment for the best subiects son in flanders , and none had it but such ) and also cosined me and the pope both of his pension . iudge ye then how truly he faith , that the iesuits were his best friends for many yeares beyond the seas , where he needed their friendship , and neuer wanted it . for some of vs knew him first , a litle wanton idle-headed boy in the english romaine colledge , so light-witted , as once ( if we remember well ) he went vp into the pulpit with a rose in his mouth to make the tones ( as there they call them ) before all the colledge . a litle wanton idle headed boy and light witted ( as he remembers ) i promise ye ( cosin ) an important point to be remembred , which ( surely ) had not this charitable iesuite and his ( wees ) remembred for me , i my selfe do , and do acknowledge it , beshrewing the age of sixteene yeares that i was no stayeder , and not him for being so very a foole at sixe and fortie or vpward , as to vpbrayde me of so veniall imperfections ; who himselfe at but a yeare older , to wit , at seuenteene was so much a more wanton and idler headed then i , as to get his sister with child as afore is shewne : wherein he seemes to be of that fathers spirit , who being himselfe a monstous blasphemer , derided and checked his litle sonne for swearing by gods nigs . if to go vp into the pulpit to make the tones with a rose in my mouth were such a fault , what i pray had it bene if i had gone vp with a thistle , especially the businesse i went about being so very very important . after that he fell to such deuotion , as he not onely tooke the oath of the colledge to be a priest ; my falling to deuotion especially in rome and in the english colledge , was such a fault ( i trust ) as might easily deserue pardon at gods hands , and partly satisfie for my former wanton , idle head , howsoeuer this father reprocheth it ; and as for my taking the oath of the colledge to be a priest , that ( cosin ) is a lie as broade as an acre of land . for neither was i an alumnus of the colledge , being the popes pensioner ( as ye haue heard ) why i should be put to any such oath ; neither yet my yeares and inclination then suting to so high and holy a vocation , being by the libellers owne saying but a litle wanton idle headed boy , and light witted ; which their fatherhoods perceiuing me to be , as also how still earnest i was to come away , is it likely that they in their holy-ghostly wisedom would administer such an oath vnto me without saying twise at least vtquid perditio haec ? by this you may see that were there any such oath tendred vnto me at those yeares , what discreete father 's the iesuits are , and how sleightly they set by holy priesthood ( which is the greatest dignitie on earth ) as to impose it vpon boyes , i had bene a child of the church not passing two yeares before this supposed oath , and litle account was i able to make ( god wot ) of my faith , or to iudge of an oath , and yet ( forsooth ) did take the oath to be a priest. but the truth is , this is a flat lie , inasmuch as i perfectly well remember that whē that oath was proposed to others ( being all of good yeares , and all alumni of the colledge ) my cosin r. s. aforesaid tooke me with him out of the church , and only tendred me the ordinarie oath of the inquisition , that is to continue catholike , and in subiection to holy church and the sea apostolike , which oath i tooke , & do maintaine , & wil ( by gods holy grace ) vnto my death . for , as touching the other oath my cosin knew very well by my continuall discontent how ill i brooked the paines of the colledge , & how hourely i laid at him for my pension to liue at large , for which he was the man that neuer moued me any such question as to be a priest. but also pretended to be an augustine frier . the former and this are two lies with one breath , but on he is a iesuite . all the shift he hath to saue his credit in this latter is his saying , that he hath a fearefull conscience to auouch things he knowes not for certaine . the man is willing enough , yea faine he would haue this reproch to passe vpon me , ( though to be a frier i hold it an honor , and my selfe vnworthy thereof ) and to that end hath penned it downe ; and yet ( forsooth ) he hath a timorous conscience , like the clowne who was not ashamed to fill his paunch with pease-pottage so full that it almost crackt againe , and yet made daintie to cough downeward for feare to shew what windie stuffe he had eaten . now as touching his said supposall of my becomming an augustine , a very foole may discerne therein his too manifest folly and bad spirit : for is it likely that hauing first taken the oath of the colledge , i would so soone , that is , in one halfe yeares space haue bene forsworne as to become a frier , the whole time of my continuance in rome being but one yeare and a halfe or thereabouts , and the first yeare litle inough ( by all intendment ) to settle my wanton idle light witted head ▪ afore i could be fit for either the one or the other so high vocation . to shew you then how false either of these imputations are , you must vnderstand that in my discontentment to be so made a schoole-boy , and cosined both of the popes pension and my libertie ; i taking a deuotion to s. monacha , s. augustines mother went often to the augustines church in rome where her bodie lay , and there falling acquainted with a venetian frier of the monasterie , i vnderstood that he knew my vnkle sir richard shelley in venice ; by whose meanes i afterward often writ vnto him , informing him of my discontentment with the iesuites for their so abusing his holinesse and me , but especially after my cosin r. s. his departure for england . to which my aggriefe in the end after sundrie letters that passed betwixt vs , the lord prior of malta ( for such was his title ) most louingly complied ; sending me by this friers meanes three and fiftie duckets where with to get me from rome into france , with request that i would make venice my way , affirming that forasmuch as he had no other kinsman in those parts , he would leaue me when he died if i liked to liue with him all that he had . with these three and fiftie duckets i departed the colledge , rome , and italy ▪ where at parting , father cowbucke being come thither but a litle afore , and also d. allan who within a while after was created cardinall ; the one gaue me his malediction , the other a thousand blessings . and this ( i protest ) was all the leaue and uiaticum the fathers gaue me at my departure from rome , this their paternall charitie where with the libeller more in particular vnderneath vpbraideth me . yea ouer and aboue all this , father cowbucke was the man who perceiuing d. allan his credit to be more with me then his , wrought him to be thus farre forth his instrument as to disswade me my going to venice to my vnkle which he vnderstood i intended , and my said vnkle expected , so ill the father brooked either that good knight or my good fortunes , or both . i was too blame in that respect to the good doctor , both for my duties sake to my vnkle , and also for my profit , though minding to haue returned of purpose vnto him out of france the next yeare after , before which time the good knight died , leauing all his riches to a meere seruant ; so vnfortunate was i , or rather so vnfortunate a iesuite to me , whom this iesuite termes my friends who neuer failed me . and this was all my becomming , either college , priest , or augustine frier , and thus much can m. duke sometimes my entire friend in earth , now a saint in heauen witnesse of my going to the augustines , to whose priuitie i imparted all that my proceeding . insomuch as at a word aswell might the libeller haue affirmed that i would haue become a nunne for s. monacha●…s sake , or a iesuite for father cowbuckes , as an augustine , especially if withall he knew what law raigned in my loynes , and what spirit colophized me at those yeares with s. paul. in vaine therefore doth this manifester of his folly and bad spirit , stroake ( as it were ) his beard after so grosse a slander , & aduise yonkers to beware by me how they slip back , & contemne when they are in their sister ; euen as vainely as i haue noted the vaineglorious spaniard to do the like to his beard , picke his teeth , pat and stretch forth his paunch , and stroke off crummes from his clothes after an egge , as if he had dined with a lord maior of london . but most of all vaine and malicious he is , after two so expresse lies to commend himselfe for ( a timorous conscience as to affirme things that he knowes not for certaine ) which neither could his fatherhood vaine-gloriously inough do , vnlesse withall he condemned me of a lauish conscience in the contrarie . ah poore father and poore praise , so to borrow or rather steale grace by the disgrace of others . were there no greater faults in a iesuite then this , please god i had but so much of s. augustines spirit as to discouer it to the full to the churches caution and edification . but of the two orders the likelihood that was , was rather of my becomming iesuite , especially if i had bene as forward in accepting as some were in proffering me that scandal . for verie well i remember that whiles i liued in the colledge , father agazarius ( who was then rector till toward the latter end at what time father cowbucke came in his place ) the fat father minister , whose name i haue forgotten , and my cosin r. s. prefect of the studies all three most fauningly woo'd me to like of their societie , to which end they did me the fauour ( for so they reputed it ) as to admit me into their spirituall exercises , whereof ( god i thanke ) i made much better vse vnto my soule then so , noting ( as yong as i was ) the strange spirit of some youths in the colledge their chiefe dearlings ; as namely anth. maior whom they made consiliarius primus or secundus of the congregation of our ladie in the colledge ( which was a fauour ) who since is apostated euen wilfully , and beneficed here in england . likewise yong as i was , i could well see what foule vse they made of the said good exercise of our ladies congregation for the maintaining offaction amongst both the scholers and priests , and for the iesuiting of the best wits and best bred youths from the true intent and institution of the colledge . also i saw how vilely ( for example ) they abused m. doctor bagshaw and doctor cicill , putting them to all the boyish exercises of the house , and in the end expulsing the former of them with others from thence . in few , yong though i were , i noted by other in cautelam to my selfe from becomming either iesuit or iesuiticall , that what talent they saw in me apt for their turnes if ( being such ) i should not happen to employ it religiously , and so to the reputation of their societie , that it would stead them aswell to be employed in dishonestie , so the dishonestie were exquisite and extraordinarie , as their instructions could helpe to make it ; so much that societie is the refuse of religiousnesse , and therefore worthily the last religious order in holy church , and their founder not likely to be canonized for a saint till it be cassie●…ed . as then it is but a worke of supererogation a man to confine himself to any order of religion , so is it but a bonum inculpate omissum to be of any whosoeuer haue any such deuotion , as ( i protest ) i neuer had ; howbeit to be a iesuite , i do not see how that consideratis considerandis , vz. the euils of it as iesuites are now a dayes for the most part , it is not a malum realissimé commissum . from this spirit of religious and ecclesiasticall life he fellbacke soone after to the spirit of poetrie , forsaking the ordinarie studie of the house . alas poore poetrie , what il hast thou deserued at this iesuits hands , who so many of his coate are poets at this day , though sorie ones ( god wot ; ) but chiefly , how false a lie is it that i betooke me to that studie in the colledge . true it is that the ordinarie studie of the house i as litle professed all the while i was there , as i did the course and institution thereof as is afore shewne , and as all the house could witnesse : whereas had i ( as this libeller lied before ) sworne the one , it is likely that i would haue applied me to the other , which is an argument against his said assertion , or was poesie ( haply ) astudie fit for an augustine ? neither is it true ( as i was a saying ) that i betooke me to poetrie in that place , but to historie . since my returne into england i haue indeed set out a poeme , intituled , a fig for fortune , in attestation to the world of my catholike soule to god and his church , and of my resolution against the iesuitical obloquie which heretofore attached me for no other fault in the world then refusing to concurre with a iesuitical instrument in firing the queenes nauie throughout the south and west of england . if this be the poeme he glaunceth at , belike it is for that in describing therin somewhat the dignitie of the catholicke church in the religious orders thereof and those by the terme of discoloured vest , which sounds for the most part munkes and friers , the iesuite seemes excluded thereby as going all in blacke : or else ( perhaps ) for that by the way i giue in that poeme her maiestie some praise and honour as for temporall state , which a iesuit cannot endu●…e in the behalf of the house of austrich . wel , this poem ( cosin ) was as your self may verie well remember called in by the protestant for the catholicke matter thereof , howsoeuer the method was not ( i confesse ) so schollerly as might aunswer a good poets expectation ; howbeit scholerly inough as from a souldier and no profest poet , and for one of my yeares then , and also such as might beseeme as great a clarke as he to whom it was directed , though otherwise a noble personage , and whom i am apt to honor for his worthie grand-sires sake , whose name i weare . but basto non placuit iesuitis nor puritanes ; which ( me thinkes ) were those father 's not religious so much , as but reasonable good catholikes it might in regard of the matter though not of the methode ; and were it but for that it was a souldiers worke such as sometimes their good founder was ; as also in regard of ( the herrings taile ) which what stuffe it is the title shews , & yet they highly esteeme and giue it countenance for being penned by a lay disciple of theirs . for which he was dismissed and sent by the charitie of the fathers to the colledge of rhemes , thinking thereby to saue him from further falling . this dismission & charitie of the fathers is a fourth lie , and confuted afore in their retaining me in the colledge at rome against my wil ; detaining the popes pension from me ; the curses father cowbucke gaue me at parting in stead of a uiaticum , and his frustrating my fortunes at venice ; all which the good fathers did for the loue they bore to s. peters pence , which by my departure from thence found their way home againe to his exchecker . besides , how call ye it a sauing a man from falling , to let him trauell all that way alone and without companie where he presaged he should breake his necke ; both which charities in one father parsons performed to me . but being arriued there , he presently became an inam●…rate , and fell in loue with one of cardinall allans neeces ▪ and proceeded so far therin , as he presumed to write a letter to the said cardinall to request his consent that he might marrie her , but the cardinall tooke it in high disdaine , &c. the premisses of my fortunes ouerthrowne by the iesuits considered , was it a fault in me to seeke to raise it by matching with the cardinals neece , who was both faire and vertuous , & all maner of wayes louely , aswell for her owne sake as for her vnkles ? or was i too old , or not old inough at seuenteen & vpward to loue ? or by the same reason that i could not brook a scholers life , much lesse an ecclesiastical , was 〈◊〉 not likely that i might loue ? or was i so base and ignoble of birth or education , that i was more too bold and too blame to loue the cardinals neece , thē either m. thomas throckmorton , or he that now enioys her ? or was my loue vnto her lawfull whiles her vnkle was yet but d. allan , and vnlawfull afterward when he was a cardinall ? or is loue so grosse an affection that it deserues reproch ? or finally was the gentlewoman a iesuitesse whereby vnworthy to be beloued ? truly ( cosin ) no : had you knowne her , or but seene her , you would not onely haue excused me against this calumniator , but commended my fancie . absurdly therefore doth he twit me as faultie herein , and as reprochfully taxe the good cardinall of disdaine , who knew and loued my father too well , as to disdaine any sonne of his , or thinke him a disparage for his neece ; yea , who was so humble a man as that he disdained not a worme . but this is not the first calumnie by hundreds of a iesuite against the honour and goodnesse of that excellent cardinal , who was euer an eye-sore vnto them , because he di●…tasted them , and was of worth to make them feare him . if then my presuming to write to the cardinall for his good will to the match were such a fault , how hainous a fault had it bene ( trow ye ) in this iesuites eye if i had enioyed her without his assent , or rather how not worthie his approbation i in her stead to haue loued my owne sister ? no , no , the good cardinal was not the man so altered by his honour , as that he could so soone know how to disdaine a gentleman and an honest sute , though what a iesuite so exalted might do in the like case , it may very well be made a question . also it may be a question , vpon what new good will to the cardinall , this iesuit seemes to be thus carefull of his neete , as to be angrie with a gentleman for louing her in way of honestie , who was so dishonestly carelesse of his owne and his sisters honour as ye haue heard . i am sure any man that loued my lord cardinall better thē i perswade me this iesuit doth , if he but knew m. gabriel allan his graces brother aswel since as before his cardinalate , would at lest not haue thought me vnworthie to haue bene his nephew ; neither yet son in law to the gentlewomans good mother whosoeuer knowes her : who for my owne part haue sped aswell , and better in this respect , as not being my wifes kinsman whereby i to need any bull of leaue and dispensation for my matching with her as i haue heard her husband had . and as for his liuelihood , i do not heare that it is for the more part other then what the abilitie and loue of his vnkle d. w. in those parts can affoord him . but being ( as he is ) a gentleman , much good cheare may his wife do him , and i no whit enuie his fortune . as he gaue order that he should be put from rhemes . the truth hereof i neuer tasted , as departing from rhemes of my owne accord , and not put from thence by any order of the cardinals ; & therefore do giue it the lie ; so as this is the libellers fifth lie . besides , what authoritie had the good cardinal to put me from thence liuing there at my owne charges , and louing his neece in good maner ; which to do , was ( i trust ) no misdemeanure , and whether otherwise i misdemeaned my selfe , i appeale to all the english there then . the truth is , my abiding in rhemes was no other nor no longer then till i might either winne the cardinals neece , or get a pension in the low countries , which latter very shortly by my louing brother in law m. r. s. his meanes to the duke of parma , and not by any iesuits i obtained . whereupon i departed from rhemes in the loue and good will of m. bayly then president , and also of all the reuerend fathers and scholers there , after hauing liued and loued some fiue moneths in that towne . from thence i went to paris , and so to rome , vpon occasion of businesse which i had there ; and from thence backe againe into flanders . from whence he went into flanders , and became a souldier , first amongst the english vnder sir william standley , where his inconstant head suffering him not to stay , he went to serue amongest the spaniards , and had besides by father holts helpe a pension of fiue and twentie a moneth . that i went immediatly from rhemes into flanders is a lie also as ye next afore heard ; so as this is a sixth lie , though veniall , which may passe for a vertue in a iesuite . well , to flanders i went , be it so ; and had the duke of parma his pension , it is true ; but neither the fiue and twentie crownes a moneth he mentioneth ( for it was but twentie ) nor yet that by father holts meanes , but by my kind brother in lawes afore named . wherein to make amends for the last veniall lie you may note a cabbadged lie of his one within another , as almost what errour or euill of a iesuite euer goes alone . how i demeaned my self in this course of life , you may guesse by the libeller his not impeaching me , howbeit i confesse that i liued there somwhat lesse scrupulously then before time ; and that through father holt his help-lesse hand to gentlemen in the place he was in ; who could see their pensions rust afore his face without scouring them with one good word to the duke in their behalfes , which daily he did for lackes and vpstarts . if my vnconstant head were too blame for carying me from an irish regiment to a spanish , it must needs follow that the spaniard is a lesse worthie souldier then the irish , which assertion of the iesuit how his founder being sometimes a spanish souldier whiles he was on earth , would take at his hands if he were in place , and generally the spanish nation you may imagine . at a word ( cosin ) it deserues the stropado in the infantaes court and campe , but i le be no blab : onely i wonder if this were such a fault , what manner fault he would haue made of it if i had shifted me out of a spanish regiment into an irish. thus may ye see how nothing comes amisse to a iesuit-calumniator , who thus can taxe me of a light and vnconstant head , for going to grauitie it selfe , the spanish nation . and so hauing eaten of the king of spaines bread for diuers yeares , he commeth now to pay him and the iesuites with this infamous inuectiue , which he hath printed . if i haue bene vngratefull to the iesuites , you haue seene for what benefits of theirs vnto me , euen such as were i not a catholicke and knowing the law of charitie , they might rather expect my reuenge . but god defend that in my owne case i should be so litle charitable ; as also on the other side if in honor of my two deare mothers the catholike church and my country against both which they haue committed treason , and daily do , i should not shew my selfe doubly aggrieued and angrie with them as grace and nature binds me , i were much to blame . this then and no priuate grudge ( i protest ) is all my ingratitude and vncharitie against these fathers . correct they them selues in these my imputations , that is , cease they their schisme in our church by submitting them to their true superiours and ours the secular cleargie without ambitioning aboue them and slaundering them by libell any more ; cease they their setting brother against brother , friend against friend , &c. with their zizaniaes of faction ; cease they their making boote and hauocke of catholickes estates by the abuse of their spirituall exercises vnto them , and as executors ; cease they their querkes and quiddits , as mentall euasions , equiuocations , tergiuersations , and the like , but especially cease they their pharisaicall hypocrisie , and detractious tongues and pens : thus much for the church . then for my country ; cease they their spanish faction against it ; cease they their perswasions and swetie endeuours of a conquest of it from spaine ; cease they their murderous treacheries against the annointed person of our soueraigne , and consequently the heaping coales on all our heads at her hands for their sakes which hitherto they haue done ; in few , become they good catholickes and good english as they ought , and then if i be vngratefull or vncharitable vnto them , the blame and shame be mine ; whereas continuing to be these manner of men , i also continue this manner of man in their reproofe , giuing their fatherhoods leaue to take me as they find me : also giuing this father the lie in terming my booke an infamous inuectiue ; the contents thereof being but against their schisme and spanish treasons . so as this is a ninth or tenth lie and that a traiterous lie , as being in reprehension of my loyaltie to gods church , my prince and countrey , which is all the purport of that my treatie , wherein also he lieth in saying that i printed it . againe , i giue his fatherhood the lie in taxing me of ingratitude to the king of spaine , whose bread i acknowledge i haue eaten , but how ? in the sweate of my brow , which was no verie daintie bruesse you may thinke . howbeit as gratefully i eate of it as if it had bin an oleo podrido of the concoction of the phoenix , pellican , bird of paradise , larkes , quailes , venison , sturgeon , anchouaes and tabacco , the bezar and philosophers stone ; and wel worthie i was of his bread , seruing him ( as i did ) in a quarell wherein my owne princesse was interested against him . but let that passe , and let it suffize that i take it as a slaunder to be reputed vngrateful to the king of spaine , seeing that gratitude is a great morall vertue , and much commended in catholike religion . for setting my loyall dutie to my owne soueraigne and countrey aside , and as farre as this respect will giue me leaue , i acknowledge the king of spaines bountie vnto me , and do highly honour him as the most catholicke king of the world , neither whiles i liue , will i euer draw sword or serue against him or his estates ; onely to my owne princesse and her estates he must giue me leaue to be loyall . greatly in the honor of a gentleman i scorne the imputatiō of vngrateful , but specially of disloyall in so high a kind . when so the case standeth that of necessitie i must be the one or the other , i trust the choise is not to be stood vpon . that such is the state of my prince and countrey at this instant with spaine , that i must needs be vngratefull or disloyall to the one or the other , my discourse vnto you ( which this libeller termes an inuectiue ) auoweth . at a word , it would ill beseeme me to be herein other then my fathers sonne , who as litle liked that england should be spanish as i do , which was the cause he was committed to the fleete in queene maries dayes , for hauing too bold a voice in the parliament against her spanish match , and who likewise some two yeares afore he died noting the iarres to grow hot betwixt england and spaine , became a loyall sutor to her maiestie for his returne home from spaines pension to her grace and fauour his catholicke conscience reserued ; but her highnes did not so daigne it , but gaue him leaue to die where he did . briefe , if you wil see ingratitude indeed , and that not in picture but in proper person , behold it in the iesuites against the good seminaries and all the church of god at this present , and also against our countrey , ( at least if they repute themselues english ) all which their ingratitude you may see without spectacles were ye a hundred yeares old . now commeth he to my letter . he deuideth his whole discourse into three points in his first page , to wit , appeale , state , iesuites ; adding thereunto this sentence , recta securus , which if recta be vnderstood in the ablatiue case , it agreeth not vnproperly to his case , who seemeth to runne securely and without feare in the right way to perdition . if he had as rightly construed my mot , as he hath reported the title of my booke , he had not seemed the iesuit , but as such he must be still catching and running vpon the ablatiue recta from the right : but on . whereunto do leade him on , not only the vanitie and inanitie of the yong mans head , but his pouertie also , in respect whereof ( it seemeth ) he would gladly get in with some of them that be in authoritie , whereunto he thought good to make this prologue , and his brothers liuing is a great allurement . the vanitie and inanitie of the yong mans head hath not bene such that it euer led him with the iesuits into schisme against the church of god , or into treason against his prince and country , nor ( by gods assistance ) euer shall ; but contrariwise was euer able to discerne them , and willing to deserue ill at their hands in these respects ; and that meerely for gods sake and my soules , and not for the worlds as this libeller calumniates me . as little is it the tenuitie of my estate that could leade me into temptation so farre forth as to comply with authoritie for the bettring thereof against honor and conscience . what a iesuites schoole might profite her scholler in that kind i may easily guesse , but sure i am the catholike church dispenseth no such spirit . better profit ( i hope ) i haue made of catholike religion to my soule , then so to slide from my promise in baptisme to the world and the diuell : yea more stand i vpon the honour of my auncestors and of a gentleman ( setting catholike dutie aside ) then to transport me in so foule brocage to the preiudicing of any person , euen for a princes fauour . how vngodly then the iesuite reprocheth me herein , both my conscience and my life hitherto do attest to the world ; but chiefly his saying that ( my brothers liuing is a great allurement ) . oh monstrous vncharitie thus to sow ielousies betweene brethren , as though there were not priuie vipers inough that daily do it and easily may in respect of the farre distance betweene vs , vnlesse a religious iesuite should do it in print . of which enormous imputation ( for so i take it ) to purge me vnto you ( good cosin ) and by your meanes to as many as by the same may be scandalized in their opinions of me , here by protestation i except thereunto & asseuer euen as i am and hope to die a catholike and beleeue no otherwise to be saued : by my sauior in the eucharist : and by all the saints in heauen , that neuer in all my life haue i gone about directly or indirectly to supplant my brother and his issue of his inheritance in all this time of his absence , but contrariwise haue as far as he euer intrusted me done my brotherly best to work him home againe , as bearing the mind to be beholding rather to god then to my selfe for my fortunes . no no , my brothers religion to god , and his loyaltie to his prince and countrey i too wel know , why i should so wrong him , and therein my owne conscience more . a blanke importing treason to this state he when as it was most loyally reiected , refusing to subscribe thereunto , whereupon good father cowbuck within a while after threatned to sit on his skirts , and partly hath made it good since ( as i heard ) in detaining from him a legacie which sir francis englefield in his death bestowed vpon his wife , so very a traitor was this cowbucke in the one , and so leud an executor in the other . iudge you now with what honestie i may go about to supplant so good a brother , so good a subiect , and in few , so good a catholicke as hath left together with his countrey all his faire fortunes therein meerely for the catholicke cause ; in which respect i acknowledge him the wel-worthie head of our house , and worthie to continue so , and consequently iudge you then whether this libelling iesuite be an honest or ciuill man thus to traduce me to the world and in paticular to him by the parsimonie of my fortunes , as though it were not easier by christs own parable for a poore man to be honest and so to enter into the kingdome of heauen , then a rich camell . true it is that my father out of his ample estate might in his louing care and prouidence haue left vs his yonger sonnes more liberally prouided then he did ; but he did not , as minding to leaue vs partly to our owne makings . neither was it euer yet my hap to be made a rich mans executor whereby to better my estate that way , and to braue it in girdle and hangers of thirtie pound price as a iesuite hath done ; neither beare i so iesuiticall a conscience . moreouer ( i trust ) that foure score pound and vpward a yeare is not altogether a miserable estate for a yonger brother liuing single wherewith to liue an honest man ; lesse then which i neuer yet spent any yeare , and yet ( i thanke god ) my debts are not great , and since my mariage my deare mothers loue hath bettered it . besides , you know ( cosin ) by what executor i am yet the worse by fiue hundred pounds . the first point concerning appeale and matter of schisme is alreadie determined by his holinesse especiall breue , to wit , the appeale reiected , and the controuersie of schisme prohibited from further dispute vnder paine of excommunication ipso facto , into which this man must needes haue incurred if he knew of the said breue when he wrote his booke , and if not , then at leastwise the booke it selfe remaineth forbidden vnder the same paine and punishment . as he hath belied me hitherto , so see how he here slaundereth the appeale touching the matter of schisme with a lie also , affirming that it is determined by his holinesse , but how ? to wit , the appeale reiected , which how this assertion hangs together , i pray ye iudge . iudge how if it be determined ( as indeed it is on the appellants behalfe against the libellers ) it can be said to be reiected , all reiection being properly of a bil not inquirable in court , oh grosse and inconsiderate equiuocation . as for his holinesse inhibiting the question to be further disputed on vnder paine , &c. how grosse reproch were it also to his holines if he had not first defined it , namely to haue it said of him , that to priests appealing vnto his chaire for iudgement in the behalf of their infinite innocence against calumniators , in the behalf of the libertie of the church , and also of his holines own honor , he after so many miles trauell , and that at so great charges and hazards of theirs vnto him in this respect , to reiect their bill , without doing them the equitie as to reade it . on the other side if it be true that since his holinesse award on the priests side ( which is most certaine true as in m. colletons late booke you may reade the order ) he hath withall inhibited ( as this iesuit suggests ) all further dispute vpon the question , vnder , &c. it is wel and good ; but here of i wil informe me more then of a iesuits bare word which deserues no more credit then ye haue heard . howsoeuer , ( i am sure ) he lieth broadly in affirming that any such bull of prohibition was out , or at leastwise promulgated before the edition of my letter by you , whereby i to haue incurred the censure therein contained if i knew thereof , for that if his said assumpsit be true , it is also true that he himself and his faction haue à fortiori incur●…ed the same , forasmuch as this libell of his is come forth ( as ye see ) since my said letter , and also their appollogie , appendix , &c. all containing matter of the appeale prohibited ; and yet he and they ( at least wise as he here for himself and them suggesteth ) taking notice of such a breue : whereas i for my part do take no other notice of any such matter , then all the partie of the appeale hath or doth either now or then , and do submit me accordingly . in the meane time why my book should be by any such pretēded breue , more censured and forbidden vnder penaltie then this of his or the rest on his side comming forth since mine vpon the same argument ( as is said ) especially mine being for the appeale on which behalfe his holinesse hath ordered it , and theirs on the contrarie , iudge you ( cosin ) how likely this sounds . albeit this were not so , yet were it lost time to answer this quareller , who not vnderstanding the substance of the controuersie , tatleth without any purpose at all , saying therein much lesse and worse then others of his crew haue said or written before him . bonaverba quaeso , be not angrie ( good iesuite ) but beare your rebukes patiently at a souldiers hands , both for that your founder was sometime such , and likewise for that your misdemeanures are rather militarie then ecclesiastical or religious , and consequently within the spheare of militarie discipline . you are a societie that would shake off the yoke of your true masters the secular clergie , and impose it vpon them , which is preposterous and must not be as long as there is ere an honest souldier aliue that will defend them , and herein the hierarchie and libertie of holy church . now ( cosin ) whereas he saith that i vnderstand not the substance of the controuersie , & haue ta●…led without anie purpose at all , his holinesse censure so conformable to my discourse , or rather my discourse to his censure giues herein his fatherhood the lie , which is a kind of lie against the holy ghost ; as thus by militarie scholership i proue it . he that speakes or writes according to s. peter , speakes and writes according to the holy ghost ; and he that affirmes that so spoken or written is to no purpose , lieth against the holy ghost . but what i haue written and said in my letter concerning the point of schisme , hath bene according to s. peter ( vz. his successor ) and consequently according to the holy ghost ; ergo this libeller in saying that i haue written and spoken to no purpose in my said letter concerning the point of schisme , hath lied against the holy ghost . the minor i proue , for what i there writ concerning that point , was , that the appellants were no schismatickes , rebels , nor disobedient in forbearing to accept of the archpriests authority vpon the cardinals bare letter before the comming of the apostolike breue , and this is verbatim his holines censure touching the same point . sanctissimus visis & consider at is rationibus vestris ( vz. of the appellāts ) declarat vos neque schismaticos , neque rebelles , neque inobedientes fuisse ante aduentum breuis apostolici , &c. furthermore , the libellers alleaging one of my reasons for the schisme to be on their side , with his cutting off with an , &c. the most materiall words of the same , sheweth his sinceritie what it is ; but his reproofe thereof is much more absurd , for this is all he saith : and hereby the discreete reader will see how wise an vn-iesuited gentlemā this is to instruct his cosin the iesuited gentleman in matter of schisme . if in my said discourse i haue said lesse and worse touching that point then anie other , i am glad that the case was so good on the appellants side that both the least of my pen was inough , and her best not good inough to be seene therein . another of my reasons touching the point of state he citeth , whereby i inferred that if christ expresly rebuked s. peter for cutting off malchas his eare , the quarrell being so good : à fortiori , s. peter and his successors haue no authoritie trade●…di gentem in gentem by conquest for religion : which proposition vnder correction of holy church , i rest farther readie to maintaine , and that for the honour of the sea apostolike , vz. that p●…non habet à christo potestatem tradendi gentem in gentem armis & in foedum propter religionem . if this be hacking ( as he termes it ) at the popes authoritie ; iudge you then what a hacker thereat that spanish iesuite is , who openly and for sound , doctrine maintained it first to his auditors in the schoole , and at this instant obstinatly in the inquisition doth ( vz. ) that non est de fide credere hunc romanum pontifice●… esse christi uicarium . this ( i trust ) is more then hacking at the pope ; this is a flat cutting off his head . but marke ( i pray ) how learnedly the libeller refutes my aforesaid reason : these are his words . and do you not see by this reason that this yong gentleman souldier , is fitter to cut off boyes eares , then to reason of state matters ; or to backe at the popes authoritie by such arguments as these are . these are the vennies this hacking father giues me , which he thinkes are deepe wounds , and which to do he so stretcheth forth his arme that ( as ye see ) he straines it , the reproch lighting on himselfe . but let vs see what followeth . but what saith he of the third point about iesuits ? oh here is his veine indeed to raile , and reuell against them , who ( good men ) haue bene alwayes carefull , so farre forth as in them hath layne to stay his shittle braines , and to make him carefull of some christian constancie , but all in vaine as it seemeth . still the father vrgeth the societies fauours vnto me , their care to stay my shittle braines , and make me carefull of some christian constancie ; ah stale hypocrisie , grosse extortion , and proud beggarie of good desert where none euer was , but the cleane contrarie ; ah humor of all humours , and ceremonie of all ceremonies the most extrauagant and ridiculous that euer i heard of sure , this is a gullerie new brought ouer by the fathers from beyond the straights of magellane , and as yet not thorough christened here in europe . i wonder how they brought it so farre by sea , and vnder so torrid zones without tainting , or what po●…dring or p●…boiling ( haply ) they gaue it aforehand . no no ●…sin ) it hath taken wind and ●…kes ; pouder or spice it they neuer so art●…lly , you and all may smell the sleight of it : which is noise other th●…n by such their arrogated goodnesse toward me , they to seeme ( good men ) and consequently my auersion from them to seeme vngratefull , and as from god ; but chiefly my verities to you of them thereby to be disabled and reputed inuectiues as from an vngrateful person , they hauing in truth no iust disproofe of them at all as for example ye shall ●…eare : ye reade in my former letter vnto you ( which this fellow termes a libell ) of a certaine familiar iesuite who erected a kind of family of loue by his might-lectures to his faire fema●…e auditors , & what became of it ; now heare ( i pray ) his disproofe ; these are his words 〈◊〉 you heare this lasciuious companion going about to discredit good and vertuous men , and in them the whole catholike cause ? as though i or any man else euer lay with his sister besides himselfe , why thus he should terme me lasciuious ; or as though a iesuites bare negatiue ( as these words of his sound not so much ) could be autenticke against a positiue assertion , and an affirmatiue so peremptorie as this of 〈◊〉 is , without further proofe ; or as though the honour of the whole catholicke cause consisted on a few pelting iesuits ; oh proud and peeuish pen ! and so of some other my allegations , which being in the affirmatiue he would haue either his bare deniall , or else his ( how is it likely ? ) or , do you thinke this is a catholicke ? or such like surly euasions to ouer-beare : which must not be , a iesuite being now pretily discouered amongst vs what quiddit he is and of what mould . he must not thinke to beare it hence forward amongst catholikes in england with his bare ipse dixit as heretofore , but must aswel as other honest and plaine meaning men be content to come downe from the bench , & yeeld reason for what he saith or doth . it is neither his pharisaicall hypocrisie , his title of religious , nor yet the fauour of spaine & all the house of austrich that can giue him credit against honestie , honestie being the staffe which wil neuer warp , but still abide straight and stiffe against a world of aduersaries . so thought they to tread downe the appellants first from their appeale , next in their appeale touching the point of schisme , but you see now the contrarie , and therin their shame so great , as not all the austrich fethers in the world can swagger out . so good is god & euer was to his seruāts , to his litle dauid against go●…as . in which respect how happie may i thinke my selfe in hauing thus risen on the appellants side , and serued them ( whom this mate stil termes seditious ) to the poore power of my pen , and in them al the church of god. in the libellers exceptions whereunto i maruell here by the way why he answereth me nothing concerning the point of spanish faction whereof i so really impeach his societie , and namely his fellow father cowbuck , and the same with me all the partie of the appeale . oh oh , it is his guiltie conscience , and that so much the more guiltie and trecherous , by how much he would faine smother this article rather by silence then by blushing . likewise it is a point which they haue concluded to let sleepe till a change , at what time ( all being then likely to be in vprore ) they will awake it againe with some new spanish doleman , suffizing that they retaine their spanish faction sure in the meane time against that day , to which day for the delay of it , they giue the daily poxe , and that plainely and without all maner of mentall euasion ; and so likewise to all those that haue alreadie detected such their disloyall proiect . it followeth . do you thinke this is a catholike , but onely in the very rine and paring ? no no , this is a copes-mate shrouded in a catholickes coate , an apost●… in his heart from god and all pietie , &c. how say you ( cosin ) by this gallant , by this ( i will not say ) deus deorum in sion , but daemon daemoniorum in aegypto , who thus presumptuously takes vpon him to define the conscience of any man like god himselfe , who onely is scrutator renum & cordis . his saying that i am not a catholike other then in rine and paring ; that i am a copesmate shrouded in a catholikes coate ( if he meane copes-mate in disgrace ) and that i am an apostata in my hart from god and all pietie , are all most grosse , inormous , and diabolicall slanders , such as my conscience , and in the behalfe of it all the angels and saints of heauen , yea god himself giues the lie vnto . for since the time of my vnion to the catholicke church , which was in anno 1583. by the hand of old and good m. woodward in rone in normandie , i neuer either in schismaticall or hereticall word , deed , or assent , scandalized the same , but haue euer held and reputed such my religion as the apple of my eye , and as a brooch , pledge , piller and seale of saluation to my soule . yea , rather then i will euer vpon temptation of the flesh , the world or the diuell , disparage my selfe herein to the catholike church , i trust in god to endure a thousand deaths . in testimony of which my catholike cōscience , i here by these presents auow the same vnto you ( good cosin ) and to as many as may happen to reade this letter , praying you and them to beare me record hereof at the latter day when all flesh shall arise to iudgement . if the actuals of my life haue not bin so conformable to this my professed faith as they ought , it hath bene my extreme frailtie i confesse , for which god i thanke that he hath left medicinable sacraments in the church whereby i may rise and renew me from time to time ; yet , sure i am that to dislike of so schismaticall and trecherous preuaricators as iesuites are at this day both to our church and countrey , and to oppose against them as such with al my abilitie with and for the sacred seminaries my true spirituall fathers , is no wayes an act of ill life so much as veniall , much lesse apostacie from god and all pietie , but the cleane contrarie , that is , catholicke and bounden dutie in the highest degree . let therfore this libelling iesuit looke into his owne conscience , and checke these his slanderous imputations to me , first there , and then to the world-ward , and as for his satisfaction to me , he shall find it easie at my hands , who do daily pray god to forgiue me my trespasses , as i forgiue all trespasses against me . till when let him not vaunt ( as aboue ye haue read ) of atimorous conscience , to affirme things that he knowes not for certaine , especially if tending to the reproch of any ; and in religious humilitie think himselfe ( as all men ought ) the veriest sinner of all others . and finally his deadly and diuellish hatred to iesuits in generall and to father parsons in especiall , to whom notwithstanding he was wont to professe great obligation for his spirituall good , as he is not ashamed to conclude thus of him : in briefe , if he haue bene a iudas to gods church and his country to the disparage of the seminaries , &c. that i being so verie catholicke as you haue heard , do hate iesuits as iesuites , that is , as they ought to be good religious men according to their institution , and their founders rules confirmed & priuiledged so indulgently by holy church is another falsitie , and i repute it as a slander . marie , that i hate them as men generally debaucht and digressed from their principles , and consequently as most scandalous transgressors , this i acknowledge to be verie true , and my dutie as i am a catholike , being withall sory euen in my soule and with my hart for the honour of my holy mother the church , that there can be a religious societie in it so scandalous as this aswell to all her children and friends , as to her foes ; but specially in a church so much vnder execution as this our english is . yea so farre forth i am sorie herefore , as that to redeeme the same , i take god to witnes , i would willingly endure a manie anathemaes both temporall and corporall in this world gods grace and loue reserued . and as for father cowbucke i denie and maligne him not the credit of his booke called the resolution ; but do agnize his paines therein taken , whether as a collector , or but as a translator , to be meritorious and fruitefull , and in particular my selfe to haue bene more then somewhat profited thereby in spirite in the time of my catecumenage ; and so also haue manie bene by buchanans seuen psalmes , who notwithstanding became himselfe an apostata in the end . other , either spirituall or temporall debt to him or his societie i acknowledge none , but the cleane contrarie , that is , disgusts and iniuries , both to my selfe as a. c. and also as i am a member of the catholicke church and my countrey , either of which that societie , but especially this man haue notoriously scandalized and preiudiced . in which respect i might iustly distast and impeach them in my former letter to you , as i did in maner of an appollogie for the seminaries , to whom in all duties both to our church and countrey we are chiefly indebted . and if ( haply ) they haue erred in anie thing to the hurt of either of them , it hath bene in bringing in of iesuits , and giuing them here the countenance they haue to the discountenancing of themselues , and generally of the catholicke cause through their ingratitude , singularity , and auarice . being which maner of men and therefore iustly banisht out of france , and distasted of the most part of christendome ; how is it that their reproch may be a blemish to any , or rather not their praise a reproch ? truly ( cosin ) if they hold on as they haue begun , and that withall the world by their meanes grow not worse then it is alreadie , i do not doubt but we shall see it so ere long ; if they be not cassierd the sooner , so much is their corruption exorbitant and readie to runne ouer . good god that such a societie of men after so many scandals and foule deserts of theirs in france and elsewhere for prince-killing , sedition , &c. can be thus of credit in england , where also they haue assayed no lesse and daily do before our eyes , besides their present schisme in our church : whereas the seminariesouer and aboue the high honor of their secular and pastorall priesthood , and their instiution thus for the shamble in gods cause and for our soules like vowed good shepheards , are truly good men and our good fathers , in all aswell moral as spirituall practise , gatherers & not dispersers , with whom to be afflicted by the iesuits and our common aduersaries , highly we ought to hold it a glorie to god and vs ; and as for my owne part i do , reputing this libellers contumelies against me for their sakes for such , being glad that you amongest other my good kinsemen and friends are so open eyed ( standing vpon your honor to be wise and vertuous ) as to discerne not onely a iesuits grosse and goutie faults , as ( for example ) a lie , but also his finer and quintessenced gulleries as daily now you do . you may see and be glad to see it , how farre these fathers are alreadie chased by ours , that like a foxe almost spent in the hunting , they haue now no other shift for the life of their schisme , then to bepisse their tailes and besprinkle therewith the hounds that are readie to fasten on them in the eyes , wherewith ( if it may be ) to put them off . such foxe-like pissing-shift is this manifester his quil-full oflice , vz. expresse lies blowne not only vpon me ( being a lay man ) in this said libell , but also vpon sundrie good seminaries who haue likewise hunted their foxe-ship , and yet do with their sedule pen. it was other with these foxes in the beginning of the day , when being fresh a foote , and the hunt but scarse vp , they had manie a wittie wile , manie a pretie frisk , and many a slie subterfuge , as mental euasions , equiuocations , tergiuersations , hypocrisie , and the like , wherewith to deceiue the hound and saue themselues , whereas now they are come to their pissing-shifts of lie & libell as is said . corage ( good cosin ) & think their death that is their finall check & shame for all their schisme and sins at the apostolike pastors hands now at hand , seeing that to so grosse and beastly shifts they are fallen as expresse lying against their pursuers . it was my chance this other day riding vpon the way to ouertake a iesuiticall ally of mine , a gentleman wel descended , and who had suffered much for the catholike cause at the hands of our common aduersarie , first in sundrie prisons , and lastly at the barre ; and falling into communication with him vpon these matters of the appeale , i found him the man who in litle more then two miles riding did blunder out and that most ass●…uerently seuen as grosse lies as grosse might be , and that to my certaine knowledge whom they all concerned . now because for many respects i loue the gentleman , i heartily wish him dis-lesuited for altogether , but especially of this veine which is too grosse , and so likewise his fat sister i wish she would hang her picture of the iesuit in the gray gowne now another while in the garret , seeing that the presence and sight therof hath heretofore giuen her leaue to asse and befoole too manie seminaries priests farre more reuerend and good men ( i wisse ) then he ; who though they were bad , yet better termes might beseeme a modest catholike gentlewoman on men of their coate . thus much to her because i likewise loue and wish her well , and in particular to be rid of her old corne wheresoeuer she be ; for it is a shreud paine and makes the foote go much awrie . by this you may see what a proper cato this manifester is to be either taskt by his superiour iesuit , or to take vpon himselfe to censure others , who is himselfe so censurable a companion aswel for the inormities of his censure , as of the whole course of his life . in effect you see that the summe of his said censure is a manifestation of his owne and his societies folly and bad spirite most immense vpon the subiect of detraction and defamation , which is the grossest and drossiest argument that my pen can handle , and most properly and essentially libellious : whereby it appeares that a iesuit at this day is not only digressed from the finenesse of his institution and primitiall honors as religious ignatians ; but also from fine and vertue-like vices , wherewith they first of all began to be naught , to too too course and scandalous , which ere long will bring them to as grosse contempt . not but that this manifester seemes for his part to continue euen as he first began , that is , no better nor no worse ; you hauing heard afore somewhat of his foule birth and life , and now seene somewhat of his libell , at least if ( as in the beginning i said ) he be the man. i was once almost of opinion and so were others with me that this libeller had bene one garnet the prouincial-father ouer these schismatikes here in england ; for that i sometimes knew him by the name of patre robert●… a great chalker vpon a wall in the gregorian-colledge at rome ▪ and consequently ( being a iesuit ) was likely ( i thought ) to be the man thus libelliously to score vp other mēs vices or rather their vertues for vices , and not his owne , which mostly euerie religious man ought . but by reason that his charactering was alwaies with chalk , and this authors seemes to be with a cole : therfore i quit him of this scādal ; though not of many others as grosse , which gladly also i would for my cosin r. s. his sake somtime his fellow-father in earth , with whom he came ouer into england ( if i mistake not ) and which kinsman of mine i presume is by this time a saint in heauen notwithstanding some soule faults of his as from his iesuitisme . all the finenesse that may be so called in this libellious manifestation is that the author thereof being a meere iesuit , would haue it thought by his ( wees ) to be of some secular priests doing , and consequently of seminarie against seminarie , or at least waies by this sleight to worke it so , or if not , yet thereby to inuolue the seminaries in their blames and scandals in the opinion of the vulgar , which forasmuch as stultorum plena sunt omnia , they hold for the better boote , because the greater . but as they haue their forged ( wees ) wherewith thus to gull the world ; so ( assure your selfe ) there will not want true ( wees ) on the appellant-side to detect from time to time such their gulleries to their shame : which to do , is so farre from being chams manner of fault toward his father noe , ( they being no waies such good fathers ) as that those ( wees ) neede not to feare gods like curse vpon them therefore , much lesse those fathers owne curses ; yea , not to discouer them i hold rather a matter of irreligion , and to deserue gods anger , whom of his great goodnesse we are to beseech rather he to frustrate such their sleights , then we to discouer them , the notice whereof can no whit edifie our common aduersaries . also we are to beeseech god in the behalfe of such iesuiticall ( wees ) and the like sleights to the disunion of our brethren farther then alreadie they are , he to inspire the seminaries animam vna●… & cor vnū against their common foe , as alreadie we plentifully and gladly may see it , considering quam bonum & quam i●…cundunt est habitare fratres in vnum . well , you may see by this ( as i was a saying ) how all honest supports begin to faile the iesuits in their schisme , and they forced to trust now daily to lies , mammon , and fooles . blessed be god for it ( sweet cosin ) and a faire incouragement may it be to vs to expect hereupon their farther foile then what they haue alreadie receiued at our fathers hands and the holy ghosts , as touching the decided point of schisme ▪ namely all their other aggriefes against them being now ( as we heare ) committed by his holinesse to his high court of inquisition , to be examined according to the humble sure of the appellants by their two latin bookes , the one to his holinesse , the other to that court it selfe , both which ( i suppose ) you haue seene ? this commitment of the cause by his holinesse , the iesuit-partie here swaggers vpon mightily at this present , as vpon a point in the appellants disgrace and to their glorie , which ( god knowes ) is but with a weeping inward , considering that our partie hath brought it to this passe , full ill against their wils : howbeit , they haue their ruffians to face it , and their too too manie sots to beleeue it in their praise . and now where you find such vngratefull , traiterous , and iudas-like nature , &c. what disputing is there with him ? a conclusion verie sutable to the premisses , and such as no catholicke or charitable person may with a safe conscience answer amen vnto : for that thereby he should incur the guilt of all his libell , which not all the countenance of spaine and austrich can euer make good against me , at least in the eye of god. so as , true and vndoubted is my triumph ouer it in this my answer , it being so full of veritie as god sees it is , wherein if i haue bene so bold as to giue the iesuit the lie as i haue lineally met with the same , i trust it hath bene with charitie inough ; though with the lesse courtesie ; charitie being that adam which can giue euery thing her proper notion . and as for scandalum magnatum i am sure it is none neither ; for that a iesuits greatnesse ( at least this libellers whom i suppose ) is none at all , vnlesse in scandalgiuing . thirdly , percussor cleri i am likewise none in so doing , for that if it be anie percussion at all , it is percussio percussoris cleri , such as this iesuit hath bene in all this libell of his , except onely in this part of it which hath touched me who am lay , and it hath bene me defendendo . wherein how iustly i haue exonerated my selfe vnto you , of all his imputations by these my answers . i referre to your exactest examination . examine ( i pray ) whether with iacob i haue all this while contended with a good angell or a bad ; yea be ye a iesuit the while to make the worst construction you can of these my lines . let the libeller who ere he be , or any , or all the iesuites in the world for him , that find themselues aggrieued with either the many lies i haue in this my appollogie giuen him , or otherwaies impeached him in my defence ; accuse me by an appeale to the apostolike barre , and see whether i feare either the inquisition or the galley to answer him . let him trie whether i cannot better defend both this and my former letter to you concerning their scandals , then either m. lister his treatie of schisme , or this iesuit his libel were he called in coram thither for it . eighteene capitall lies and one veniall haue i giuen this manifester , as the apparant proofes and my protestations , besides god and my conscience can witnesse , which is pretie competent for not passing two leaues of his booke concerning me , and more then so many vennies to him from me . guesse you may how many then he hath written in the whole of others being all priests , and consequently by all likelihood men of lesse exceptions vnto , then i who am a souldier . his lies are these . imprimis , that my letter to you which is imprinted is a libell . 2 that i stand for the seditious . 3 that i tooke the colledge oath to be a priest. 4 that i pretended to be an augustine frier . 5 that i betooke me to poetrie in the colledge . 6 that i was dismist from thence by the iesuits . 7 item by their charitie ( vz. ) uiaticu●… . 8 that i was put from rhemes by order from cardinall allan . 9 that i went from rhemes to flanders . 10 that i had there a pension of fiue and twentie crownes a moneth . 11 that i obtained it by father holts meanes . 12 that i am vngratefull to the king of spaine . 13 that i printed an infamous inuectiue against him . 14 that the appeale is reiected . 15 that my imprinted letter to you was prohibited by his holinesse breue so as he assumes . 16 that i vnderstand not the substance of the controuersie touching the schisme . 17 that i am a copesmate shrouded in a catholicke coate , and an apostata in my heart from god and all pietie . 18 that i hate iesuites in generall if he meane as iesuits ; or father parsons in particular as a iesuite . 19 that the iesuites haue bene my best friends manie yeares . his other calumniations of me , and o●… of cardinall allan . imprimis , that i went vp into the pulpit to make the tones with a rose in my mouth . 2 that the iesuites sent me to rhemes to saue me from farther falling . 3 his reproch to the cardinall that he disdained my sute to his neece . 4 that i shewed an vnconstant head in going from the irish to a spanish regiment . 5 his grosse comment vpon my mot recta securus . 6 that i made that imprinted letter to you as a prologue , whereby to get in with some in authoritie for the bettering of my estate . 7 that my brothers liuing was allurement vnto me thereunto . 8 that i am a catholike but onely in the rine and paring . 9 his cauils vpon certaine passages in my said letter vnto you , and his no disproofes of them , but slie cuasions . 10 that i tooke occasion by my said letter to ●…aile at the iesuites and archpriest . 11 his leauing me to gods iudgement . other gulleries wherein he hath shamed himselfe . imprimis , his not setting his name to his manifestation , &c. whereby it is a flat libell . 2 his ( wees ) as though not he alone wrote the libell , but would haue it thought written by seninaries . 3 his affirming his ( wees ) to be of a fearefull conscience , as to auouch things that they knew not for certaine after his expresse lies foretold . 4 his hypocriticall and detractious aduise to yonkers to beware by me of sliding backe vpon his surmised and premised lies . 5 his hypocrisie and detraction in praying god that i trespasse not ere long in matter of faith , hauing failed as he pretends in the point of charitie . 6 his contradicting himselfe in affirming that the appeale concerning the schisme is determined and yet reiected . 7 his affirming that my foresaid letter to you is prohibited by his holinesse breue , and yet his insinuating that his and other bookes of his faction which are come foorth since it vpon the same argument , are not . his vnciuill and scurrilous termes of me . that i am a libeller , a scold for the seditious , a litle wanton idle-headed boy , and light witted ; a lad , vnconstant , spleenatiue , spitefull , malicious , vaine , inane , a quareller , a tatler , ●…it to cut off boyes eares , a hacker at the popes authoritie , a railer , a reuiler , shittle brained , a lasciuious companion , a discreditor of vertuous men and the catholike cause , beastly , sensual , a catholike but in the rine and paring , a copesmate shrouded in a catholike coate , an apostata , impudent , a deadly and diuellish hater of iesuites , vngratefull , traiterous ; iudas-like , &c. now tell me ( cosin ) whether euer ye read two such leaues in all your life , and whether you thinke this fellow haue not passing well profited in iesuitrie , alias scaningerie , who notwithstanding is not ashamed to prate of modestie , and ( perhaps ) expects to be so answered . this is the fruite of that singularitie wherein a iesuite will be called ( forsooth ) a father , albeit his societie be the purest order in the church of god ; fie on such fatherhood so rooted , so fruited . were i not a catholicke , i should be proud ( i promise ye ) of such a fathers reproch and malediction , which in the integritie of my catholicke conscience i asmuch scorne at their hands , as i scorne to be any whit depending of their good word for my reputation , they being such prodigious schismatickes as they are to our church , traitors to our countrey , and ( as it seemes ) most professed liers , at whose hands how can a praise but stinke , and a reproch but resent most sweetly ? briefe , will you know why thus this father lies ? his father was a plough-lob full of lice , and be a groome who at euery ale-pot lies ; he eke did lie with his owne sister twice , whereby he did become his nephews sire , and therewithall a famous father-lyre , at least if i do dot mistake the squire . see what it is to be a mis-begotten , it mis-begets againe , forgetting cleane all manner of measure saue the onely pott●… , and makes a very sister ▪ a very queane , fie on that pen , as also on that other ▪ that can defloure the honour of a brother , weening with bastard-wees the shame to smother . hauing thus apollogetically , and plainely as you see , and withall as briefly as i can exonerated my selfe vnto you of this iesuits libellious imputations , i here promise you vpon occasion thereof to present you and all the world ere long with a manifestation of the iesuiticall common-wealth , whereby you shall plainly see vpon what maner of props it subsists . god defend that my conscience and my pen should not therein meerely intend gods glorie , the good of his church and of my country : so as i may and will boldly shew my face without any manner of wees , or namelesse vizard , and be knowne to be of sion by my voice against such inward babylonians as they are my ordo ad deum in that treatie shall be such , and my face so manifest , doing it propter bonum societatis ▪ vz , for her reformation ( if it please god ) that scratch it what iesuit soeuer list my conscience , and the approbation of all good men wil heale it as fast . for there are stapletons and wrights inough in the world who haue gone in amongst them , and come forth againe noting their pollution . my stile shal be ( as you see ) plaine , but ciuil and honest , and better crossed and blessed of god ( i trust ) then to blunder out a falshood for a world . there will not want truths inough and too manie in their reproofe , though i pray not a lie in aide . the contents of the booke i send you herewith as a fore-tast or ante-past or antelope thereunto . we leaue him to gods iudgement and so an end of that . shall we still take a iesuite for an honest or ciuill man withall his faults ? might he not aswell and better and more catholickely haue left me to gods mercies , at least if he thinke himselfe a sinner too , and needing the same aswell as i ? or did i euer lie with my sister ? drink my selfe drunke in his cup ? or write nineteene lies against anie mans good name in but two leaues of paper , why he should thus leaue me to gods iudgement ? or if i had why not rather to his mercies ? call ye it charitie so to leaue a man to god , knowing quam horribile est incidere in manus dei viuentis & videntis ? or is his owne innocence such that he is able to answer god in his accusations vnum pro mille ? in few , is this wished like a good father ? or is this diliges proximum tuum tanquam teipsum , firsty your self to condemne your brother for an apostata from god and all pietie , &c. and then also to leaue him to gods iudgement ? vnlesse ( haply ) you acknowledge your said iudgement rash and vniust , and therefore would referre him to god to iudge him better . no , no , this is iesuiticall vncharitie , and agreeable to that of father cowbucke his presaging my necke to be broken adowne the alpes manie yeares ago ( as afore is touched ) who liue yet notwithstanding , and ( as i hope ) in gods blessings , for all i dislike a iesuit : which ( to conclude ) i do not see how i am not bound to do in the behalfe of our true spirituall fathers the secular priests , whom ( hauing bene euer stagers in gods church ) these vpstarts would supplant , by robbing them of their pastorall and paternal honours , which must not be ; neither yet they to betray our countrey to spaine . in either of which quarrels i for my part do hold it ( as twice before i said ) an honour to be with our said fathers afflicted by these false fathers ; and do meane ( by gods help ) like a true catholike souldier to maintaine my stand in the one , and like a true english in the other on their behalfe . do you the like ( good cosin ) and euerie good english catholike besides ; considering the foes we deale withall are brazen-faced , and all their braue is in the austrich feather . fare ye well . postscript . maister d. elyes answer which in my former letter i foretold ye was forthcomming to the iesuitical apollogie is now come ouer , intituled , his notes vpon the same , wherein he hath shewne himselfe the excellent good man he is , and euer was in zeale of gods church , and the seminaries honor , of which letter he is a baze or fundamentall stone . which notwithstanding , a larger answer to the said appollogie is in hand by the priests here at home , and verie shortly forthcomming . with these notes of m. d. elies is combined m. d. bagshaw his appollogie for his good name ; as also d. bishops , and m. pagets , wherunto the iesuiticall lies and libels haue driuen them there , aswell as me and others here at home : the booke i send ye herewith . the appendix is likewise in answering ; and as for the manifestation , the answer thereto is alreadie finished , and readie for the presse . the newes from rome is as by this peece of a letter from a speciall gentleman in paris of instant date , & in answer to a letter of m. watsons vnto him you may perceiue . m. bluet is on the way hitherward , from whom we haue had no letters these two last posts . onely it is assured vs from rome that parsons is condemned ; the maner and particularities thereof we haue not as yet . m. bluets arriuall will affoord it vs all , and giue vs all cause to reioyce . the rest of thē stay ( as i think ) there still , for so it is held expedient for the farther state ofthe of the businesse . i am glad to heare that the book lately printed here is so wel accepted of amōg you there at home , as i see no reason why it should not , considering who they were that penned it : and this is asmuch as is to be written from hence at this time touching common affaires . now for the rest , &c. by this ( cosin ) you may see what a monstrous gull or foist that of the iesuits was which of late , yea yet possesseth both the court and countrey against the appellants : but what will ye ? mentitur iniquitas sibi ; and according to the prophet , omnis homo mendax , that is , as i may here conster it , quatenus a iesuit or iesuiticall . both these letters are submitted to the censure of holy church , and the mis-printing to the courtesie and discretion of the reader . the table of my forthcomming manifestation of the iesuites common-wealth . chap. 1. of the founder and institution of the societie of iesus , and the approbation thereof by the sea-apostolicke . chap. 2. of the fruitefull seruices the societie hath done to the sea-apostolicke till the time of her declination , and of some rare men of it at this day . chap. 3. of the many faculties , priuiledges , and prerogatiues indulged from time to time to the societie by the sea-apostolicke . chap. 4. how and wherin the societie differeth from all other religious orders in holy church , and consequently how vnlikely to continue anie long time perfect . chap. 5. of the societies retaining to the house of austrich and spaine . chap. 6. of the societies first stayre downeward , to wit , her singularitie and ouer-weening . chap. 7. of the societies two poles , to wit , her pharisaicall ordo ad deum , and her fiscall or ingrossall bonum societatis , about which all her other euils do reuolue and gire . chap. 8. of the lucre the societie makes of the education of youth and free schoole . chap. 9. of the lucre the societie makes as executrix to camels , and her forme of complying with them . chap. 10. of the societies art and lucre in sowing of factions . chap. 11. of the societies art in brutes and reports , and the vse it makes thereof . chap. 12. of the societies art of defamation , and the vse it makes thereof . chap. 13. of the societies sleights of equiuocation , mentall euasion , tergiuersation , vulpecular-fawne , and the like . chap. 14. of the societies hypocrisie , and abuse of the sacraments , and other spirituall exercises , and the lucratiue vse it makes thereof . chap. 15. of the societies interdealing in court and state , and her opposing commonly against the state it liues vnder , and to what end , though ( as it hath bene seene ) to her hazard in the end . chap. 16. of the societies treasons , murthers , and perfidiousnesse in state , and her doctrine according . chap. 17. of the societies magicall art of auguri●… ; and her vse thereof . chap. 18. of the prodigious spirits the societie puts into her ghostly children . chap. 19. of the societies varietie of appendants and seruitors , and their seuerall offices throughout christendome , together with their pensions and entertainements . chap. 20. of the societistes their shiftes and cautions to colour anie euill member or matter of theirs both à priore and à posteriore . chap. 21. of the societies schismes , heresies , and other impostures within and against the catholike church . chap. 22. of the likelihood of the societies bringing in of antichrist . chap. 23. of certaine excellent men who hauing bin probationors in the societie , and noting the corruption thereof haue left the same . chap. 24. how cardinal tollet a iesuit , cardinal borhomeo , cardinal allan and others disliked the societie , and namely borhomeo his expulsing it out of all his arch-diocesse of millan , and her eiection out of france , together with many religious mens pens against it at this day . chap. 25. of the perill of the societies continuance ouer our english seminaries , both to our church and countrey , with a briefe narration of her mischiefes hitherto to either of them . chap. 26. of the meanes to exterpe the societie out of england , namely by the seminaries continuall appeales to the sea-apostolicke against it , and otherwise by ciuill course . finis . faults escaped in printing . page 8. line 24. d. fishers , reade , m. listers . p. 15. l. 19. sowbucke , reade , cowbucke . p. 19. l. 8. i behooues , reade , it behooues . p. 29. l. 13 humbe loue , reade humble loue . p 45. l. 15. owne i , reade , owne part i. p. 54. l. 11. apostolike which , reade , apostolicke as for matter of religion , which . p. 56. l. 38. other in , reade , others in p. 60. l 26. fiue and twentie a , reade , fiue and twentie crownes a. p. 69. l. 10. yet fauour , reade , yet the fauour . p. 73. l. 20. old corne , reade , old-corne . p. 80. l. 27. letter ●…e , reade , latter he . a collection of several treatises concerning the reasons and occasions of the penal laws 1675 approx. 222 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33865 wing c5192a estc r11022 12535611 ocm 12535611 62848 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33865) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62848) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 660:3) a collection of several treatises concerning the reasons and occasions of the penal laws burghley, william cecil, baron, 1520-1598. execution of justice in england. watson, william, 1559?-1603. important considerations which ought to move all true and sound catholikes. [8], 13 [i.e. 131] p. printed for richard royston ..., london : 1675. added t.p. on p. [91]: the jesuits reasons unreasonable, or, doubts proposed to the jesuits upon their paper presented to divers persons of honour ..., london : [s.n.], 1662. the first treatise, by william cecil, lord burghley, was originally published with title "the execution of iustice in england for maintenaunce of publique and christian peace." the second treatise, by william watson in collaboration with other priests, was first published with title "important considerations which ought to move all true and sound catholikes." the third treatise was first published anonymously. the last two pieces are catholic attacks on jesuits. reproduction of original in huntington library. (from t.p.) i. the execution of justice in england, not for religion, but for treason : 17 dec. 1583 -ii. important considerations, by the secular priests : printed a.d. 1601 -iii. the jesuits reasons unreasonable : 1662. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -england. jesuits -controversial literature. treason -england. 2006-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a collection of several treatises concerning the reasons and occasions of the penal laws . viz. i. the execution of justice in england , not for religion , but for treason : 17 dec. 1583. ii. important considerations , by the secular priests : printed a.d. 1601. iii. the jesuits reasons unreasonable : 1662. london , printed for richard royston , bookseller to his most sacred majesty . m. dc . lxxv . the preface . the design of publishing these treatises , is to vindicate the honour and justice of our laws from the rude aspersions , which have been lately cast upon them , by such who are better versed in hollinshead and stow , than in the true reasons and occasions of those laws . this is the present method of dealing with our church and laws , when our adversaries have been quite tired with scolding , they betake themselves to throw dirt in the face of them ; and i am sorry the weakness or imprudence of any late historians among us should furnish them with dunghils for this purpose . but since we have to deal with such who have no advantage , but what the weakness and mistakes of their adversaries give them , it were heartily to be wished , that some effectual course were taken , that the history of our church since the reformation , might be delivered to posterity with greater care and sincerity than hath yet been used about it . it hath been thought the wisdom of some of the best governed nations in the world , to take a great care of their histories , by whom and in what manner they were written . josephus saith , that none but the high-priests and the prophets were allowed to write the histories of the jewish nation ; the like others say of the chaldeans , egyptians , and persians , who all looked upon the history of their country as a sacred thing , and which none ought to presume to meddle with , but such as were appointed for it , and whose imployment was supposed to free them from the suspicion of flattery or falshood . but above all nations , the chineses , as they were most remarkable for political wisdom , were the most punctual in this matter ; no man durst attempt any thing of history among them besides him whose publick office it was , which he was bound to perform with all fidelity , for his won time ; but not to call in question , or correct any thing before him ; by which means , the history of that mighty empire , though written by multitudes of authors , is one continued and entire story without any variety or contradiction . it is very well known , that the old romans suffered none but the pontifex maximus to make up the annals of every year ; which himself was only intrusted with the keeping of , that the people might , upon resort to his house , have full satisfaction in all their doubts ; and these were called the annales maximi ; and although some make this custom as old as the foundation of that government , yet vopiscus more probably makes it to be one of the wise constitutions of numa . dion saith , that while the roman senate continued its authory , the actions of every year were solemnly read out of the publick commentaries to the senate and people ; and although particular persons would write histories according to their own inclinations , yet the truth might be discerned out of the publick records : and although he very much laments the uncertainty of their histories afterwards , when the emperours would not endure the truth to be written ; yet there were persons who would write , though they died for it , which was the case of cremutius cordus and titus labienus ; which made seneca say , res nova & insueta , supplicia de studiis sumi : but it seems by what follows in him , the world may bear the loss of such writings ; for , rejoycing that this persecution of wits began after cicero's time , he saith , dii melius , quòd eo seculo ista ingeniorum supplicia coepèrunt , quo ingenia desiêrunt . and it appears by tacitus , that the custom of publick annals was preserved to his time for the greater affairs , and the diurna acta urbis for lesser occurrences : and tertullian frequently appeals to the archives and publick commentaries . which custom of preserving publick records of history , did likewise obtain in most well-governed cities ; as plutarch often quotes the delphick and laconick commentaries . these things i only mention , that it may not be thought below the wisdom of a nation to take care of the history of it ; and not to suffer it to be profaned or corrupted , by every mean , peevish , or indiscreet writer , that hath so little wit and judgment , as to think himself fit to write the history , either of his own or former times . none are fit for such a work but persons of great judgment and capacity , and such who have had the best portunities of understanding affairs , and have the greatest reputation for integrity to report them . and we want not some such as these , who are so well known , that i need not name them , but they are but few in comparison with others . it was complained of among the romans , that l. octacilius being but a libertine , though he were pompey's master , should presume to write a history , that being a work proper for the wisest senators ; and learned men have long wished for a perpetual edict against scribbling historians , as great debauchers of truth , and corrupters of the faith of history . i wish it were as easie to remedy as to complain of these things ; but those of us who are concerned for the honour of our church and nation , find the continual and growing inconveniences of this mischief ; when we see all the false or indiscreet passages of the worst historians picked up , and upon all occasions made use of as the best weapons against our church . but thanks be to god , things are not yet so bad with us , but we have sufficient evidence left to clear our selves of these reproaches , without being put to defend the weaknesses of every trisling historian . what if hollinshead , or stow , or speed , or any later men have let fall some passages , which the enemies of our church make use of to its disadvantage ? must things presently be concluded to be just as such men have said , without searching farther ? must we be judged by them , rather than by such who were in the top of business , and knew all the first grounds and reasons of things ? rather than by those , who were as much concerned to have found out all reproaches against our penal laws ; and yet acknowledge them to have had such reasons for them , that no government in the world , but upon the same provocations , would have done the same things ? this is that particular part of our history , which i have endeavoured to clear by these following treatises , which have these advantages to recommend them to the readers consideration , 1. that the first of them was penned by the direction of one of the greatest statesmen of his age , and one of the wisest persons this nation hath ever bred , viz. the lord treasurer burleigh . for when the jesuits and their party had filled the courts of the princes in christendom with their noise and clamours of the dreadful persecutions in england , that great man thought it not below him to write this apology for the execution of justice here , and to shew how reasonable , just , and moderate the proceedings of the state were , considering the height and insolence of the provocations ; and this was published in several languages , and dispersed in the courts of princes to undeceive them as to all the false reports of the romish emissaries , who have taken upon them that publick character of the popes ambassadors to lye abroad for his and their own advantage . 2. but after that by the means of cardinal allen and others , they had endeavoured to blast the reputation of that apology ; and after the death of that great minister of state , the secular priests did publish their important considerations , wherein they assert the truth of what was said in the apologie , and vindicate the honour and justice of the penal laws : which is the second treatise here published and printed according to their own copy ; and which hath been so much concealed , or bought up by those of that religion , that it hath been heard of by sew , and seen by fewer protestants . 3. and lest any should say , that all those dangerous principles to government are since his majesties happy restauration utterly disowned by them , i have added a third treatise , printed by one of their own religion 1662. which charges the jesuitical party so deep with those principles and practices as to make them uncapable of any favour . if other persons will pursue the same method in retrieving such considerable treatises as these are , they may do more service to our church and nation than by writing histories themselves ; and i shall desire the late apologist to set these authors of his own church , against the petty historians he so punctually quotes on all occasions : and we have so much the more reason to consider these things , since in a very late treatise called the bleeding iphigenia , the irish rebellion is defended by one of the titular bishops to be a just and holy war ; and seeing they still think it lawful , what can we imagine then that they want , but another occasion to do the same things ? the execvtion of justice in england , for maintenance of publick and christian peace , &c. it hath been in all ages and in all countries , a common usage of all offenders for the most part , both great and small , to make defence of their lewd and unlawful facts by untruths , and by colouring and covering their deeds ( were they never so vile ) with pretences of some other causes of contrary operations or effects : to the intent not only to avoid punishment or shame , but to continue , uphold , and prosecute their wicked attempts , to the full satisfaction of their disordered and malicious appetites . and though such hath been the use of all offenders , yet of none with more danger than of rebels and traytors to their lawful princes , kings , and countries . of which sort of late years , are specially to be noted certain persons naturally born subjects in the realm of england , and ireland , who having for some good time professed outwardly their obedience to their soveraign lady queen elizabeth , have nevertheless afterward been stirred up and seduced by wicked spirits , first in england sundry years past , and secondly , and of latter time in ireland , to enter into open rebellion , taking arms and coming into the field against her majesty and her lieutenants , with their forces under banners displayed , inducing by notable untruths many simple people to follow and assist them in their traitorous actions . and though it is very well known , that both their intentions and manifest actions were bent , to have deposed the queens majesty from her crown , and to have traiterously set in her place some other whom they liked , whereby if they had not been speedily resisted , they would have committed great bloodsheds and slaughters of her majesties faithful subjects , and ruined their native country : yet by gods power given unto her majesty , they were so speedily vanquished , as some few of them suffered by order of law according to their deserts , many and the greatest part upon confession of their faults were pardoned , the rest ( but they not many ) of the principal , escaped into foreign countries , and there because in none or few places rebels and traitors to their natural princes and countries : dare for their treasons challenge at their first muster open comfort or succour , these notable traitors and rebels , have falsly informed many kings , princes , and states , and specially the bishop of rome , commonly called the pope , ( from whom they all had secretly their first comfort to rebell ) that the cause of their flying from their ▪ countries was for the religion of rome , and for maintenance of the said popes authority . whereas divers of them before their rebellion lived so notoriously , the most part of their lives , out of all good rule , either for honest manners , or for any sense in religion , as they might have been rather familiar with catalin , or favourers to sardanapalus , than accounted good subjects under any christian princes . as for some examples of the heads of these rebellions , out of england , fled charles nevill earl of westmerland , a person utterly wasted by looseness of life , and by gods punishment even in the time of his rebellion , bereaved of his children that should have succeeded him in the earldom : and how his body is now eaten with ulcers of lewd causes , all his companions do see , that no enemy he had can wish him a viler punishment . and out of ireland ran away one thomas stukeley , a defamed person almost through all christendom , and a faithless beast rather than a man , fleeing first out of england for notable piracies , and out of ireland for treacheries not pardonable , which two were the first ringleaders of the rest of the rebels ; the one for england , the other for ireland . but notwithstanding the notorious evil and wicked lives of these and others their confederates , void of all christian religion , it liked the bishop of rome , as in favour of their treasons , not to colour their offences as themselves openly pretend to do , for avoiding of common shame of the world , but flatly to animate them to continue their former wicked purposes , that is , to take arms against their lawful queen , to invade her realm with foreign forces , to pursue all her good subjects and their native countries with fire and sword : for maintenance whereof there had some years before , at sundry times , proceeded in a thundring sort , bulls , excommunications , and other publick writings , denouncing her majesty , being the lawful queen , and gods anointed servant , not to be the queen of the realm , charging and upon pains of excommunication , commanding all her subjects , to depart from their natural allegiances , whereto by birth and by oath they were bound . provoking also and authorising all persons of all degrees within both the realms to rebell , and upon this antichristian warrant , being contrary to all the laws of god and man , and nothing agreeable to a pastural officer , not only all the rabble of the foresaid traitors that were before fled , but also all other persons that had forsaken their native countries , being of divers conditions and qualities , some not able to live at home but in beggery , some discontented for lack of preferments , which they gaped for unworthily in universities and other places , some bankrupt merchants , some in a sort learned to contentions , being not contented to learn to obey the laws of the land , have many years running up and down , from country to country , practised some in one corner , some in another , some with seeking to gather forces and money for forces , some with instigation of princes by untruths to make war upon their natural country , some with inward practises to murder the greatest , some with seditious writings , and very many of late with publick infamous libels , full of despiteful , vile terms , and poisoned lies , altogether to uphold the foresaid antichristian and tyrannous warrant of the popes bull. and yet also by some other means , to further these intentions , because they could not readily prevail by way of force , finding foreign princes of better consideration and not readily inclined to their wicked purposes , it was devised to erect up certain schools which they called seminaries , to nourish and bring up persons disposed naturally to sedition , to continue their race and trade , and to become seedmen in their tillage of sedition , and them to send secretly into these the queens majesties realms of england and ireland under secret masks , some of priesthood , some of other inferior orders , with titles of seminaries for some of the meaner sort , and of jesuits for the stagers and ranker sort and such like ; but yet so warily they crept into the land , as none brought the marks of their priesthood with them , but in divers corners of her majesties dominions , these seminaries , or seedmen , and jesuits , bringing with them certain romish trash , as of their hallowed wax , their agnus dei , many kind of beads , and such like , have as tillage-men , laboured secretly to perswade the people to allow of the popes foresaid bulls and warrants , and of his absolute authority over all princes and countries , and striking many with pricks of conscience to obey the same ; whereby in process of small time , if this wicked and dangerous , traitorous and crafty course , had not been by gods goodness espied and stayed , there had followed imminent danger of horrible uprores in the realms , and a manifest bloody destruction of great multitudes of christians . for it cannot be denied , but that so many as should have been induced , and throughly perswaded to have obeyed that wicked warrant of the popes , and the contents thereof , should have been forthwith in their hearts and consciences , secret traitors , and for to be indeed errant and open traitors , there should have wanted nothing but opportunity to feel their strength , and to assemble themselves in such numbers , with armour and weapons , as they might have presumed to have been the greater part , and so by open civil war , to have come to their wicked purposes . but gods goodness by whom kings do rule , and by whose blast traitors are commonly wasted and confounded , hath otherwise given to her majesty , as to his handmaid and dear servant , ruling under him , the spirit of wisdom and power , whereby she hath caused some of these seditious seedmen , and sowers of rebellion , to be discovered , for all their secret lurkings , and to be taken and charged with these former points of high treason , not being dealt withal upon questions of religion , but justly condemned as traitors . at which times , notwithstanding all manner of gentle ways of perswasions used , to move them to desist from such manifest traitorous courses and opinions , yet was the canker of their rebellious humours so deeply entred and graven into the hearts of many of them , as they would not be removed from their traiterous determinations . and therefore as manifest traitors in maintaining and adhearing to the capital enemy of her majesty and her crown , who hath not only been the cause of two rebellions already passed in england and ireland , but in that of ireland did manifestly wage and maintain his own people captains and souldiers under the banner of rome , against her majesty ( so as no enemy could do more : ) these i say have justly suffered death , not by force or form of any new laws established , either for religion , or against the popes supremacy , as the slanderous libellers would have it seem to be , but by the antient temporal laws of the realm , and namely by the laws of parliament made in king edward the thirds time , about the year of our lord , 1330. which is above 200. years and more past , when the bishops of rome , and popes , were suffered to have their authority ecclesiastical in this realm as they had in many other countries . but yet of this kind of offenders , as many of them , as after their condemnations were contented to renounce their former traiterous assertions , so many were spared from execution , and do live still at this day ; such was the unwillingness in her majesty to have any blood spilt , without this very just and necessary cause , proceeding from themselves . and yet nevertheless , such of the rest of the traitors as remain in foreign parts , continuing still their rebellious minds , and craftily keeping themselves aloof off from dangers , cease not to provoke sundry other inferiour seditious persons , newly to steal secretly into the realm , to revive the former seditious practises , to the execution of the popes foresaid bulls against her majesty and the realm , pretending when they are apprehended , that they came only into the realm , by the commandment of their superiours , the heads of the jesuits , to whom they are bound ( as they say ) by oath , against either king or country , and here to inform or reform mens consciences from errors in some points of religion , as they shall think meet : but yet in very truth the whole scope of their secret labours is manifestly proved , to be secretly to win all people , with whom they dare deal , so to allow of the popes said bulls , and of his authority without exception , as in obeying thereof , they take themselves fully discharged of their allegiance , and obedience to their lawful prince and country , yea , and to be well warranted to take arms to rebell against her majesty when they shall be thereunto called , and to be ready secretly to join with any foreign force that can be procured to invade the realm , whereof also they have a long time given , and yet do for their advantage , no small comfort of success : and so consequently the effect of their labours is to bring the realm not only into a dangerous war against the forces of strangers ( from which it hath been free above 23. or 24. years , a case very memorable and hard to be matched with an example of the like : ) but into a war domestical and civil , wherein no blood is usually spared , nor mercy yielded , and wherein neither the vanqueror nor the vanquished , have cause of triumph . and forasmuch as these are the most evident perils that necessarily should follow , if these kind of vermine were suffered to creep by stealth into the realm , and to spread their poyson within the same , howsoever when they are taken , like hypocrites , they colour and counterfeit the same with profession of devotion in religion : it is of all persons to be yielded in reason , that her majesty and all her governours and magistrates of justice , having care to maintain the peace of the realm ( which god hath given in her time , to continue longer than ever in any time of her progenitors ) ought of duty to almighty god the author of peace , and according to the natural love and charge due to their country , and for avoiding of the floods of blood , which in civil wars are seen to run and flow , by all lawful means possible , as well by the sword as by law , in their several seasons to impeach and repel , these so manifest and dangerous colourable practices , and works of sedition and rebellion . and though there are many subjects known in the realm , that differ in some opinions of religion from the church of england , and that do also not forbear to profess the same , yet in that they do also profess loyalty and obedience to her majesty , and offer readily in her majesties defence to impugn and resist any foreign force , though it should come or be procured from the pope himself , none of these sort are for their contrary opinions in religion prosecuted or charged with any crimes or pains of treason , nor yet willingly searched in their consciences for their contrary opinions , that savour not of treason . and of these sorts , there are a number of persons , not of such base and vulgar note as those were which of late have been executed , as in particular , some by name are well known , and not unfit to be remembred . the first and chiefest by office was dr. heth , that was archbishop of york , and lord chancellor of england in queen maries time , who at the first coming of her majesty to the crown , shewing himself a faithful and quiet subject , continued in both the said offices , though in religion then manifestly differing , and yet was he not restrained of his liberty , nor deprived of his proper lands and goods , but leaving willingly both his offices , lived in his own house , and injoyed all his purchased lands during all his natural life , until by very age he departed this world , and then left his house and living to his friends : an example of gentleness never matched in queen maries time . the like did one dr. pool that had been bishop of peterborough , an ancient grave person , and a very quiet subject . there were also others that had been bishops and in great estimation , as dr. tunstal bishop of duresm , a person also of very quiet behaviour . there were also other , dr. white , and dr. oglethorp , one of winchester , the other of carlisle , bishops : and dr. thurleby , and dr. watson yet living , one of ely , the other of lincoln , bishops : not pressed with any capital pain , though they maintained the popes authority against the laws of the realm : and some abbots , as mr. fecknam yet living , a person also of quiet and courteous behaviour for a great time . some also were deans , as dr. boxall dean of windsore , a person of great modesty and knowledge : dr. cole dean of pauls , a person more earnest than wise : dr. reynolds dean of exeter , and many such others having born office and dignities in the church , and had made profession against the pope , which they began in queen maries time to change , yet were they never to this day burdened with capital pains , nor yet deprived of any their goods or proper livelyhoods , but only removed from their ecclesiastical offices , which they would not exercise according to the laws . and most of them for a great time were retained in bishops houses in very civil and courteous manner , without charge to themselves or their friends , until the time that the pope began by his bulls and messages , to offer trouble to the realm by stirring of rebellion : about which time only , some of these aforenamed being found busier in matters of state tending to stir troubles , than was meet for the common quiet of the realm , were removed to other more private places , where such other wanderers as were men known to move sedition , might be restrained from common resorting to them to increase trouble , as the popes bull gave manifest occasion : and yet without charging them in their consciences or otherwise , by any inquisition to bring them into danger of any capital law , so as no one was called to any capital or bloody question upon matters of religion , but have all injoyed their life as the course of nature would : and such of them as yet remain , may , if they will not be authors or instruments of rebellion or sedition , injoy the time that god and nature shall yield them without danger of life or member . and yet it is worthy to be well marked , that the chiefest of all these , and the most of them , had in the time of king henry the eight , and king edward the sixth , either by preaching , writing , reading or arguing , taught all people to condemn and abhor the authority of the pope : yea they had many times given their oaths publickly , against the popes authority , and had also yielded to both the said kings , the title of supream head of the church of england next under christ , which title the adversaries do most falsly write and affirm , that the queens majesty doth now use : a manifest lie and untruth . and for proof that these foresaid bishops and learned men had so long time disavowed the popes authority , many of their books and sermons against the popes authority remain printed to be seen in these times , to their great shame and reproof to change so often , and specially in persecuting such as themselves have taught and established to hold the contrary . there were also and yet be a great number of others , being lay-men of good possessions and lands , men of good credit in their countries , manifestly of late times seduced to hold contrary opinions in religion for the popes authority , and yet none of them have been sought hitherto to be impeached in any point or quarrel of treason , or of loss of life , member , or inheritance , so as it may plainly appear , that it is not , nor hath been for contrarious opinions in religion , or for the popes authority , as the adversaries do boldly and falsly publish , that any persons have suffered death since her majesties reign , and yet some of these sort are well known to hold opinion , that the pope ought by authority of gods word to be supream and only head of the catholick church , and only to rule in all causes ecclesiastical , and that the queens majesty ought not to be the governour over all her subjects in her realm being persons ecclesiastical : which opinions are nevertheless in some part by the laws of the realm punishable in some degrees , and yet for none of these points have any persons been prosecuted with the charge of treason , or in danger of life . and if then it be inquired , for what cause these others have of late suffered death , it is truly to be answered as afore is often remembred , that none at all are impeached for treason to the danger of their life , but such as do obstinately maintain the contents of the popes bull afore-mentioned , which do import , that her majesty is not the lawful queen of england , the first and highest point of treason : and that all her subjects are discharged of their oaths and obedience , another high point of treason : and all warranted to disobey her and her laws , a third and a very large point of treason . and thereto is to be added a fourth point most manifest , in that they would not disallow the popes hostile proceedings in open wars against her majesty in her realm of ireland , where one of their company dr. sanders , a lewd scholar and subject of england , a fugitive and a principal companion and conspirator with the traitors and rebels at rome , was by the popes special commission a commander , as in form of a legate , and sometime a treasurer or pay-master for those wars , which dr. sanders in his book of his church monarchy , did afore his passing into ireland openly by writing , gloriously avow the foresaid bull of pius quintus against her majesty , to be lawful , and affirmeth that by vertue thereof one dr. mooreton , an old english fugitive and conspirator , was sent from rome into the north parts of england , to stir up the first rebellion there , whereof charles nevill the late earl of westmerland was a head captain . and thereby it may manifestly appear to all men , how this bull was the ground of the rebellions both in england and ireland , and how for maintenance thereof , and for sowing of sedition by warrant and allowance of the same , these persons were justly condemned of treason , and lawfully executed by the ancient laws temporal of the realm , without any other matter than for their practices and conspiracies both abroad and at home against the queen and the realm , and for maintaining of the popes foresaid authority and bull published to deprive her majesty of her crown , and for withdrawing and reconciling of her subjects from their natural allegiance due to her majesty and to their country , and for moving them to sedition : and for no other causes or questions of religion were these persons condemned : although true it is , that when they were charged and convinced of these points of conspiracies and treasons , they would still in their answers colourably pretend their actions to have been for religion : but in deed and truth they were manifest for the procurement and maintenance of the rebellions and wars against her majesty and her realm . and herein is now the manifest diversity to be seen and well considered , betwixt the truth of her majesties actions , and the falshood of the blasphemous adversaries : that where the factious party of the pope the principal author of the invasions of her majesties dominions , do falsly alledge , that a number of persons , whom they term as martyrs , have died for defence of the catholick religion , the same in very truth may manifestly appear to have died ( if they so will have it ) as martyrs for the pope , and traitors against their soveraign and queen in adhering to him , being the notable and only open hostile enemy in all actions of war against her majesty , her kingdoms and people : and that this is the meaning of all these that have so obstinately maintained the authority and contents of this bull , the very words of the bull do declare in this sort , as dr. sanders reporteth them . pius quintus pontifex maximus , de apostolicae potestatis plenitudine , declaravit elizabetham praetenso regni jure , necnon omni & quocunque dominio , dignitate , privilegioque privatam : itemque proceres , subditos & populos dicti regni , ac caeteros omnes qui illi quomodocunque juraverunt , à juramento hujusmodi ac omni fidelitatis debito , perpetuo absolutos : that is to say , pius quintus the greatest bishop , of the fulness of the apostolick power , declared elizabeth to be bereaved or deprived of her pretended right of her kingdom , and also of all and whatsoever dominion , dignity , and priviledge : and also the nobles , subjects , and people of the said kingdom , and all others which had sworn to her any manner of ways , to be absolved for ever from such oath , and from all debt or duty of fealty , and so forth , with many threatning cursings , to all that durst obey her or her laws . and for execution hereof , to prove , that the effect of the popes bull and message was a flat rebellion , it is not amiss to hear what dr. sanders the popes firebrand in ireland also writeth in his visible church monarchy , which is thus . pius quintus pontifex maximus , anno domini 1569. reverendum presbyterum nicolaum mortonum anglum in angliam misit , ut certis illustribus viris authoritate apostolica denunciaret , elizabetham quae tunc rerum potiebatur , haereticam esse : ob eamque causam , omni dominio & potestate excidisse , impuneque ab illis velut ethnicam haberi posse , ne● eos illius legibus aut mandatis deinceps obedire cogi : that is to say , pius quintus the greatest bishop , in the year of our lord 1569. sent the reverend priest nicholas morton an englishman into england , that he should denounce or declare by the apostolick authority to certain noblemen , elizabeth , who then was in possession , to be an heretick : and for that cause , to have fallen from all dominion and power , and that she may be had or reputed of them as an ethnick , and that they are not to be compelled to obey her laws or commandments , &c. thus you see an ambassage of rebellion from the popes holiness , the ambassadour an old doting english priest , a fugitive and conspirator , sent as he saith to some noblemen , and those were the two earls of northumberland and westmerland , heads of the rebellion . and after this , he followeth to declare the success thereof , which i dare say he was sorry it was so evil , with these words . qua denuntiatione multi nobiles viri adducti sunt , ut de fratribus liberandis cogitare auderent , ac sperabant illi quidem catholicos omnes summis viribus affuturos esse : verùm etsi aliter quàm illi expectabant res evenit , quià catholici omnes nondum probè cognoverant , elizabetham haereticam esse declaratam , tamen laudanda illorum nobilium consilia erant . that is , by which denuntiation , many noblemen were induced or led , that they were boldned to think of the freeing of their brethren , and they hoped certainly that all the catholicks would have assisted them with all their strength : but although the matter happened otherwise than they hoped for , because all the catholicks knew not that elizabeth was declared to be an heretick , yet the counsels and intents of those noblemen were to be praised . a rebellion and a vanquishing of rebels very smoothly described . this noble fact here mentioned , was the rebellion in the north : the noblemen were the earls of westmerland and northumberland : the lack of the event or success , was that the traitors were vanquished , and the queens majesty and her subjects had by gods ordinance the victory : and the cause why the rebels prevailed not , was because all the catholicks had not been duly informed that the queens majesty was declared to be ( as they term it ) an heretick : which want of information , to the intent to make the rebels mightier in number and power , was diligently and cunningly supplyed by the sending into the realm of a great multitude of the seminaries and jesuits , whose special charge was to inform the people thereof , as by their actions hath manifestly appeared . and though dr. sanders hath thus written , yet it may be said by such as favoured the two notable jesuits , one named robert persons ( who yet hideth himself in corners to continue his trayterous practice ) the other named edmond campion ( that was found out being disguised like a royster , and suffered for his treasons ) that dr. sanders treason is his proper treason in allowing of the said bull , but not to be imputed to persons and campion . therefore to make it plain that these two by special authority had charge to execute the sentence of this bull , these acts in writing following shall make manifest , which are not feigned or imagined , but are the very writings taken about one of their complices , immediately after campions death . facultates concessaepp . roberto personio , & edmundo campiano , pro anglia , die 14. aprilis 1580. petatur à summo domino nostro , explicatio bullae declaratoriae per pium quintum contra elizabetham & ei adhaerentes , quam catholici cupiunt intelligi hoc modo , ut obliget semper illam & haereticos , catholicos vero nullo modo obliget rebus sic stantibus , sed tum demum quando publica ejusdem bullae executio fieri poterit . then followed many other petitions of faculties for their further authorities , which are not needful for this purpose to be recited : but in the end followeth this sentence as an answer of the popes , has praedictas gratias concessit summus pontifex patri roberto persnio , & edmundo campiano in angliam profecturis , die 14. aprilis 1580. praesente patre oliverio manarco assistente . the english of which latin sentences is , as followeth . faculties granted to the two fathers , robert persons , and edmond campion for england , the 14 day of april , 1580. let it be asked or required of our most holy lord , the explication or meaning of the bull declaratory made by pius the fifth against elizabeth , and such as do adhere or obey her , which bull the catholicks desire to be understood in this manner , that the same bull shall always bind her and the hereticks , but the catholicks it shall by no means bind , as matters or things do now stand or be , but hereafter , when the publick execution of that bull may be had or made . then in the end the conclusion was thus added . the highest pontiff or bishop , granted these foresaid graces to father robert persons , and edmond campion , who are now to take their journeys into england , the fourteenth day of april , in the year of our lord , 1580. being present , the father oliverius manarke assistant . hereby is it manifest , what authority campion had to impart the contents of the bull against the queens majesty , howsoever he himself denied the same . and though it be manifest that these two jesuits , persons and campion , not only required to have the popes mind declared for the bull , but also in their own petitions , shewed how they and other catholicks did desire to have the said bull to be understood against the queen of england : yet to make the matter more plain how all other jesuits and seminaries , yea how all papists naming themselves catholicks , do and are warranted to interpret the said bull against her majesty and her good subjects , you shall see what one of their fellows , named hart , who was condemned with campion , did amongst many other things declare his knowledge thereof the last of december , in the same year , 1580. in these words following . the bull of pius quintus ( for so much as it is against the queen ) is holden among the english catholicks for a lawful sentence , and a sufficient discharge of her subjects fidelity , and so remaineth in force , but in some points touching the subjects , it is altered by the present pope . for where in that bull all her subjects are commanded not to obey her , and she being excommunicate and deposed , all that do obey her are likewise innodate and accursed , which point is perillous to the catholicks : for if they obey her , they be in the popes curse , and if they disobey her , they are in the queens danger : therefore the present pope to relieve them hath altered that part of the bull , and dispenced with them to obey and serve her , without peril of excommunication : which dispensation is to endure but till it please the pope otherwise to determine . wherefore to make some conclusion of the matters before-mentioned , all persons both within the realm and abroad , may plainly perceive that all the infamous libels lately published abroad in sundry languages , and the slanderous reports made in other princes courts of a multitude of persons , to have been of late put to torments and death , only for profession of the catholick religion , and not for matters of state against the queens majesty , are false and shameless , and published to the maintenance of traitors and rebels . and to make the matter seem more horrible or lamentable , they recite the particular names of all the persons , which by their own catalogue exceed not for these twenty five years space , above the number of threescore , forgetting or rather with their stony and sensless hearts not regarding , in what cruel sort in the time of queen mary , which little exceeded the space of five years , the queens majesties raign being five times as many , there were by imprisonment , torments , famine and fire , of men , women , maidens and children , almost the number of four hundred : and of that number , above twenty that had been archbishops , bishops , and principal prelates or officers in the church lamentably destroyed , and of women above threescore , and of children above forty , and amongst the women , some great with child , out of whose bodies the child , by fire was expelled alive , and yet also cruelly burned : examples beyond all heathen cruelty . and most of the youth that then suffered cruel death , both men , women , and children ( which is to be noted ) were such , as had never by the sacrament of baptism , or by confirmation , professed , nor were ever taught or instructed , or ever had heard of any other kind of religion , but only of that which by their blood and death in the fire they did as true martyrs testifie . a matter of another sort to be lamented with simplicity of words , and not with puffed eloquence , than the execution in this time of a very few traytors , who also in their time , if they exceeded thirty years of age , had in their baptism professed , and in their youth had learned the same religion , which they now so bitterly oppugned . and beside that , in their opinions they differ much from the martyrs of queen maries time : for though they continued in the profession of the religion wherein they were christened , yet they never at their death denied their lawful queen , nor maintained any of her open and foreign enemies , nor procured any rebellion or civil war , nor did sow any sedition in secret corners , nor withdrew any subjects from their obedience , as these sworn servants of the pope have continually done . and therefore all these things well considered , there is no doubt , but all good subjects within the realm do manifestly see , and all wavering persons ( not being led clean out of the way by the seditious ) will hereafter perceive , how they have been abused to go astray . and all strangers , but especially all christian potentates , as emperours , kings , princes , and such like , having their soveraign estates , either in succession hereditary , or by consent of their people , being acquainted with the very truth of these her majesties late just and necessary actions , only for defence of her self , her crown , and people , against open invaders , and for eschewing of civil wars , stirred up by rebellion , will allow in their own like cases , for a truth and rule ( as it is not to be doubted but they will ) that it belongeth not to a bishop of rome as successor of saint peter , and therein a pastor spiritual , or if he were the bishop of all christendom , as by the name of pope he claimeth , first by his bulls or excommunications , in this sort at his will in favour of traytors and rebels , to depose any soveraign princes , being lawfully invested in their crowns , by succession in blood , or by lawful election , and then to arm subjects against their natural lords , to make wars , and to dispense with them for their oaths in so doing , or to excommunicate faithful subjects , for obeying of their natural princes , and lastly himself to make open war , with his own souldiers , against princes moving no force against him . for if these powers should be permitted to him to exercise , then should no empire , no kingdom , no country , no city or town , be possessed by any lawful title , longer than one such only an earthly man , sitting ( as he saith ) in st. peters chair at rome , should for his will and appetite ( without warrant from god or man ) think meet and determine : an authority never challenged by the lord of lords the son of god , jesus christ our only lord and saviour , and the only head of his church , whilst he was in his humanity upon the earth , nor yet delivered by any writing or certain tradition from saint peter , from whom the pope pretendeth to derive all his authority , nor yet from st. paul the apostle of the gentiles ; but contrariwise by all preachings , precepts , and writings , contained in the gospel and other scriptures of the apostles , obedience is expresly commanded to all earthly princes , yea , even to kings by special name , and that so generally , as no person is exempted from such duty of obedience , as by the sentence of st. paul even to the romans , appeareth , omnis anima sublimioribus potestatibus sit subdita ; that is , let every soul be subject to the higher powers : within the compass of which law or precept , st. chrysostom being bishop of constantinople , writeth , that even apostles , prophets , evangelists , and monks are comprehended . and for proof of st. peters mind herein , from whom these popes claim their authority , it cannot be plainlier expressed , than when he writeth thus : proinde subjecti estote cuivis humanae ordinationi , propter dominum , sive regi , ut qui superemineat , sive praesidibus ab eo missis : that is , therefore be you subject to every humane ordinance or creature , for the lord , whether it be to the king , as to him that is supereminent , or above the rest , or to his presidents sent by him . by which two principal apostles of christ , these popes the pretended successors , but chiefly by that which christ the son of god , the only master of truth , said to peter and his fellow-apostles , reges gentium dominantur , vos autem non sic : that is , the kings of the gentiles have rule over them , but you not so , may learn to forsake their arrogant and tyrannous authorities in earthly and temporal causes over kings and princes , and exercise their pastoral office , as st. peter was charged thrice at one time by his lord and master , pasce oves meas , feed my sheep , and peremptorily forbidden to use a sword , in saying to him , converte gladium tuum in locum suum , or , mitte gladium tuum in vaginam : that is , turn thy sword into his place , or , put thy sword into the scabbard . all which precepts of christ and his apostles , were duly followed and observed many hundred years after their death , by the faithful and godly bishops of rome , that duly followed the doctrine and humility of the apostles , and the doctrine of christ , and thereby dilated the limits of christs church and the faith , more in the compass of an hundred years , than the latter popes have done with their swords and curses these five hundred years , and so continued untill the time of one pope hildebrand , otherwise called gregory the seventh , about the year of our lord , 1074. who first began to usurp that kind of tyranny , which of late the pope called pius quintus , and since that time , gregory now the thirteenth hath followed , for some example as it seemeth , that is : where gregory the seventh , in the year of our lord 1074. or thereabout , presumed to depose henry the fourth , a noble emperour then being , gregory the thirteenth now at this time , would attempt the like against king henry the eighth's daughter and heir , queen elizabeth , a soveraign queen , holding her crown immediately of god. and to the end it may appear to princes , or to their good counsellors in one example , what was the fortunate success that god gave to this good christian emperour henry against the proud pope hildebrand , it is to be noted , that when the pope gregory attempted to depose this noble emperour henry , there was one rodulph a noble man , by some named the count of reenfield , that by the popes procurement , usurped the name of the emperour , who was overcome by the said henry the lawful emperour , and in fight having lost his right hand , he , the said rodulph , lamented his case to certain bishops , who in the popes name had erected him up , and to them he said , that the self-same right hand which he had lost , was the hand wherewith he had before sworn obedience to his lord and master the emperour henry , and that in following their ungodly counsels , he had brought upon him gods heavy and just judgments . and so henry the emperour prevailing by gods power , caused gregory the pope by a synod in italy to be deposed , as in like times before him his predecessor otho the emperour , had deposed one pope john for many hainous crimes : and so were also within a short time , three other popes , namely , sylvester , bennet , and gregory the sixth , used by the emperour henry the third , about the year of our lord 1047. for their like presumptuous attempts in temporal actions against the said emperours . many other examples might be shewed to the emperours majesty , and the princes of the holy empire now being , after the time of henry the fourth : as of henry the fifth , and after him , of frederick the first , and frederick the second , and then of lewis of bavar , all emperours , cruelly and tyrannously persecuted by the popes , and by their bulls , curses , and by open wars , and likewise to many other the great kings and monarchs of christendom , of their noble progenitors , kings of their several dominions : whereby they may see how this kind of tyrannous authority in popes to make wars upon emperours and kings , and to command them to be deprived , took hold at the first by pope hildebrand , though the same never had any lawful example or warrant from the laws of god of the old or new testament , but yet the successes of their tyrannies were by gods goodness for the most part made frustrate , as by gods goodness there is no doubt , but the like will follow to their confusions at all times to come . and therefore , as there is no doubt , but the like violent tyrannous proceedings by any pope in maintenance of traiters and rebels , would be withstood by every soveraign prince in christendom in defence of their persons and crowns , and maintenance of their subjects in peace : so is there at this present a like just cause that the emperours majesty , with the princes of the holy empire , and all other soveraign kings and princes in christendom , should judge the same to be lawful for her majesty being a queen , and holding the very place of a king and a prince soveraign over divers kingdoms and nations , she being also most lawfully invested in her crown , and as for good governing of her people , with such applause and general allowance , loved , and obeyed of them , saving a few ragged traiters or rebels , or persons discontented , whereof no other realm is free , as continually for these twenty five years past hath been notably seen and so publickly marked , even by strangers repairing into this realm , as it were no cause of disgrace to any monarchy and king in christendom to have her majesties felicity compared with any of theirs whatsoever : and it may be , there are many kings and princes could be well contented with the fruition of some proportion of her felicity . and though the popes be now suffered by the emperor , in the lands of his own peculiar patrimony , and by the two great monarchs the french king and the king of spain , in their dominions and territories ( although by other kings not so allowed ) to continue his authority in sundry cases , and his glorious title to be the universal bishop of the world , which title gregory the great above nine hundred years past , called a profane title , full of sacriledge , and a preamble of antichrist : yet in all their dominions and kingdoms , as also in the realm of england , most notably by many ancient laws it is well known , how many ways the tyrannous power of this his excessive authority hath been and still is restrained , checked , and limited by laws and pragmatiques , both ancient and new : a very large field for the lawyers of those countries to walk in and discourse . and howsoever the popes canonists being as his bombarders , do make his excommunications and curses appear fearful to the multitude and simple people : yet all great emperours and kings aforetime , in their own cases , of their rights and royal preheminences , though the same concerned but a city or a poor town , and sometime but the not allowance of some unworthy person to a bishoprick or to an abbey , never refrained to despise all popes curses or forces , but attempted always , either by their swords to compel them to desist from their furious actions , or without any fear of themselves , in body , soul , or conscience , stoutly to withstand their curses , and that sometime by force , sometime by ordinances and laws : the ancient histories whereof are too many to be repeated , and of none more frequent and effectual than of the kings of france . but leaving those that are ancient , we may remember how in this our own present or late age , it hath been manifestly seen , how the army of the late noble emperour charles the fifth , father to king philip that now reigneth , was not afraid of his curses , when in the year of our lord 1527. rome it self was besieged and sacked , and the pope then called clement , and his cardinals , to the number of about thirty three in his mount adrian or castle s. angelo , taken prisoners and detained seven months or more , and after ransomed by don vgo di moncada a spaniard , and the marquess of grasto , at about four hundred m. duckats , besides the ransoms of his cardinals which was very great , having not long before-time been also notwithstanding his curses , besieged in the same castle by the family of the colonesi and their fautors his next neighbours being then imperialists , and forced to yield to all their demands . neither did king henry the second of france , father to henry now king of france , about the year 1550. fear or regard the pope or his court of rome , when he made several straight edicts against many parts of the popes claims in prejudice of the crown and clergy of france , retracting the authority of the court of rome , greatly to the hinderance of the popes former profits . neither was the army of king philip now of spain , whereof the duke of alva was general , stricken with any fear of cursing , when it was brought afore rome against the pope , in the year of our lord 1555. where great destruction was made by the said army , and all the delicate buildings , gardens , and orchards next to rome-walls overthrown , wherewith his holiness was more terrified , than he was able to remove with any his curses . neither was queen mary the queens majesties late sister , a person not a little devoted to the roman religion , so afraid of the popes cursings , but that both she and her whole council , and that with the assent of all the judges of the realm , according to the ancient laws , in favour of cardinal pool her kinsman , did forbid the entry of his bulls , and of a cardinal hat at callis , that was sent from the pope for one fryer peyto , whom the pope had assigned to be a cardinal in disgrace of cardinal pool ; neither did cardinal pool himself at the same time obey the popes commandments , nor shewed himself afraid , being assisted by the queen , when the pope did threaten him with pain of excommunication , but did still oppose himself against the popes commandment for the said pretended cardinal peyto : who notwithstanding all the threatnings of the pope , was forced to go up and down in the streets of london like a begging fryer : a stout resistance in a queen for a poor cardinals hat , wherein she followed the example of her grandfather king henry the seventh , for a matter of allum . so as howsoever the christian kings for some respects in policy can endure the pope to command where no harm nor disadvantage groweth to themselves , yet sure it is , and the popes are not ignorant , but where they shall in any sort attempt to take from christian princes any part of their dominions , or shall give aid to their enemies , or to any other their rebels , in those cases , their bulls , their curses , their excommunications , their sentences , and most solemn anathematicals , no nor their cross-keys , or double edged sword , will serve their turns to compass their intentions . and now , where the pope hath manifestly by his bulls and excommunications attempted as much as he could , to deprive her majesty of her kingdoms , to withdraw from her the obedience of her subjects , to procure rebellions in her realms , yea , to make both rebellions and open wars , with his own captains , souldiers , banners , ensigns , and all other things belonging to war : shall this pope , or any other pope after him , think that a soveraign queen , possessed of the two realms of england and ireland , stablished so many years in her kingdoms as three or four popes have sit in their chair at rome , fortified with so much duty , love , and strength of her subjects , acknowledging no superiour over her realms , but the mighty hand of god : shall she forbear , or fear to withstand and make frustrate his unlawful attempts , either by her sword or by her laws , or to put his souldiers invaders of her realm to the sword martially , or to execute her laws upon her own rebellious subjects civilly , that are proved to be his chief instruments for rebellion , and for his open war ? this is sure , that howsoever either he sitting in his chair with a triple crown at rome , or any other his proctors in any part of christendom , shall renew these unlawful attempts , almighty god , whom her majesty only honoureth and acknowledgeth to be her only soveraign lord and protector , and whose laws and gospel of his son jesus christ she seeketh to defend , will no doubt but deliver sufficient power into his maidens hand his servant queen elizabeth , to withstand and confound them all . and where the seditious trumpetters of infamies and lies , have sounded forth and entituled certain that have suffered for treason , to be martyrs for religion : so may they also at this time , if they list , add to their forged catalogue , the headless body of the late miserable earl of desmond , who of late , secretly wandring without succour , as a miserable begger , was taken by one of the irishry in his cabin , and in an irish sort after his own accustomed savage manner , his head cut off from his body : an end due to such an arch-rebel . and herewith to remember the end of his chief confederates , may be noted for example to others , the strange manner of the death of dr. sanders the popes irish legat , who also wandring in the mountains in ireland without succor , dyed raving in a phrensie . and before him , one james fits-morice the first traiter of ireland next to stukely the rakehel , a man not unknown in the popes palace for a wicked crafty traiter , was slain at one blow by an irish noble young gentleman , in defence of his fathers country which the traiter sought to burn . a fourth man of singular note was john of desmond , brother to the earl , a very bloody faithless traiter , and a notable murderer of his familiar friends , who also wandring to seek some prey like a wolf in the woods , was taken and beheaded after his own usage , being as he thought sufficiently armed with the popes bulls and certain agnus dei , and one notable ring about his neck sent from the popes finger ( as it was said : ) but these he saw saved not his life . and such were the fatal ends of all these , being the principal heads of the irish war and rebellion , so as no one person remaineth at this day in ireland a known traiter . to this number , they may if they seek number , also add a furious young man of warwickshire , by name somervile , to increase their kalender of the popes martyrs , who of late was discovered and taken in his way , coming with a full intent to have killed her majesty ( whose life god always have in his custody . ) the attempt not denied by the traiter himself , but confessed , and that he was moved thereto in his wicked spirit , by inticements of certain seditious and traiterous persons his kinsmen and allies , and also by often reading of sundry seditious vile books lately published against her majesty . but as god of his goodness hath of long time hitherto preserved her majesty from these and the like treacheries : so hath she no cause to fear being under his protection , she saying with king david in the psalm , my god is my helper and i will trust in him , he is my protection , and the strength or the power of my salvation . and for the comfort of all good subjects against the shadows of the popes bulls , it is manifest to the world , that from the beginning of her majesties reign , by gods singular goodness , her kingdom hath enjoyed more universal peace , her people increased in more numbers , in more strength , and with greater riches , the earth of her kingdoms hath yielded more fruits , and generally all kind of worldly felicity hath more abounded since and during the time of the popes thunders , bulls , curses , and maledictions , than in any other long times before , when the popes pardons and blessings came yearly into the realm : so as his curses and maledictions have turned back to himself and his fautors , that it may be said to the fortunate queen of england and her people , as was said in deuteronomy of balaam , the lord thy god would not hear balaam , but did turn his maledictions or curses into benedictions or blessings : the reason is , for because thy god loved thee . although these former reasons are sufficient to perswade all kind of reasonable persons to allow of her majesties actions to be good , reasonable , lawful , and necessary : yet because it may be , that such as have by frequent reading of false artificial libels , and by giving credit to them , upon a prejudice or forejudgment afore grounded , by their rooted opinions in favour of the pope , will rest unsatisfied : therefore as much as may be , to satisfie all persons as far forth as common reason may warrant , that her majesties late action in executing of certain seditious traiters , hath not proceeded for the holding of opinions , either for the popes supremacy , or against her majesties regality , but for the very crimes of sedition and treason , it shall suffice briefly , in a manner of a repetition of the former reasons , to remember these things following . first , it cannot be denied , but that her majesty did for many years , suffer quietly the popes bulls and excommunications without punishment of the fautors thereof , accounting of them but as of words or wind , or of writings in parchment weighed down with lead , or as of water-bubbles , commonly called in latine bullae and such like : but yet after some proof that courage was taken thereof by some bold and bad subjects , she could not but then esteem them to be very preambles , or as forerunners of greater danger : and therefore , with what reason could any mislike , that her majesty did for a bare defence against them , without other action or force , use the help of reviving of former laws , to prohibit the publication or execution of such kind of bulls within her realm ? secondly , when notwithstanding the prohibition by her laws , the same bulls were plentifully ( but in secret sort ) brought into the realm , and at length arrogantly set upon the gates of the bishop of londons palace near to the cathedral church of pauls , the principal city of the realm , by a lewd person , using the same like a herald sent from the pope : who can in any common reason mislike , that her majesty finding this kind of denunciation of war , as a defiance to be made in her principal city by one of her subjects , avowing and obstinately maintaining the same , should according to justice , cause the offender to have the reward due to such a fact ? and this was the first action of any capital punishment inflicted for matter sent from rome to move rebellion , which was after her majesty had reigned about the space of twelve years or more . thirdly , when the pope had risen up out of his chair in his wrath , from words and writings to actions , and had contrary to the advice given by s. barnard to his predecessor , that is , when by his messages he left verbum and took ferrum , that is , left to feed by the word , and began to strike with the sword , and stirred her noble men and people directly to disobedience and to open rebellion , and that her lewd subjects by his commandment had executed the same with all the forces which they could make or bring into the field : who with common reason can disallow that her majesty used her principal authority , and by her forces lawful subdued rebels forces unlawful , and punished the authors thereof no otherwise than the pope himself useth to do with his own rebellious subjects , in the patrimony of his church ? and if any prince of people in the world , would otherwise neglect his office , and suffer his rebels to have their wills , none ought to pity him , if for want of resistance and courage , he lost both his crown , his head , his life , and his kingdom . fourthly , when her majesty beheld a further increase of the popes malice , notwithstanding that the first rebellion was in her north parts vanquished , in that he entertained abroad out of this realm , the traiters and rebels that fled for the rebellion , and all the rabble of other the fugitives of the realm , and that he sent a number of the same in sorts disguised into both the realms of england and ireland , who there secretly allured her people to new rebellions , and at the same time spared not his charges to send also out of italy by sea , certain ships with captains of his own , with their bands of souldiers , furnished with treasure , munition , victuals , ensigns , banners , and all other things requisite to the war , into her realm of ireland , where the same forces with other auxiliar companies out of spain landed , and fortified themselves very strongly in the sea-side , and proclaimed open war , erecting the popes banner against her majesty : may it be now asked of these persons , favourers of the romish authority , what in reason should have been done by her majesty otherwise , than first to apprehend all such figitives for stollen into the realm , and dispersed in disguising habits to sow sedition , as some priests in their secret profession , but all in their apparel , as roisters or ruffins , some scholars , like to the basest common people , and them to commit to prisons , and upon their examinations of their trades and haunts , to convince them of their conspiracies abroad , by testimony of their own companions , and of sowing sedition secretly at home in the realm ? what may be reasonably thought was meet to be done with such seditious persons , but by the laws of the realm to try , condemn , and execute them ? and especially having regard to the dangerous time , when the popes forces were in the realm of ireland , and more in preparation to follow as well into england as into ireland , to the resistance whereof , her majesty and her realm was forced to be at greater charges , than ever she had been , since she was queen thereof . and so by gods power , which he gave to her on the one part , she did by her laws suppress the seditious stirrers of rebellion in her realm of england , and by her sword vanquished all the popes forces in her realm of ireland , excepting certain captains of mark that were saved from the sword , as persons that did renounce their quarrel , and seemed to curse or to blame such as sent them to so unfortunate and desperate a voyage . but though these reasons , grounded upon rules of natural reason , shall satisfie a great number of the adversaries ( who will yield that by good order of civil and christian policy and government , her majesty could nor can do no less than she hath done , first to subdue with her forces her rebels and traiters , and next by order of her laws to correct the aiders and abettors , and lastly to put also to the sword such forces as the pope sent into her dominions ) yet there are certain other persons , more nicely addicted to the pope , that will yet seem to be unsatisfied , for that , as they will term the matter , a number of silly poor wretches were put to death as traiters , being but in profession scholars or priests , by the names of seminaries , jesuits , or simple school-masters , that came not into the realm with any armor or weapon , by force to aid the rebels and traiters , either in england or in ireland in their rebellions or wars : of which sort of wretches the commiseration is made , as though for their contrary opinions in religion , or for teaching of the people to disobey the laws of the realm , they might have been otherwise punished and corrected , and yet not with capital punishment . these kinds of defences , tend only to find fault rather with the severity of their punishments , than to acquit them as innocents or quiet subjects . but for answer to the better satisfaction of these nice and scrupulous favourers of traiters , it must be with reason demanded of them ( if at least they will open their ears to reason ) whether they think that when a king being stablished in his realm , hath a rebellion first secretly practised , and afterward openly raised in his realm by his own seditious subjects , and when by a foreign potentate or enemy , the same rebellion is maintained , and the rebels by messages and promises comforted to continue , and their treasons against their natural prince avowed , and consequently when the same potentate and enemy , being author of the said rebellion , shall with his own proper forces invade the realm and subjects of the prince that is so lawfully and peaceably possessed : in these cases , shall no subject favouring these rebels , and yielding obedience to the enemy the invador , be committed or punished as a traiter , but only such of them , as shall be found openly to carry armor and weapon ? shall no subject , that is a spial and an explorer for the rebel or enemy , against his natural prince , be taken and punished as a traiter , because he is not found with armor or weapon , but yet is taken in his disguised apparel , with writings , or other manifest tokens , to prove him a spy for traiters , after he hath wandered secretly in his soveraigns camp , region , court , or city ? shall no subject be counted a traiter , that will secretly give earnest and prest money to persons to be rebels or enemies , or that will attempt to poyson the victual , or the fountains , or secretly set on fire the ships or munition , or that will secretly search and sound the havens and creeks for landing , or measure the depth of ditches , or height of towers and walls , because these offenders are not found with armor or weapon ? the answer i think must needs be yielded ( if reason and experience shall have rule with these adversaries ) that all these and such like are to be punished as traiters : and the principal reason is , because the actions of all these are necessary accessaries , and adherents proper , to further and continue all rebellions and wars . but if they will deny , that none are traiters that are not armed , they will make judas no traiter , that came to christ without armor , colouring his treason with a kiss . now therefore it resteth to apply the facts of these late malefactors that are pretended to have offended but as scholars , or book-men , or at the most but as persons that only in words and doctrine , and not with armor did favour and help the rebels and the enemies . for which purpose let these persons be termed as they list , scholars , schoolmasters , book-men , seminaries , priests , jesuits , fryers , bead-men , romanists , pardoners , or what else you will , neither their titles , nor their apparel doth make them traiters , but their traiterous secret motions and practices : their persons make not the war , but their directions and counsels have set up the rebellions . the very causes final of these rebellions and wars , have been to depose her majesty from her crown : the causes instrumental , are these kind of seminaries and seed-men of sedition : the fruits and effects thereof , are by rebellion to shed the blood of all her faithful subjects : the rewards of the invaders ( if they could prevail ) should be the disinheriting of all the nobility , the clergy , and the whole commonalty , that would ( as they are bound by the laws of god , by their birth and oaths ) defend their natural gracious queen , their native country , their wives , their children , their family , and their houses . and now examine these which you call your unarmed scholars and priests , wherefore they lived and were conversant in company of the principal rebels and traiters at rome , and in other places , where it is proved that they were partakers of their conspiracies ? let it be answered why they came thus by stealth into the realm ? why they have wandered up and down in corners in disguised sort , changing their titles , names , and manner of apparel ? why they have enticed and sought to perswade by their secret false reasons , the people to allow and believe all the actions and attempts whatsoever the pope hath done or shall do , to be lawful ? why they have reconciled and withdrawn so many people in corners from the laws of the realm to the obedience of the pope , a foreign potentate and open enemy , whom they know to have already declared the queen to be no lawful queen , to have maintained the known rebels and traiters , to have invaded her majesties dominions with open war ? examine further , how these vagrant disguised unarmed spies have answered , when they were taken and demanded what they thought of the bull of pope pius quintus , which was published to deprive the queens majesty , and to warrant her subjects to disobey her : whether they thought that all subjects ought to obey the same bull , and so to rebel ? secondly , whether they thought her majesty to be the lawful queen of the realm , notwithstanding the said bull or any other bull of the pope ? thirdly , whether the pope might give such licence as he did to the earls of northumberland and westmerland , and other her majesties subjects to rebel as they did ? or give power to d. sanders a natural born subject but an unnatural worn priest , to take arms and move wars as he did in ireland . fourthly , whether the pope may discharge the subjects of her majesty , or of any other princes christened , of their oaths of obedience ? fifthly , whether the said traiterous priest d. sanders or one bristow a rebellious figitive , did in their books write truly or falsely , in approving the said bull of pius quintus , and the contents thereof ? lastly , what were to be done , if the pope or any other assigned by him , would invade the realm of england , and what part they would take , or what part any faithful subject of her majesties ought to take ? to these questions very apt to try the truth or falsehood of any such seditious persons , being justly before condemned for their disloyalty , these lewd unarmed traiters i say would no wise answer directly hereto , as all other faithful subjects to any prince christian ought to do . and as they upon refusal to answer directly to these questions only , might have been justly convinced as guilty of treason , so yet were they not thereupon condemned , but upon all their other former actions committed both abroad and in the realm , which were no less traiterous than the actions of all other the spies and traiters , and of judas himself afore remembred which had no armor nor weapon , and yet at all times ought to be adjudged traiters . for these disguised persons ( called scholars or priests ) having been first conversant of long time with the traiters beyond the sea in all their conspiracies , came hither by stealth in time of war and rebellion by commandment of the capital enemy the pope or his legates , to be secret espials and explorers in the realm for the pope , to deliver by secret , romish tokens , as it were an earnest or prest , to them that should be in readiness to joyn with rebels or open enemies , and in like sort with their hallowed baggages from rome to poyson the senses of the subjects , pouring into their hearts malicious and pestilent opinions against her majesty and the laws of the realm : and also to kindle and set on fire the hearts of discontented subjects with the flames of rebellion , and to search and sound the depths and secrets of all mens inward intentions , either against her majesty , or for her : and finally to bring into a bead-roll , or as it were into a muster-roll , the names and powers with the dwellings of all that should be ready to rebel and to aid the foreign invasion . these kinds of seditious actions for the service of the pope , and the traiters and rebels abroad , have made them traiters : not their books , nor their beads , no nor their cakes of wax which they call agnus dei , nor other their reliques , nor yet their opinions for the ceremonies or rites of the church of rome : and therefore it is to be certainly concluded that these did justly deserve their capital punishments as traiters , though they were not apprehended with open armor or weapon . now if this latter repetition , as it were of all the former causes & reasons afore-recited , may not serve to stop the boisterous mouths , and the pestiferous tongues , and venemous breaths of these that are infected with so gross errors , as to defend seditious subjects , stirrers of rebellion against their natural prince and country : then are they to be left without any further argument , to the judgment of the almighty god , as persons that have covered their eyes against the suns light , stopped their ears against the sound of justice , and oppressed their hearts against the force of reason , and as the psalmist saith , they speak lyes , they are as venemous as the poyson of a serpent , even like the deaf adder that stoppeth his ears . wherefore with charity to conclude , if these rebels and traiters , and their fautors would yet take some remorse and compassion of their natural country , and would consider how vain their attempts have been so many years , and how many of their confederates are wasted by miseries and calamities , and would desist from their unnatural practices abroad : and if these seminaries , secret wanderers , and explorators in the dark would imploy their travels in the works of light and doctrine according to the usage of their schools , and content themselves with their profession and devotion : and that the remnant of the wicked flock of the seed-men of sedition would ease from their rebellious , false , and infamous railings and libellings : there is no doubt by gods grace ( her majesty being so much given to mercy and devoted to peace ) but all colour and occasion of shedding the blood of any more of her natural subjects of this land , should utterly cease . against whose malices , if they shall not desist , almighty god continue her majesty with his spirit and power long to reign and live in his fear , and to be able to vanquish them and all gods enemies , and her rebels and traiters both at home and abroad , and to maintain and preserve all her natural good loving subjects , to the true service of the same almighty god according to his holy word and will. many other things might be remembred for defence of other her majesties princely , honourable , and godly actions in sundry other things , wherein also these and the like seditious railers have of late time without all shame , by feigned and false libels sought to discredit her majesty and her government : but at this time , these former causes and reasons alledged by way of advertisements , are sufficient to justifie her majesties actions to the whole world in the cases remembred . important considerations which ought to move all true and sound catholicks , who are not wholly jesuited , to acknowledge without all equivocations , ambiguities , or shiftings , that the proceedings of her majesty , and of the state with them , since the beginning of her highness reign , have been both mild and merciful . right worshipful and our dear friends . we your ancient teachers and spiritual fathers , the secular priests in england , that sundry years for your sakes , have endured many calamities , but cannot frame our selves to the new jesuitical faction , that beareth so great a sway with you : are every where amongst you accounted simple persons : men destitute of the spirit of government : without all policy and providence , ignorant pilots , how to cast about with our ships in sudden gusts or storms : not trained up in the managing of great affairs , and far unmeet ( god wot ) to take upon us the guiding of souls . all which disgraces , in the sense they are imputed unto us , we take in good part , whether they proceed from your selves , or from your spanish statists , that can work wonders , or from you both : and we must acknowledge , that if their courses , either formerly taken , or still intended for the re-establishing of the catholick faith in this kingdom , be good , ours do come far short of that pitch : and well you may think , as already you have ( in your wisdoms ) censured our weakness , and judged of us . howbeit , as yet by your good patience , we must be bold to rejoyce in our simplicity , and to confess in direct terms , and so tell you plainly , and wish you all to mark it well : that , posteriores cogitationes solent esse sapientiores . experience is said to be the mistress of fools : but she is no foolish mistress . the jesuitical plots for the restoring of religion in this land , by treasons or invasions , are not sanctified or blessed by the hand of god. some of us the ancienter sort of priests , have ever misliked their courses herein : and many other we know are of the same judgment . the old approved paths of our forefathers , ( when men have beaten their brains to the uttermost ) will always prove the best . novelties and fine devices of busie and unquiet heads , are , but as may-flowers that are gone in june ; they may carry a fair shew , but they will not continue . the ancient manner of planting the catholick faith , hath been by preaching , prayers , private instructions , confessions , absolutions , and by the exercising of other priestly functions , given ad aedificationem non ad destructionem , to teach obedience , not rebellion : to fill mens hearts with joy and peace , by the inward working of the holy ghost ; and not to feed them with hopes of invasions and treacheries , with the moon-shine in the water , and follies , or with preposterous cogitations , to think they may expect for figs from thistles , or that men may do evil , that good may come of it . as simple priests as you esteem us , yet this we tell you , that we are not ignorant of the machiavilian rules , which your rabbies practise : nor of their wild-geese races , wherein they have run themselves out of all honest breath . but we know them , not to embrace them ( we thank god ) but to disclose them , or rather to acknowledge them for wicked ( being disclosed too apparently already to our hands : ) that you in time might eschew them , ( if you will be advised by us ) and all the world at the length may bear us witness , how much we detest them from our hearts , and abhor them . whilst we had any hope , that these political fathers ( as they joy to be termed ) would at the last have reclaimed themselves , and grown more tractable and moderate in their designments against our soveraign and native country : we were silent in respect of the common cause , and very well content to undergo many inconveniences and miseries , which we might have avoided ( as we are perswaded ) if we had sooner opened our selves , and professed our said detestation of such their , no way priestly , but very irreligious courses : whereby the state hath been most justly irritated and provoked against us . for when we consider on the one side , what we know our selves , concerning the laws made of later years , with the occasions of them , and likewise as touching the proceedings of the state here , since the beginning of her majesties reign , as well against us that are priests , as also against other catholicks of the laity : and do find on the other side , what practices , under the pretence of religion , have been set on foot , for the utter subversion both of the queen and of her kingdom : and therewith further call to mind , what sundry jesuits and men ( wholly for the time or altogether ) addicted to jesuitism , have written and published to the world in sundry treatises , not only against the said laws and course of justice , but in like sort against her chief counsellors , ( and which exceedeth all the rest ) against the royal person of her majesty , her honour , crown , and most princely scepter : it may in our opinions be rather wondred , that so many catholicks of both sorts , are left alive in the realm to speak of the catholick faith , than that the state hath proceeded with us from time to time , as it hath done . it may seem strange to some , that these things should proceed from us that are priests : but divers of you can bear us witness , that they are no new conceits , bred in us , by reason of the opposition we have with the jesuits : and besides , no small number of catholicks ( as we are perswaded ) have long expected this duty at your hands : that thereby our allegiance and fidelity to our queen and country might be the better testified , the hard opinion of us mitigated , our actions and profession of duty better credited : the cause we stand for , more regarded : and we our selves ( for our plain dealing , and for the good of the church ) might be the better reputed of , and esteemed , or at the least in some sort born with and tolerated , as men that do distinguish between religion and treason . we wish with all our hearts , ( and groan every day at the contrary ) that her majesty had continued in her obedience to the see apostolick , as queen mary her sister of famous memory , had left her a worthy example : but seeing that god for our sins would have it otherwise , we ought to have carried our selves in another manner of course towards her , our true and lawful queen , and towards our country , than hath been taken and pursued by many catholicks , but especially by the jesuits . and therefore ( as well to discharge our own consciences , as to satisfie many of you of the moderater sort of catholicks , according to the old saying , better late than never ) we have thought it our parts , ( being her highness natural born subjects ) to acknowledge the truth of the carriage of matters against us , and the apparent causes of it : that the blame may indeed , from point to point , light and lie where it ought to do , and both sides bear no other than their own burthens , as the laws both of god and man do require . if hereby her majesty may in any sort be appeased , and the state satisfied , our own former courses bettered , and the realm secured , that the like shall never hereafter be attempted or favoured by any of us , but be revealed , if we know them , and withstood , if they be enterprised , with all our goods and our lives , even to our uttermost ability , be their pretences never so fair , for religion , or what else can be devised : we shall think our selves happy , and will not regard what all the malice and spite of the jesuits can work or effect against us . it cannot be denied , but that for the first ten years of her majesties reign , the state of catholicks in england was tolerable , and after a sort in some good quietness . such as for their consciences were imprisoned in the beginning of her coming to the crown , were very kindly and mercifully used , the state of things then considered . some of them were appointed to remain with such their friends , as they themselves made choice of . others were placed , some with bishops ; some with deans ; and had their diet at their tables , with such convenient lodgings and walks for their recreation , as did well content them . they that were in the ordinary prisons , had such liberty and other commodities , as the places would afford , not inconvenient for men that were in their cases . but that our brethren of the more fiery and jesuitical humour may not snuff hereat : we have thought it meet to cool their heat , with some of master parsons , and his fellow master creswels more gentle delays , ( than are usual with them : ) who in one of their books , do confess as much in effect , as here we have set down , if not more : thus these great emperour-like jesuits do speak to her majesty . in the beginning of thy kingdom thou didst deal somthing more gently with catholicks : none were then urged by thee , or pressed either to thy sect , or to the denial of their faith. all things ( indeed ) did seem to proceed in a far milder course : no great complaints were heard of : there were seen no extraordinary contentions or repugnancies : some there were that to please and gratifie you , went to your churches . but when afterwards thou didst begin to wrong them , &c. and when was that our great monseigneurs ? surely whensoever it was : ( to answer for you ) we our selves ( certain catholicks of all sorts ) were the true causes of it . for whilst her majesty and the state dealt with the catholicks , as you have heard , ( which was full eleven years , no one catholick being called in question of his life , for his conscience , all that time : ) consider with us , how some of our profession proceeded with them . her highness had scarcely felt the crown warm upon her head , but it was challenged from her , by some of her neighbours , as master saunders noteth . the french were sent into scotland to do somewhat , you may be sure : which concerned her majesty ( the circumstances consisidered ) to look unto . afterwards certain matters were undertaken by her majesty in france : and the affairs in scotland did so proceed , as that the queen there was compelled 1567. to flie into england , where for a great time , she was very honourably entertained , her liberty only excepted . but with these matters , what had we to do , that were either priests or private men ? if either france or scotland , had cause to repine or complain , some of those nations might have done , written , and spoken as it had pleased them . it little became either master saunders ( otherwise an excellent man ) or master parsons , or any other of our own nation , to have intermedled with those matters , or to write as they have very offensively done in divers of their books and treatises ; to what purpose we know not : except it were to shew their malice , to dishonour their own country , as much as lay in them , and to move a greater dislike in the state of all that be catholicks , than before they had . kings ever have had , and will have their plots and practices for their own safeties : it being as inconvenient to their policy , for one prince by his might to over-top another , as it is amongst the principal members of our natural bodies , for one member to swell or grow too great above his due proportion . happy had we catholicks been at this day , if these men being priests , had never troubled themselves with state-matters , which they have managed , as phaeton did his fathers chariot : very greatly to our prejudice . let them pretend never so great skill in their disposing of kingdoms ordine ad deum : they have certainly dealt with ours ordine ad gehennam . but this is not all which the state may justly challenge us for . in the time of our said peace , and upon the coming into england of the queen of scots , whilst her majesty of england and the state were busied , as partly you have heard before : it pitieth our hearts , to see and read , what hath been printed and published out of italy in the life of pius quintus concerning his holiness endeavors , stirred up by false suggestions to joyn with the king of spain : for the utter ruine and overthrow both of our prince and country . would to god such things had never been enterprised : and most of all , that they had never been printed . we that have some skill with our pens , presume too much a great deal , upon our own wits . what good the mentioning of these points can bring to the church , we see not : but sure we are , it hath done much hurt , and given our common enemies very great advantage against us . for now it is usually objected unto us , by every one of any reach , when we complain of some hard dealings towards us : yea , say they ( very well good masters ) were you not in quiet ? who then gave the cause that you were troubled ? when her majesty used you kindly : how treacherously was she dealt with by you ? did not pius quintus practise her majesties subversion : she ( good lady ) never dreaming of any such mischief ? was not one robert ridolphi , a gentleman of florence sent hither by the pope ( under colour of merchandize ) to sollicite a rebellion ? did not pius quintus move the king of spain to joyn in this exploit , for the better securing of his own dominions in the low countries ? was not the bull denounced against her majesty , that carrieth so fair a preface of zeal , and pastoral duty : devised purposely , to further the intended rebellion , for the depriving of her majesty from her kingdom ? had not the pope and king of spain assigned the duke of norfolk , to be the head of this rebellion ? did not the pope ▪ give order to ridolphi , to take 150000 crowns to set forward this attempt ? was not some of that money sent for scotland : and some delivered to the said duke ? did not king philip at the popes instance , determine to send the duke of alva into england with all his forces in the low countries , to assist the duke of norfolk ? are all these things true , and were they not then in hand , whilst her majesty dealt so mercifully with you ? how can you excuse these designments : so unchristian , so unpriestly , so treacherous , and therefore so un-prince-like ? when we first heard these particulars , we did not believe them : but would have laid our lives they had been false : but when we saw the book , and found them there , god is our witness , we were much amazed : and can say no more , but that his holiness was misinformed , and indirectly drawn to these courses . but to proceed : it being unknown to the state what secret matters were in hand against them , both at home and beyond the seas : the catholicks here continued in sort , as before you have heard , till the said rebellion brake forth in the north , 1569. a little before christmas : and that it was known that the pope had excommunicated the queen , and thereby freed her subjects ( as the bull importeth ) from their subjection . and then there followed a great restraint of the said prisoners : but none of them were put to death upon that occasion : the sword being then only drawn against such catholicks , as had risen up actually into open rebellion . wherein we cannot see what her majesty did , that any prince in christendom in such a case , would not have done . and as touching the said bull , many both priests and lay catholicks have greatly wished , that it had never been decreed , denounced , published , or heard of . for we are perswaded , that the pope was drawn thereunto , by false suggestions of certain undiscreet turbulent persons : who pretending to him one thing , had another drift in their heads for their own advancement . and therefore we have ever accounted of it , as a sentence procured by surreption : knowing it to be no unusual thing with the pope , through indirect means and factious heads , to be often deceived in matters of fact : as we now find it , in the setting up of our new arch-priest . now upon all these occasions , her majesty being moved with great displeasure , called a parliament in the thirteenth year of her reign 1571. wherein a law was made containing many branches , against the bringing into this land , after that time , of any bulls from rome , any agnus dei , crosses or pardons : and against all manner of persons , that should procure them to be so brought hither , with many other particularities thereunto appertaining . which law , although we hold it to be too rigorous , and that the pretended remedy exceeded the measure of the offence , either undutifully given , or in justice to have been taken : yet we cannot but confess , as reasonable men , that the state had great cause to make some laws against us , except they should have shewed themselves careless for the continuance of it . but be the law , as any would have it never so extreme : yet surely it must be granted , that the occasions of it were most outragious : and likewise , that the execution of it was not so tragical , as many since have written and reported of it . for whatsoever was done against us , either upon the pretence of that law , or of any other , would never we think have been attempted , had not divers other preposterous occasions ( besides the causes of that law ) daily fallen out amongst us : which procured matters to be urged more severely against us . in the year 1572. out cometh master saunders book , de visibili monarchia ; wherein he taketh upon him to set down , how the pope had sent one master morton and master web two priests , before the said rebellion , to the lords and gentlemen in the north : to excite them with their followers to take up arms. and the rather to perswade them thereunto , they signified unto them by the popes commandment , that her majesty was excommunicated , her subjects were released from their obedience , and much more to that purpose . likewise the said mr. saunders doth justifie the said commotion , and ascribeth the evil success it had , to the over-late publishing of the said bull ( it being not generally known of till the year after , when master felton had set it upon the bishop of londons gate : ) affirming that if it had been published the year before , or when they were in arms , the catholicks would undoubtedly so have assisted them ( the said rebels ) as that they must ( no question of it ) have prevailed against the queen , and had certainly executed the said sentence at that time , for her deposition from the crown . besides , whereas the state in the said parliament , had confirmed the attainder of the chief persons by name , that were as heads in the said rebellion : and had been in the field against her highness , mr. saunders ( building castles in the air amongst his books ) doth too much magnifie the said rebels , to the great discredit of the church of rome , and his holiness actions in such matters , they being men arraigned , condemned , and executed by the ancient laws of our country for high treason . this intolerable and very uncatholick course thus held by divers , to the great offence of many good catholicks of the graver and discreeter sort , and to the great hinderance of our common cause ; hath been since followed by mr. parsons , and some of his sort , with no good discretion or foresight ( god he knoweth ) brag these great states-men of their impregnable wisdom and policy never so proudly . furthermore , about the coming out of the said book of mr. saunders , the whole plot before mentioned , of the pope and the king of spain with the duke of norfolk for the disinheriting of her majesty , and other intended mischiefs , fell out to be fully disclosed . afterwards within some four or five years , it was also commonly known to the realm , what attempts were in hand by mr. stukeley ( assisted with mr. saunders and other catholicks both english , irish , and italian ) for an enterprise by force in ireland , under pretence to advance the catholick religion : which for that time ( through some defects ) succeeding not , the pope himself in the year 1579. ( abused still by false pretences ) did set forward that course , and sending thither certain forces , mr. saunders ( too much jesuited ) did thrust himself in person into that action , as a chief ring-leader , and to perswade the catholicks , when he should come into ireland , to joyn with the popes said forces , for the better assisting of certain rebels , then in arms against their soveraign . now whilst these practices were in hand in ireland , gregory the thirteenth reneweth the said bull of pius quintus : and denounceth her majesty to be excommunicated , with intimation of all other particulars in the former bull mentioned , which was procured ( we doubt not ) by surreption : the false jesuits ( our country-men ) daring to attempt any thing , by untrue suggestions , and any lewd surmises , that may serve their turns . this stratagem accomplished , and ground laid , whereupon they imagined to work great matters : these good fathers ( as the devil would have it ) come into england , and intruded themselves into our harvest , being the men in our consciences ( we mean both them and others of that society , with some of their adherents ) who have been the chief instruments of all the mischiefs that have been intended against her majesty , since the beginning of her reign , and of the miseries , which we , or any other catholicks , have upon these occasions sustained . their first repair hither was anno 1580. when the realm of ireland was in great combustion , and then they entred , ( viz. mr. campion the subject , and mr. parsons the provincial ) like a tempest , with sundry such great brags and challenges , as divers of the gravest clergy then living in england ( doctor watson bishop of lincoln and others ) did greatly dislike them , and plainly foretold , that ( as things then stood ) their proceeding after that fashion , would certainly urge the state , to make some sharper laws , which should not only touch them , but likewise all others , both priests and catholicks . upon their arrival , and after the said brags , mr. parsons presently fell to his jesuitical courses : and so belaboured both himself and others in matters of state , how he might set her majesties crown upon another head ( as appeareth by a letter of his own to a certain earl ) that the catholicks themselves threatned to deliver him into the hands of the civil magistrate , except he desisted from such kind of practices . in these tumultuous and rebellious proceedings by sundry catholicks , both in england and ireland , it could not be expected but that the queen and the state would be greatly incensed with indignation against us . we had ( some of us ) greatly approved the said rebellion : highly extolled the rebels , and pitifully bewailed their ruine and overthrow . many of our affections were knit to the spaniard : and for our obedience to the pope , we all do profess it . the attempts both of the pope and spaniard failing in england , his holiness , as a temporal prince , displayed his banner in ireland . the plot was to deprive her highness first from that kingdom ( if they could : ) and then by degrees to depose her from this . in all these plots none were more forward , than many of us that were priests . the laity , if we had opposed our selves to these designments , would ( out of doubt ) have been over-ruled by us . how many men of our calling were addicted to these courses , the state knew not . in which case ( the premises discreetly considered ) there is no king , or prince in the world , disgusting the see of rome , and having either force or metal in him , that would have endured us , if possibly he could have been revenged , but rather ( as we think ) have utterly rooted us out of his territories , as traiters and rebels both to him and his country . and therefore we may rejoyce unfeignedly , that god hath blessed this kingdom with so gracious and merciful a soveraign , who hath not dealt in this sort with us . assuredly if she were a catholick , she might be accounted the mirror of the world : but as she is , both we and all other catholicks her natural subjects , deserve no longer to live , than we hereafter shall honour her from our hearts , obey her in all things ( so far as possibly we may ) pray for her prosperous reign and long life : and to our powers defend and protect both her and our country against any whatsoever , that shall by force of arms attempt to damnifie either of them . for in the said garboils , and very undutiful proceedings , how hath her highness dealt with us ? from the time of the said rebellion and parliament , there were few above twelve , that in ten years had been executed for their consciences ( as we hold , although our adversaries say for treason : ) and of those twelve some perhaps can hardly be drawn within our account , having been tainted with matters of rebellion . the most of the said number were seminary priests , who if they had come over into england with the like intents , that some others have done , might very worthily have been used as they were . but in our consciences , nay some of us do know it , that they were far from those seditious humors : being men that intended nothing else but simply the good of our country , and the conversion of souls . marry to say the truth , as we have confessed before , how could either her majesty or the state know so much ? they had great cause , as politick persons , to suspect the worst . besides to the further honour of her majesty we may not omit , that the states of the whole realm assembled in parliament anno 1576. were pleased to pass us over , and made no laws at that time against us . the ancient prisoners that had been restrained more narrowly in the year 1570. were ( notwithstanding the said enterprises in ireland ) again restored to their former liberty , to continue with their friends as they had done before . such as were not suspected to have been dealers or abettors in the said treasonable actions , were used with that humanity , which could well be expected . but when the jesuits were come , and that the state had notice of the said excommunication , there was then within a while a great alteration . for such were the jesuits proceedings , and with so great boldness , as though all had been theirs , and that the state should presently have been changed . her majesty had seen what followed in her kingdom upon the first excommunication : and was therefore in all worldly policy to prevent the like by the second . the jealousie also of the state was much increased by mr. sherwins answers upon his examination , above eight months before the apprehension of mr. campion . for being asked , whether the queen was his lawful soveraign , notwithstanding any sentence of the popes , he prayed that no such question might be demanded of him , and would not further thereunto answer . two or three other questions much to the same effect , were likewise propounded unto him , which he also refused to answer . matters now sorting on this , fashion , there was a greater restraint of catholicks , than at any time before . many both priests and gentlemen were sent into the isle of ely and other places , there to be more safely kept and looked unto . in january following 1581. ( according to the general computation , ) a proclamation was made for the calling home of her majesties subjects beyond the seas : ( such especially as were trained up in the seminaries ) pretending that they learned little there , but disloyalty : and that none after that time should harbor or relieve them , with sundry other points of very hard intendment towards us . the same month also a parliament ensued , wherein a law was made agreeable in effect to the said proclamation , but with a more severe punishment annexed . for it was a penalty of death , for any jesuit or seminary priest to repair into england , and for any to receive and entertain them , which fell out according to bishop watsons former speeches or prediction , what inischief the jesuits would bring upon us . we could here as well as some others have done , shew our dislike with some bitterness of the said law and penalty . but to what purpose should we do so ? it had been a good point of wisdom in two or three persons , that have taken that course , to have been silent : and rather have sought by gentleness and sweet carriage of themselves to have prevented the more sharp execution of that law , than by exclaiming against it when it was too late , to have provoked the state to a greater severity against us . and to confess something to our own disadvantage , and to excuse the said parliament : if all the seminary priests then in england , or which should after that time have come hither , had been of mr. mortons and mr. saunders mind before mentioned ( when the first excommunication came out , ) or of mr. saunders his second resolution , ( being then in arms against her majesty in ireland : ) or of mr. parsons traiterous disposition , both to our queen and country : the said law ( no doubt ) had carried with it a far greater shew of justice . but that was the error of the state : and yet not altogether ( for ought they knew ) improbable , those times being so full of many dangerous designments and jesuitical practices . in this year also , divers other things fell out unhappily towards us poor priests , and other the graver sort of catholicks , who had all of us single hearts , and disliked ( no men more ) of all such factious enterprises . for notwithstanding the said proclamation and law , mr. heywood a jesuit came then into england , and took so much upon him , that father parsons fell out exceedingly with him : and great troubles grew amongst catholicks , by their brablings and quarrels . a synod was held by him the said mr. heywood , and sundry ancient customs were therein abrogated , to the offence of very many . these courses being understood ( after a sort ) by the state : the catholicks and priests in norfolk felt the smart of it . this summer also in july , mr. campion and other priests were apprehended : whose answers upon their examinations , agreeing in effect with mr. sherwins before mentioned , did greatly incense the state. for amongst other questions that were propounded unto them , this being one , viz. if the pope do by his bull or sentence pronounce her majesty to be deprived , and no lawful queen , and her subjects to be discharged of their allegiance and obedience unto her ; and after , the pope or any other by his appointment and authority do invade this realm : which part would you take , or which part ought a good subject of england to take ? some answered , that when the case should happen , they would then take counsel , what were best for them to do : another , that when that case should happen he would answer , and not before : another , that for the present , he was not resolved what to do in such a case : another , that when the case happeneth , then he will answer : another , that if such deprivation and invasion should be made for any matter of his faith , he thinketh he were then bound to take part with the pope . now , what king in the world , being in doubt to be invaded by his enemies , and fearing that some of his own subjects were by indirect means drawn , rather to adhere unto them than to himself : would not make the best tryal of them he could for his better satisfaction , whom he might trust to ? in which tryal , if he found any , that either should make doubtful answers , or peremptorily affirm , that ( as the case stood betwixt him and his enemies ) they would leave him their prince and take part with them : might he not justly repute them for traitors , and deal with them accordingly ? sure we are , that no king or prince in christendom , would like or tolerate any such subjects within their dominions , if possibly they could be rid of them . the duty we owe to our soveraigns , doth not consist in taciturnity or keeping close within our selves such allegiance as we think sufficient to afford them : but we are ( especially when we are required thereunto ) to make open profession of it , that we may appear unto them to be such subjects as we ought to be , and as they may rely upon , if either their kingdoms or safeties be in hazard or danger . and we greatly marvel , that any jesuits should be so hard laced ( concerning the performance of their duties , towards the fathers and kings of those countries where they were born , and whose vassals they are ) considering unto what obedience they tye themselves toward their own general , provincial , and other governors : unto whom they were no way tied , but by their own consents , and for that it hath pleased them voluntarily to submit themselves unto them . if a quarrel should fall out , for example , betwixt the jesuits and the dominicans , it would seem a very strange matter to the provincial or general of that society , to be driven to be demanded of a jesuit , which part he would take . but therewith we have not to intermeddle : only we wish , that whilst they look for so great subjection at those mens hands that be under them , they do not forget their own allegiance towards their soveraigns : or at the least so demean themselves as we poor men ( every way their equals , and as sound catholicks as themselves , that we go no further ) may not be brought into hatred with her majesty , unto whom we profess all duty and true allegiance : let other men qualifie the same as they list . about the time of the overthrow of the popes forces in ireland : his holiness ( by the false instigations of the jesuits ) plotted with the king of spain , for the assistance of the duke of guise , to enterprise upon the sudden , a very desperate designment against her majesty : and for the delivery and advancement to the crown of the queen of scotland . for the better effecting whereof , mendoza the jesuit and ledger for the king of spain in england , set on work ( a worthy gentleman otherwise ) one mr. francis throckmorton and divers others . and whilst the same was in contriving ( as afterwards mr. throckmorton himself confessed 1584. ) the said jesuitical humor had so possessed the hearts of sundry catholicks , as we do unfeignedly rue in our hearts the remembrance of it , and are greatly ashamed that any person so intituled , should ever have been so extremely bewitched . two gentlemen about that time also , viz. anno 1583. mr. arden and mr. somervile were convicted by the laws of the realm , to have purposed and contrived how they might have laid violent hands upon her majesties sacred person . mr. somerviles confession therein , was so notorious , as it may not be either qualified or denied . and doctor parry the very same year , was plotting with jesuits beyond the seas , how he might have effected the like villany . how the worthy earl of northumberland , was about this time brought into the said plot of the duke of guise ( then still in hand ) we will pretermit . mr. parsons that was an actor in it , could tell the story very roundly at rome : it wrought the noble earls overthrow 1585. which may justly be ascribed to the jesuitical practices of the jesuit mendoza and others of that crew . hereunto we might add the notable treasons of mr. anthony babington and his complices in the year 1586. which were so apparent , as we were greatly abashed at the shameless boldness of a young jesuit , who to excuse the said traiters , and qualifie their offences , presumed in a kind of supplication to her majesty , to ascribe the plotting of all that mischief to mr. secretary walsingham . the treachery also of sir william standley the year following 1587. in falsifying his faith to her majesty , and in betraying the trust committed unto him by the earl of leicester , who had given him the honourable title of knighthood : as it was greatly prejudicial to us , that were catholicks , at home , so was the defence of that disloyalty ( made by a worthy man , but by the perswasions ( as they think ) of parsons ) greatly disliked of many both wise and learned . and especially it was wondred at a while ( until the drift thereof appeared more manifestly in the year 1588. ) that the said worthy person by the said lewd jesuits , laid down this for a ground , in justifying of the said standley : viz. that in all wars , which may happen for religion , every catholick man is bound in conscience to imploy his person and forces by the popes direction : viz. how far , when , and where , either at home or abroad , he may and must break with his temporal soveraign . these things we would not have touched , had they not been known in effect to this part of the world : and that we thought it our duties to shew our own dislike of them : and to clear her majesty ( so far as we may ) from such imputations of more than barbarous cruelty towards us , as the jesuits in their writings , have cast by heaps upon her : they themselves ( as we still think in our consciences and before god ) having been from time to time the very causes of all the calamities , which any of us have endured in england since her majesties reign . which we do not write , simply to excuse her highness , although we must confess , we can be contented to endure much , rather than to seek her dishonour : but for that we think few princes living , being perswaded in religion as her majesty is , and so provoked as she hath been , would have dealt more mildly with such their subjects ( all circumstances considered ) than she hath done with us . but now we are come to the year 1588. and to that most bloody attempt , not only against her majesty and our common enemies , but against our selves , all catholicks : nay against this flourishing kingdom and our own native country . the memory of which attempt will be ( as we trust ) an everlasting monument of jesuitical treason and cruelty . for it is apparent in a treatise penned by the advice of father parsons altogether , ( as we do verily think ) that the king of spain was especially moved and drawn to that intended mischief against us , by the long and daily solicitations of the jesuits , and other english catholicks beyond the seas , affected and altogether given to jesuitism . and whereas it is well known , that the duke of medina sidonia had given it out directly , that if once he might land in england , both catholicks and hereticks that came in his way should be all one to him : his sword could not discern them , so he might make way for his master , all was one to him : yet the said father parsons ( for so we will ever charge him , though another man by his crafty perswasion took upon him to be the author of that book ) did labour with all the rhetorick he had to have perswaded us , upon the supposed arrival of the spaniard , to have joyned with him to our own destructions : telling us many fair tales , and alluring us with sundry great promises , all of them meer illusions , falshoods , and most traiterous instigations and juglings . he ascribeth it to error of conscience , and want of courage , terming the same an effeminate dastardy : that we had then suffered her majesty almast thirty years to reign over us . he threatned us with excommunication , and utter ruine both of our selves and all our posterity , if we did then any longer obey , abet , or aid , defend or acknowledge her highness to be our queen , or superiour : and did not forthwith joyn our selves with all our forces to the spaniards . the good cardinal ( by parsons means ) is drawn to say , that the pope had made him cardinal , intending to send him as his legat , for the sweeter managing of this ( forsooth ) godly and great affair : and to affirm upon his honour and in the word of a cardinal , that in the fury of the spaniards intended conquest , there should be as great care had of every catholick and penitent person , as possibly could be . and to allure the nobility of this realm , he promised them to become an humble suiter on their behalfs , that ( so as they shew them selves valiant in assisting the king of spain ' s forces ) they might continue their noble names and families . surely they had been wise men , that should have relyed much either upon his promise , or the spaniards courtesie . this jesuit also telleth all catholicks , the better to comfort them ( but indeed to the great scandal for ever of all priesthood , ) and to shew how just and holy the cause was they had in hand : that there were divers priests in the kings army , ready to serve every mans spiritual necessity , by confession , counsel , and all consolation in christ jesus . also he so advanceth the forces of the enemies , & extenuateth her majesties abilities to withstand them , as he accounted the victory obtained in effect before they were landed , telling us , that besides the said great forces , we should so be assisted by the blessed patrons both of heaven and earth , with the guard of all gods holy angels , with our blessed saviour himself in the soveraign sacrament , and with the daily most holy oblation of christs own dear body and blood , as it could not fall out otherwise , but that we must needs prevail . which kind of perswasions , some of them being ridiculous , the most very traiterous , and these last most blasphemous , as tending so greatly to the dishonour of religion , we detest and abhor . and in all these jesuitical and disloyal practices , this is our comfort , that albeit we doubt not , but that the pope as a temporal prince did joyn and contribute towards this intended invasion : yet we find father parsons declaration of xistus quintus sentence of deposition of her majesty at that time , and of his admonition thereunto adjoyned , as in the popes name , to have no warrant at all besides his own bare affirmation , either of breve or of any other publick instrument , as in such cases had been most necessary , otherwise than that he told us , it was the popes pleasure that we should take notice thereof by his book which was then printed , and to have been scattered amongst us . by warrant whereof ( as we are perswaded ) it was not lawful for us to have killed a goose , if her majesty had forbidden us so to do . of these matters ( to return still to our former apologies ) we would have said nothing , were they not objected unto us , and shewed us out of the books themselves , as notes and arguments of our traiterous hearts : our adversaries pressing the same upon us , as if they did belong unto us , and we were as guilty of them , as either they that plotted or published them . which conceit , if it should take root in those that be in authority , how could we hope for any favour , but were rather to expect the greatest extremity that might be ? so as still we may say , that the proceedings held against her majesty well weighed , these foreign jesuitical practices , have been the cause of all our troubles . when it had pleased god to deliver her majesty and this kingdom from the said intended invasion , mr. parsons whether ashamed of the foil , ( for the success whereof he was so peremptory ) or for that he thought matters would be better managed in spain , if he were there to give his advice , departed from rome ( as we take it ) and became a courtier to attend king philip : where by mendoza his fellow jesuit's means , he grew shortly into so great estimation ( not for any goodness in him towards this realm , you may be sure , but rather in respect of his deadly hatred against it ) that he procured a seminary to be erected at valledolyd 1589. but we will leave his proceedings in spain a while . in these ten years last mentioned from 1580. till 1590. or but little before , we find her majesty to be excommunicated by gregory the thirteenth : mr. sherwin and the rest of our brethren too much jesuited , refuse to answer , whether they will take the queens part or the popes , if he should come by force of arms to assail her in her own kingdom : parsons and heywood are found to be practitioners , but especially parsons . the intention of the duke of guise is entertained here and prosecuted : her majesties life is sought by treachery : babington and his companions shoot at the crown : stanley is a treacherer , breaketh his faith , and is defended for so doing . then followed the invasion : and lastly , parsons plottings in spain , and the erection of new seminaries there . now let us consider , how we our selves all this while have been dealt with . such of us as remained in prison at wisbich ( and were committed thither 1580. and others not long after committed also thither , to the number of about thirty three or thirty four ) continued still in the several times of all the said most wicked designments , as we were before : and were never brought into any trouble for them , but lived there , colledge-like , without any want , and in good reputation with our neighbours that were catholicks about us . it is true that towards the number of fifty ( as our memory serveth us ) priests and catholicks of all sorts , within the compass of the said ten years were put to death : we say upon our knowledges ( concerning the most of them ) for their consciences : but our adversaries ( as they think ) do still affirm for treason . such priests as in their examination were found any thing moderate , were not so hardly proceeded with : insomuch as fifty five ( to our remembrance ) that by the laws ( we acknowledge ) might likewise have been put to death , were in one year , viz. 1585. ( what time great mischiefs were in hand ) spared from that extremity , and only banished . which fact , howsoever some have written of it , the parties themselves accounted it for a great benefit , and so would they also have done ( we doubt not of it ) if they had been then of that number . whereas therefore mr. parsons ( as we think ) exclaimeth in a pamphlet set out shortly after , saying , where are now the old tyrants of the world , nero , decius , dioclesian , maxentius , and the rest of the great persecutors of the christians ? where is genserick and hunricus with their arrian hereticks ? alluding to the state here : we think both him , and divers others that have written to the same effect , very greatly to blame . sure we are , that the general cause of religion , for the which both we and they contend ( as oft we have said ) getteth no good but hurt by it : and contrary to the old saying , ( be he never so bad , yet let him have justice ) though some hard courses have been taken by the state against us ; yet hath it not by many degrees been so extreme , as the jesuits and that crew have falsely written and reported of it . but to return to father parsons in spain , and to proceed in the course of things which have happened since 1590. the said father parsons so managed the said seminary erected in valledolyd , as within three years , viz. 1591. twelve or thirteen priests were sent hither from thence . also he procured some other seminaries to be erected in spain , and furnished them with such students as he thought fit , which ( for our parts ) we greatly commend in him , if he took this pains , and imployed his favour with the king to a good end : whereof we have some doubt , knowing the jesuits fetches : but the state here did utterly condemn him for it , finding that both he and some others were plotting and labouring by all the means they could for a new invasion . whereupon a proclamation was set out 1591. as well for an inquiry or search for all such seminary priests , as either were , or should hereafter come from spain , as also from any other seminaries beyond the seas , upon suspicion , that they were sent hither for no other end , but to prepare a way for the said invasion . whereas we are verily perswaded in our consciences , and do know it for many , that the priests themselves had no such intention , whatsoever the jesuits had that sent them . against the said proclamation , three or four have whet their pens : but still , whilst they seek to disgrace and gall the state , they have ever thereby wounded and beaten us , being themselves in the mean time void of all danger . one of them , mr. parsons by name , ( as we suppose ) writing in his said pamphlet of the new intended invasion , mentioned in the said proclamation , telleth us , that the king hath just cause to attempt again that enterprise . and again he saith , that the king is so interessed ( together with the pope ) to seck ( as he termeth it ) her majesties reformation , that he the said king is bound in . justice to do it , and cannot without prejudice of his high estimation and greatness refuse at the soonest opportunity to attempt it . marry withal to comfort us , he writeth , that the king intendeth no rigorous dealing with our nation , in the prosecution of his invasion , when he cometh hither . which great favour of the king towards us , we are to ascribe to good father parsons , if we may believe his dutiful subject mr. southwell the jesuit . for thus he telleth us , if ever , saith he , the king should prevail in that designment ( of his new invasion ) father parsons assisted with cardinal alanes authority hath done that in our countries behalf , for which his most bitter enemies , and generally all her majesties subjects shall have cause to thank him for his serviceable endeavours , so far hath he inclined fury to clemency , and rage to compassion . sure we are greatly beholding to this good father , that hath had so kind a remembrance of us . but we wish that he had rather imployed himself as a religious man in the service of god , and his private meditations , than thus to have busied himself in setting forward and qualifying it , when he hath done so outragious a designment : and do pray with all our hearts , that neither we nor this kingdom do ever fall into the hands of the spaniards , whose unspeakable cruelties in other countries , a worthy catholick bishop hath notably described to all posterity . the same mr. parsons also , together with his fellow jesuit mr. creswell ( as men that pretend extraordinary love to their country ) have written a large volume against the said proclamation , wherein what malice and contempt can devise , that might provoke her majesty to indignation against us , is there set out very skilfully , they themselves well knowing that no other fruit or benefit could come unto us by that discourse , except it were still to plague us . whilst the said invasion was thus talked of , and in preparation in spain , a shorter course was thought of , if it might have had success . mr. hesket was set on by the jesuits 1592. or thereabouts , with father parsons consent or knowledge , to have stirred up the earl of derby to rebellion against her highness . not long after good father holt and others with him , perswaded an irish man one patrick collen ( as he himself confessed ) to attempt the laying of his violent and villanous hands upon her majesty . shortly after in the year 1593. that notable stratagem was plotted ( the whole state knoweth by whom , ) for doctor lopez the queens physician to have poysoned her , for the which he was executed the year after . this wicked designment being thus prevented by gods providence , the said traiterous jesuit , holt and others , did allure and animate one yorke and williams , to have accomplished that with their bloody hands , that the other purposed to have done with his poyson : we mean her majesties destruction . hereunto we might add the late villanous attempt 1599. of edward squire , animated and drawn thereunto ( as he confessed ) by walpole that pernicious jesuit . but we must turn again to father parsons , whose turnings and doublings are such as would trouble a right good hound to trace him . for in the mean time , that the said traiters one after another , were plotting and studying , how best they might compass her majesties death they cared not how , nor by what means , he the said father parsons so prevailed with the king , as he attempted twice in two sundry years , his new invasion , meaning to have proceeded therein , not with such great preparation as he did at the first , but only to have begun the same , by taking some port westward , toward which he came so far onward as silley with his fleet. at both which times , god , who still hath fought for her majesty and this realm , did notably prevent him , by such winds and tempests , as the most of his ships and men perished in the sea , as they were coming hitherward . furthermore the said good father in the midst of all the said traiterous enterprises both at home and abroad ( devised and set forward by him and his companions ) was plodding amongst his papers , and playing the herald : how , if all his said wicked designments failed , he might at the least , intitle the king of spain and consequently the infanta his daughter to the crown and kingdom of england . to which purpose he framed , and afterwards published a book , wherewith he acquainted the students in those seminaries in spain : and laboured nothing more , than to have their subscriptions to the said infantaes title , therein promising unto her their present allegiance , as unto their lawful soveraign : and that when they should be sent into their country , they should perswade the catholicks there to do the like , without any further expectation of the queen of england's death , as mr. charles paget affirmeth in his book against parsons . we spake of the seminaries in spain before , somewhat suspiciously : and now you see the reason that moved us so to do . besides we do not doubt , but that in the perusing of this our discourse , you will be assaulted with many strange cogitations , concerning our full intent and meaning therein . which although it cannot chuse , but that it doth already in part appear unto you ; yet now we come to a more clear and plain declaration of our purpose . you see into what hatred the wicked attempts of the jesuits against her majesty and the state , hath brought not only all catholicks in general , but more especially us that are secular priests , although we did ever dislike and blame them , nay detest and hate them , no men more . for any of us to have been brought up in the seminaries beyond the seas , hath been , and still is ( as you know ) a matter here very odious , and to us full of danger . but by father parsons courses with the seminaries in spain , and now that he is rector of the english seminary in rome , and so taketh upon him by his favour there to direct and command all the rest : what will the state here think of the priests , that shall come from any of those seminaries hereafter , where they must be brought up , according to the jesuitical humor , and sent hither with such directions as shall be thereunto agreeable ? the said book of titles compiled by parsons , is here very well known , almost to the whole realm : and mr. charles paget hath not been silent as touching the infanta , and the bringing up of students to be sent hither , as priests to promote her title . sundry sharp courses have been taken already with us , and many laws are made against us . but now , what may we expect , but all the cruelty that ever was devised against any man , if the state should think both us , and all other catholicks to be either addicted , or any way inclined to the advancement of any foreign title against her majesty , or her lawful successors . and it cannot chuse , but that we should thereof be the rather suspected , because at this time it is well known , that the infection of jesuitism doth bear great sway in england amongst us , whilst our archpriest ( who taketh upon him to rule all ) is himself over-ruled by garnet the jesuit , who as a most base vassal , is in every thing at the beck and command of father parsons . for the avoiding therefore of all the further mischiefs that may ensue , we first profess ( as before we have often done ) that we do utterly dislike and condemn in our consciences , all the said slanderous writings and pamphlets , which have been published to the slander of her majesty and this realm , protesting that the jesuitical designments beyond the seas , together with certain rebellious and traiterous attempts of some catholicks at home , have been the causes of such calamities and troubles , as have happened unto us : great ( we confess ) in themselves , but far less ( we think ) than any prince living in her majesties case , and so provoked would have inflicted upon us . some of us have said many a time , when we have read and heard speeches of her majesties supposed cruelty . why my masters ? what would you have her to do , being resolved as she is in matters of religion , except she should willingly cast off the care , not only of her state and kingdom , but of her life also and princely estimation ? yea , there have been amongst us of our own calling , who have likewise said , that they themselves , knowing what they do know , how under pretence of religion , the life of her majesty , and the subversion of the kingdom is aimed at : if they had been of her highnesses council , they would have given their consent , for the making of very strait and rigorous laws to the better suppressing and preventing of all such jesuitical and wicked designments . secondly , we do all of us acknowledge , that by our learning ( secluding all machiavilian maxims ) ecclesiastical persons by virtue of their calling are only to meddle with praying , preaching , and administring the sacraments , and such other like spiritual functions , and not to study how to murder princes , nor to licitate kingdoms , nor to intrude themselves into matters of state , successions , and invasions , as fryer george did in pannonia , to the utter ruine of that beautiful realm . thirdly ; we profess our selves , with all godly courage and boldness , to be as sound and true catholick priests , as any jesuits , or men living in the world , and that we do not desire to draw breath any longer upon the earth , than that we shall so continue ; but yet therewith we being born her majesties subjects , do plainly affirm and resolutely acknowledge it , without all jesuitical equivocation , that if the pope himself ( as some of the apostles did ) do come into this land ; or if he do send hither some fugatius and damianus , as eleutherus did , or some augustine , laurence or justus , as saint gregory did , we will to do them service , go unto them , and lye down at their feet , and defend with them the catholick faith by the sacred scriptures , and authority of the church , though it cost us our lives . but if he come or send hither an army , under pretence to establish the said catholick religion , by force , and with the sword , we will ever be most ready , as native born and true subjects to her highness , with the hazard of our lives , and with all our might , to withstand and oppose our selves against him , and to spend the best blood in our bodies in defence of the queen and our country . for we are throughly perswaded , that priests of what order soever , ought not by force of arms , to plant or water the catholick faith , but in spiritu lenitatis & mansuetudinis to propagate and defend it . so it was planted in the primitive church , over all the world : & crescit & fructificat sicut & in nobis est , ex quo die recepimus . the ancient godly christians , though they had sufficient forces , did not oppose themselves in arms against their lords the emperours , though of another religion . but our purpose is not to dispute this point . and now lastly , we commend unto you all ( our very right dear and beloved brethren ) this our most humble suit. first , that you will interpret the whole premises no otherwise than we our selves have expounded our own meaning . secondly , we intreat you to remember , how dear we have been unto you , and that we continue our unfeigned affection towards you still : assuring you , that howsoever you are changed , we do affect you still , with a true and jealous love in christ jesu . thirdly , we desire you by the mercies of god , to take heed of novelties and jesuitism : for it is nothing but treachery , dissimulation , ambition , and a very vizard of most deep hypocrisie . when other kingdoms begin to loath them , why should you so far debase your selves , as to admire them ? give us not occasion to say with the blessed apostle : you foolish galatians who hath bewitched you ? fourthly , never give ear to any private whisperers , or jesuitical perswasions , that shall tend to allure you from your duties and allegiance unto her majesty , or your native country . all arguments , that can be brought to corrupt you in either , assure your selves , are false and unlearned sophistications . the catholick faith , for her stability and continuance hath no need of any treachery or rebellion . the promise made to s. peter , is her sure ground , and is more dishonoured with treasons , and wicked policies of carnal men , than any way furthered or advanced . the word of the spirit , and not the sword of the flesh , or any arm of man is that , which giveth life and beauty to the catholick church . we are fully perswaded in our consciences , and as men besides our learning , who have some experience , that if the catholicks had never sought by indirect means to have vexed her majesty with their designments against her crown : if the pope and king of spain had never plotted with the duke of norfolk : if the rebels in the north had never been heard of : if the bull of pius quintus had never been known : if the said rebellion had never been justified : if neither stukeley nor the pope had attempted any thing against ireland : if gregory the thirteenth had not renewed the said excommunication : if the jesuits had never come into england : if the pope and king of spain had not practised with the duke of guise for his attempt against her majesty : if parsons and the rest of the jesuits , with other our country-men beyond the seas , had never been agents in those traiterous and bloody designments of throckmorton , parry , collen , york , williams , squire and such like : if they had not by their treatises and writings endeavoured to defame their soveraign , and their own country , labouring to have many of their books to be translated into divers languages , thereby to shew more their own disloyalty : if cardinal alane and parsons had not published the renovation of the said bull by xistus quintus : if thereunto they had not added their scurrilous and unmanly admonition , or rather most prophane libel against her majesty : if they had not sought by false perswasions , and ungodly arguments , to have allured the hearts of all catholicks from their allegiance : if the pope had never been urged by them to have thrust the king of spain into that barbarous action against the realm : if they themselves with all the rest of that generation , had not laboured greatly with the said king for the conquest and invasion of this land by the spaniards , who are known to be the cruellest tyrants that live upon the earth : if in all their proceedings , they had not from time to time depraved , irritated , and provoked both her majesty and the state , with these and many other such like their most ungodly and unchristian practices : but on the contrary , if the popes from time to time had sought her majesty , by kind offices and gentle perswasions , never ceasing the prosecution of those and such like courses of humanity and gentleness : if the catholicks and priests beyond the seas had laboured continually the furtherance of those most priest-like and divine allurements , and had framed their own proceedings in all their works and writings accordingly : if we at home all of us , both priests and people had possessed our souls in meekness and humility , honoured her majesty , born with the infirmities of the state , suffered all things , and dealt as true catholick priests : if all of us ( we say ) had thus done , most assuredly the state would have loved us , or at least born with us : where there is one catholick , there would have been ten : there had been no speeches amongst us of racks and tortures , nor any cause to have used them ; for none were ever vexed that way simply , for that he was either priest or catholick , but because they were suspected to have had their hands in some of the said most traiterous designments : none of her majesties enemies durst so readily have attempted her state and kingdom : we had been in better friendship with those that seek now most to oppose themselves against us , and to all men ( as we are perswaded ) bonus odor christi , odor vitae ad vitam : whereas by following the said new violent spirits , quasi turbae impellentes parietem , we are become odor mortis ad mortem , non solum iis qui pereunt , sed etiam iis qui salvi fiunt . and therefore let us all turn over the leaf , and take another course , than hitherto we have done . to conclude , we do also further intreat and beseech you , to consider with your selves , the state of the seminaries beyond the seas , as now they stand at the disposition of the jesuits , and joyn together with us , that the said jesuits may be removed from the government and direction of them . it is too well known , how hotly they are addicted to the pursuing of a spanish monarchy : for the advancement whereof , ( because it tendeth to their own glory , being altogether hispaniated and transported into those humors , the better to resemble and imitate their founder and father ignatius loyola a spaniard ) they will certainly never cease to put in practice all the mischief , they can either devise themselves , or learn amongst their company : which is , as they consort themselves , the very school of machiavellism . in the which our joynt suit , if we cannot prevail , it remaineth then , that you would be pleased to be intreated by us , not to send or suffer your children or friends to go beyond the seas unto them , that so they may be driven , if needs they will train up youths to make them traiters , to gather them up in other countries , whereby they shall not be able so much to infect or endanger us . besides , we are fully perswaded , that by this course , although at the first we be not heard , by reason of the might that the jesuitical faction are grown unto : yet his holiness , when he shall perceive it , and in the depth of his singular wisdom consider , what inconvenience may come thereof , will easily be drawn to hearken unto us . or howsoever ( as our saviour christ saith in another case ) potens est deus de lapidibus istis suscitare filios abrahae : though you never send your sons or friends beyond the seas , to the ruinating both of your selves , and of your country , if the jesuits shall still have the direction of them : so say we that the church lived before they were born , and needeth not for the advancement of her glory , any of their traiterous practices : but is able of her self by the assistance of god , to raise up priests out of our own universities , and from among the ministers themselves , remain they as yet never so stiff or hard against us . and thus commending both you and our cause to god , and our selves to your good favours , and charitable prayers , we take our leaves , and end this tedious discourse , more profitable and pleasing to god ( we trust ) than acceptable or grateful to many , which we can be but sorry for . your true friends the secular priests . whatsoever is written or contained in these books , we submit all to the censure and judgment of our holy mother the catholick church . finis . the jesuits reasons unreasonable : or , doubts proposed to the jesuits upon their paper presented to divers persons of honour , for non-exception from the common favour voted to catholicks . jon. 1. 12. tollite me , & mitti●e in mare , & cessabit mare à vobis : scio enim ego quoniam propter me tempestas haec grandis venit super vos . london , printed anno dom. m dc lxii . reasons why the jesuits hope that they should partake of the favor shewed to other priests , in taking away the sanguinary laws . the same reasons , which moved the peers to take away the sanguinary laws from other priests , may move them also , to take them away in respect of the jesuits , for the jesuits are free born subjects as well as others ; they have been as faithful to his majesty as others ; they are of tender consciences as well as others . the jesuits all along have been furtherers of the king , and actors also as far as their function beareth ; that is , they were in the camp where some of them were killed , others imprisoned , most of them lost their nearest relations in the war , and in a manner , all had their friends undone for the king. all those that depended on the jesuits stood constant for the king , even to death : amongst these were some signal persons , as sir henry gage , sir john smith , sir john digby , and others , who having been formerly scholars of the jesuits , were actually , when they dyed , penitents of the jesuits , and mr. peter wright who was executed at tyburn , for a jesuit , was particularly maligned because he was sir henry gage his priest . as for noble persons who lost great estates , and endured much hardship for his majesty , the late duchess of buckingham , the late marquess of worcester , the late earl of shrewsbury , were penitents of the society , as other prime nobility yet in being . now whereas two things are objected against the jesuits , they are both easily answered ; first , it is objected that the jesuits teach the doctrine of the pope deposing kings . it is answered , that no community can be less accused of that doctrine , than the jesuits . it 's true , four or five jesuits did many years ago teach that doctrine , as they had found it taught by others , ancienter than their order . but since the first of january 1616. the general of the jesuits forbade any of his to teach , preach , or dispute for that doctrine , or print any thing for it , to take away the aspersion which the writings of some few have brought upon the society . and now actually all jesuits are obliged under pain of damnation , not to teach that doctrine either in word , writing , or print , which none in the church but they only are . secondly , 't is objected that the jesuits do particularly depend on the pope . it is answered , that they are obliged by a particular vow to be ready to go even to the utmost bounds of the earth , to preach the gospel to infidels , when the pope shall think it fit to send them ; and they have no other vow , which doth particularly oblige them but this , which can prejudice no kingdom . on the other side , speaking of their dependence ( which may byass their affections ) they have the least dependence of the pope , of any church-men , for they are by special vow excluded from all benefices , and dignities , by which the pope may win the affection of other church-men . as for what is said of the venetians , and french banishing the jesuits , it is answered that both those estates have repealed their acts. lastly , that the jesuits being willing to submit to whatsoever all other catholick priests shall agree to , and offering all the security which others offer , they hope they may be partakers of the same favours which shall be granted to others ; that so , that mercy may extend to all , and the world may see that the sanguinary laws are truly taken away . preface . i expect censures and clamours as loud as can be against me , of uncharitable , uncatholick , unchristian , &c. for seeming to lay load upon the already oppressed , and contribute to , and even provoke a persecution against our fellow catholicks . i think i have said my worst against my self : let me see how i can justifie my action . premising therefore that the case of you jesuits is apprehended by your selves , and your abettors already desperate , and your exclusion remediless , and so cannot be said to spring from this paper of mine ; i address to my defence , and offer my motives why i publish this little treatise against you . my first is , to wipe off the aspersion laid upon gods church by some tenets of yours ; and strongly fastened on it by your haughty calling only your selves the catholick church , and all dissenters from your tenets , hereticks . my second , because i understand you are about to make the common good stoop to the particular one of your order : as is your constant practice ; contrary to the law of nature , and principles of christianity . for i have been informed that you in a boasting manner affirm , the parliament will proceed no farther about taking away the sanguinary laws : and that some friends of yours endeavour to make it believed that it is not for his majesties interest to make good his solemn promise from breda , of having regard to tender consciences . my third is , your stomachful frustrating my expectation . for i was really glad when i heard you had published apologetical reasons why you should not be excepted ; hoping you would sincerely renounce the criminal doctrines and actions of your predecessors , and free religion from scandal . but finding no such thing , per verba de praesenti , but on the contrary , a comparing and preferring your selves before others : i thought my self obliged to do right to the common cause . my fourth , to oblige you to repentance , and a hearty retractation of your unlawful tenets and practices ; that so you may deserve and have as much favour as others ; which is the worst i wish you : and not to wrong your own credits and consciences , and fool others with dissembling shews of loyalty , which every one may see to be mere hypocrisie . my fifth , because i owe that duty to the civil magistrate , whose hearty subject i am , to resent a mockery put upon him ( as this your paper will appear to be ) under colour of offering satisfaction : every true hearted subject owing his best endeavour to his king and country , that none lurk among them , unless their faltring principles of aequivocation and disloyalty be purged out . my sixth , to offer even your selves an advantage , if your courage and cause will stretch to improve it . for the following doubts are , many of them , such as protestants themselves urge against your reasons : and are communicated here to you , partly on purpose that you may provide better satisfaction . my last ( to satisfie even the passionate too ) is , because your unchristian spirit of calumny is still as unquiet as ever ; having , of late , most unjustly aspersed principal persons of almost every body but your own ; which comportment of yours makes it but fit , if truth and the common good favour you not , neither should i. to think and declare thus much satisfies me ; if it do not others , i cannot help it . only i wish your favourers to beware of doing any thing that may be interpreted an abetment of you , till you approve your selves heartily loyal ; lest they discover themselves too deeply tainted with your principles and temper . the jesuits reasons vnreasonable . dovbts . 1. to begin then . my first doubt shall be , whether you jesuits have ground to hope the same favour with others . for , if you , by your unjust and wicked practices provoked the magistrates to enact those laws : if the rest of priests and catholicks were by you plunged in such miseries , upon discovery of your negotiations , which were imputed to the whole body of them , how can you be thought to deserve remission , whose seditious principles are too deeply guilty of the blood of priests and catholicks shed in the kingdom ever since you first came into it ? those who know your practices in the countries , where you , by the means , ordinarily , of deluded wives , govern the great ones , know this to be your maxime , to manage religion , not by perswasion , but by command and force . this principle did your chief apostle of england , robert parsons , bring in with him . his first endeavours were to make a list of catholicks , which , under the conduct of the duke of guise , should have changed the state of the kingdom , using for it the pretence of the title of queen mary of scotland . but , her council at paris , which understood business better , were so sensible of his boldness , that they took from him the queens cypher which he had purloyned , and commanded him never more to meddle in her affairs . poor edmund campian , who is generally accounted an innocent and learned man , and others suffered for such practices of his . parson's endeavours being suppressed by this queen , he turned himself to the spaniard , and , with all his might , fostered the invasion of eighty eight , which is known to have been another occasion of sanguinary laws . he wrote , on that occasion , his dolman , to justifie the spaniards title to england , degrading the scottish succession and title of our soveraign . he wrote also leicester's common-wealth ( at that time called commonly blewcoat , because it was sent into england bound in blew paper ) which extremely exasperated the state , and augmented its indignation against catholicks . the same man , at queen elizabeths death , procured a bull from the pope to the catholicks in england against king james ; to hinder his coming to the crown , unless he would give liberty of conscience , and , as his friends gave out , had twenty thousand men listed for that effect , had not his majesty prevented the danger with sweet words . next followed that detestable machination of blowing up that royal race , and the whole nobility , with the house of commons , which was the occasion of the oath of allegiance , and all the persecution of catholicks following upon it : king james professing , not to persecute for religion , but for treason . this you alledge not to be , originally , your invention ; but , is it no guilt to follow another mans wickedness , when it leads to so horrid a crime ? for , without doubt , both by prayers before-hand , and by publick testifications after the fact was discovered , you were highly accessary to it : nay , many years after you did , and peradventure to this very day still do pertinaciously adhere to it . i could urge great and manifest instances of this , were it not to lose time . that monstrous straw , of which all christendom rung so long , and the pictures of garnet and oldcorne cannot be denied , nor want they evidence of your inward minds . after these came out the ridiculous and satyrical books against king james , the corona regia , and the quaeries . and yet your so well affected spirits could not be at rest , till your patriarch parsons was shamefully turned out of rome by monsieur bethunes , the french ambassador , and order from the king of france ; being discovered to plot a new treason against his country to introduce the duke of parma . thus you followed king james to his death . direct treason against king charles , of glorious memory , before the wars , i cannot accuse you of : but , how refractory you were to the queens desires and orders at rome , for his late majesties assistance , is well known ; and what you have done since the beginning of the wars , and how you have behaved your selves , both in and out of england , is fitter for me to remit to his majesty , and the courts informations , than to e●gage my pen in far fewer and weaker which i could produce . only i shall add this word ; if colonel hutchinson were well examined and pressed , he would perhaps discover ●●●ange secrets , about your treating with cromwel , no doubt much to his majesties advantage . so that , leaving you this doubt to ruminate upon , whether the condition of them , who have guiltily provoked and deserved the sanguinary laws , be the same with theirs who have suffered for being mistaken to be their fellows ; i proceed to 2. my second doubt , about your first reason . that the jesuits are free-born subjects as well as others . in which , methinks , i find one of your usual sleights of equivocation . for , a jesuit may signifie the man who is a jesuit ; and may signifie , with the complexion of being a jesuit . in the former sense there is no difference between any other priest , regular or secular , and a jesuit , as to free-born ; but , in the second , there 's a wide one . for , the others have nothing against them , but such laws as had their beginning from difference in religion : their degrees and communities having been accepted by the laws of the kingdom ; in virtue of which they are free-born subjects and parts of the common-wealth , as far as difference of religion permits . now , it being the law of england that no ecclesiastical community may settle here , unless admitted by the civil power , ( as we see in proportion , practised in all catholick estates ) and jesuits never having participated of this favour , all your practices of usurping jurisdiction , making colledges and provinces in or for england , possessing your selves of great sums of monies for such ends , and the like actions , have been hitherto all usurpations ▪ unlawful both in respect of the donors and acceptors . 't is unlawful for any man ( even according to the sense and practice of catholick times ) by virtue of your priviledges , to live , or preach in england , or any of his majesties dominions ; and whoever entertains you in such quality , is subject to the penalties ordained by the ancient laws . neither , without some main reason which might force the aforesaid statute , ought you to hope or attempt any further stay in england , in way of a body , till first you have obtained particular grace from the civil magistrate . 3. my third doubt is , whether you have been as faithful to his majesty as others ; which is your second reason . for which i must note a maxim or practice found among you jesuits , and acknowledged by all who look into your ways ; which is , in quarrels of princes and great men , to have some of your fathers on one part , and others for the contrary . which as i no ways deny to be very politickly done , and to shew that you are wiser than the children of light ; so , on the other side , i affirm 't is a manifest sign you are faithful to neither . i speak not this as to single men , ( if there be any among you who prefer your loyalty to your prince before obedience to your superiour ) but as to the community or superiours , who give this direction or connivence to their single subjects , to act on both sides ; by which they are convinced of acknowledging duty to neither , but to work for their own interests . nor can the like be imputed to other communities , whose obedience is more rational and free ; without obligation to follow their superiours judgments further than to the observation of canons and rules . 4. my fourth doubt is , whether you are ( as you say ) of tender consciences as well as others : ( your third reason ) for which i remit him who desires a further information , to the mystery of jesuitism , translated some years since out of french : the author whereof is both learned in your divinity , and an upright and scrupulous roman catholick , as his book manifests . where every indifferent reader may see , as clear as noon-day , that your conscience is so tender as to stretch to all kind of villanies , by the award of that theological bawd , commonly called probability , by which whatever three divines hold ( or , perhaps , one ) is accounted probable and lawful to be practised : and whoever understands any whit of the world , knows your general can , with a whistle , raise whole legions of divines to speak what he has a mind should pass for probable ; nay , every provincial can raise above three to make it de fide . the world has seen the experience , about deposing princes , equivocations , mental reservations , and divers other juggles . although this seems enough for this point , yet it is not amiss to add a maxime of obedience which you have among you , viz. that the subject ought blindly to obey his superiour without examination , whenever it is probable there 's no sin in the action . out of which perswasion , if three divines at the most , say a thing may be done , which the superiour will have done ; 't is not in a subjects power , under pain of damnation , to refuse to do it . whereby 't is plain , the tenderness of your consciences is only about doing or not doing what your superiour orders you . 5. my fifth doubt , concerning your fourth reason , is , whether all you say proves any heartiness for his majesty . for , i question not the truth of all this , but the quaere remains , whether you jesuits were the first movers , or the gentry which did the king service , to whom you adhered for not losing your places , and interest you had in the parties . had you pleaded that any of this gentry which you name , was unwilling of himself , and his jesuit had induced him , or made him constant , when he would have relented , this reason had been somewhat strong : now , 't is one of the probable arguments which are subject to be turned to what pleases the orator . but to speak somewhat to particulars ; 't is known col. gage's relations were to others more than to you ; and i could name by whose solicitation he took arms for the king , who was not of your coat . as for sir john digby , there are alive who know by whom he was armed , and sent to the kings party , in whom you had not so great interest . concerning the noble persons you name , though you had the industry to make your selves their ordinaries , yet were they not , for the most part , so addicted to you , that they had not great relations to other ecclesiastical bodies . so that it may appear , their own inclinations , and not your perswasions ( as far as is clear ) were their motives to follow the kings party . i could say more , were it fitting to enter upon private mens particular actions . and so much to your reasons . 6. my sixth doubt concerns the answer to the first objection , whether jesuits teach the doctrine of the popes deposing kings . my doubt is , what your answer is , whether i or no ? for i can find neither . first , you compare your body to others , which is no answer to the question , but a spiteful and envious diversion , to examine others actions , who are sufficiently cleared , because not questioned . secondly , you tell us that some jesuits did teach it ; but that , since the first of january 1616. your general has forbidden any of his , to teach , preach , or dispute for that doctrine ; which answers not the question , and is a thing i am prone to believe . for i have been informed , that 't is a known practice of your society , that your generals should forbid some actions , which they are not unwilling their subjects should practise , to the end that they may reject weak men , by saying it cannot be true , because they have a rule against it ; and to more understanding parties they may excuse the fault , by laying the defect on particulars , who will not obey their commands . but , i must farther note a cunning in this answer . for true it is , the parliament of paris ordered the principal jesuits to get such an order from their general , for france ; upon which i suppose , you build your answer : not explicating whether it reaches to other countries , as particularly to england , which i never heard so much as pretended : and therefore it answers nothing to the real question , unless you produce the extension to the whole world ; which you cannot do , since 't is plain , santarellus's book was printed in rome about ten years after 1616. teaching the power of deposing in all latitude . wherefore either santarellus's fact was a manifest disobedience to the nose of his general , or the answer given , an open imposture , making a special decree for france a general one , and so your answer fallacious and none . no more than your fair inference , that all jesuits are bound under pain of damnation , not to teach that doctrine ; which is a pure slur you use to put upon men unaccustomed to your ways : whereas 't is a known position of yours , that none of your rules bind under so much as a venial sin , much less under damnation . and it seems you think there 's no mortal sin , but disobedience , or you esteem the doctrine good , though forbidden you , else you would not have added that clause , that none in the church but you , were bound under pain of damnation , not to teach that doctrine : whereas all good christians think it damnable to teach any wicked doctrine , such as this is declared to be by all france . i wish to god you would instance in what sermons or serious discourses any of you have argued against this doctrine ; out of which it might be gathered , that in your hearts you dislike it . i hear you and yours have much exclaimed against some even late pamphlets that touch the oath of allegiance ; though none of those books ( as far as i understand ) press the taking of the oath it self , in its present terms , but only oppose this king-dethroning doctrine . surely , unless you declare your selves farther , this must cause a main suspicion , that you dislike the oath , not as moderate catholicks do , for the ambiguity of the expression , but because the doctrine of deposition pleases you . and why should the peace of kingdoms , and the quiet of all christendom depend upon your generals order , for that 's all the security i can find your paper gives us ? who will assure us your generals order may not alter to morrow , and that which you call now a mortal sin to do , becomes then as mortal a sin not to do ? and has not then the world reason to fear that , where and when the interest of your body will either dispense with your obedience to your general , or prevail so far with him as to revoke the prohibition you speak of , you will be ready again to maintain the same deposing power with as much fierceness as those few whom you now seem to disowne ? for , who are those few ? bellarmine , of whom one of your society ( though in prison when he spake it ) said , king james was no more to be compared to bellarmine , than balaams ass to balaam : suarez , whom you esteem the master of the world : lessius , under the name of singleton : fitzherbert the chief , in his time , of your english writers : patriarch parsons , mariana , salmeron , becanus , vasquez ; omnes capita alta ferentes , and of whom you will renounce none for less than being frightned to lose a province ; as when , in france , you were threatned to be put out , if you had not condemned suarez and santarellus : with these deserves to be ranked , for his merits in the same kind , f. symonds , of a far later date , who procured to be condemned at rome those three propositions ( expressed in the christian moderator ) of which the first was expresly made to disclaim the popes power in absolving subjects from their obedience to the civil government . are all these but four or five ? nay , i could reckon above four or five besides all these : so that , there is no farther security of your not preaching this doctrine , than until the pope please to attempt again the deposition of some king of england : for then no doubt but your generals decree will be released , and the interest of your order to preach this doctrine again . as to that perverse and unseasonable insinuation , that others , too , have defended the popes deposing power , as well as you : i answer , perhaps flattery or errours may have prevailed so far with some others besides jesuits : yet , with this difference in the point we now treat : some persons of other communities have written for that exorbitant power in the pope , and very many , and far more against it : not only the faculties of paris and sorbonne , but seven or eight whole universities in france , have unanimously and solemnly condemned it : all this while , what single jesuit has spoken one unkind word against it ? though both particularly suspected , and highly concerned to clear themselves . cry you mercy ! you there subscribed also their condemnation of it . but why find i not that alledged here , if there be not some juggle in 't ? sure you would not have waved urging it among your best reasons , did not your hearts disavow that forced compliance then , and so hate the medium for the conclusions sake . your generals prohibition ( as your reasons seem to express it ) is , not to teach , &c. that doctrine ; and then you are free , at least to teach , &c. the contrary ; which who of you ever did so much as in a private conference ? nor will it help you , if your generals prohibition be to speak either for or against that opinion ( which i believe is the truth , though your reasons craftily dissemble it ; ) since then , you neither have hitherto given , nor can hereafter give the least satisfaction to princes , without disobeying your general . let any one but cast his eye upon f. lloyd ( or fisher ) a famous man in his generation , and consider what he writes in his answer to the nine points . that he omitted the discussion of the ninth point , about the pope's authority to depose kings ; for , being bound by the command of his general given to the whole order , not to publish any thing , of that argument , without sending the same first to rome , to be reviewed and approved ; his answer to that point could not have been performed without very long expectation and delay . and so goes on ; referring his majesty and the reader in general , to the treatises lately written on that subject , to which , said he , ' t is not needful any thing should be added . and , i ask , first , is not this jesuits proceeding with his king extremely , both uncivil and disloyal too ? his majesty commands an english jesuit to write concerning the opinion of deposing kings , and giving away their kingdoms by papal power , whether directly or indirectly : what says the jesuit to this important question , wherein all princes , and particularly his majesty was so nearly concerned ? he could not answer it without sending it first to rome to be approved , &c. and so excused himself , and made no answer at all ; which now of these two will you guess was the jesuits supreme soveraign , the king or his general ? nor should i have stayed so long upon the example of one particular jesuit , though never so eminent among them , but that by these their reasons , i see they all cleave to the same principle , of not meddling with this point , whatever it costs them , without leave of their general . secondly , i ask concerning those late treatises here mentioned by the jesuit ; were they not those very books which paris and so many whole universities of france publickly condemned ? i have this motive to think so ; f. fisher wrote this book 1626. these treatises were that very year condemned , and some of them , as santarellus , printed but the year before . but , that f. fisher adhered to the affirmative of the popes deposing power , is clearly evident by his other excuse , that commonly kings are not willing to hear the proofs of coercive authority over them , &c. as also , when his adversary objected , that suarez's book was burnt by the hangman , he answers ( far from disliking his brother jesuit ) in these peremptory words ; i likewise demand of you , says fisher , if jesuit suarez his book be prejudicial to princely authority , why is the same allowed in all other catholick kingdoms , & c ? does this sound , as if the jesuits had changed their inclination to that doctrine ; whilst one of their eminentest writers strives thus to defend , nay , applaud , even suarez , one of the most offensive and extragavant , even , jesuits , that ever medled with that subject ? 7. my seventh doubt , is about your dependence on the pope , which you gloriously explicate to consist in this , that the jesuits are obliged by a particular vow , to be ready to go even unto the utmost bounds of the earth , to preach the gospel to infidels . i desire to know , by what virtue you explicate your vow in these words ? the terms of your vow are these , in super promitto specialem obedientiam summo pontifici circa missiones : which , by the tenour of the words , signifies to go whither he shall send you , and do what he shall command you in your missions . first , there 's never a word of preaching the gospel , nor of infidels ; and your missions may be as well to catholicks as to infidels ; as we see the peres de la mission , in france , for the most part , are imployed among catholicks : and i would demand whether your mission into england be not as well to catholicks as to protestants ? wherefore , by this vow , you are bound to do whatever the pope commands you : as for example , if the pope should excommunicate or depose the prince , and command you to move the catholicks to take arms ; you were bound by your vow to do it . and , therefore , 't is no wonder if you give the pope a catalogue of these men , and their qualities , ( for they are , generally speaking , those who are eminentest in your order ) and brag to him how great an army of pens and tongues you bring devoted to him , to further any attempt or design he shall command . besides , is it not well known , that none of your order go into infidels countries , but such as desire it , whereof no small part do it for discontentment they find in your colledges ? and that the pope may as well send one of the pillars of st. peter's church in rome , to preach to infidels , as one of your professed fathers , if it be against your general 's , and his own will ? therefore , this special obedience is but a flash of vanity above others ; by which the pope has a chimerical power over you ; such as your subtilty in divinity will call potentiaremota , which , without your own wills , shall never come into act. yet do i not think that his majesty will quarrel with you for this vow , as you explicate it : though , to tell you my sence of it , i do not know how it stands with his prerogative , that the pope shall have power over his subjects , which may be useful to him , to send them , without his leave , to japan and china ; but , this authority you assume to your selves , and further : for , you do not only oblige your subjects to come in , or go out of the kingdom , when you command them ; but play the judges of life and death , upon the kings natural subjects , without his leave , or any crime that , according to civil laws , deserves punishment . you presume by your power , to send them to watten , or some such place , wherein either your selves have high justice , or the high justice is at your devotion , there frame process against them , and execute them , without making account to his majesty of the life of his subject , for pretended crimes committed in england . this ( taking the whole story together ) i conceive to be no less than making your selves soveraigns over his majesties subjects , that is , to be an act of high treason . yet , all parts of this action are evidently in your hands , in virtue of your obedience , and your having such places of high justice in your command : so that your subjects have other soveraigns than the king's majesty , whom , by consequence , they ought to fear more than him , since their power is more immediate , and pressing and pressed on their consciences . as for the practice , 't is said to have been used upon one thomas barton , an eminent scholar among you , who wrote a book called the agreement of faith and reason . how true it is , i undertake not to justifie ; but if you 'l justifie your selves from high treason , it behoves you to produce the man. and so you have my seventh doubt . 8. my eighth doubt is , that you equivocate with us in this word dependence : for you turn it to be dependence by vow , whereas more likely it means dependence of interest , and signifies , that 't is your interest to ingage the pope to you , by maintaining all height of supreme authority in him , though it be never so irrational and against gods law. for , by so doing , you also can use it all for your own interest , in procuring for your selves and friends whatever lies either in the popes authority or grace , as exemptions , priviledges , benefices , &c. for , men look not on your body as on others , whose generals have no other power than according to their rules , to look to their discipline : but on you they look as on an army managed by one man ; whose weapons are pens and tongues ; and the arts of negotiation , and all plausible means of commending your selves to the world. which you exercise in such a height , as to have had the boldness to threaten the pope with a schism ; to tell the king of spain your tongues and pens had gotten him more dominions than his armies ; to attempt breaking the liberties of venice ; to be able to raise seditions in most countries ; and to be dreadful to the very kings and princes . and all this , because , as christ proposed to his disciples the love of one another , for the badge of christianity ; so , your generals propose to you blind obedience for the badge of a jesuit ; that is , by cooperating with them , to make them powerful and great lords and your selves invincible , and terrible to all that oppose you . for this end you exalt the popes infallibility ; that you may get your opponents condemned in rome , and then cry them down for hereticks . for this reason you teach , the pope to have all authority in the church , and other bishops to be but his deputies , ( so joyning with your brother-presbyters in really destroying the hierarchy ) that , when you , by grace or surreption , have purloyn'd a command from that court , you may treat all that resist you , as schismaticks and rebels to the church . yet if we believe mr. white ( acknowledged an able man ) they are both damnable heresies , and destructive of faith and church : and many others also of our most learned , dislike them , though their courage , &c. reaches not to brand them so severely . in this complication of interests , then , and not in your glorious vow , consists the dependence you have so specially on the pope , in a matter not of religion , but of temporal profit and greatness . 9. my ninth doubt is , about the comparison you make between your selves and others ; telling us how you are by special vow , excluded from all benefices and dignities , by which the pope may win the affection of other church-men . concerning which i first inquire , whether this be roundly true ? i doubt you 'd be loth to reject all the abbeys and benefices annexed to your colledges , to verifie this vow , as you have set it down in your paper : and therefore the effect of your vow is only , that private men may not be alienated from your order , with hope of quiet lives in such benefices ; and not the contempt of the power , and honour following it ; as is sufficiently testified by another vow of yours ; which is , that , if any of yours , for special reasons , be made bishop , he shall be bound to be subject to the provincial , or rector of the place of his residence , and to take their advice in the government of his church ; which you extend as far as to cardinals , to a capacity of which eminent dignity , notwithstanding your special vow , your dispensations easily reach . so that your vow is no religious one , of despising honours ; but a politick abuse , mask'd under the veil of religion , that the abler men of your order may not be separated from it , and so the body may remain the stronger , and your general more potent to resist the pope himself . neither does this any way diminish , but increase your dependence on the pope ; both , because 't is by him your houses are furnisht with benefices , and those never to return to the popes donation ; as because you oblige your friends , by procuring others for them , you being at his elbow , to suggest this or that friend , on whom all his benefices may be conferred : by which means you get the endearment due to the pope from those friends , to the increase of your own power and riches ; and your selves still find out new pretended necessities to beg more : so that this holy vow of yours no ways makes you less subject to the pope , but to suck his paps the harder : as those know , who have seen what passed in france and flanders these late years ; especially under the archduke leopold . 10. yet have i another doubt concerning this vow of yours , viz. whether it does not make you as refractory to kings and princes , as to the pope ? for to speak truth , whatever the right is in other countries , in england , where the canons and concordates with the pope have been out of use a hundred years , and by consequence , have no force , even in your own doctors opinions ; and therefore things are to be governed by nature and reason : at least , in england , i say , all such benefices and collations belong more to the king than to the pope . for , it being clear , that the offices to which benefices are annexed , are to be provided of able men ; and who are able men none can tell that understand not the office : 't is plain , that secular clergy-men ought to be the chusers of officers of their kind , regulars of regular superiors ; and by consequence , the donors of such benefices . but , the people first got an influence on the chusing of bishops , because 't was rationally believed those would be able to do most good , who were in the peoples good liking . but , when bishops grew to have great revenues , and to be esteemed men of so high quality in the common-wealth , the emperors and kings began to cast an eye on their election ; and not without reason : for it concerns them that none be in eminent places , but such as they are secured of will breed no disturbance in the common-wealth . after this , if any clergy-man had done the king service , he found it the best way of recompence to cause him to be chosen into a place of authority and eminency . the popes title to the giving of benefices began by his office of patriach of the west ; which , since the council of nice , he more narrowly looked to the government of ; exhorting and correcting by letters such bishops and churches there , as did not their duties . and this held , till pepin found how efficacious the reverence of the pope was to make him obeyed , and accepted for king of france . since which time , whether for ambition , or for security sake , men began to think no act firm , unless it were ratified at rome . in times following , the popes began to have need of christian princes : and these found it the sweetest way to help the popes , by granting imposition upon the clergy . so came the first-fruits to the popes ; and , to assure those incomes , the custom of having bulls from rome to confirm the elections of the clergy , was likewise introduced . so that , this authority of the popes comes from the princes agreements with them , and not from any superiority or power of the popes . wherefore , these agreements being , by time and essential changes , annulled ; all giving of benefices belong to the chusers and the king. i come now to the close . if your renouncing of benefices make you less subject to the pope , as you pretend ; it makes you in england less subject to the king. and , if it makes you more hardly rewardable , and more pressing on the pope , it will make you the like to kings . as , in leopold's time , you were so wholly the means for coming to benefices , that hardly a command from spain could take place for any that was not your confident . 11. my eleventh doubt is , how you answer your banishment out of france and venice , viz. that both these states have repealed their acts. which answer makes nothing to this , that you either did not deserve the sentence , or deserved to have it released ; one of which any judicious man would have expected at your hands . now , to come to particulars ; the venetians were so resolute against you , that they made it treason for any of their state so much as to motion your return , and refused divers princes intercessions for you . till their case reducing them to fear the slavery of the turk , if they had not the popes assistance , promised them largely if they would re-admit you : they rather chose to struggle with your treasons at home , than admit the barbarians conquest of their dominions . whether they have cause to repent , or not , i know not ; but , the current news at this present is , that the pope , who procured your admittance , has ; having found you so unfaithful to him , notwithstanding all his love to you , insomuch that he 's about question you , by what means you are so suddenly raised to so great wealth : wherein , i fear , he 'l not find obedience so ready as he found flattery , when he was to pleasure you . your measure in france was , indeed , hard ; the fault being not proved to be universal but particular ; and so , in divers places , was never executed , and easie to be repealed , having proceeded more out of presumption than proof . but , your case in england is far different ; your whole english congregation following their head , parsons , and maintaining his acts even since his death . 12. my twelfth doubt is , concerning your conclusion , whether you intend to mend what , hitherto , you have done amiss ; or rather to persist in your equivocations and dissimulations . for , first , whereas you being the chiefly or only suspected body , are therefore bound to offer more satisfaction than others ; you make your proposition to submit to whatever all other catholick priests shall agree to : which sounds as much as , if any disagree , you will adhere to them ; or , in plain terms , that you 'l agree to no more than by shame you shall be forced to , for not plainly appearing the worst of priests and enemies to the catholick cause . 13. my thirteenth doubt is , why you , pretending to be the greatest divines among catholicks , remit your selves to the determinations of others , and not , as good subjects ought , examine what satisfaction is necessary and fit to be given the state ; and both offer it your selves , and provoke others to do it , not standing so scrupulously upon your generals decree , which surely should not be thought to bind in such extreme cases : even the laws of the church , and of general councils we know oblige not , where our obedience would ruine us ; and will you still more precisely observe your own by-laws , than the sacred canons of the universal church ? methinks therefore , in due satisfaction concerning the pretences of the pope against the king ; whatever catholick doctors hold favourable to princes , in these differences , should by you be gathered together , and subscribed , and promised to be maintained with all your power . as , first , the doctrine , which denies that the pope has any authority in any case to depose , or temporally molest the king , or any of his majesties subjects . likewise that he has no authority to release any lawfully made oath of allegiance , or other promise to his majesty , or any of his subjects . and , because none of these , or the like assertions can be strong and firm in the mouth of him that holds the pope's infallibility in determining points of faith ; but , whenever the pope shall determine the contrary , he must renounce what before he held for good : therefore you should do the like in respect of the pope's infallibility . moreover , because , if the pope , by his own , or any others authority , may force his majesties subjects to go into countries where they cannot enjoy the protection of their prince , the subjects are not free to maintain these assertions : therefore , this position , also , that a subject of england is bound to appear before any foreign tribunal , without his majesties consent , is also to be condemned . nor is it less necessary you should expresly renounce the doctrines of equivocation and mental reservation ; without which all the rest afford very little security ; and i could wish you would find some way how to assure us , that , when you solemnly make your disclaim of these last opinions , you do not practise them even while you renounce them . unless such tenets be stubbed out of the heads and tongues of your preachers , there cannot be expected any hearty allegiance in the jesuited party , whose consciences are governed by you ; but such a one as shall waver with every blast from rome . neither can any priest exempt himself from subscribing the condemnation of all these . for , ignorance of necessary truths is not to be allowed in teachers . and , supposing that every one knows the propositions are not articles of catholick faith , the manifest inconveniences that follow them , will evidently convince they are to be condemned . for , temporal subjection to princes is the main ground of the peace and good government of the common-wealth ; and what is against that , is against the law of god and nature . i should think it , therefore , not so much your best , as your only way , to lay aside your private interests with the pope , and declare your selves not the last , but the forwardest in your allegiance to his majesty , that you may cancel your former proceedings , and blot out the setled opinion of your dissimulation . you can do it , if you will ; for you teach men to depose their own private consciences on the opinions of others . you cannot deny but the contrary opinions are asserted by catholick doctors ; and therefore by your own maximes , 't is lawful for you to hold them , nor will i now dispute those maximes . it concerns you deeply ; for , you must have a special favour from the civil state : and not to pretend to such , is to profess you break the catholick parliament's statutes , and press the popes exorbitant authority , and draws all your adherents into treason before god and a praemunire by the laws . think therefore soberly , and conclude strongly what you have to do : and , let not your general 's interest oversway truth and justice , and your private good. yet one reflection occurs to me worth your notice , rising from the report i toucht at the beginning , that you , seeing your selves shut out from the favour voted by the house of lords , to other catholicks , are casting about how to stop the progress of that vote , and prevent its growing into an act. whereupon i raise this quaere , why you , who are but a particular body , should not rather take up your roots and transplant ; than so to seek your private benefit , that you care not to hazard the whole ? do you not remember how and why you went from venice ? you voluntarily departed in pure obedience to the pope , upon a quarrel betwixt him and that state ; and were only kept out , not sent away : and , were it not now as high a charity , and as much for your reputation , to yield for a time , till your own deportments shall deserve your restitution ; to which nothing can more conduce , than your peaceable departure , especially where the circumstances are so different : when you left venice , you were conceived to hope a speedy return , by the popes arms and triumph over your own country ; whereas , if you now go away , your departure will be absolutely free from the blemish of that suspicion , and remain to all posterity an action of pure heroick vertue ; while , in so tender a case , you prefer the publick before your own present private good . you who could leave a country , where you were rich and prosperous , meerly to comply with the pope ; can you not now depart from a country , where your selves say , you are poor and afflicted , for the universal good of religion ? else , will not this pitch of reluctance savour too rankly of the rich glue which indeed fastens your hearts here ; and betray at length to the inquisitive , that your yearly rents got by the mission in england , are more than ten times as much as what belongs to all missions besides , both secular and regular ? only this word more : i shall desire you to consider how the catholicks of england , nay of all the world , will be scandalized and provoked against jesuits , if they see you palpably and uncharitably drive on your own interest alone , without caring what becomes of religion , unless you may have your wills . this i propose , only upon supposition , that the report is true . for , if you endeavour no more than to procure your selves may be included in the act , without endangering your neighbours , i heartily wish you may prove it just : but , bethink your selves well of this dilemma ; if your solicitings stop the progress of the act , how will you be hated , as guilty of the continuance of those sanguinary laws ? if your endeavours do not stop it , how will you be both hated for attempting it , and scorned for miscarrying in 't ? finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33865-e1080 all offenders cover their faults with contrary causes . rebels do most dangerously cover their faults . rebellion in england , and ireland . the rebels vanquished by the queens power . some of the rebels fled into other countries . rebels pretend religion for their defence . ringleaders of rebels , charls nevill earl of westmer land , and thomas stukeley . the effect of the popes bull against the queen of england . the practises of the traitors , rebels , and fugitives , to execute the bull. seminaries erected to nurse seditious fugitives . the seminary fugitives come secretly into the realm to induce the people to obey the popes bull. sowers of sedition taken , convented , and executed for treason . the seditious traitors condemned by the antient laws of the realm , made 200. years past ▪ persons condemned , spared from execution , upon refusal of their treasonable opinions . the foreign traitors continue sending of persons to move sedition in the realm . the seditious fugitives labour to bring the realm into a war external and domestical . the duty of the queen and all her governours to god and their country , is to repel practices of rebellion . none charged with capital crimes , being of a contrary religion , and professing to withstand foreign forces . names of divers ecclesiastical persons professing contrary religion , never charged with capital crimes . the late favourers of the popes authority , were the chief adversaries of the same , by their doctrines and writings . a great number of lay persons of livelyhood , being of a contrary religion , never charged with capital crime . no person charged with capital crime for the only maintenance of the popes supremacy . such condemned only for treason , as maintain the effects of the popes bull against her majesty and the realm . dr. sanders maintenance of the popes bull. the persons that suffered death , were condemned for treason , and not for religion . a full proof that the maintainers of the bull are directly guilty of treason . dr. mortons secret ambassage from rome to stir the rebellion in the north. persons and campion are offenders as dr. sanders is , for allowance of the bull. faculties granted to persons and campion , by pope gregory 13. anno 1580. harts confession of the interpretation of the bull of pius quintus . a conclusion that all the infamous books against the queen and the realm , are false . difference of the small numbers that have been executed in the space of five and twenty years , from the great numbers in five years of queen maries reign . an advertisement to all princes of countries abroad . the authority claimed by the pope not warranted by christ , or by the two apostles , peter and paul. pope hildebrand the first that made war against the emperor . an. dom. 1074. the judgement of god against the popes false erected emperour . pope gregory the seventh deposed by henry iv. henry 5. frederick 1. frederick 2. lewis of banar , emperours . whatsoever is alwful for other princes soveraigns , is lawful for the queen and crown of england . the title of universal bishop is a preamble of antichrist . rome sacked , and the pope clement taken prisoner by the emperors army . 1550. king henry the second of france his edicts against the pope and his courts of rome . the besieging of rome and the pope by the duke of alva with king philips army . queen mary and cardinal pool resisted the pope . d. peyto a begging fryer the kings of christendom never suffer the popes to abridge their titles or rights , though they suffer them to have rule over their people . the queen of england may not suffer the pope by any means to make rebellions in her realm . additaments to the popes martyrologe . the strange ends of james earl of desmond . d. saunders . james fitzmorice . john of desmond . john somervile . the prosperity of england , during the popes curses . reasons to perswade by reason the favourers of the pope , that none hath bin executed for religion , but for treason . the first reason . the second reason . the 〈◊〉 pius q●●●●●… set up at pauls . the first punishment for the bull. the third reason . rebellion in the north. the fourth reason . the invasion of ireland by the pope . the popes forces vanquished in ireland . the politick adversaries satisfied . objection of the papists , that the persons executed are but scholars and unarmed . many are traiters , though they have no armor nor weapon . the application of the scholastical traiters , to others , that are traiters without armor . six questions to try traiters from scholars . the offenders executed for treason , not for religion . unreasonable and obstinate persons are left to gods judgment . notes for div a33865-e6960 saunders , morton , web , &c. a vindication of both parts of the preservative against popery in an answer to the cavils of lewis sabran, jesuit / by william sherlock ... sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. 1688 approx. 252 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 60 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59899 wing s3370 estc r21011 12048942 ocm 12048942 53115 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59899) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53115) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 823:11) a vindication of both parts of the preservative against popery in an answer to the cavils of lewis sabran, jesuit / by william sherlock ... sherlock, william, 1641?-1707. [4], 111, [3] p. printed for william rogers ..., london : 1688. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. "books printed for, and are to be sold by w. rogers": p. [1]-[3] at end. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sabran, lewis, 1652-1732. catholic church -controversial literature. jesuits -controversial literature. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2004-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur liber cui titulus , a vindication of both parts of the preservative against popery , &c. guil. needham , r. r. in christo p. ac d.d. wilhelmo archie pisc . cant. à sacr. domest . iuly 4. 1688. a vindication of both parts of the preservative against popery : in answer to the cavils of lewis sabran , jesuit . by william sherlock , d. d. master of the temple . london : printed for william rogers at the sun , over against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . 1688. to the reader . i must confess , f. lewis sabran of the society of jesus , as he writes himself , has all the good qualities belonging to his order , excepting that learning , which some of his order have formerly had , but he is excusable for that , because of late , that has been the least of their care ; but what they want in learning , they make up in confidence and noise , which is a nearer conformity to the temper and spirit of their first founder . when i first saw his sheet which he wrote against the first part of the preservative , i read it over , and laid it aside , as i thought it deserved ; for i easily perceived , that he could not , or would not understand the plainest sense , and i saw nothing he had objected , which could impose upon the most unlearned protestant ; and i had no mind to engage with a man , who has not vnderstanding enough to be confuted : but the honest footman thought fit to call him to an account , and i believe all impartial men thought the footman had the better of him , and yet the jesuite had an honourable occasion to retreat , had his wit served him to take it ; for no man would have expected that a jesuite should have encountered a footman ; but here his courage out-ran his wit , as it often happens to knights errant in their bold adventures . i do intend as little as possibly i can to concern my self in the dispute between the jesuite and the footman ; the footman is able to defend himself , and i e'en quake for the jesuite for fear he should ; but having a little leisure at present , i will spare some few hours to vindicate the preservative from this jesuite's cavils , for it will appear , that they are no better . as for those many good words he has bestowed on me , i take them for complements on course , and to be plain with him , they are all lost upon me , for when i have reason and truth on my sid● i am perfectly insensible of all the sportings of wit and satyr , for there are no iests bite , but those that are true . i do not intend to pursue this jesuite in all his rambling excursions , but shall keep close to my business , to vindicate the preservative , and that in as few words as i can ; and this will come into a very narrow compass ; for he has as little to say , as ever man had , if you keep him out of his common-place disputes ; but if you suffer him to draw you into those beaten roads , there is no end of him ; for he has the confidence of a jesuite to repeat all the old baffled arguments without blushing . i confess , i am a little ashamed to meddle with so trifling an adversary , and know not how i shall answer it to the ingenious gentlemen of the temple , to whom he so often appeals against the master , for spending my time so ill , unless his character of a jesuite will plead my excuse , which has been a formidable name in former ages : and if this will do , i have a very honourable and a very easie task of it , an adversary to encounter with the glorious character of a jesuite , but without the sense of a footman . a vindication of the first part of the preservative . the charge against me is very formidable , that i advance such principles in the preservative , as make void the use of reason , faith , fathers , councils , scripture , and moral honesty , if he had said less , he might sooner have been believed , or might have proved it better , when such wild and extravagant accusations confute themselves ; but iesuits commonly spoil all by over-doing . let us examine particulars . sect . i. the principles which are pretended to overthrow all right vse of common sense vindicated . the first instance of this nature is , that i charge catholicks with this great crime , that they will not allow the reading heretical books , and prove my charge , because god not only allows , but requires it . the paragraph he refers to is in p. 3. of the preservative , in these words : men of weak judgments , and who are not skilled in the laws of disputation , may easily be imposed on by cunning sophisters , and such as lie in wait to deceive : the church of rome is very sensible of this , and therefore will not suffer her people to dispute their religion , or to read heretical books , nay not so much as to look into the bible it self ; but though we allow all this to our people , as that which god not only allows but requires , &c. from hence he charges me with saying , that god not only allows but requires people to read heretical books , but the honest footman plainly told him , what the meaning of heretical books was , that i spoke the language of their church , which calls all books heretical which are not of the roman stamp : and this is all that i meant by it , as every honest reader would see . does not he use the very same way of speaking himself in the same paragraph , when he retorts this crime upon us , that we use all endeavours to hinder our flocks from hearing catholick sermons , and reading catholick books , for are any christians so absurd as to forbid people to hear catholick sermons , and to read catholick books ? no sure , not what they think catholick : and why may not i use heretical , as well as he use catholick in the sense of the church of rome ? by heretical meaning such books as the church of rome calls heretical , as by catholick he means such books as the church of rome calls catholick ; for they are both equally heretical and catholick . but he complains in the preservative considered , p. 4. that he had asked three very material questions , and the footman had not vouchsafed an answer to them , and i believe the footman was in the right , for they deserved none . but let us hear them , this ( says he ) seemed to me extravagant , not to say impious , and to all those who have inherited from st. paul that faith to which he exacts so firm and unwavering an adherency , that if an angel from heaven should teach us any thing in opposition to it , we ought not to mind him , or return him any other answer than anathema . how can , said i , this positive certainty stand with an obligation of reading heretical books which oppose that faith , to frame by them , and settle a judgment . but now , if these heretical books do not oppose that faith , which was preached by st. paul , i hope , there was no need of answering this question ; and if the catholick books do , i would desire him to answer the question ; and if there be a dispute depending , which of them contradicts st. paul's doctrine , i would desire him to tell me , how we shall know , which of them does it , without examining them ? when we know these books , which contradict st paul's doctrine , we will reject them with an anathema , and for that reason we reject the council of trent , whose authority we think to be inferior to an angels , and that shews , that we do not think rejecting and yet reading such books to make void common sense ; for though we reject the council of trent , yet we read it , as they find to their cost . his next question ( or else i cannot make three of them ) is , by what text doth god deliver this injunction ? viz , of reading heretical books ; which in his sense of heretical books is a very senseless question ; for no man pretends , that god commands us to read books , which we know to be heretical ; though a man who is inquiring after truth , must read such books , as the several divided sects of christians may call heretical . but his killing question is to come . i asked further , how standing to the first principles of common sense , a church which declares all men bound to judge for themselves , could countenance laws which exact of dissenters , that they stand not to that their iudgment , but comply against it , and that constrain their liberty of judging by the dread of excommunications , sequestrations , imprisonments , &c. which is to make it death not to act against a strict duty of conscience , acknowledged by the persecutors to be such . but what is this to reading heretical books ? is there any law in the church of england , thus to punish men for reading heretical books ? there is we know in the church of rome , where besides other heretical books , to have and to read the bible in the vulgar tongue without license , which is rarely granted , and ought not to be at all , brings a man in danger of the inquisition , which one word signifies more than any man can tell , but he who has felt it , witness the late account of the inquisition of goa . well , but to allow a liberty of judging , and not to suffer men to stand to their judgment , is contrary to common sense : it is so , but who gives a liberty of judging , and forbids men to stand to their own judgment ? i am sure , the church of england accounts any man a knave , who contradicts his own judgment and conscience . there is no inquisition for mens private opinions , no ransacking consciences in the church of england , as we know , where there is . yes ! we constrain this liberty of iudging by the dread of excommunications , sequestrations , imprisonments , exclusion from the chiefest properties of free born subjects , even by hanging and quartering ; which is to make it death not to act against a strict duty of conscience , acknowledged by the persecutors to be such . it is a blessed time for these jesuits , who like that no body should be able to persecute but themselves , to rail at persecution ; but let that pass . it seems then it is contrary to common sense to allow a liberty of judging , and to deny a liberty of practice ; for god , suppose , to allow men to choose their religion , and to damn them , if they choose wrong . that is to say , a natural liberty of judgment , and by the same reason , the natural liberty of will , is inconsistent with all government in church and state : if this were so , it would indeed make persecution ( as he calls it ) in a free-judging church very absurd , but it is very reconcileable to common sense , for a church which denies this liberty of judging , to persecute too ; and this justifies the persecutions of the church of rome : let protestants here see , if such jesuits could rule the roast , what it will cost them to part with their liberty of judging ; they loose their argument against persecution : for an infallible church which will not suffer men to judge , may with good reason persecute them , if they do : that all men , who like liberty of conscience , are concerned to oppose popery , which it seems is the only religion , that can make it reasonable to persecute , nay , which makes it unreasonable not to persecute , for it is as much against common sense for a church , which denies a liberty of judging to allow a liberty of conscience , as for a church to deny liberty of conscience , which allows a liberty of judging . thus far the preservative is safe , and let his following harangue against the liberty of judging shift for it self , that is not my business at present . his next quarrel is , that ( preser . p. 4 , 5. ) i advise protestants not to dispute with papists , till they disown infallibility . i own the charge , and repeat it again , that it is a ridiculous thing to dispute with papists , till they renounce infallibility , as that is opposed to a l●berty of judging ; for so the whole sentence runs : here then let our protestant fix his foot , and not stir an inch , till they disown infallibility , and confess , that every man must iudge for himself in matters of religion , according to the proofs , that are offered to him . this the jesuit either designedly concealed , or did not understand , though it is the whole design of that discourse : for the plain state of the case is this . the church of rome pretends to be infallible , and upon this pretence she requires us to submit to her authority , and to receive all the doctrines she teaches upon her bare word , without examination ; for we must not judge for our selves , but learn from an infallible church : now i say , it is a ridiculous thing for such men to pretend to dispu●e with us about religion , when they will not allow that we can judge what is true or false , for it is to no purpose to dispute , unless we can judge ; and therefore a protestant before he disputes with them , ought to exact this confession from them , that every man must judge for himself , and ought not to be over-ruled by the pretended infallible authority of the church against his own sense and reason , and this is to make them disown infallibility , as far as that is matter of controversie between us and the church of rome , to disown infallibility as that is opposed to a liberty of judging . if it be absurd to dispute with a man , who denies me a liberty of judging , then i must make him allow me this liberty before i dispute , and then he must disown the over-ruling authority of an infallible judge , which is a contradiction to such a liberty . by this time , i suppose , he sees to what little purpose his objections are ; that to require such a disowning of infallibility , is to say , 't is impossible to convince a man that in reason , he ought to submit his iudgment to any other , though infallible : no sir ! but 't is to say , that i cannot make use of my reason in any thing , till i am delivered from the usurping authority of such an infallible judge , who will not suffer me to use my reason , or to judge for my self : it does not make void the use of common sense and reason , when it should lead us to submit to any just authority ; but to submit to such an unjust authority , makes void the use of common sense and reason , because he will not allow us to use our reason . the iews had no reason , as he pretends to reject st. paul's disputation , till he had renounced infallibility , because he never urged his own infallibility , as the sole reason of their faith , and to debar them from a liberty of judging , as the church of rome does ; if he had , it had been as vain a thing for the iews to have disputed with st. paul , as it is for protestants to dispute with papists . his next exception is against those words , ( pres. p. 6. ) what difference is there betwxit mens using their private iudgments to turn papists , or to turn protestants ? to this he answers ▪ the same as betwixt two sick men , the one whereof chooses to put himself in an able doctors hands , whom he knows to have an infallible remedy ▪ ( which none but mountebanks ever had yet ) whilst the other chooses his own simples , and makes his own medicines . the case is this ; i was giving a reason , why papists , who have any modesty should not dispute with protestants , because it is an appeal to every man's private judgment : if ever they make converts , they must be beholden to every man's private judgment for it , for i think men cannot change their opinions , without exercising a private judgment about it ▪ and i suppose when they dispute with men to make them papists , they intend to convert them by their own private judgments : now what difference is there between mens using their private judgments to turn papists or to turn protestants ? one indeed may be false , and the other true , but private judgment is private judgment still ; and if it be so great a fault for men to use their private judgments , it is as great a fault in a papist , as it is in a protestant . so that all that i said is , that there is no dif●erence with respect to mens using their private judgment , whether they use their private judgment to turn papists , or to turn protestants , for both is but private judgment ; and to confute this , he tells us , that there is a great difference between turning papist , and turning protestant , which i granted there was ; but is nothing to the present argument . i say , there is no difference as to the principle or cause of their change , when the change of both is owing to private judgment , and he learnedly proves , that the change itself is different , as widely different , as papist and protestant differ . but though the footman had plainly told him this , the jesuite had not wit to understand it , and therefore ( preservative consid. p. 11. ) adds , is there no difference then betwixt one , who follows his fancy in chusing his way , and him who chuses a good guide , and follows him , because they both chuse ? do both equally rely on their fancy ? i grant , there is a difference between these two , as there is between a protestant and a papist ; but when the dispute is , whether they shall follow their own reason and judgment , or give up themselves to follow a guide with a blind and implicite faith , and every man must determine this by his own private judgment , which is the case i proposed , which way so ever they determine this question , whether to follow their own reason , or to follow a guide , in this point , they both equally rely on their own private reason , and judgment , or as he calls it , fancy . in the next place he says , i take the catholicks part , and tho' faintly , yet speak well in so clear a cause . the intention of those disputes is only to lead you to the infallible church , and set you upon a rock , and then it is very natural to renounce your own judgment , when you have an infallible guide , this i do alledge as the most plausible pretence to justifie papists in disputing with protestants , that the end of it is to lead us to an infallible church . that our own judgment must bring us to the infallible guide , but when we have found him , we have no farther use for our own judgment . i offered two answers to this , neither of which he durst meddle with , but nibbles at a passage in each . the 1. he thus represents , they cannot with any sense dispute with us about the particular articles of faith , because the sense given of scripture and fathers takes its authority from the church understanding it so . but my answer was this ; that if disputes be only to lead us to the infallible church , then it puts an end to all the particular disputes of religion between us and the church of rome : we may dispute on about an infallible iudge , but they cannot with any sense dispute with us about the particular articles of faith , such as transubstantiation , the sacrifice of the mass , &c. for these are to be learnt only from the church , and cannot be proved by scripture or fathers without the authority of the church . which is a demonstration if faith must be resolved into the infallible authority of the church , for then no arguments are a sufficient foundation for faith without the authority of the church , or if they be , there is no necessity of resolving our faith into church authority , because we have a good foundation for faith without it . he answers , this is false . the sense ( of scripture ) takes its authority from god ▪ who spoke that word , though we are certain , that we have the true sense of that word , because we receive it from the church , which is protected and guided in delivering us both the letter and sense , by the infallible spirit of god , that is to abide with her for ever , according to christ's promise , john 14.16 . this is a choice paragraph . the question between us is , whether they can by scripture convince a man , who does not yet believe the infallible authority of the church , as we protestants do not , that their doctrines of transubstantiation , the sacrifice of the mass , the worship of images , &c. are true gospel-doctrines : this i say they cannot , if they be true to their own doctrine , that we cannot be certain , what the true sense of scripture is , without the infallible authority of the church of rome . for a man cannot be convinced by scripture , till he be sure , what the true sense of scripture is , and if we cannot be sure of this without relying on the authority of the church in expounding scripture , then a protestant , who disowns such an authority , can never be sure , what the true sense of scripture is , and therefore cannot be convinced by scripture-proofs , which shews how absurd it is for a papist , who professes to believe all this , to attempt to perswade a protestant who rejects the authority of their church , of the truth of popish doctrines from scripture : either he thinks these doctrines so plainly contained in scripture , that a man , who rejects the authority of the church , may be forced to acknowledge , that they are in scripture , and then he must reject the necessity of church-authority for the understanding of scripture , which is to yield up a very concerning point to protestants ; or else he must confess , that he does very foolishly or knavishly in urging scripture-proofs to a man , who rejects the authority of their church , without which he knows there are no scripture-proofs of any authority . but this , which was the true state of the controversie , the jesuite takes no notice of ; all that he says is this : that the sense of scripture takes its authority from god , that is , is ultimately resolved into god's authority , who intended such a sense in it , but as to catholicks , ( for such he must mean ) their certainty of the sense of scripture is resolved immediately into the authority of the church , which is guided in expounding scripture by an infallible spirit : now is not this the very same , that i sai● , that all scripture-proofs must be resolved into the authority of the church , and are not good without it , as it is impossible they should be , if we cannot certainly know , what the true sense of scripture is , but from the exposition of the church . and yet if the church of rome be no more infallible in delivering the sense of scripture , than in delivering the letter of it , there is no great encouragement to rely on her infallibility : as is evident from the many corruptions of their vulgar latine , which one pope corrected after another , and yet it is not corrected still ; that it was a little over-sight in this jesuite , ( though possibly he knew nothing of the matter ) to make the church equally infallible in delivering the letter and the sense of scripture . but to do him right , he seems to offer at something of sense in his dispute between iohn and william , which is the right way to a place . for , says he , is john disabled from convincing william of his mistake by reasons , because he hath with him a guide who certainly knows the way , and that he himself would certainly pass by those reasons , if his guide assured him , that he applied them ill and wrongly to that way . this has something of argument in it , and therefore shall be considered , and i am glad to meet with any thing , that deserves to be considered . the sum of his argument ( which i shall represent fairly for him , because he has not shewn it to the best advantage ) is this . that roman-catholicks have two ways of finding out the sense of scripture , either by the use of reason , or by the expositions of an infallible guide : but that reason must be subordinate to the guide , and if reason dictates one sense of scripture , and the church teaches another , reason must submit , and a true catholick must embrace the sense of the church , though it be against his reason ; but yet if reason , and his guide be both of a side , and he can prove by reason , that to be the true sense of scripture , which the church gives of it , he may then wave the authority of the church , when he disputes with those , who reject such authority , and argue from the reasons of things , and the natural interpretation of scripture it self . as iohn may convince william , who rejects the infallibility of iohn's guide , which is the true way by plain reason , while his reason is not contradicted by his guide : and if our jesuite can make more of this argument himself , let him . i am sure he has spoiled it by repeating it in his preserv . consider . p. 11. john is not disabled of convincing william of his mistake , because he receives the reasons he uses from an infallible guide . where he has set it upon another bottom , and a very silly one for his purpose : for if the force of his reasons be resolved into the authority of an infallible guide , it is all lost to him , who disowns the infallibility of the guide : or if he means , that iohn is taught such reasons by an infallible guide , as are able by their own evidence to convince william without any regard to the infallibility of the guide , we desire no more than to see such reasons , and to be left to judge for our selves ; but this ends in a protestant resolution of faith , for every man to judge for himself according to the evidence of reason , which in it self is neither more nor less evident , for being proposed or learnt from a fallible or infallible guide . and yet by what follows , he can mean no more , but that the authority of an infallible judge must over-rule every man's private reason ; for he appeals to the learned gentlemen of the temple , hoping they will joyn with him maintaining against their master , that all the iudges of the land may very reasonably convince by law an impertinent party , though he should oppose , that they may not do it , because their interpretation of the law is to deliver the true sense of it . which is glorious nonsence , that all the judges of the land can convince a man , who is not convinced , but declares still , that they have not given the true sense of the law. in all civil causes there must be a final judgment , and every private man must submit to the decision of authority , whether his own reason be satisfied or not ; but it is not so in matters of religion , in which no man at the peril of his soul must be over-ruled by any authority , till he be first convinced . so that the jesuite had said a good thing by chance , but for want of understanding it , had lost it again ; and any man may see , that i could as easily have lost it , as he , had i a mind to it ; but i will not part with it without an answer , because it is the most plausible thing , that can be said , and possibly other men may understand it , who can't answer it , though he don't . his argument then as first proposed is this , that they allow of reason in expounding scripture , so long as they do not contradict the sense and exposition of the church ; and therefore they may dispute with hereticks from scripture , without concerning the authority of the church in the dispute . now in answer to this , there are some material questions to be asked . as , 1. whether they can dispute with protestants by scripture-arguments without allowing them to judge of the sense of scripture by their own private reason ? and whether this be agreeable to the doctrine of the church of rome , that every man may judge of the sense of scripture by his own private reason ? 2. whether the scripture be so plain and perspicuous , especially in the doctrines in dispute between us and the church of rome , that every honest impartial inquirer may find the true sense of them without an infallible interpreter ? if they be , i think , they never ought to talk of the obscurity of scripture , nor the necessity of an infallible judge more ; if they be not , and if they know , that they are not , then they know before hand , that the evidence of scripture alone is not sufficient to convince a protestant , who rejects an infallible judge , and then it is a sensless thing for them to attempt the proof of such doctrines by scripure . good catholicks are satisfied with the authority of the church , and hereticks who reject such an infallible authority , cannot be confuted and convinced by meer scripture . 3. i ask again ▪ whether the evidence of reason in expounding scripture be a sufficient foundation for a divine faith ? if it be , then protestants , who disown an infallible judge , may have a true divine faith without the infallibility of the church , and then we may be true believers without being roman-catholicks ; and i should be glad to hear that out of the mouth of a iesuite , for there is good use to be made of such a confession : if scripture as expounded by reason without an infallible judge is not a sufficient foundation for a divine faith , then to what end does their disputing with protestants from scripture serve , if this cannot make them true believers . 4. i ask once more , whether the belief of the scriptures themselves must not be resolved into the authority of the church ? whether any man can believe the scriptures to be the word of god without it ? if they cannot ( and i would be glad to hear the iesuite say they can ) then i am sure the scripture is no proof of any thing without the churches authority , and it is an absurd thing for those who think so to dispute from scripture against those who deny the authority of the church . from hence i think , it evidently appears , that the authority of the scriptures , and the authority of the church , are not two distinct arguments in the church of rome , for then i grant , they might use either way of proof , and dispute from scripture against those , who deny the authority of the church ; but if the authority of the scripture as to us is resolved into the authority of the church , then the scripture alone is no argument , but the authority of the church is all . whereforedo you believe the scripture ? because the church tells me it is the word of god ; wherefore do you believe this to be the sense of scripture ? because the church so expounds it : is not this the true resolution of the roman faith ? is this misrepresenting too ? but if it be the truth , does not every man see , that as to us the scripture has no authority , no sense , but from the church , and therefore can prove nothing separated from the authority of the church . if they allow of any proofs from scripture separated from the authority of the church , then whether they will or no , they must allow of the protestant resolution of faith ; that is , to resolve my faith into the authority of the scriptures , as expounded with the best reason and judgment i have , in the careful use of all such means , as are necessary for the understanding that holy book : now if they will allow this to be a good resolution of faith , we will allow of all their scripture-proofs , and give them leave to make us converts to the church of rome by scripture , if they can : but if they do allow of this , then we protestants are in a very good way already as to the resolution of our faith , and so that controversie is at an end ; and if they will not allow this , then they confess , that scripture-proofs of themselves are not good , for if they were , we might certainly resolve our faith as protestants do , immediately into the authority of scripture . and thus much for iohn and william and the infallible guide ; if iohn has any reasons independent on the authority of his guide , he may then try his skill upon william , who rejects his guide , but if all his other reasons are resolved into the authority of his guide , and are no good reasons without it , then he may spare his reasons till he has made william submit to his guide . and this is the case between the scripture and the church , in the church of rome : the scripture wholly depends both for its authority and interpretation on the authority of the church , and therefore can signifie nothing and prove nothing , but what the church makes it signifie and prove . the scriptures may be supposed to be the word of god , and to have some sense antecedent to the churches authority , but no man can know this without the church , and therefore as to us both the authority and interpretation of the scripture depends upon the authority of the church , and is no argument , to prove any thing by itself . but i cannot pass on without taking notice of a pleasant answer the iesuite gives to a very substantial argument of the footman , to prove that at least some doctrines of the church of rome by their own confession , cannot be proved by scripture without the authority of the church , he shews that petrus de alliaco , scotus , and tonstal do confess , that transubstantiation is not founded upon any necessary scripture-proofs , but on the authority of the church , for the scripture might , and that very reasonably too , be expounded to another sense , had not the church determined otherwise . now what does the iesuite say to this ? 1. he prevericates like a iesuite in repeating the argument , that the words of scripture brought in proof of transubstantiation might be taken in a different sense from that which the catholick church hath ever received and delivered ; and that had not the church ever taught that sense , one might believe otherwise , for all the letter of scripture : for the authors alledged by the footman do not say , as the iesuite makes them , that the catholick church hath ever received and delivered that sense of transubstantiation , which the church of rome now teaches ; but tonstal expresly declares the contrary in the words there cited , that it was free for all men , till the council of lateran to follow their own conjectures as concerning the manner of the presence . which supposes , that this doctrine was never determined by the church till the council of lateran , and therefore not ever received , and delivered , and taught by the catholick church . 2. in a parenthesis he adds , how truly ( this is said of the catholick divines , that they did affirm this ) it belongs not to my present purpose : very truly said , it is not to his purpose , but very much against it : but if he means , that he was not concerned to know , whether these passages are truly cited from these authors , it seems he is not concerned to defend his argument , for that is very much concerned in it , it is a plain confession he had nothing to say , and therefore would not be concerned about it : and will our learned iesuite confess , that he is so ignorant as not to know that this was said by petrus de alliaco , scotus , and tonstal ? or will he so easily give up such men as these , and let the ingenious footman run away with them and his argument together . 3. he answers , let it be so ; but what follows here ? but the necessity of an unerring interpreter ? what follows ? why it follows , that they cannot prove transubstantiation from scripture without the authority of the church , and consequently that it is not scripture but their church they rely on for the proof of their doctrines , which is the thing the footman intended to prove by it , and has done it effectually : but how an unerring interpreter follows from hence , i cannot see , unless it be to prove that to be in scripture , which the most searching and inquisitive men cannot find there : and this indeed is the true use of an unerring interpreter in the church of rome , to impose upon mens faith to believe that to be in scripture , which no man can see there ; for what men can see there , one would think they might believe to be there , without an unerring interpreter . as for what he adds , that the arians gave as natural a sense of 1 iohn 5.7 , 8. as the catholicks did , is to be answered at present only with abhorrence and detestation . but to proceed . in the next place , to shew them , how absurd it is to dispute even about an infallible judge , i direct our protestant to ask them , whether the belief of an infallible iudge must be resolved into every man's private judgment ? whether it be not necessary to believe this with a divine faith ? and whether there can be any divine faith without an infallible iudge ? to this the jesuite answers ( ans. p. ● ) there can be no divine faith without a divine revelation , nor a prudent one without a moral evidence in the motives of credibility , on which may be grounded the evident obligation to accept it . this he calls a moral infallibility , and shews by what steps , it may fasten on god's veracity , and with a submission not capable of any doubt , embrace the revealed truth . now all this amounts to no more than protestant certainty , void of all doubt , which the church of rome would never yet allow to be a divine and infallible faith. but what is this to my question ? which was not , whether a divine faith required a divine revelation , but whether there can be any divine faith without an infallible iudge ? which it seems , he durst not own , nor say one word to . and yet here lay the force of the argument , as i told him in the same place , if we must believe the infallibility of the pope or church of rome , with an infallible faith , there is an end of disputing ; for no reasons or arguments , not the authority of the scripture itself ( which i hope he means by his divine revelation ) without an infallible iudge , can beget an infallible faith , according to the roman doctors . for this reason they charge the protestant faith with uncertainty , and will not allow it to be a divine , but humane faith , though it is built upon the firmest reasons , the best authority , and the most express scripture , that can be had for any thing ; but because we do not pretend to rely upon the authority of a living infallible judge , forsooth , our faith is uncertain , humane , and fallible . this he knew to be true , and yet knew , that he could not build the belief of an infallible judge upon the authority of an infallible judge , unless he could find one infallible judge to give testimony to the infallibility of another , and a third to give testimony to the second , and thus to dance round in a circle of infallibility , without finding any beginning or end ; and therefore he slips this pretence of an infallible judge , and would found a divine faith upon revelation , or prudential motives of credibility , which indeed is to quit infallibility , and to take up with a protestant moral certainty , or moral infallibility as he calls it , that he may retain the name at least , when the thing is lost . nay , he gives a substantial reason against an infallible faith of the churches infallibility . for if the infallibility of the church were more than morally evident , it were impossible , that any heresie should be , the wisest word , that he has said yet , but i shall make him repent of saying it , before i have done ; for this is an evident demonstration against infallibility . he says , we can have no more than a moral evidence for the infallibility of the church ; and if this be true , and our faith be founded upon the authority of the church , then we can have no more than a moral evidence for the truth of the christian religion , or any article of it : for as i argued in that very place . though the iudge be infallible , if i be not infallibly assured of this , ( if i have only a moral evidence of his infallibility ) i can never arrive to infallibility in any thing , ( or can never get higher than a moral certainty ) for i can never be more certain , that his determinations are infallible , then i am , that he himself is infallible , and if i have but à moral assurance of this , i can be but morally assured of the rest , for the building cannot be more firm than the foundation is ; and thus there is an end to all the roman pretences to infallibility . though he slipt this at first reading , i hope he may judge it worth answering upon second thoughts . but how he will get rid of his own reason , i cannot guess , if the infallibility of the church were more than morally evident , it were impossible , that any heresies should be : by which he either means , that de facto the being of heresies in the world is a sensible argument , that there is no infallible assurance of the infallibility of the church ; for an infallible proof cannot be resisted , and then all the world must believe the churches infallibility , and give up themselves to the directions of the church , and then there could be no heresies : or else his meaning is , that since there must be heresies in the world , as the apostle tells us , therefore god has given us no more than a moral evidence of the infallibility of the church ; because an infallible assurance of this would have prevented all heresies , which god , it seems , for very wise reasons , did not intend thus irresistibly to prevent . now rightly to understand this matter , i would desire to know why they say god has bestowed infallibility on the church ? was it not to prevent heresies and schisms ? is not this the popish objection against the protestant resolution of faith , that for want of an infallible guide men fall into errors and heresies , and divide and disturb the peace of the church with schisms ? is not this the great reason they urge for the necessity of an infallible guide to prevent all heresies and schisms ? and yet now it seems , there must be no more than a moral evidence for the infallibility of the church , that there may be heresies : how often have they been told by protestant divines , that if god intend an infallible judge to prevent all heresies , the being of an infallible judge ought to be as evident and demonstrable , as that there is a sun in the heavens , that all men might see him , and believe him : and now they tell us , this infallible judge must not be thus evident , that men might not know him , that there may be room for heresies to creep into the world. now methinks it is pretty odd , that there should be an infallible judge to keep heresies out of the church , and that the being of this judge should be no more than morally evident , that heresies may creep into the church . it seems the romish resolution of faith leaves as great scope for heresies to come into the church , as the protestants does , and therefore from henceforward , all the arguments for infallibility from the necessity of keeping heresies out of the church , are given up ; and they must never more object against the protestant rule of faith , that by this means heresies get into the church . his argument , i confess , concludes fully against any infallible certainty of an infallible judge ; and the reason is to the full as good against an infallible judge , as against an infallible way of knowing , that there is one , and now since i cannot be infallibly assured of this infallible judge , i will trouble my head no further about him , and therefore leave his preservative considered , p. 13 , &c. to any footman that pleases to answer it . his next objection is much of the same nature . that protestants cannot reasonably be disputed into popery , as that signifies , resolving our faith into the infallible authority of the church to believe whatever the church believes , and for no other reason , but because the church teaches it , and the reason , whereby i proved it , is , because no arguments or disputations can give me an infallible certainty of the infallibility of the church . and this he has just now granted , that we cannot have an infallible certainty , but only a moral evidence for the infallibility of the church , and if there can be no more than a moral evidence for this , then no arguments can give us an infallible certainty of it , because this cannot be had . and what has he to say now ? a very shrewd objection i assure you , and it is this : we saw dr. sherlock just now pleading for the jews against st. paul , ( that i have accounted for already ) now he reasons against christ our god , blessed for ever more . his words prove that christ , who owned himself infallible , did imprudently to preach or work miracles ; for since they could not give an infallible certainty , ( an evident one he means by his whole discourse ) no prudent jew , nor gentile , could be disputed by him into faith. those who corrected his first paper for him , which they have done in several places , as being sensible the footman had great advantage of his loo●e way of writing , have made some alterations here in the preservative considered , p. 24. this position proving , that christ our lord , who owned himself infallible , did imprudently to preach or work miracles , by which he exacted a certain firm faith grounded upon his infallibility in teaching : for since his preaching and miracles did not give an evident infallible certainty of his infallibility , ( and such an evident one dr. sherlock must mean , for the certainty we have of a real infallibility cannot be in reality fallible ) no prudent jew or gentile could be disputed by christ into faith. this is expressed with greater art and subtilty than the first , but however they palliate it , it is equally absurd and sensless . the fallacy lies only in this , that by an infallible certainty , they will have me mean only a certain firm faith , or an evident certainty , whereas i plainly mean such an infallible certainty , as the church of rome opposes to the certain firm faith , and evident certainty of protestants . the papists perpetually object against protestants , that their faith is uncertain ; we assert , that our faith is not uncertain ; that we have all the evident certainty , that the thing is capable of : but this will not satisfie them , unless we can produce some such infallible certainty , as they pretend to have ; and by this argument they perswade men to forsake our communion , and to go over to the church of rome , that they may have the certainty of infallibility for their faith : this i tell our protestants , they cannot be disputed into , because no reasons or disputations can give them an infallible certainty of the infallibility of the church , and yet unless they can be infallibly assured of that , they are no nearer to infallibility in the church of rome , than in the church of england : now had our jesuite read this , as he ought to have done before he answered it , had it been possible for him had he not been a jesuite , to have said , that by infallible , i meant evident ? for we protestants pretend to evident certainty , and this we have , and iews and gentiles might have of christ's preaching and miracles , and when i opposed this infallible certainty to protestant certainty , surely i meant as much more by it then evident as papists do , when notwithstanding all our protestant evidence , they charge us with the want of infallibility . and yet for ought i can perceive now , they are contented to let evident certainty pass for infallible , and the corrector of f. sabran's sheet has given us a notable reason for it , for which protestants are bound to thank him , for he has made them all infallible . for the certainty we have of a real infallibility cannot be in reality fallible . that is to say , when the object is infallibly true , our faith or assent to it , cannot be fallible : and thus before they can prove us protestants to be fallible creatures any more , they must prove , that what we believe , viz. the holy scriptures , and the apostles creed , are not infallibly true . though i thought the infallibility of faith had not been owing to the object of our faith , but to the evidence of it . this the footman plainly saw , and therefore minds him of the difference between true certainty and infallibility . doth dr. sherlock say , that the jews could not be disputed into faith , unless that faith were infallible ? no , he leaves that to be talked of by you , who are the great pretenders to it . the jesuite is very angry at the reverend licenser for this . what do you own , that we only are to look on the faith even as preached by christ , to be necessarily infallible ? is it no part of your belief that you are any way concerned in , that that certain faith which christ exacted from the jews , st. paul from each christian , must of necessity be infallible ? fair and softly ! we believe , whatever christ and st. paul taught to be infallibly true , but we know , that a fallible creature , as all private christians at least are , cannot believe with an infallible faith ; that is , no man , who knows himself fallible , though he may be very certain of what he believes , can say he is infallible in his faith , unless there be a divine promise , that he shall never err ; for if he be not infallible , he can be infallible in nothing . protestants believe christ to be an infallible teacher , and the christian faith to be infallibly true , and this they believe with all the firmness and certainty of assent ; but this is not , what the church of rome used to call infallibility , though the jesuite ( if it be not meer want of understanding in him ) seems to be hammering out a new notion of infallibility ; but it is but a rude and imperfect embryo yet , we shall see , what they will make of it in time . and here i find my self obliged to look a little backwards , to see how he states the churches infallibility , for he mightily complains of protestant misrepresentations about it . our guide then , he tells us , is the catholick church , either diffusive in its whole extent , ( that is , as it contains or signifies the whole number of christians all the world over ) or representative in its head and bishops , the pope and a general council . the church diffusive , or the whole number of christians on earth , is most certainly the true notion of the catholick church on earth ; is that church , to which , most of the promises made to the church in scripture , are made ; but how this church diffusive should be our guide , wants to be explained : if the church diffusive , or the whole number of christians , is the guide , who is to be guided , unless the guide is to be a guide only to himself : however , i hope then every particular christian will be allowed a private judgment of his own ; for the church diffusive will be a very strange guide , if it cannot use its own reason and judgment ; and how the whole , which consists of all particular christians , should judge for itself , when no particular christian must judge , is somewhat mysterious : that is , that all christians must judge , and yet none must judge . but i will not dispute with him about this , but whenever he will collect the votes of the church diffusive , or of all the christians in the world , i promise to subscribe to their definitions the representative church , is the head and bishops , the pope and a general council . i thought , the pope in jesuits divinity , had been the church virtual , and a general council the church representative . but i have in a late discourse proved , that the pope is not the head of the catholick church , nor a council of bishops the representative of it , and he may try his skill upon it , when he pleases . now it seems , the church diffusive has the keeping of the general faith of christians , first received from christ and his apostles , and preserved by all bishops in their respective diocesses , and in the minds and actions of each faithful believer in the whole catholick church . strange ! that our jesuite should now at last turn a meer blackloist , or traditionary divine . this general faith of christians he compares to the common laws of the land , to shew i suppose his skill in the law , and make the learned gentlemen of the temple to pity or scorn the master's ignorance : well let that be as it will , for i pretend to no skill in laws , but as for this general faith of christians , whatever it be like , i would gladly learn from the church diffusive , what it is ; for i matter nothing else , but the general faith of christians ; but how to learn this , he has not told us ; it is preserved , he says , by all bishops in their respective diocesses , and in the minds and actions of each faithful believer in the whole catholick church . well then , must we examine all bishops and every particular believer about this ? this is impossible to be done : will any one bishop , or any one particular believer , ( since every bishop , and every particular believer has it ) suffice to tell us , what this general faith of christians is ? is this an infallible conveyance of the faith to depend upon the tradition of bishops and christian people ? is there no faithful and authentick record of this faith , from whence we may learn , what christ and his apostles delivered to the church ? so one would think by this jesuit's account , who takes no notice of the holy scriptures , as if the common faith of christians could not be learnt from them , but from the tradition of the church diffusive . thus much for common law , but the church has her statute laws too , and they are the decisions or canons of general councils , declaring and applying to particular instances the common law and belief of the church : but how does the pope and a general council , or the church representative , as he calls it , come to have the power of declaring and applying the common faith of christians , which is in the keeping of the church diffusive , and therefore one would think , could be declared by none else ? do the pope and a general council infallibly know the sentiments and opinions of all the christian bishops and people in the world ? this they must do , or else they cannot declare the common faith of christians , unless they can infallibly declare , what they do not know : if their authority be only to declare the common faith of christians , how shall we know , that they declare nothing but the common faith of christians ? for if they do , their decrees are not valid , for they declare that which is false . this jesuit has greatly intangled and perplexed the cause by laying the whole stress upon the declarative and applying power . had he said , that the pope and a general council had authority to declare what is the christian faith , and though they declared that to be the true faith , which the church diffusive never heard of before , yet after their decision , it must be received as the common faith of christians , though it had not been so formerly , there had been some sense in this , though no truth : but when he says the church can only declare what is , and always has been the common faith of christians , if i can find by ancient records , that what the council declares to be the common faith of christians now , was either not known or condemned in former ages ; if i certainly know , that she declares that to be the faith , which at the very time of the council was so far from being the common faith of christians , that it was not the common faith of the council , but was contradicted by the wisest and best part of it ; then i certainly know , that the council has not declared the common faith of christians , and therefore that its decrees are of no authority . but he proceeds . we hold , that this general faith received from the apostles , and preserved in all the members of the catholick church , explained upon occasion by the church representative , is infallibly true , and this is all the infallibility the catholick church pretends to . and there is no protestant but will own this infallibility . that the faith at first received from the apostles , the same faith , which was delivered by the apostles , preserved in all the members of the catholick church , and the same faith explained upon occasion by the church representative , so that it is evident after the explanation , that it is the same faith still ; i say , every protestant will acknowledge , that this faith is infallibly true ; for we believe the faith delivered by the apostles to be infallibly true , and if it appears , that the same faith is still taught by the church , whether in or out of council it matters not , it must be infallibly true still . but yet there is a little difference between us and the jesuit ; he believes , and would have us believe , that the present faith of the church of rome , viz. the doctrine of the council of trent , is that faith , which was received from the apostles , preserved in all the members of the catholick church and only explained upon occasion by the council of trent , which was the church representative ; this we deny : this we know , this we can , and often have proved to be false . and i beseech you , what greater infallibility can any church pretend to , than to have the world receive all her decrees as infallibly true ? but they do not pretend , that either th● whole church ▪ or any person , or persons in it , are held to possess any intrinsick infallibility , which they own to be proper to god alone . thank 'em for nothing , they do not believe , that the church or pope or council are by nature infallible , for all the world would laugh at them , if they did . we do not say , ( as he adds ) that they cannot of themselves deceive us , but that god according to his promise directing them by his infallible spirit , it cannot possibly happen , that they should deceive us . the modesty of a jesuit ! who claims no more infallibility for the pope and general council , than the apostles had , and wonders any man should grudge them this , since they do not pretend to an intrinsick infallibility , not to be infallible by nature , but only by grace . thus he adds , that they do not pre●end to new revelations and lights , nor admit any new article of faith ; though where a doubt arises the church-hath infallibly power to declare what hath been revealed by christ to the apostles , and preached by them , which perhaps some part of the church might have had a less clear understanding thereof ; but this is done , not by making any new article of faith , but more clearly delivering what was ever believed by the apostles , and all catholicks from their time to this : that is to say , what ever the church determines , though the christian church in former ages knew nothing of it , yet it must not be called a new article of faith , but a declaring what had been revealed by christ to his apostles , and preached by them , though the world had long since forgot it : whatever the church determines to day , we must believe to have been the faith of the apostolick age , though there are no other evidences nor symptomes of it , but because the church which is infallible says so . and this is all the infallibility the church pretends too ! a very small matter to be denied her by christians , it is only to believe whatever she says , without disputing or examining her faith ; nay to believe that to be the old faith , which the most authentick records of the church prove to be new . i have thus stept out of my way , to see what fine thing he had to say of the churches infallibility , which he promised a very favourable representation of ; but it is all the old cant still , a little disguised by some ignorant blunders , or artificial non-sense ; as for his proofs of this infallibility , i am not concerned with them at present , and after so many discourses on that argument they need no answer . another argument whereby i proved , that no man can be disputed into popery , which denies us the use of our own reason and judgment in matters of religion , was this , because it is impossible by reason to prove , that men must not use their own reason and iudgment in matters of religion : for to dispute is to appeal to reason , and to dispute against the use of reason in religion , is to appeal to reason against the use of reason : in answer to this he tells us , that men must use their reason to come to this knowledge , that god hath revealed what they believe . now i would desire no more but this to prove that we must use our reason in matters of religion : for no man at this day can know what is revealed without it . i do assert , and let him disprove me when he can , that since god has given us reason to judge of the truth or falshood of such things , as are knowable by the light of nature , and a standing rule of faith and manners in the writings of the old and new testament , for matters of revelation , we must believe no mans or churches pretences to infallibility , who either teaches any doctrine , which plainly contradicts the light of reason , or a standing revelation ; and therefore we must judge of mens pretences to the spirit , by the doctrines they teach , and therefore must particularly judge of their doctrines too : this is the fair state of the controversie between us , and here i leave it , and let him take it up again , when he pleases . and here he returns back to the conference between a sturdy protestant and a new convert , which belonged to the former head , the design of which is to shew the new convert , that by going over to the church of rome he has gained no more infallibility , than a protestant has , nay has lost some degrees of certainty , which he might have had before : for thus the protestant tells him : you rely on your own reason and judgment for the infallibility of your church , and consequently of all the doctrines of it , and therefore your infallible faith is as much resolved into your own fallible iudgment , as the protestant faith is : so that the difference between us is not , that your faith is infallible , and ours fallible , for they are both alike , call it what you will , fallible or infallible — we have more rational certainty than you have , and you have no more infallible certainty than we . you think you are reasonably assured your church is infallible , and then you take up your religion upon trust from your church , without , and many times against sense and reason , according as it happens . so that you have only a general assurance of the infallibity of your church , and that no greater than protestants pretend to in other cases , viz. the certainty of reason and argument , but have not so much as a rational assurance of the truth of your particular doctrines , that if you are mistaken about the infallibility of your church , you must be miserably mistaken about every thing else , which you have no other evidence for . but now we are in general assured , that the scriptures are the word of god , and in particular assured , that the faith which we profess , is agreeable to scripture , or expresly contained in it , and does not contradict either sense or reason , nor any other principle of knowledge : so that we have as much assurance of every article of our faith , as you have of the infallibility of your church , and therefore at least have double and triple the assurance that you have . i have repeated this at large , that the reader might see what the dispute is , and indeed the very repetition of it is a sufficient justification , for it carries its own evidence along with it . now as to what i said , that we are in general assured , that the scriptures are the word of god. to this he answers , the conclusion would be this , catholicks are as certain of the sense of scripture , as protestants are that they have the letter . now i believe any reader will be as much puzled to guess , how this comes in , or what relation it has to this dispute , as i am . i tell the new convert , that his old protestant friend has as much certainty of his religion as he has ; for tho' he flatters himself with the conceit of an infallible church , yet his belief of the churches infallibility is founded only on reason and argument , as the protestant faith is , and therefore his faith is no more infallible than the protestant faith is , and so far they are equal . but then i add , that the protestant has at least as good assurance , that the scriptures are the word of god , as the papists can pretend to have , that the church is infallible , and so far they may be allowed equal still , that the one thinks he has an infallible guide , the other an infallible rule of faith : now how can the jesuit's conclusion come in here ? catholics are as certain of the sense of scripture , as protestants are , that they have the letter . for the comparison did not lie between the sense and the letter of scripture , but between that evidence papists have of the infallibility of their church , and protestants have , that the scriptures are the word of god ; both which is not infallible , but a rational evidence , and therefore so far equal : and this he has nothing to say to . in the preserv . consid. p. 29. he represents it otherwise : this is the case ; on one side there is supposed an infallible interpreter of the christians great law-book , ( for thus dr. sherlock states the case ) on the other are some men ( far the greater part unlearned and weak ) who allow not any sense to this book , which seems to them to contradict their sense or reason , or any other principle of their knowledge . and i am asked , whether i proceed more prudently in receiving the sense of the law from that interpreter ( which is actually supposed infallible ) or in proceeding by the second method . now this is as wide of the mark as t'other ; i never suppose an infallible interpreter ; never make any dispute , whether i should submit to an infallible interpreter , or follow my own reason ; which were indeed a ridiculos question , supposing the interpreter were actually infallible ; but our only dispute was , whether a man , who by the appearing evidence of reason , is perswaded to believe an infallible judge , believes more infallibly than a protestant does , who believes also upon the evidence of reason and argument ? this is the question he cannot answer , and therefore would lose , if he could . but then i added , that protestants had much the advantage of papists , because besides that general assurance they had , that the scriptures are the word of god , and the infallible rule of faith , they are in particular assured , that the faith they profess is agreeable to the scripture , or expresly contained in it , and does not contradict either sense or reason , nor any other principle of knowledge ; whereas papists have no other evidence for the particular articles of their faith , but the infallible authority of their church , which is the last resolution of their faith , and that many times in contradiction to sense , and reason , and scripture , as far as fallible men can judge of it : so that we have as much assurance of every article of our faith , as they have of the infallibility of their church : the meaning of which is , that we have a rational assurance of every article of our faith in particular , as they think , they have the assurance of reason and argument , that their church is infallible . to which he answers , if he means , they have the same proofs for this , which catholicks have for the infallibility of the church — it is false . no , sir , i do not mean the same , for i hope they are better , but proofs of the same kind , i. e. from reason and argument , which are the only proofs they can pretend to , for the infallibility of their church ; and therefore our assurance ( for that i said , not proofs ) is of the same kind too , a moral rational assurance , not infallible , for that they have not for infallibility itself , as our answerer confest above . but the argument he hints in his answer , p. 5. is so very new , and so very pretty , that i cannot pass it : if he means , they have the same proofs for this , which catholics have for the infallibility of the church , that is , for the being of that church which declares her self infallible ( for a church erring in such a point , would cease to be the church of christ ) then 't is evidently false . the argument is this , that the infallibility of a church , which declares herself infallible , is as evident as the being of that church ; for if she declares her self infallible , and is not infallible , such an errour as this makes her cease to be the church of christ. so that the church of rome is either an infallible church , or no church : well , for argument's ●ake , we will say she is no church , and try then , how he can prove her infallibility . but he has another bold stroke in what follows : that the christians of this age have the same evidence of her ( he must mean the church of rome ) being the church of christ , and of her teaching truth , and consequently of her infallibility , which she hath of christ , viz. prophesie , miracles , &c. what will no less evidence serve his turn ? is it full as evident , that the church of rome is the church of christ , and speaks truth , and consequently is infallible ( which it seems every one that speaks truth must by consequence be ) as that there was such a person as christ , the true prophet and messias ? i hope by prophesies , he does not mean the revelations of st. iohn , nor by miracles , the school of the eucharist . his next exception is against that argument : if you must not use your reason and private iudgment , then you must not by any reason be perswaded to condemn the use of reason ; for to condemn is an act of iudgment , which you must not use in matters of religion : so that this is a point which no man can dispute against , and which no man can be convinced of by disputing , without the reproach of self contradiction . here our jesuit is as pleasant as his wit would serve him ; the sum of his answer is , that a man may be convinced by reason , that he ought to choose a guide , and not to trust his reason in all things . i readily grant it , for this is to use our reason ; but the inquiry is , whether reason can convince any man , that he ought to follow this guide in contradiction to his own sense and reason : whether because reason will direct a sick man to choose a physician , it will direct him also to submit to this physician when he certainly knows that he gives him poison . the next principle , which overthrows the use of common sense and reason ( for that is his charge against me ) is this , that we must allow of no reason against the authority of plain and express scripture . this he allows to be a true catholic principle ; and therefore i hope the principle does not overthrow common sense , unless catholic principles may do it . but he does not like an instance or two i give of it in the first and second commandments : i say , such an express law is that , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him only shalt thou serve . no reason in the world can justifie the worship of any other being , good or bad spirits besides god , because there is an express law against it , and no reason can take place against a law. a rare consequence ( says the jesuit ) to infer a negative from an affirmative antecedent . but i thought , him only shalt thou serve , had signified thou shalt serve none but him ; and that i think excludes all other beings from any share in our worship . now to take his own instance , were there such a law , that a subject should love his king only , this would exclude father or wife , or any other friends or relations from a share in our love . here he begins to distinguish between that worship they pay to creatures , and to god , and alleadges st. austin's authority for it ; but if he have a mind to renew that dispute about the sense of the primitive fathers , as to invocation of saints , he knows his man , and had best keep to him , or at least do him right , before he engages any farther . it had been more to the purpose , to have examined that explication i gave of the first commandment , and how i proved , that it is an express law against the worship of any other being , but the supreme god , but what is most to the purpose , is seldom most to his purpose . the next instance i gave of this rule was the second commandment : thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image ; and there the jesuite stops with an &c. for he durst not trust good catholicks , who might read his paper , though they will read nothing else , with the whole commandment ; and this i affirmed ▪ and affirm still , is so express a law against image-worship , that no reason must be admitted for it . what ( says he ) if you be told , that although the iews had perhaps a command of making no graven image , &c. again why not and not to worship it ; we do not say they were forbid to make any graven image , but they were forbid to make them for worship ; and therefore his following instances of bezaleel and solomon , who made no images or likenesses of things in heaven or earth for worship , are nothing to the purpose ; he adds , yet this being a positive law , and not confirmed in the gospel , doth not oblige us ; will this reason be admitted ? he answers for me , no ; but i answer yes , if it be true and he dare stand to it ; but this is no reason against an express law , but an exception to the law itself , as of no force . i do affirm , that if the second commandment be still in force , it does so expresly condemn all image-worship , that no reasons can justifie image-worship against such an express law ; but if it be a law no longer , the case i confess is altered , and i desire to know , whether he will stand to this ; but he had best advise with some wiser men first , who understand the sense of the church and of the fathers , and of their own divines a little better about this matter . but before they abrogate this law , i would desire them to make it a commandment by it self , and call it the second commandment , as we do , for fear of abrogating the first commandment with it , of which they make it a part : though the truth is , the church of rome could spare them both , and thank you too . his parting blow is a very terrible one . i direct protestants never to admit any arguments meerly from the usefulness , conveniency or pretended necessity of any thing , to prove that it is . as for instance : a supreme oecumenical bishop and an infallible iudge of controversies , are thought absolutely necessary to the vnity of the church , and certainty of faith , and confounding of schisms and heresies . — now if i thought all this were true ( as i believe not a word of it is ) i should only conclude , that it were great pity that there is not an vniversal pastor , and infallible iudge instituted by christ ; but if you would have me conclude from these premises , ergo , there is an vniversal pastor and infallible iudge , i must beg your pardon for that ; for these arguments do not prove that there is such a iudge , but that there ought to be one , and therefore i must conclude no more from them . this , he says , is not only to misuse humane reason , but to deny wisdom and reason in god ; alphonsus the royal mathematician , was ever looked on as guilty of a horrid blasphemy , for having said he thought he could have ordered some things better than god did , at the first creation . 't is one of as deep a dye , to think god ought to have done , what we belive , that ●e hath not done . but do i any where say , that god ought to have done , what i believe he has not done ? do i any where say , that god ought by necessary and infallible means to have prevented schisms and heresies ? dare our author himself say this , who assigns this as the reason , why the infallibility of the church is no more than morally evident , because otherwise it were impossible that any heresie should be : which at least supposes , that god did not intend to make it impossible , that there should be heresies and schisms ; and therefore though we should grant it absolutely necessary to prevent all heresies and schisms , that there should be an oecumenical pastor and infallible judge ; is this to grant it necessary , that there should be one , or to say , that there ought to be one , unless i had said also , that it were absolutely necessary that all heresies and schisms should be prevented ? is there no difference between saying , that such a thing is absolutely necessary to such an end , and to say , that such an end is abfolutely necessary . but however , where do i say , that god has not done that which i believe he ought to have done ? is it the same thing to say , such a thing is not , and such a thing is not proved by such an argument ? and yet this is the utmost that i say , that the supposed necessity of an infallible judge , does not prove ▪ that there is such a judge , but only that there ought to be one , and i must conclude no more from it ; and does this overthrow the use of reason , to conclude no more from an argument , than the argument will prove ? whatever any man apprehends necessary , to be sure , he is mightily inclined to believe , but whoever will believe like a reasonable creature , must have good evidence for what he believes , and yet that we believe it necessary is no evidence , that it is ; not that god will not do , what is necessary to be done , but because that may not be necessary , which we vainly and presumptuously imagine to be so : which is the very reason i assign for it in the words immediately following . indeed this is a very fallacious way of reasoning : because what we may call useful , convenient , necessary , may not be so in itself ; and we have reason to believe it is not so , if god have not appointed , what we think so useful , convenient , or necessary : which is a truer and more modest way of reasoning , than to conclude , that god has appointed such a iudge , when no such thing appears , only because we think it so useful and necessary , that god ought to do it . which is not to excuse a bad saying with a good one , as the jesuite pretends in answer to the footman , ( preservat . consider . p. 36. ) but to justifie a good saying with a good reason . but if it were such blasphemy in alphonsus to say , that he thought he could have ordered some things better than god did at the first creation , let the jesuite consider what it is , to mend what god has done in the work of our redemption , upon a meer supposition , that it may be mended : for popery is nothing else but a mending ▪ or more properly speaking , a corrupting the gospel of christ with a blasphemous opinion of mending it . and i think to say , that god has done , what there is no other proof he has done , but only that we think he ought to have done it , is to say , that god ought to have done , what it does not appear he has done ; and if not to be , and not to appear , be the same in this case , then this is equivalent to saying , that god ought to have done , what he has not done . and this i hope is sufficient for the vindication of those principles , which are pretended to overthrow the use of common sense and reason . sect . ii. the principles pretended to make void all faith vindicated . he begins with proving the protestant faith , not to be a divine faith , because it is not a certain one ; which if it were true , is like proving a man not to live , because he is weak : for if there be as much certainty , as is absolutely necessary to the essence of faith , it may be a true faith , though weak , as a weak man is alive still : and faith receives its denomination of divine or humane faith , not from the certainty or uncertainty of it , but from the authority on which it rests ; a divine authority makes a divine faith , humane authority an humane faith , and both these may be either certain or uncertain , or , to speak properly , strong or weak : so that to prove , that the protestant faith is not divine , because it is not certain , is like disproving the essential properties by changeable accidents , that a man is not a reasonable creature , because he is not strong : for there is no more necessary connexion between faith being divine , and being strong or certain , than between reason and bodily strength ; a weak man may be a reasonable creature , and a weak faith may be divine , if it be founded on a divine authority . but i wish the jesuite had told us , what that degree of certainty is , which makes a faith divine , whether any thing less than the certainty of infallibility can do it ; for this used to be the old argument , that our faith is not divine nor certain , because it is not infallible , but if they will abate any thing of infallibility , we will vie all other degrees of certainty with them , and that he very fairly quitted before , when he owned and proved , that there could be no more than moral evidence for the infallibility of their church , and then i am sure , they can have no more than a moral evidence for the rest of their faith , which is all founded upon their churches infallibility . well , having proved , that our faith cannot be divine , because it is not certain , he next undertakes to prove , that our faith is not certain : because we cannot have an act of faith of any one article , till our rule of faith proposes it , i. e. till we know certainly what scripture teaches of it , not by any one text , but by comparing all the texts that speak of that subject . very well , we cannot believe any thing upon the authority of scripture , which is our rule of faith , till we know , that it is in scripture ; wisely observed , and we grant it . let us see , what follows . 1. then a protestant must certainly know , that he hath all the books of holy writ . 2. that all those , he owns for such were really written by inspired pens . the second we accept of , but there is no need to submit to his first condition . that a protestant must certainly know , that he hath all the books of holy writ ; that is , he must be able to prove , that there never were any other books written by the apostles or other inspired men , but what we receive into our canon of scripture ; which is to prove a negative , which is always thought unreasonable , and at this distance from the apostolick age is impossible , but whenever the church of rome will prove this of their canon of scripture , we will prove it of ours . in the mean time it is sufficient , that we reject no books , which have been always acknowledged by the universal church , and that the books we receive have been received for inspired writings by the universal church ; and if ever there were any other books written by the apostles or evangelists , which are now lost , we have reason to believe , that the church does not need them , but has a perfect rule of faith and manners without them ; for the divine providence would never permit , that the church should want any necessary part of the rule of faith. he proceeds . 3 ly . and ( since the letter kills ) that he understands the true sense of each text which relates to the object of that act of faith. 4ly . that he remember them all , so as comparing them , to see which is the clearer to expound the obscurer , and what is the result of them all , ( for any one he understands not , or hath forgotten , may possibly be that one that must expound the rest ) he cannot have one act of faith. now , not to take notice of his ridiculous , not to say blasphemous , misapplication of scripture in that parenthesis , the letter kills , by which st. paul understands the law , which he calls the letter , or an external administration , and the ministration of death , and of condemnation , in distinction from the gospel , which is the ministration of the spirit , and the ministration of righteousness , 2 cor. 3.6 , 7 , 8 , 9. but our learned jesuite understands it of the letter of the gospel as distinguished from the sense of it , which is such a distinction as no men of sense ever thought of , till the church of rome found it necessary to distinguish the letter and the words of scripture from the sense of it , and to separate them too , which they have effectually done ; but yet how the letters , which are very innocent things in all other books , should be such killing things in scripture , is worthy of the wit and learning of a jesuite to unriddle : but i say , to let this pass , i grant a protestant must understand the true sense of scripture ( which must be done by venturing to understand the killing letter of it ) before he can know , much less believe , what the scripture teaches ; but that they should understand and remember every place of scripture which relates to such a subject , i see no reason for ; if we have one or two or more plain and express places for it , it is enough , at least for ordinary christians , and a great deal more than the church of rome has for any of her new articles of faith. for we are sure , what is plainly and expresly said in one place cannot be contradicted by another ; and therefore if i had no more than that one plain text , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him only shalt thou serve , i should think it a sufficient proof against the worship of saints and angels , though there were no other text in the bible against it . now whatever papists say ( for we desire to hear them prove as well as say ) this is so far from being impossible to any , or almost any man , that every considering protestant has sufficient assurance of all this to found a divine faith on . well , but what says dr. sherlock to give protestants any certainty ? truly not one word , for that was not my business to shew what positive certainty protestants have , but to shew upon what vain pretences papists charge the protestant faith with uncertainty . and 1. i observe , that could they prove the protestant faith uncertain , this is no sufficient reason to turn papists , because protestants are uncertain , does this prove the church of rome to be infallible , because the church of england is fallible ? must certainty be necessarily found amongst them , because it is not found with us ? is thomas an honest man , because john is a knave ? yes , he says , if the stolen goods were found with john , an honest iury he conceives would bring thomas in not guilty . and if protestant uncertainty , and popish infallibility , were to be decided by an honest popish jury , we might guess pretty near at their verdict . but he says , there is a true faith , and consequently a certain rule of faith. protestants on one side chuse one rule , viz. the holy scriptures , for we have no other rule ; catholicks another ; therefore not the holy scriptures , for that is the protestant rule : but here he ignorantly misrepresents his own church ; for the church of rome does own the scriptures to be the rule of faith , though not a compleat and perfect rule ; but the dispute between protestants and papists , is not so much about the rule , as about the judge ; but he seems not to understand this distinction between the rule and the judge of faith. but now for his conceiving ! i conceive then , that if the protestant rule be proved uncertain , ( that is , the holy scriptures ) 't is plain , the catholick rule must be the certain one . but when the scriptures are proved uncertain , i fear , there will be no rule at all . but however , his argument is so far true , that if he could prove , that there are but two rules , that one is false , and the other true ; then when he has proved one to be false , i grant without any more disputing , that the other is true : but now , though there can be but one true rule , there may be a great many false ones , and then both the rules in competition may be false and uncertain . in the preservat . consider . ● . 38. he endeavours to salve this ; and now does not put the question about two rules of faith , for that he says , we are agreed on . that the scriptures are the word of god , that if we understood the full extent of its sense and meaning , there would never be error or heresie amongst us . which shews , that , as i observed before , he did not understand the difference between a rule of faith , and a guide or expositor , till some wiser m●n had told him of it . well , now the thing in question is , by what method we ought to come to that knowledge , as far as it is necessary to a christian. and i say , that all the methods are reduced to these two heads : that we are guided to the certain knowledge of what god hath revealed , either by a knowledge communicated to each of us , or by a knowledge communicated only to guides appointed to direct the rest . what he means by this communicated knowledge i cannot tell ; for we think the scriptures may be understood without either publick or private enthusiasms , as all other books are to be understood , by considering the use and signification of words , the scope and design of the place , and by comparing one text with another , and the like : thus the guides of the church must understand scripture , and by their assistance thus private christians may understand scripture . this all mankind confess to be one way of understanding scripture , the same way that all men use to understand any writing , nay the only natural way , that we know of : no , says the church of rome , there is another possible way , for god to direct the guides , the pope of rome , or general council by an infallible spirit in expounding scripture : right say i , this is possible indeed , for god can do it , if he pleases , but it does not follow , this is any way at all , till it appears , that god has revealed , that he will take this way : so that before there can be any competition between these two ways of expounding scriptures , it must be proved , that there are two ways ; the protestant way is acknowledged by all mankind , for nature teaches no other way of understanding books , whether of humane or divine composition ; that there is such a way as the popish method must be proved by revelation , for it depends wholly upon the will of god , and therefore can be proved only by revelation : now to make a competition between two ways of expounding scripture , before it is proved there are two ways is ridiculous ; and much more ridiculous to prove the certainty of the unknown and unproved way , from the uncertainty of the known way : if they can prove , the protestant way of expounding scripture , which is the only way we know of , to be uncertain , the consequence is , that there is no certain way of expounding scripture , not that the church of rome is the infallible interpreter of scripture : and therefore any protestant who is perswaded to own the infallibility of the church of rome , because he is told , that the protestant faith is uncertain , is a very foolish convert , and has so little sense and reason , that it were fit , he had an infallible guide , if he were to be found . so that he is a little too forward , when he says , that all the methods ( of coming to the knowledge of scripture ) are reduced to these two heads , for we know , but of one way of expounding scripture , till he proves another ; and when he can prove his infallible guide , we will give up protestant certainty , as i told him before , but till he has in another way proved the infallible authority of his church in expounding scripture , though he could prove our faith uncertain , this cannot prove his own to be infallible . in the next place i directed our protestant to ask these popish disputants , what they meant by the uncertainty of the protestant faith. for this may signifie two things , either , 1. that the objects of our faith are in themselves uncertain , and cannot be proved by certain reasons . or , 2ly , that our perswasion about these matters is uncertain and wavering . the jesuite answers , that this is not a true di●ision , for there is a third thing also , to wit , that whatever reasons there may be for a thing , he who believes it , hath for the motive of his belief those certain reasons . — for he that believes in christ only because his mother hath taught him so , hath a very uncertain , and no divine faith. but suppose this mother be the church , and he believes it only , because the church hath taught him so , has this man a divine and certain faith ? no doubt must our jesuite say , because the church is infallible . but suppose this man can no more prove the church to be infallible , than that his natural mother is infallible ; what difference is there between those , who believe upon the authority of the church , and of their mother ? i can assign none , and shall be glad to learn the difference from our jesuite . he who believes the true christian faith , and lives in conformity to it , shall certainly be saved , or else i fear we must at least damn half the christians in the world , whether protestants or papists , for want of understanding the reasons of their faith. nay i am afraid all traditionary christians must be damned , who believe this is the true faith to day , because their fathers and mothers were taught so and believed so yesterday . so that i guess upon second thoughts our jesuite will compound this matter with me , and let fall the third part of the division , and i am contented at present , till i hear farther from him . but he might have observed that i said , not only that the objects of our faith are in themselves certain , but that they may be proved by certain reasons . and therefore for him to say , that they are indeed in themselves certain , but not to any protestant , whose rule of faith cannot make him certain of any one article , without offering to shew , that the reasons , why we believe are uncertain , is to drop half of the first branch of the division , and then to complain of the want of it . when the footman had minded him , that our rule of faith is the scripture , and therefore if what he says be true , the scripture cannot make us certain of any one article of faith , instead of answering this blunder , his superiors only correct his words in a parenthesis , preserv . consid. p. 40. the protestant rule of faith ( considering the method he applies it by ) cannot make him certain , &c. which is a plain confession , that the footman was too hard for the jesuite , but then he should have shewn us , how we had misapplied , and what the uncertainties of our reasons are , but i suppose , he will take time to consider that . as for what he calls my rule of faith , which he says justifies turk , iew , and gentile . we believe all that god hath revealed , and nothing else , is not all , that he hath revealed certain ? though i grant a divine revelation is the only rule of my faith , yet here i spoke not of the rule but of the objects of my faith , and challenge him to shew , that we do reject any thing that god has revealed in the gospel of his son , or believe any thing else ; and dare him , as i well might all professed christians , to deny the truth or certainty of what is revealed in the gospel : but turks and iews believe what they think in their judgments god hath revealed , that is their rule , and 't is yours . and is there any fault to be found with this so far ? do papists believe , what they think in their judgments , god has not revealed , or what they think , he has revealed ? if they believe , what they think god has revealed , then they justifie jews and turks too , as much as protestants . no says the jesuite , your own private judgments are on both hands your guides , and not any authority established by almighty god. now i confess , i am not ashamed to own , that turk and jew and gentile , that is all mankind except papists , agree with protestants in this , that all men must believe with their own judgments , and that there is no other faculty to believe with : and much good may it do papists , that they have found out a way to believe without judgment , wherein they differ from the rest of mankind . as for their authority appointed by god , on which they must rely without using their own judgment , when they can prove any such authority we will submit to it . i proved that the articles of the christian faith , which protestants believe , are certain and founded on certain reasons , as they themselves must grant , unless they renounce the christian religion , for here infallibility itself cannot help them out . for infallibility cannot make that certain , which is in its self uncertain , an infallible man must know things as they are , or else he is mistaken and ceases to be infallible , and therefore what is certain he infallibly knows to be certain , and what is uncertain he infallibly knows to be uncertain ; for the most certain and infallible knowledge does not change its object , but sees it just as it is . now this he says is notoriously false , since she ( the church ) is not infallible by any light of her own , but by the guidance of the spirit of truth . now this is nothing to the purpose by what light the church sees , the question is , whether an infallible church can know that to be certain , which is uncertain ? if she can , then she infallibly knows that which is not true . but were not the apostles certain of what christ told them , when they acknowledged him the son of god before he gave them certain reason for it ? but was not christ's telling them so a certain reason ? if they believed without reason , i am of opinion ▪ how blind an impiety soever it be , that they believed too soon . i envy no church the priviledge of believing infallibly without reason or evidence , but it is well for the church of rome if she have this priviledge , for unless she can be infallible without reason , nay in contradiction to it , i am sure , she is not infallible . but what tergiversation is here ? does the church of rome infallibly know , that the christian religion is certainly true ? does she infallibly know , that the certain truth of christian religion is founded upon certain reasons ? if so , then the christian religion is certain and founded on certain reasons ; and then those who believe the christian religion for the sake of such certain reasons have a certain faith , whether they believe upon the authority of the church or not , unless a faith built upon certain reasons may be uncertain , or cannot be certain : for if the church infallibly knows , that there are certain reasons for the truth of christianity , then there are certain reasons distinct from the infallibility of the church , and they may be a foundation for a certain faith without the churches infallibility . i observed , that their great argument to prove the uncertainty of the protestant faith is , that there is a great variety of opinions among protestants , and that they condemn one another with equal confidence and assurance . he says , i should have added , thô they use the same rule of faith , and apply it by the same means . but there was no need of adding this , it was supposed in all the arguments i used , which he answers only by saying , 't is an unanswerable argument against your rule of faith , and evidently proves it uncertain . what does it prove the scripture to be uncertain ? for that is our rule , or does he mean this of our way of applying it , that is by using the best reason and judgment we have to understand it : and then his argument is this , some men misunderstand scripture , and therefore no man can rightly understand it ; some men reason wrong , and therefore no man can reason right ; some men are confidently perswaded , that they are in the right , when they are in the wrong , and therefore no man can be certain when he is in the right : an argument which in all other cases mankind would hiss at . some men believe they are awake , when they are in a dream , therefore no man can know , when he is awake : there are silly confident people , who are cheated with slight appearances of things , therefore no man can distinguish between appearances and realities . or to put but one case , which will sensibly affect him : some men , nay the greatest part of chris●ians , do not believe the infallibility of the church of rome , and therefore no man can be certain , that the church is infallible : for here are all his conditions , the same rule , applied the same way , for he confess'd above that there can be no more than a moral evidence for the infallibility of the church . now in moral evidence every man must use his own judgment ; thus we do , we consider all the arguments they alledge for the infallibility of their church from scripture , from promises , from prophesies , from bellarmin's fifteen notes of the church , or whatever other reasons and arguments they use ; upon the whole we conclude , that the church of rome is not infallible , they that it is : now if he will stand to his argument , that variety of opinions , when men use the same rule , and apply it the same way , is an unanswerable argument , that the rule is uncertain , then it is impossible that they should have so much as a moral certainty of infallibility ; since all mankind besides are against them . his answer to dr. st.'s arguments , to prove that the scriptures may be a very certain rule , though men differ in expounding them , are so very senseless , that i have no patience to answer them , especially since he grants all that the dean intended to prove , that a rule may be a certain rule , though men , who do not understand it , may mis-apply it . but the principle he has laid down for mine , i confess , is very extraordinary and surprizing , that if two men have the bible , read it , endeavou● to understand it , and believing they do , draw from the same scriptures two different conclusions , two opposite articles of faith , both are bound to stand to their private judgment , and to believe themselves in the right , though all the world should accuse them in lieu of the true pretended rule , to have used a false one. i affirm , that one man may expound the scripture right , and know , that he does so , though another expounds it wrong ; and he makes me say , that when two men expound the scripture to different and contrary senses , they are both bound to believe , that they are in the right : this it is certain they will do , and there is no remedy against it , but what is worse than the disease , that men should not use their own judgments , and then they dare not believe themselves when they are in the right , which is as bad , as to believe themselves in the right , when they are in the wrong : but that for this reason , all the world should accuse them in lieu of the true pretended rule to have used a false one , is very senseless , unless by all the world he means the world of roman-catholicks , for no other men , as i have already shewn , nay not he himself , if he will stand to his own word , will accuse the rule to be false , because men make a false judgment of it ; for to call every man's private judgment of the rule his rule , which is the substance of his following harangue , is to resolve neither to think , nor speak , like other men : for that no man thinks his own private judgment to be his rule , is evident from hence , that upon better information he alters his judgment , without changing his rule . i concluded this section concerning the uncertainty of the protestant faith with this observation , that this very argument from the different and contrary opinions of protestants to prove the uncertainty of the protestant faith , signifies nothing as to our disputes with the church of rome : for ask them , what they would think of the protestant faith were all protestants of a mind ? would their consent and agreement prove the certainty of the protestant faith ? then the protestant faith in opposition to popery is very certain , for they all agree in condemning the errors and corruptions of the church of rome . and thus i think they get nothing by this argument : for if the dissensions of protestants proves the uncertainty of their faith , as to such matters wherein they differ , then by the same rule their agreement in opposition to popery , shews their great certainty in such matters . and this i suppose is no great inducement to a protestant to turn papist . our jesuit had so much wit in his anger , as to conceal the force of this argument , and to represent it thus , were all protestants of a mind would their consent and agreement prove the certainty of the protestant faith. by which alone no man living could guess , what i was proving ; and to this he answers , not at all , and i agree with him in it ; for meer agreement does not prove the certainty of faith , no more then meer disagreement , or variety of opinions proves the uncertainty of faith. but they prove them both alike , as i observed , which he calls a ridiculous inference , and as he has reported it , he has made it ridiculous enough , this is the same rule , and their disagreement proves not their uncertainty . this is to mangle and transprose an argument that it may not be understood : but to confute this he says , all vnion is no argument of the spirit of god , for people may combine to do ill : but what is this to agreement in opinions ? may not that argue the certainty of faith , because some men agree to do ill ? for a general consent and agreement of mens understandings , may be an argument of the truth of what they consent in , though the agreement of their wills may not be a vertuous but a wicked combination . but yet st. paul assures us , disunion and dissention is a certain mark of the absence of the spirit of god , that is , contentions and quarrels and schisms are indeed so far the works of the flesh. but when two men or two churches differ in their opinions of things , can neither of them be in the right ? is the spirit of god with neither of them ? is truth on neither side ? then the controversies between the church of rome , and the church of england , prove that the spirit of god is no more with the church of rome , then with the church of england . the plain case is this ; our roman adversaries perswade protestants , that they can have no certainty of their faith , because protestants are so much divided about it , and therefore they must go to the church of rome , which alone pretends to infallibility . but say i , why should these differences among protestants oblige them to go over to the church of rome , when protestants have no difference about this matter , but are all agreed , that the church of rome is so far from being infallible , that she is a very corrupt church : i do not say , that the differences of protestants is a good argument to prove the uncertainty of their faith , nor their bare agreement to prove the certainty of it , but i say , one proves as much as t'other , and therefore 't is a better reason to protestants not to turn papists , that all protestants are agreed , that the church of rome is not infallible , but has greatly erred , then it is for protestants to go to the church of rome for infallibility , because they differ in some things among themselves ; especially considering that many points they now differ about , will not be reconciled by their going to the church of rome ; for the same points are as fiercely disputed among them too , as to instance at present only in the quinquearticular controversie . chap. iii. a vindication of some positions , which are pretended to make void all scripture-proof , all use of fathers and councils , and of civil charity , and moral iustice to our neighbours . as for scripture-proof : i was directing protestant● what kind of scripture-proof to demand for transubstantiation : and having shewn that the doctrine of transubstantiation does manifestly contradict the evidence of all our senses and the most necessary principles of reason , i told them , that it is but reasonable , that the evidence for transubstantiation should at least be equal to the evidence against it , and therefore they must demand such a scripture-proof of transubstantiation , as cannot possibly signifie any thing else ; or else it will not answer that evidence which we have against transubstantiation : for sense and reason pronounce transubstantiation to be naturally impossible ; and therefore unless it be as impossible to put any other sense upon scripture , as it is to reconcile transubstantiation to sense and reason , there is not such good evidence for transubstantiation , as there is against it . this he repeats after his usual manner , to take care that no body shall understand what it relates to , or see the force of the argument ; and in answer to it he gives us a new instance of his good will to the doctrine of the trinity . he says , a text which cannot possibly have another sense , doth not leave it in any one's liberty , who owns scripture to be an heretick ; therefore the church produced no such text against the arians or nestorians ; whence it evidently follows , that according to dr. sherlock , the arians and nestorians were not bound to believe the trinity and incarnation of christ. but did i say , that nothing can be proved but by such express texts , as it is not possible to understand otherwise ? i said , this was necessary to prove any doctrine which sense and re●son declare to be absolutely impossible . and will he say the doctrine of the trinity is such a doctrine ? no he says , preservative considered , p. 45. but they so appeared to the nestorians and arians , and that is the case put by dr. sherlock : but i put no case about meer appearing , but of such palpable contradictions as the sense and reason of all mankind agree in : as papists themselves cannot deny , and know not how to justifie , without pressing the almighty power of god to make good their absurd imaginations . now where there is only an appearance of contradiction , where a doctrine only lies cross to mens natural reason , there such express texts as do more evidently prove that doctrine , then that doctrine does evidently contradict reason , is a sufficient foundation for the belief of it , because in this case there is more evidence for it than against it : and did not the church alledge such scripture-proofs for the trinity ? and are there no such proofs to be alledged ? he thinks they did not , because then the arians could not have continued hereticks ; for a text which cannot possibly have any other sense , doth not leave it in any ones liberty to be a heretick . but i suppose , he will allow , that i spoke not of a natural but of a moral impossibility ; now a moral impossibility of interpreting scripture otherwise is , when a man cannot reasonably do it without offering manifest violence to the words , and this a wilful and obstinate heretick may do , how plain and self-evident , how uncapable soever the words are of any other possible sense to a reasonable and impartial inquirer . this principle , i confess , makes void all scripture-proof of such doctrines as sense and reason pronounce absolutely impossible , but this is no injury , but the greatest right we can do the scripture . but i cannot without some indignation observe , how the doctrine of the ever blessed trinity is upon all occasions introduced by these men as contradicting sense and reason , which would make one suspect , they kept it for no other reason but to justifie the absurdities and contradictions of transubstantiation . as for the making void the use of fathers and councils to unlearned men , it is the thing i designed , and i am very glad if i have done it : but as for learned men they may make such use of them still , as such writings are designed for ; not to make them the rule of faith , but either to learn what was the doctrine and practice of the church in their days , or what their private opinions were , or how they expounded scripture and the like : that i call it squabling about the sense of fathers , if the expression be undecent , it is owing to himself and some such late scriblers , whose disputes have been nothing else but squables . but i cannot blame him , that he is so angry , that i direct the protestant to inquire , whether such books were written by that father , whose name it bears , for he knows such an inquiry has very lately cost him dear , i was going to say a blush , but that is impossible . if such questions as i ask cannot be answered to the satisfaction of learned men , they are of no more use to them , than they are to the unlearned , who cannot answer them themselves , and want the learning which is necessary to make them capable of a satisfactory answer , and this is all the answer i shall return to this charge . his next charge is a dreadful one : such principles as make void all use of civil charity and moral iustice to our neighbours . he lays it in the very last section of the preservative , concerning protestant mis-representations of popery . wherein i shewed , how vain and silly this charge was , and he has not one word to say in defence of it . among other things i observed , that these men , who complain so much of mis-representing , endeavour to make the doctrines of the church of rome look as like protestant doctrines , as ever they can , as if there were little or no difference between them . — the truth is , the chief mystery in this late trade of representing and mis-representing is no more but this , to joyn a protestant faith with popish practices , to believe as protestants do , and to do as papists do . this i gave some few instances of out of the representer , and shewed that their faith , as he represented it , came very near and in some cases was the very same with the protestant faith , but their practice was popish . how is this contrary to civil charity and moral honesty ? he says it is this , when a man 's exterior actions are naturally capable of a good and pious meaning , and he ever and clearly declares , that it is his , yet to fasten upon him another opposite design and meaning . but how does this concern me , who fasten no meaning at all upon their actions , but only barely relate , what they profess to believe , and what they practice . he instances in two , and let all the world judge , who makes void civil charity and moral honesty , he , or i. to insinuate , says he , that a catholick thinks the virgin mary more powerful in heaven than christ , he tells you , that he says ten ave-maries for one pater noster ; whereas all that i say is , he ( the papist represented ) believes it damnable , to think the virgin mary more powerful in heaven than christ , which is protestant doctrine . but yet he prays to her oftner than either to god or christ ; says ten ave-maries for one pater noster ; which is a popish devotion . is here any breach of moral honesty in this ? is not all this true ? do i put any sense or interpretation upon this action ? i believe all men will think , that this does more than insinuate , what a belief they have of the power of the virgin ; and this the jesuite was sensible of , and therefore says , that i insinuate it , but i will leave it as i did at first , to what judgment all indifferent men will make of it . in the next place , he says , i charge the catholicks with worshipping the visible species in the eucharist : hear my words again ; he believes it unlawful to commit idolatry , and most damnable to worship any breaden god ; which is spoke like a protestant : but yet he pays divine adoration to the sacrament , which is done like a papist . here is nothing about worshipping the visible species in the eucharist : but whatever is the sacrament , they worship , and must do so by the doctrine of their church ; if they can make a sacrament of the body and blood of christ , without the visible species , then according to their doctrine , they need not worship the visible species , if they can't , they must , for they must adore the sacrament ; and if the sacrament should prove to be bread and wine , not the natural body and blood of christ , and it is strange , if it should not , then i need not tell them what they worship . but those matters have been debated often enough of late . he concludes with an advice to protestants , urging the argument against scriptures , which i had before done against fathers . amongst christians , there is not one in an hundred thousand , who understand all scripture , and it is morally impossible they should ; and therefore certainly there must be an easier and shorter way to understand christian religion than this , or else the generality of mankind , even of profest christians , are out of possibility of salvation . i grant every word of it to be true , if understanding all scripture , as he puts it , were necessary to salvation ; but the only easier and shorter way is to understand so much of the scripture as is necessary to salvation , and let him when he pleases , if he dare venture the blasphemy of it , prove that this is morally impossible to the generality of mankind , even of profest christians . a vindication of the second part of the preservative against popery . here our jesuite gives me a great many hard words , but nothing of argument ; he talks tragically of calumnies and misrepresentations , how much he proves of it , unless a bold accusation must pass for a proof , i dare leave to every ordinary reader , who will compare my book with his . he is much off of his byass here , for i did not dispute directly against any popish doctrines , but used such collateral arguments , as are very evident and convincing to ordinary readers , but so much out of the road , that the jesuite could find nothing in his common-place book about it , and therefore does not pretend to answer any one section of my book ; but yet out of every section he picks some single sayings , and if he meets with an argument , that he cannot answer , he takes some few words of it , and calls it calumny and misrepresentation ; the only way i have to write such an answer to him , as may be fit to be read , is to give a short abstract of each section of my book , and to take notice , where those passages come in , which he calls calumnies and misrepresentations . sect . i. concerning idolatry . i shewed the great design of our saviour was more perfectly to extirpate all idolatry . to this purpose he has more perfectly instructed us in the nature of god. to this end he confines all religious worship to god alone . thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him only shalt thou serve . it is his answer to the devil , when he tempted him to fall down and worship him ; but he gives such an answer , as excludes all creatures , not only good , but bad spirits from any share in religious worship . for he does not deny to worship him meerly because he was the devil , but because we must worship none but god. which is as good a reason against the worship of the most glorious angels , as of the devil himself . this he calls a misrepresentation , and to make it so , first very sillily misrepresents my words , and says , that i charge the church of rome , that she doth not pay to god alone , that degree of worship , which the tempting devil demanded of christ. but i say not one word there about the church of rome , tho' the application was obvious and he made it for me : but then i do not blame them , that they do not pay that degree of worship to god , which the devil demanded of christ ; which was but an inferior degree of worship , and therefore not proper for the supreme deity ; but that they pay any degree , how inferior soever , of religious worship to saints and angels , or any other being besides god , for that is the import of our saviour's answer to the devil , and answers the pretence of the church of rome , that she does not give latria , or that soveraign worship , which is due to the supreme god , but only dulia , or an inferior worship to saints and angels ; whereas our saviour's argument proves , that no degree of worship is to be given to any but god. he says farther , p. 64. that christ , by refusing himself all worship to god's enemy the devil , teaches us to pay none at all to god's saints and angels , is an inference that no one but dr. sherlock was ever able to make . then it seems , i have the honour of inventing a good argument , which this jesuite dares not attempt to answer : let him shew me if he can , that to worship none but god , excludes only the worship of the devil , not of saints and angels . as a farther proof of this , i add , our saviour denies to worship him , though the devil made no terms with him about the kind or degrees of worship . he does not require him to offer sacrifice to him , ( which is the only act of worship the church of rome appropriates to the supreme god ) but only to bow down before him , as an expression of devotion . this he calls a misrepresentation , that sacrifice is the only act of worship , which the church of rome appropriates to the supreme god ; which is the first time this was called a misrepresentation ; and yet he himself owns , p. 64. that sacrifice is indeed the only exterior worship inseparable from latria , and therefore never to be offered to any but god. and is not this what i said ? did i deny , that the church of rome paid any other worship to god , but sacrifice ? but i say , and so says our jesuite , that there is no other external act of worship so peculiar to god , that it can be given to no other being , but only sacrifice ; and therefore since the devil did not demand of christ to sacrifice to him , he did not demand of him that degree of worship , which alone the church of rome thinks peculiar and appropriate to god , and yet christ tells us of all other acts of worship , which the church of rome thinks may be separated from latria , and therefore given to creatures , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him only shalt thou serve . i added , that to prevent the worship of inferior daemons , who were worshipped as mediators to the supreme god , god advances his own son to be the universal mediator , and the supreme and soveraign lord of the world , that all mankind should make their addresses and supplications to him , and offer up their prayers only in his name , that in him they should find acceptance , and in no other name . hence he concludes , that i charge the church of rome , ( though i did not mention her ) that they offer not their prayers only in the name of christ , that in him they may find acceptance . and this he calls a misrepresentation ; and i will venture to be a misrepresenter for once , and charge them with it : for if they pray to god in the name and merits of saints and the blessed virgin ; if they pray to them to intercede for them with god , as appears in all their offices , then they do not pray only in the name of christ , nor expect to be accepted only for his sake . i summed up this argument thus : now this being so apparently one end of christ's coming into the world to suppress the idolatry of creature-worship , and to confine all religious worship to one supreme being , in opposition to the many gods of the heathens , and to teach us to make our applications to this one god , by one mediator , ( this , he says , is another misrepresentation , that they make not their applications to one god by one mediator , which is true , if by one he means only one , for they have many ) in opposition to the worship of inferior deities ; can any man imagine , that the worship of saints and angels and the virgin mary , can be any part of the christian religion ? which is not a direct proof against the worship of saints and angels , but an argument from what is likely , fit and congruous , and consistent with our saviour's design , to root out all remains and all appearances of idolatry ; which makes it improbable and incongruous to the utmost degree , that christ should permit the worship of saints and the virgin mary , as it is practised in the church of rome ; with temples and altars and images , with solemn prayers and vows , and solemn processions , which has so much the external appearance of that idolatrous worship , which the heathens paid to their gods , that there is no visible distinction between them . and if christ intended to root out idolatry , it is highly improbable , that he would allow , so much of the external pomp and shew of it , if it were no more : those who think this may be , may believe the worship of saints and angels to be a gospel-doctrine , notwithstanding this argument ; but such arguments as these are thought by most men to have some weight in them ; as for instance , that a man , who is very curious to preserve his wives chastity , will not suffer her to receive all amorous addresses and courtships from strangers , no not from his dearest friends ; that a prince , who is so jealous of any rivals and partners , as to make it treason to usurp the meanest of the insignia majestatis , will not suffer the greatest favourite to wear the imperial crown , nor to sit on his throne , and receive the addresses and homage of his subjects upon the knee . as i observed before , that how dear soever the saints are to god , they are but his creatures , and if soveraign princes will not receive their greatest favourites into their throne , much less will god. this is another of his misrepresentations , that i say , the papists , by their worshipping saints , angels , and the virgin mary , put them in the throne of god ; but this i do not say , but only that god will not take any of his creatures into his throne . but yet if giving religious worship placed the heathen deities in god's throne , i would gladly be satisfied , why the worship of saints and angels should not be thought to do the same : i am sure to worship saints in the same temple and at the same altar , and with the same humble prostrations , and in the very same prayers , that we worship god , looks very like placing a favourite on the same throne with his prince ; but yet this is not the dispute , whether they do so or not , but whether it be not so like it , that it is unreasonable to think , that christ , who came to root out all idolatry , will allow or command it . another kind of idolatry the heathens were fond of , was , the worship of images and pictures , whereby they represented their gods as visibly present with them . for they wanted some material representations of their gods , in which they might , as it were , see them present , and offer up their petitions to them , and court them with some visible and sensible honours . to cure this kind of idolatry under the law , though god forbad the worship of images , yet he appoints them to erect a tabernacle or temple , where he would dwell among them , and place the symbols of his presence , the mercy-seat , and the cherubims covering the mercy-seat ; which was a symbolical representation of god's throne in heaven , where he is surrounded with angels , as the holy of holies itself was the figure of heaven . thus under the law to give them assurance of his presence with them , though they could not see him , he had a peculiar place for worship , and peculiar symbols of his presence , but no images to represent his person , or to be the objects of worship . and here i took notice of that pretence of the church of rome for image-worship , that the cherubims were worshipped by the iews , and particularly answered the arguments of the late bishop of oxford to prove it , and it had been worthy of the jesuite to have made some reply to this , but he was wiser than to meddle with it : among other things , the bishop had urged david's exhortation to the people to honour the ark , bow down to or worship his foot-stool , for it ; or he is holy , 99 psalm , to prove , that the iews worshipped the cherubims ; this i said , was very strange , when he himself , four pages before had told us , that the ark was god's foot-stool , and the cherubims his throne ; now suppose david had exhorted the people to worship the ark , which , as he says , is god's foot-stool , how does this prove , that they must worship the cherubims , which are god's throne : this he calls a misrepresentation , and so it is indeed , and a very gross one too , but it is his own ; for he represents this as my argument against the worship of the cherubims , that they were commanded indeed to worship the ark , which was god's foot-stool , but not the cherubims , which were his throne : whereas i never granted , that by the foot-stool of god was meant the ark , but all that i said was , that if the ark , as the bishop affirmed , was meant by god's foot-stool , and the cherubims were his throne , then though there had been such a command to 〈…〉 god 's foot-stool , this could not prove the worship of the ●●erubims , which in his divinity were not the foot-stool , but the throne of god. this he could not be ignorant of , because i expresly proved , that by the foot-stool of god could not be meant the ark , for the ark was in the holy of holies , which was a figure of heaven ; and neither the heaven , nor any thing in it , but the earth is in scripture called god's foot-stool ; as the psalmist expresly applies it to zion and the holy hill. and this i observed , is a sufficient confutation of his exposition of the words , to bow down to , or worship his foot-stool ; for mount zion or the holy hill was not the object of worship , nor symbol of god's presence ; but there god was present , and that was reason enough to worship him at his foot-stool , and at his holy hill , as our english translation reads it . i added , suppose the jews were to direct their worship towards the mercy-seat , which was covered by the cherubims , where god had promised to be present , how are the cherubims concerned in this worship ? the worship was paid only to god , though directed to god , as peculiarly present in that place , which is no more than to lift up our eyes and hands to heaven , where the throne of god is , when we pray to him : but , he adds , the very image ( for example ) of christ crucified , is the object of the worship of papists , which is certainly true ; but he should have given my own words . the bishop had said , that bowing to or towards any thing , was the same thing ; this i granted , if they bowed to or towards any thing as the object of worship ; and therefore had the iews either bowed to or towards the cherubims as the objects of their worship , as the papists bow to or towards their images , they had been equally guilty of idolatry , and the breach of the second commandment ; but when bowing to signifies bowing to an object of worship , and bowing towards signifies bowing to this object of worship , only towards such a place , where he is peculiarly present , this makes a vast difference . and this he calls a misrepresentation , that i say , papists bow to their images as objects of worship ; but this has been so often proved upon them in the several answers to the representer and m. de meaux and his vindicator , that it would be as foolish in me to prove it again , as it is impudent in him to deny it . but i observed farther , that in the gospel god has provided a more effectual remedy against image-worship in the incarnation of his son. mankind have been always fond of some visible deity , and because god cannot be seen they have gratified their superstition by making some visible images and representations of an invisible god : now to take them off from mean corporeal images and representations , which are both a dishonour to the divine nature and debase the minds of men , god has given us a visible image of himself ; has clothed his own eternal son with humane nature , who is the brightness of his father's glory , and the express image of his person . — now when god has given us a visible image of himself , his eternal and incarnate son , whom we may worship and adore , can we think he will allow us to worship material and sensible images of wood and stone ? and here the jesuite finds another misrepresentation , that by the incarnation god is visibly represented to us in our nature , but the papists not contented with this contrary to the design of god , made man , make and adore other images of god. here he has concealed what my argument was , but the thing is true : that though god gave us a visible image of himself to cure the idolatry of image-worship , yet this is still retained and practised in the church of rome . in summing up this argument , i said , since it was one main design of christ's appearance to root out idolatry , is it credible , that the worship of saints and angels and the virgin mary , the worship of images and reliques , as it is practised in the church of rome , should be any part of the christian worship , or allowed by the gospel of our saviour ? if creature-worship and image-worship were so offensive to god , here is the worship of creatures and images still , and therefore all the visible idolatry , that ever was practised in the world before . this is another of his misrepresentations , but very true . no understanding papist , that has any modesty , can deny , that they worship creatures and images , for that they should be worshipped is determined by their own councils ; now if there be any salvo to deliver the church of rome from the guilt of idolatry in worshipping creatures and images , when the heathens were idolaters for doing it , yet here is the visible worship of creatures and images , that is , all that was visible in the idolatry of the heathens . this was my argument to shew how improbable it was , that christ , who came to extirpate all idolatry , should still allow the external and visible worship of creatures , which if it be not idolatry , yet is all that was visible in the idolatry of the heathens : and it had better become him to have answered this argument , than to have called it a misrepresentation . i observed farther . that the great difference the papists can pretend between their worship of saints and images , and what the heathens did , whereby to excuse themselves from idolatry , notwithstanding they worship creatures and images as the heathens did , is that they have better notions of the worship of saints and angels and images than the heathens had ; but i said , whether they had or no , would be hard to prove : the pagan philosophers made the same apologies for their worship of angels and daemons , and images , which the learned papists now make , and whether unlearned papists have not as gross notions , about the worship of their saints and images , as the unlearned heathens had is very doubtful , and has been very much suspected by learned romanists themselves . this he puts down for another misrepresentation , though all learned men know it to be true . had he ever read origen against celsus , he would have known , that that philosopher had taught the roman doctors , how to defend the worship of saints and images , and that the father had confuted them long since ; and had he looked into vives upon st. aust. de civitate dei , he would have found that learned man make n● great difference between unlearned christians and heathens as to th●se m●tters , to name no more at present . i added , can we think , that christ , who came to make a more perfect reformation , should only change their country-gods into saints and angels and the virgin mary , and give new names to their statues and images ? this he calls a misrepresentation too , tho' it neither represents nor misrepresents any body , that i know of , but only argues , what christ was likely to do . for had christ only forbad the worship of pagan gods , and set up the worship of saints , it had not been to extirpate creature-worship , but only to change those particular creatures , who were to be objects of worship , and instead of the images of iupiter and bacchus to set up images to saints . thus i have considered the misrepresentations charged upon the first section of the preservative ; as for his own representation of the faith and practice of the catholicks , as to their worship , i am not concerned with it . there are a great many late treatises , wherein those matters are fully debated . such as , the doctrines and practices of the church of rome truly represented . the object of religious worship . the answer to papists protesting against protestant popery . the late answers to m. de meaux and his vindicator ; and a book , which this jesuite has some reason to know , the primitive fathers no papists . and to these i refer my reader , who needs any farther satisfaction . sect . ii. concerning the great love of god to mankind , &c. he has found but six misrepresentations and calumnies in this section , which is pretty moderate ; and some few arguments against purgatory , and our recourse to saints for their prayers ; which he says he has collected , ( not one omitted ) but when i read them over , i could not find any one of them : i confess , it is a very dull and troublesom task to answer him ; for he transcribes several passages out of my book , without representing their connexion with what goes before or what follows , or without telling , what their fault is , or offering one word to confute them : that whoever will but take the pains to put every sentence into its proper place , will need no other answer . and this i shall do , as briefly as i can . having shewn , what great assurance the gospel of our saviour gives us of the love of god to sinners , i came to shew , how irreconcilable the doctrine of purgatory , and the invocation of saints and angels , as our mediators with god , is with the gospel-notion of god's love , and that security it gives us of pardon , through the merits and intercession of christ. 1. the doctrine of purgatory , where the punishments are as severe as in hell itself , only of a less continuance , and yet they may last some thousand years , unless their friends or the priests be more merciful to them . this i said was a barbarous doctrine , and so inconsistent with the gospel-account of god's love , that it is not reconcilable with any notion of love and goodness ; you may call it iustice , you may call it vengeance , if you please , but love it is not . these words he cites as an argument against purgatory , without representing on what it is founded , viz. that glorious discovery of god's love to sinners in the gospel of christ : now if to damn men , whose sins are pardoned , for a thousand or two thousand years , ( for so long sure a man may lie in purgatory , or else the pope is a great cheat for selling pardons for ten and twenty thousand years , if no man be in danger of lying one thousand years in purgatory ) i say , if this be not reconcilable with the gospel-notion of god's love , then purgatory can be no gospel-doctrine . this argument he never mentions , and never pretends to answer in his catholick doctrine of purgatory . he says the doctrine of purgatory is god's iustice , tempered with infinite mercy : but i desire him to shew me , where this infinite mercy is , to torment a humble , penitent , pardoned sinner for some thousand years in purgatory ? i believe i spoke the sense of mankind , when i said , i should rather chuse to fall into nothing , when i die , than to endure a thousand years torments to be happy for ever ; for humane nature cannot bear the thoughts of that : this he severely censures , and says , that man is unworthy ever to see the face of god , who declares with dr. sherlock , that did god offer him the eternal possession of himself on this condition , that he should first suffer a thousand years , he would absolutely refuse it . i wish he had kept to my own words , for i never would suppose so much blaspemy , as that god should offer the enjoyment of himself upon such terms , but i am of the same mind still ; though i prefer the enjoyment of god before all the world , and would suffer all the miseries and calamities of this life to obtain it , yet a thousand years torment in purgatory , which is as intolerable as hell , is a temptation to big for humane nature ; and if most men think as i do , i believe most men will be at a loss to find out the infinite mercy of purgatory . i observed , that there are two extravagant notions whereon the doctrine of purgatory is founded . 1. that god may forgive sins , and yet punish us for them , for no man can go into purgatory according to the doctrine of the church of rome , whose sins are not already forgiven , and i appealed to all mankind , how irreconcileable these two are , to forgive and to punish . for what is it men are afraid of when they have sinned ? is it not that they shall be punished for it ? what is it , men desire , when they desire pardon ? is it not , that they may not be punished ? which shews , that no man thinks , he is forgiven , when he is punished . here he represents me to say , that men desire nothing when they ask pardon , but meerly not to be punished ; which declares , that they value not god's love and favour as children , but meerly fear the lash like slaves . but i never said any such thing . does it follow , that because all men , who desire pardon , desire not to be punished , that therefore they desire no more ? and yet pardon in its strict notion signifies only the remission of punishments ; that pardoned sinners shall be rewarded too , is the abundance of grace through jesus christ : but yet i say , the first act of god's love is not to punish , and he who values god's love and favour , in the first place desires not to be punished : for this was the argument i insisted on , that such a notion as this , that god pardons sinners , and yet punishes them some thousand years in purgatory , is inconsistent with god's goodness declared by his son jesus christ ; for no man thinks such a pardon an expression of love , which does not remit the debt nor the punishment . that it is in our power , as he says , to attain salvation without suffering in purgatory , makes purgatory no more an act of goodness , than hell is , which it is in our power by the grace of god to escape too : but the best account he gives of god's goodness with respect to purgatory is this : that god restores his favour to us , before our hearts be as perfectly converted to him , as his justice might well require : that is , he takes us into his favour , before we have thoroughly repented of our sins and reformed them , but then purgatory-fire must expiate the defects of our repentance and reformation : now this is a great deal more and a great deal less than the gospel teaches us of god's love to sinners . for the gospel promises no mercy to any , but to true penitent and reformed sinners , and therefore to receive men into favour before their hearts are thus perfectly converted , ( which i suppose he means of an evangelical not of a legal perfection of conversion , that is , true and sincere repentance ) is more mercy than the gospel promises ; and to torment such men in purgatory , who are received to favour , is a great deal less ; and it is somewhat hard to understand the favour of a thousand years punishment , though it may be thought favour to receive sinners , before they are perfectly converted . and yet he has told the plain truth of the case ; for this is the only thing , that can reconcile men to the thoughts of purgatory , or make them think it an act of grace , that it is in exchange for the pleasures of sin , which they are so very fond of ; and those who will venture hell to enjoy their lusts , may well think it an act of grace to turn hell into purgatory : but this is not the gospel representation of god's love to sinners ; which is to pardon none but true penitents , and not to punish those in the next world , who are actually pardoned . i granted , it is something , to exchange the eternal punishment of hell , which is due to sin , into the temporal punishment of purgatory , but askt , whether it would not have been a more perfect expression of love and goodness to have remitted the temporal punishment also of , it may be , some thousand years torment in purgatory ? whether this might not have been expected under a dispensation of the most perfect love ? and from that god , who sent his only begotten son into the world to save sinners ? this is the force of the argument , which the jesuite conceals , that though purgatory be more mercy than hell , yet it does not answer that representation the gospel makes of god's infinite love and compassion for penitent sinners through jesus christ. 2. i observed , that in purgatory , god does not only punish those whom he has pardoned , but he punishes for no other reason but punishments sake . for thus the roman doctors tell us , that the souls in purgatory are in a state of pardon , and in a state of perfect grace , that they suffer the pains of purgatory not to purge away any remains of sin , or to purifie and refine them , and make them more fit for heaven , but only to bear the punishment due to sin , for which they had made no satisfaction while they lived : now i dare boldly affirm , this is irreconcileable with any degree of love and goodness : a just punishment respects the guilt of sin , but there is no guilt when the sin is pardoned ; to make it an act of goodness , it must respect the reformation of the sinner , which cannot be , when he is in a perfect state of grace and needs no amendment ; and such punishments as neither respect the guilt of sin , nor the reformation of the sinner , are neither just nor good , which is the exact notion of purgatory . this he sets down as a mis-representation ( p. 68. ) but does not tell us why : this doctrine is taught by roman divines , as i suppose he knows , or if he don't , let him consult bellarmin or such good catholick writers . i summed up this argument thus : our protestant need not dispute much about purgatory ; let him only ask a popish priest , how the doctrine of purgatory can be reconciled with that stupendious love of god declared to penitent sinners in his son jesus christ ? for it is a contradiction to the notion of goodness among men , to inflict such terrible punishments in meer grace and love , even when the sin is pardoned and the sinner reconciled , and no longer in a state of discipline and trial . this is the force of the argument , and here the jesuite , if he likes it , may try his skill . secondly , another argument i urged against purgatory was this , that it destroys or weakens that security the gospel hath given sinners of their redemption from the wrath of god , and the just punishment of their sins . and that upon two accounts . 1. as it destroys mens hopes in the merits of christ , and the atonement and expiation of his blood. for if the blood of christ does not deliver us from the punishment of sin , what security is this to a sinner ? yes , you 'll say , christ has redeemed us from eternal , though not from temporal punishments , and therefore penitent sinners shall not be eternally damned . this he puts down as a mis-representation , p. 67. and says , p. 73. that christ truly obtained remission from all temporal as well as eternal pain , and that whoever is regenerated by baptism , he not only is not adjudged to eternal torments , but neither doth he suffer after death any purgatory pains , if he die in that state of recovered innocency . this i grant they own , that unless men sin after baptism , they are neither in danger of hell nor purgatory ; and yet it is evident they deny that christ has expiated the temporal punishments due to sin either in this world , or in purgatory ; for if he had , there were an end both of the popish sacrament of penance and purgatory : and if christ by his death had expiated the temporal punishments of sin , i would desire to know , why the temporal punishment of sin is not as well remitted by the sacrament of penance , as by baptism ; since the expiation of christ's blood , as they pretend , is applied to us in both : and therefore this is a meer fallacy ; for though a sinner in baptism is delivered from all punishment due to sin , yet he is not in a proper sence delivered from what they call the temporal punishment of sin , for there was no such punishment due to sin before baptism . hell , not purgatory , is the punishment of all sin before baptism , and therefore a baptized person is delivered by christ from hell , which is the only punishment due to sins before baptism ; and if he die before he commits any actual sin after baptism , he escapes purgatory and goes immediately to heaven , not because christ's death has delivered him from the temporal pains of purgatory , but because he had done nothing to deserve it . for what they call the temporal punishment of sin is only the pains of penance , and no man is capable of the sacrament of penance , who is not a baptized christian ; and yet purgatory is of the same nature with the pains of penance , for there men compleat the expiation of their sins by enduring the pains of purgatory , which was wanting to perfect their penance in this world. and therefore baptism does not remit the temporal punishment of sin , because there is none due till men sin after baptism : it can no more remit the temporal pains of purgatory , than the temporal pains of penance , which none but a baptized sinner is obnoxious to : and therefore it is false ( according to their doctrine ) to say , that christ obtained remission from all temporal , as well as eternal pain , unless they will say , that christ obtained remission of the pains of penance , and then farewel penance and purgatory together . and this very bottom our jesuite sets it on , p. 75. where he tells us , those who say , that it were a greater mercy in god to remit all the punishment due to sin , blame christ for preaching penance , and account him on that score less merciful : which justifies what i said , that the pains of purgatory answer the pains of penance , and therefore this temporal punishment of sin , was not expiated by the death of christ no more then penance is : and when he can prove , that christ preached such penance as this , we will acknowledge purgatory . but to return ; i desired to know , how any man can be satisfied from scripture , that christ by his death has delivered us from eternal punishments , if he have not delivered us from the temporal punishments of sin in the next world. for if those texts which prove our redemption by the death of christ , do not prove , that christ has redeemed us from the whole punishment d●e to sin in the next world , they prove nothing , and then there is not one place of scripture to prove , that christ has redeemed us from eternal punishments . for if christ's dying for our sins , making atonement for sin , being a propitiation through faith in his blood ; if remission and forgiveness of sins , being justified , having peace with god , being reconciled to god , and saved from wrath , do not signifie taking away the punishment of sin , i desire one text to prove , that a sinner who is pardoned and justified shall not be eternally punished for sin : and if they do signifie taking away the punishment of sin , how can a sinner , who is pardoned and justified be punished for his sins , so that these scriptures either prove , that there is no purgatory , or they cannot prove , that we shall be delivered from hell. this argument he slightly mentions , p. 69 , but has so much wit as to say nothing to it . i asked farther , whether there are two kinds of punishments due to sin , temporal and eternal , of such a distinct nature that the promise of forgiveness does not include both , nay that god cannot forgive both , that god can only forgive eternal punishment , but the sinner himself must endure the temporal . if this were the case , i would grant , the promises of forgiveness could extend only to eternal punishments ; but if the curse of the law be eternal death , and all other punishments are only parts of the curse and a partial execution of it , then to forgive eternal punishments must include the forgiveness of temporal punishments as parts or branches of it : and this i shewed was the case here , that there is no other threatning in all the gospel against sin , but eternal death , and therefore all other punishments are inflicted by vertue of this law , as included in it ; and consequently he who is delivered from this curse of the law , from eternal punishments , is delivered from the whole punishment due to sin , though not from correction and discipline , which is not properly the curse of the law , nor the wrath of god. a little piece of this he cites , p. 69 , but without an answer . in his following harangue indeed for purgatory , he endeavours to prove by some examples of god's punishing those , whose sins were forgiven , and by some sayings of the fathers , that after the guilt of sin is forgiven , there remains an obligation to undergo punishment ; but these have been answered often enough , and are no answer to the argument of the preservative , and therefore i am not concerned about them . i asked farther , why they call purgatory , which is a place of punishment in the other world , a temporal punishment ? which is an abuse of the language of scripture , which makes this world temporal , and the next world eternal . the things which are seen are temporal , but the things which are not seen are eternal : and therefore temporal punishments signifie the punishments of this world , but the unseen punishments , as well as the unseen rewards , of the next world are eternal ; which is a demonstration , that there is no purgatory , unless it be eternal . this he thus repeats , p. 69. the things which are seen ( that is , of this world ) are temporal ; but the things , which are not seen ( that is , of the next world ) are eternal . this is a demonstration , that there is no purgatory : which is both to conceal the force of the argument , and to pervert it ; for he should at least have added , there is no purgatory , unless it be eternal . but his answer to this is extremely pleasant , p. 76. st. paul never taught that all things , that are not seen , or of another world , are eternal , or else god would be eternally judging , and so never rewarding his servants , or punishing his enemies . but it is plain the apostle by things that are seen , or not seen , signifies things which are to be enjoyed or suffered by us , not any transient acts of god or creatures ; and thus if there be any such thing as purgatory in the other world , it must be eternal . to this i added ; the state of the next world is called either life or death , eternal life , or eternal death . those who believe in christ shall never die . now i desire to know the difference between living and dying and perishing in the next world. for bad men do not cease to be , nor lose all sense in the next world , no more than good men ; and therefore life can only signifie a state of happiness , and death a state of misery . now if good men must not perish , must not die in the next world , they must not go to purgatory , which is as much perishing , as much dying , as hell , though not so long . this he thus recites , p. 69. who believes in christ , shall never die ; therefore good men must not go to purgatory , which is as much perishing and dying as hell , but not so long . which you see , is still to conceal the force of the argument , but the comfort is , he says nothing against it , unless his repeating it must pass for a confutation . but he immediately adds , as if it were in the same period ; otherwise purgatory may be everlasting life for all i know , and so the pains of it eternal . but this is several periods off . in summing up this argument i inquired , how a papist , who believes a purgatory-fire , wherein he shall be tormented ( god knows how long ) for his sins , can prove , that a penitent sinner shall not be damned for his sins ▪ after other proofs , which , i thought , it was reasonable for them to urge , ( and i am sure they can urge no better ) i alledged this in their behalf ; that christ has promised , that those who believe in him , shall not perish , but have everlasting life : and that proves , that the pains of purgatory cannot be for ever , for then christ could not perform his promise of bestowing everlasting life on them : to this i answer , so i confess one would think , and so i should have thought also , that when christ promised , that such believers should not perish , and should never die , that he meant , that such men should not go to purgatory : but if falling into purgatory , he not perishing and not dying , it may 〈◊〉 ●verlasting life too , for ought i know , and then the pains of purgatory may be eternal . i hope the reader is by this time sensible , how easie it is to render any discourse ridiculous by taking half sentences , and joyning those passages together , which have no connexion and dependance . i observed farther , that the doctrine of purgatory destroys our hope and confidence in the mediation of christ , as it represents him less merciful and compassionate or less powerful than the necessities of sinners require him to be . 1. as for his compassion . it is no great sign of tenderness and compassion to leave his members in purgatory-fire , which burns as hot as hell. could i believe this of our saviour , i should have very mean thoughts of his kindness , and not much rely on him for any thing — it is a wonderful thing to me , that when a merciful man cannot see a beast in torment without relieving it , it should be thought consistent with the mercy and compassion of our saviour , to see us burn in purgatory for years and ages . part of this he repeats , and i suppose thought all the world would take it for an ill saying , and therefore leaves it , as he found it ; but i shall stand to it , till he confutes it . 2. if it be not want of compassion , it must be want of power in our saviour to help us : — and if he want power to deliver from purgatory , i should more question his power to deliver from hell ; for that is the harder of the two : if his blood could not expiate for the temporal punishment of sin , which the merits of some superer●gating saints , or the pope's indulgencies , or the priests masses can rede●m us from , how c●uld it make expiation for eternal punishment ? i● h●s int●r●st in the court of heaven cannot do the less , how can 〈◊〉 do the greater ? this he calls a misrepresentation , and truly as he has recited it , it is a very great one . p. 68. that the blood of christ could not expiate for the temporal punishment of sin , which the merits of some supererogating saints , or the priest's masses , or pope's indulgencies can redeem us from ; how then can that blood make expiation for eternal punishment ? i say , if it cannot do one , which is the greater , mu●h less can it do the other , which is the less ; he makes me say , that it cannot do one , which is the less , and therefore cannot do the greater : this is popish liberty of conscience with a witness . from the doctrine of purgatory , i proceeded to the invocation of saints and angels , 〈◊〉 our mediators ; whether this does not also disparage the gra●● of the gospel , the love of god , and of our mediator and advocate jesus christ , to penitent sinners . now i observed 1. with respect to god ; that no man can believe , that god is so very gracious to sinners for the sake of christ , who seeks to so many advocates and mediators to intercede for him with god. to imagine , that we want any mediator with god , but only our high-priest , who mediates in vertue of his sacrifice , is a reproach to the divine goodness . this the jesuite recites , but what he has to say to it , he does not tell us . i there shewed at large , that god does not want entreaties to do good , though his wisdom and justice may require a sacrifice and a high-priest to make atonement for sin . to prevent that obvious objection , that god commands us to pray for one another on earth ; i observed , that this is not by way of interest and merit , as the church of rome pretends the saints in heaven pray for us , but by humble supplications , which i shewed was very reconcilable with the wisdom and goodness of god ; from those excellent ends it serves in this world ; this he calls a misrepresentation , p. 68. but i pray why ? do not they pray to god in the name and merits of the saints ? are not all their offices full of such prayers ? do they think the saints in heaven pray only as humble supplicants , when the very reason the council of trent gives , why they should fly to their aid and succors , is , that they reign with christ ? do they not , as he adds , take the virgin mary , angels and saints for mediators to incline god to be good to peculiar persons ? which he calls another misrepresentation ; why then do they pray so frequently and devoutly to them ? why do they tell of so many miraculous deliverances wrought by the virgin mary in favour of her clients , and of other saints in favour of their devotoes ? english protestants know these things too well , to be imposed on at this time of day by the bawling and confidence of an ignorant jesuite . 2. i observed , that it is not less injurious to the love of our saviour to fly to the prayers and aids of saints and the virgin mary ; as if christ either wants interest with god , or wants kindness to us , and either will not intercede for us at all , or will not do it unless he be prevailed with by the intercession of saints , or the entreaties or commands of his mother . and having shewed what assurance we have of the love and compassion of our saviour , i added , this one would have thought should have given the greatest security to sinners of his readiness to help them . but it seems christ is not merciful and pitiful enough : his virgin mother has softer and tenderer passions , and such an interest in him , or authority over him in the right of a mother , ( as some of them have not without blasphemy represented it ) that she can have any thing of him ; and thus they suppose the other saints to be much more pitiful than christ is , and to have interest enough to protect their supplicants , or else it is not imaginable , why they should need or desire any other advocates . this he calls another misrepresentation , and makes me ●ay , that the church of rome professes to believe all this ; but i say no such thing , but only this is the natural interpretation of their seeking other advocates and mediators besides christ : when he can give a better account of this practice , i will acknowledge , i was mistaken in my argument , but am no misrepresenter ; for to argue ill , and to misrepresent , are two things , as the representer himself , i suppose , has learnt by this time . sect . iii. an answer to the thirty misrepresentations and calumnies , and some fanatical principles said to be offered in the third and fourth sections . here our jesuite foams and rages ; and i will make him rage a little more , before i have done with him . for bad spirits are apt to rage most , the more they feel the power of exorcism , and then there is no way to make them quiet , but to cast them out . the third section of the preservative concerned the nature of christian worship , what christ has reformed in the worship of god , and what worship he has prescribed . 1. as for the first , i said , that christ has taken away every thing that was meerly external in religion ; not external acts , nor the necessary external circumstances of worship , but such exernal rites , as either by the institution of god , or superstition of men , were made acts of religion , to render us more acceptable to god. this i shewed was agreeable to the nature of christian religion , which has none of those ends to serve , for which these external rites were instituted by god under the jewish law , or invented by men. for 1. there is no expiation or satisfaction for sins under the gospel , but only the blood of christ , and therefore there is no place now for any expiatory rites and ceremonies . 2. the gospel makes no difference between legal cleanness and uncleanness , and therefore distinctions of meats and external washings and purifications are now out of date . 3. nor is there any symbolical presence of god under the gospel , which puts an end to the legal holiness of places and things . 4. nor are material and inanimate things made the receptacles of divine graces and vertues , to convey them to us meerly by contact and external applications , like some amulets or charms to wear in our pockets , or hang about our necks . 5. the christian religion admits of no external or ceremonial righteousness — now this cuts off every thing , which is external in religion at a blow , because it cuts off all hopes and relyances on an external righteousness . 6. hence it appears , that the christian religion can admit nothing , that is external , but only some faederal rites ; such as the two sacraments of baptism and the lord's supper are . — and such rites as these are necessary in all instituted religions , which depend upon free and volunta●●●●venants . for since mankind has by sin forfeited their natural rig●t to god's favour , they can challenge nothing from him now , but by promise and covenant , and since such covenants require a mutual stipulation on both sides , they must be transacted by some visible and sensible rites , whereby god obliges himself to us and we to him . this he calls a fanatical principle , but why i know not . and says , that this is destroyed by my former principle of taking away all rites that are acts of religion . this is a severe man , who will not allow me to make one ex●eption from a general rule , which no man yet was ever denied ; especially when i give such a peculiar reason for the exception , as is applicable to nothing else : that an instituted religion is and must be founded on a covenant , that a covenant must be transacted by visible and sensible rites ; for there cannot be a visible covenant , nor a visible church founded on this covenant without visible and sensible rites . and this i suppose he will think a sufficient answer to what he says . that on this principle i ought to teach , that the mutual stipulation betwixt god and us must be made by his interior graces , and our interior worship , because god must be worshipped as a meer spirit . that god must be worshipped as a meer spirit , and therefore without any external acts of worship i never said , much less did i assign it as my reason here against a meer external worship , that god must be worshipped as a meer spirit , but that the nature of the christian religion will not admit of such an external worship . and yet if he can tell me , how this stipulation or covenant can be made betwixt god and us by interior graces without some visible covenanting rite , how the christian church , which is a visible society distinguished from the rest of the world by a visible covenant , can be thus visibly incorporated by interior invisible graces , i will confess then , that there had been no need , had christ so pleased , of any visible sacraments . he adds , upon whatever account that interior covenant ( but we speak of an external visible covenant , which requires visible pledges and seals ) requires a visible sensible mark , and our actual communion with christ another , all the communications of god's graces to us , all our return of worship and adoration will equally admit of sensible signs and rites . let us apply this then to those instances i gave of this external worship , and see whether there be the same reason for that , as there is for some visible signs of a visible covenant . the same reason and necessity , for instance , of some external rites to expiate sin ; now the gospel declares , there is no expiation of sin , but the blood of christ , that there is of gospel-sacraments to apply the expiation of christ's death to us . the same necessity of external washings and purifications , distinction of meats , &c. now the gospel has put an end to all legal uncleanness , as there is of baptism to wash away our sins , or of the lord's supper to strengthen and refresh our souls by a spiritual feeding on the body and blood of christ : the same external holiness of places to sanctifie our worship , now god has declared , that he has no symbolical presence on earth , the same necessity of material and inanimate receptacles and conveyances of divine graces and vertues , the same necessity of an external and ceremonial righteousness , which is such a contradiction to the whole design of the gospel , as there is of the gospel-sacraments to receive us into covenant , and to convey the blessings of the covenant to us . as for external acts and circumstances of worship and adoration , i allowed the necessity of them under the gospel , but these are very different things from external religious rites , and if he knows no reason , why the conveyances of grace should rather be confined to the two gospel-sacraments , then to holy water , or agnus dei's , or the reliques of saints , or such other popish inventions , i will tell him one : because the spirit of grace is the spirit of christ and derives his influences only to the mystical body of christ , all our graces are the immediate influxes of the divine spirit , and nothing can intitle us to the graces of the spirit , but being members of christ's body , and there are no visible sacraments of union to christ , but baptism and the lord's supper , and therefore no visible rites of conveying the graces of the divine spirit to us but these . again , as our spiritual life consists in our union to christ , so this union makes us new creatures , for he that is in christ is a new creature : now there are but two things necessary to a new creature , a new birth , and a constant supply of nourishment for its increase and growth . baptism is our regeneration or new birth , whereby we are incorporated into christ's mystical body , and receive the first communications of a divine life from the holy spirit ; the lord's supper is the constant food and nourishment of our souls , wherein we receive fresh supplies of grace , as our natural bodies do new spirits from the meat we eat . now let any man tell me , what more is necessary to a new creature , than to be born and to be nourished by fresh supplies of grace , till it grow up to a perfect man in christ jesus : all this is done for us by baptism and the lord's supper , and if all divine grace must be derived to us from our union to christ as the members of his body , nothing can be more congruous than that the sacraments of our union to christ , should be the only visible and external rites of conveying all supernatural grace to us : so that unless holy water and relicks , &c. be new sacraments of our union to christ , they can be no gospel conveyances of grace ; and by the way , whoever well considers this , will think it little less than a demonstration , that there can be but two gospel sacraments , because there are no other visible rites of uniting us to christ , and consequently of conveying supernatural grace to us , which is the notion of a sacrament . but to proceed , i came to apply this discourse to popish worship to see , how consistent it is with that reformation christ had made of the worship of god under the gospel . and i observed in general , that whoever only considers the vast number ▪ of rites and ceremonies in the church of rome , must conclude it as ritual and ceremonial a religion as judaism itself : the ceremonies are as many , more obscure , unintelligible and useless , more severe and intolerable than the iewish yoke itself , which st. peter tells the iews neither they nor their fathers were able to bear . the first part he has nothing to say to , and by his silence confesses , it to be true , and that is proof enough , that it is no christian worship . but he will by no means allow , that they are as severe and as intolerable as the iewish yoke : this he calls a mis-representation , and looks about to see , what it should be , that is so intolerable ; he suspects i mean their fasts in lent , or on fridays and saturdays , but he is much mistaken ; i know all these are very easie and gentle things in the church of rome ; or that prayer and almsdeeds may be these terrible things . and here he comes pretty near the matter , for i look upon it very intolerable to say over so many prayers and masses every day without understanding one word they say , which is the daily task of many thousand priests , who understand no more what they say , than the people do . to part with their real estates , many times to the great damage of their families , out of a blind devotion to deliver their souls from the imaginary flames of purgatory , which they call almsdeeds : to whip and macerate their bodies ( if they be so blindly devout ) with severe fasts ( for men may fast severely in the church of rome if they please ) with long watchings , hard lodging , tedious and expensive pilgrimages , not to cure , but to expiate their sins . he says , if the ceremonies used in the liturgy , he should have said in their mass-book and rituals , and breviaries , be a burden , surely the clergy or religious must feel the weight of it , yet i am sure not one ever owned it . is he sure of this ? has he confessed all the nuns and monks ? but if they have not owned it , have they never felt it neither ? will he himself say this ? but suppose they neither felt nor owned it , may it not be as intolerable as the jewish law ? did the scribes and pharisees , who were so fond of the rites of moses , own it to be a heavy yoke ? and yet does not st. peter say it was so ? superstition will bear very heavy yokes of external rites and ceremonies without complaining , to be delivered from what they think a more terrible yoke of mortifying and subduing sin , but yet they are very unsupportable yokes still to ingenuous and vertuous minds . hence i proceeded to a more particular consideration of their worship . 1. that most of their external rites are professedly intended as expiations and satisfactions for sin . this he durst not deny , and therefore all their expiatory rites are no part of christian worship , which allows no expiation for sin , but the blood of christ. secondly , those distinctions between meats , which the church of rome calls fasting ( for a canonical fast is not to abstain from food , but from such meats as are forbid on fasting days ) can be no part of christian worship , because the gospel allows of no distinction between clean and unclean things , and therefore of no distinction of meats neither ; for meat commendeth us not to god , 1 cor. 8.8 . here is another mis-representation ; that a canonical fast is not to abstain from food . does he deny this ? yes he says , this is most false , but one meal being allowed of on fasting days . a terrible penance this ! which most of our merchants , and citizens endure all the year round , and eat later too generally than they do on fasting days : but is there no repast of wine and sweetmeats to be had at night for those who can purchase them ? i added , there is no imaginable reason , why it should be an act of religion , meerly to abstain from flesh , if flesh have no legal uncleanness ; and if it had , we must all have been carthusians , and never eat flesh more : for how it should be clean one day , and unclean anoth●r , is not easie to understand . this is another of his mis-representations ; for that is the word , right or wrong . he says , i would insinuate that they iudaize . whereas i expresly said , that they did not judaize , but did something more absurd : for they do not make such a distinction between clean and unclean beasts , as the law of moses did , and therefore are the more absurd , in forbidding to eat flesh , or any thing that comes of flesh. but , he says , when god by ieremy praises the rechabites for abstaining from wine , was it because wine was held by them to have a legal uncleanness ? no , nor is wine flesh. but , is taming of the flesh , the curbing of sensuality , no reason at all for abstinence ? and does abstinence consist meerly in abstaining from flesh ? will not good fish and good wine pamper the flesh too ? to place abstinence in delectu ciborum , as in abstaining from flesh , is a senseless piece of superstition : if it serve the ends of mortification , it is well ; if it be made essential to a religious fast , it 's absurd , and no part of christian worship . thus i shewed , 3ly , that the church of rome has infinitely out-done the jewish law , in the religion of holy places , altars , vestments , utensils , &c. which he passes over silently . 4ly . that they attribute divine vertues and powers to senseless and inanimate things , as is evident from that great veneration they pay to relicks , and those great vertues they ascribe to them : from their consecrations of their agnus dei's , their wax-candles , oyl , bells , crosses , images , ashes , holy water , for the health of soul and body , to drive away evil spirits , to allay storms , to heal diseases , to pardon venial and sometimes mortal sins , meerly by kissing or touching them , carrying them in their hands , wearing them about their necks , &c. — these things look more like charms than christian worship . — indeed they argue , that such men do not understand what grace and sanctification means , who think that little images of wax , that candles , that oyl , that water and salt , that bells , that crosses , can be sanctified by the spirit of god , and convey grace and sanctification , by the sight , or sound , or touch , or such external applications . — he who thinks that inanimate things are capable of the sanctification of the spirit , or can convey this sanctification to us by some divine and invisible effluviums of grace ; may as well lodge reason , and understanding , and will , and passions , in senseless matter , and receive it from them again by a kiss or touch . here are three of his thirty mis-representations all together ; and yet the jesuit is more tame , than the devil is usually represented to be , when he is frighted with holy water . but let us hear him : all these are mis-representations of our faith , which teaches us nothing of all this . well , however this is pretty moderate ; here is no hectoring yet ; no minister oates , and minister sherlock . what we believe , is , that nothing can free us from the guilt of any sin , which is external , and doth not affect and change the heart . but this is not the question , sir , but whether agnus dei's , holy water , &c. can deliver from the guilt of sin , and drive away the devil , and work a great many deliverances for us ; whether with or without the change of heart : if they can affect and change the heart , that is the better way ; and then they effectually convey grace , which is the thing i said , and which he dares not deny : if they cannot forgive sin , i desire him to tell his people so , who like that better than changing the heart ; and then they will purchase no more agnus dei's , nor trade in such roman merchandize . but they believe , that all creatures of god are good , and that they are sanctified by the word of god and prayer . what! to forgive sins , to give grace , to allay storms , to drive away devils ? was this the apostle's meaning in those words ? is there any word of promise in the gospel for this ? which is the meaning of being sanctified by the word . neither doth faith teach us , that any material thing hath any other than moral connexion with grace , either obtained for us by the prayers of the church , offered for us at the blessing of those things , or of those blessed saints whom we honour , and call upon by that veneration , or by the sacraments , according to the institution and covenant of christ ; but we do not believe , that god's grace is inherent , but in the souls of the faithful , or that any sin is remitted , without a due disposition in a repentant sinner . as for the sacraments , i have already given an account of their vertue and efficacy , that they are instituted signs and means of our union to christ , and that intitles us to the influences of the divine grace : whether it be a natural or moral connexion between grace and such inanimate things , is not the question , but it seems grace is annexed to them ; which is all i affirm : but however grace is annexed to them , the conveyance of grace from them to the soul , by meer external applications , as by lighting up , or carrying a consecrated taper , by sprinkling ashes on our heads , by sprinkling our selves with holy water , by wearing an agnus dei , or some relicks about us , &c. look as if it was done , not by a moral but a natural efficacy ; for what moral efficacy can such things have upon our minds ? but let it be done how it will , it seems such divine vertues and powers are naturally or morally annexed to inanimate and senseless things , and naturally or morally conveyed from them to the soul , by external applications , and i desire him to shew me the difference between such observances and pagan charms . he has confessed enough , and as much as we could desire of him , when he adds , or any vertue to be now-a-days communicated otherwise by insensible things , than it was to the woman that touched the hem of christ's garments , ( for christ felt vertue to pass from him , and therefore it was a very real communication ) or by the handkerchiefs of st. paul , or shadow of st. peter : and here were real and sensible effects , without any moral , but only natural or rather supernatural efficacy upon the patient . and if holy water , and agnus dei's convey grace at this rate , i assure you , they are very notable things . his undertaking at last to prove , whenever required , that they use no other blessings ( or consecrations of such inanimate things to such spiritual purposes ) but what they find in the records of the primitive church to have been ordered by the apostles , is bold and brave , and i here challenge him to make it good ; but i hope he will produce better records for it , than his homily of st. austin of the assumption of the blessed virgin. 5 ly . i observed farther , that all this encouraged men to trust in an external righteousness . for , 1. such external rites are very apt to degenerate into superstition . especially , 2. when they are recommended as very acceptable to god , as satisfactions for our sins , and meritorious of great rewards . and this is that use they serve in the church of rome : they assert the necessity of humane satisfactions ; and what are these satisfactory works ? fastings , whippings , pilgrimages , &c. all which men may do , without the least sorrow for sin , without any true devotion to god , without mortifying any one lust. to make this a mis-representation , he repeats it thus : they account satisfactory works , fastings , acts of penance , prayers , alms , though done without the least sorrow for sin , &c. whereas i say , they account these satisfactory works , and they may be done without the least sorrow for sin . now are not these satisfactory works ? that he dares not deny . may not all these be done , without sorrow for sin ? that he dares not deny neither . and this is all i said ; but then he will not allow , that they are satisfactory works , without sorrow for sin : i would to god he could perswade all the members of his church of the truth of this . but let me ask him one question : are these acts of penance in the church of rome intended as expressions of sorrow for sin , or as satisfactions for the punishment due to it ? are they necessary , before absolution , to qualifie men to receive the pardon of their sins , as the signs and demonstrations of a sincere repentance ? or to be performed after the sin is forgiven , not to express our sorrow for sin , but to undergo the punishment of it ? are they always the voluntary choice of the sinner , as the expressions of a hearty sorrow are , or the sentence of a judge , imposed by the priest upon absolution , or by the fears of purgatory ? now if such acts of penance are only intended to satisfie for the punishment , i think to undergo punishment , whether with or without sorrow for sin , does satisfie for the punishment of sin : sorrow may be necessary to absolution ; but when the guilt of sin is pardoned , if men can undergo their penance without sorrow , the satisfaction is never the less : and should he promote this doctrine , that the works of penance avail nothing , unless they be done with a hearty sorrow for sin , men would not be so easily perswaded to undergo their penances , especially if the priest be fevere . i observed farther , that the true reason why any thinking men are so fond of an external righteousness , is to excuse them from true and real holiness of life — all men know , that in the offices of piety and vertue they can never do more than is their duty ; and therefore as nothing can be matter of merit , which is our duty , so the true intention of all merits and works of supererogation , are to supply the place of duty , and to satisfie for their sins , or to purchase a reward , which they have no title to by doing their duty : that is , because they do not their duty . but then the jesuit represents it , as if i said , they could have no reward for doing their duty , and therefore they add works of supererogation ; which is jesuit like : they may be rewarded for their duty , if they would do it , though they cannot merit by doing their duty . 3ly . i observed , that to make these meritorious and satisfactory superstitions more easie , one man may satisfie for another , and communicate his merits to him : this the jesuit confidently says , is a sham ; for each man is bound to satisfie for himself , fulfilling the penances imposed on him . now suppose that men are bound personally to perform those penances which are imposed on them by their priests in confession , what i said was not confined to penances imposed in confession ; and i presume he will grant there are other satisfactions and penances necessary besides these . did he never hear of men , who have been hired to whip themselves for some rich and great sinners ? to say such a number of ave-maries for them ? if one man cannot satisfie for another , what becomes of their indulgences , which are the application of the merits of supererogating saints to those who need them ? another mis-representation is , that i say , they pay for indulgences with money , and buy satisfactions and merits . but though indulgences are not to be had without money , it is a sad mis-representation to call this buying , which should only be called alms-deeds : but the thing is the same , let them call it what they will ; alms-deeds , if they will call them alms-deeds , and that at a set rate and down-right bargain , are the price of indulgences and satisfactions ; and if this were the reason of giving alms , were there such an express bargain and sale in the case , i am of his mind , that every alms-giver might with as much justice be accused to have bought of god his grace and pardon for a sum of money . from hence i proceeded to shew , what kind of worship christ has prescribed to his disciples , and the general account we have of it . 4 john 23 , 24. but the hour cometh and now is , when the true worshippers shall worship the father in spirit and in truth , for the father seeketh such to worship him : god is a spirit , and they that worship him , must worship him in spirit and in truth . in which description of gospel-worship , there are three things included . 1. that we must worship god under the notion of a pure and infinite spirit : 2. under the character of a father . 3. with the mind and spirit . but he has found little here to except against , only two or three fanatical principles , which shall be briefly considered . the first . god being a spirit , must not be sought for in houses of wood and stone : because he must be worshipped in spirit ( as a spirit it should be , which differ greatly ) he must not be worshipped by any material or sensible representations ( by material images and pictures ) those words except your righteousness exceeds the righteousness of scribes and pharisees , you shall in no wise enter into the kingdom of heaven , cuts off every thing , that is external in religion . here he has jumbled things together of a different nature . i shall begin with the last first , because it concerns what i have already accounted for . that the christian religion admits of no external nor ceremonial righteousness : the great design of the gospel being to make us truly good , that we may be partakers of the divine nature . there is nothing our lord does more severely condemn than an external and pharasaical righteousness — except your righteousness exceed the righteousness , &c. now this ( not these words meerly , but this rejecting an external righteousness ) cuts off every thing that is external in religion at a blow , because it cuts off all hopes and reliances on an external righteousness , and i believe men will not be fond of such superstitions , when they know , they will do them no good . now what is the fault of this ? do not these principles remit all christians to the silent meetings of quakers ? exclude singing of psalms ? that is , because it excludes an external righteousness , it excludes all external acts of worship . well rhymed father , brains and stairs . since god will be worshipped as a spirit , he will now confine his peculiar presence to no place , as he formerly did to the temple at ierusalem , — for though for typical reasons he had a typical and symbolical presence under the iewish dispensation , yet this was not so agreeable to his nature , who is a spirit , and will now be worshipped as a spirit , and therefore must not now be sought for in houses of wood and stone : this , says he , excludes the use of churches rather than barns . that is , because god does not confine his presence to one place , because he has no symbolical presence , therefore there must be no places set apart from common uses for religious worship . thus god will be worshipped as a spirit , and therefore not by images , or material representations , which are so unlike a spirit ; that is , says he not by such material representations as singing of psalms . well guess't for a jesuite ! the second fanatical principle is this . god and christ are not present in the assemblies of christians by a figurative and symbolical presence : there is no symbolical presence of god under the gospel . though god fills all places , it is a great absurdity to talk of more symbolical presences than one : for a symbolical presence confines the unlimited presence of god to a certain place , in order to certain ends , as to receive the worship , that is paid to him , and to answer the prayers , that are made to him ; now to have more than one such presence as this , is like having more gods than one . to which he answers , to say nothing of the absurdity of this discourse , which makes that christian an adorer of two gods , who by faith adoring god in heaven and in his own soul , worships him in both places . truly he had better have said nothing , than nothing to the purpose ; for is god symbolically present in heaven , or in the souls of men ? in heaven he is really present , in the souls of men he is present by his grace and spirit , but in neither by symbols and figures of his presence , as he was present in the temple . but he has a terrible argument to come . doth not this destroy the very essence of your sacrament , the bread and wine in the lord's supper , which you own to be a symbolical presence of christ ? but no place nor object of worship . and yet though we grant the eucharist is a symbol and figure of christ's body and blood , it is no symbol of christ's bodily and personal presence , unless it be a symbol of christ's bodily presence on the cross , for it is a symbol only of christ's broken body and of his blood shed for us ; and the intention of it is not to represent christ bodily present with us , but to be a memorial of him in his bodily absence , and therefore it is no symbolical presence of christ ; for the figures and symbols of his body and blood , if they be a symbolical presence , must be the symbols of his bodily presence . his third fanatical principle is this . if god be better worshipped before an image than without one , then the worship of god is more confined to that place , where the image is . i cannot see , how to avoid this , whereas there is no appropriate place of worship under the gospel : and 't is the same case , tho' the image be not appropriated to any place , but carried about with us ; for still the image makes the place of worship . most of these are my words , but he has transplaced them so , as to lose the argument . the force of the argument is this . if the worship of god must not be confined to any place or symbolical presence , then he must not be worshipped by an image , for an image is a representative presence of god , or of the saints , and men go to images as to divine presences to worship ; so that where-ever the image is , which is a symbolical presence , whether fixt in a church , or carried from one place to another , it makes it a peculiar place of worship , as having a symbolical presence . so that the whole force of the argument , lies upon an image being a symbolical presence . and this he tells us is an argument for all dissenters against a liturgy , or set-form of prayer , ( i suppose he means the book of the liturgy , or forms of prayer ) for if god be better worshipped by a set-form of prayer , than without it , then the worship of god is more confined to that place , where that set-form of prayer , that set-liturgy is used ; and 't is the same tho' no set place be appointed for that set-form of prayer . the parallel is exact . it is so indeed , if he can prove the common-prayer-book to be a symbolical presence of god , as an image is , but till then it is ridiculous . at the conclusion of this section i observed , that to worship god in spirit , is to worship him with our mind and spirit . and from hence i shewed the absurdity of praying to god in an unknown tongue , when neither our understandings , nor affections can joyn in our prayers . for i suppose no man will say , that to pray to god or praise him in words which we do not understand , is to worship god in spirit , unless he thinks , that a parrot may be taught to pray in the spirit . this he calls a calumny . he would insinuate , that catholicks when they assist to ( present he should have said at ) prayers , which they do not understand , are not commanded to pray in spirit by devout thoughts and pious affections . now i insinuate no such thing : when they are present at prayers which they do not understand , they may have other devout thoughts for ought i know , but i say they cannot offer those prayers to god with their understanding , which they do not understand , and in such prayers they do not pray with the mind and spirit , and therefore all such prayers are absurd , and contrary to the nature of christian worship , which is to worship god in spirit . but my work is not at an end yet ; there are some other misrepresentations and calumnies , which he has picked out of the fourth section of the preservative , which must be considered . the fourth section concerns the reformation and improvement of humane nature , which i shewed to be the great design of the gospel , and that particularly with respect to knowledge and holiness ; and i examined how far the principles and practices of the church of rome did comply with this great gospel design . 1. as for knowledge , i supposed , neither the church of rome nor any one for her would pretend that she is any great friend to knowledge , which is so apt to make men hereticks . that knowing papists are not beholden to their church for their knowledge , which deprives them of all the means of knowledge ; will not allow them to believe their senses , but commands them to believe transubstantiation , which is contrary to the evidence of sense ; forbids men the use of reason in matters of religion ; suffers them not to judge for themselves , nor examine the reasons of their faith ; and denies them the use of the bible , which is the only means to know the revealed will of god : and when men must neither believe their senses , nor use their reason , nor read the scripture , it is easie to guess , what knowing and understanding christians they must needs be . against this it may be objected , that the church of rome does instruct her children in the true christian faith , though she will not allow them to read the scriptures nor judge for themselves , which is the safer way to teach them the pure catholick faith without danger of error or heresie . to this i answered , this were something , did the church of rome take care to instruct them in all necessary doctrines , and to teach nothing but what is true ; and could such men , who thus tamely receive the dictates of the church , be said to know and to understand their religion : so that here were two inquiries , 1. whether the church of rome instructs her children in all necessary truth , and nothing but the truth . 2. whether she so instructs them , that they may be said to know and understand . how far the church of rome is from doing the first , i said , all christians in the world are sensible but themselves , but that is not our present dispute . but our jesuite it seems will make it the disp●te , or it shall pass for a perfect slander , for thus he repeats it , they take no care to instruct m●n in all nec●ssary doctrines . which i did not positively affirm , b●t since he will have it so , i do now affirm , that they do not instruct men in all necessary doctrines , and that th●y teach them a great many false doctrines . but then he must remember , what i mean by instructing , it is not meerly to teach them to repeat the articles of their creed , but to give them the true sense and meaning of them ; and i do affirm , and am ready to prove it , and possibly may do so , when leisure permits , that they do not rightly instruct men in the great and necessary doctrine of forgiveness of sins in the name of christ , nor in the nature of christ's mediation and intercession for us , nor in the nature of justification , or of gospel and obedience , but teach such errors as overthrow the true gospel notion of these great and necessary doctrines . then as for their manner of teaching , to require men to believe what they say meerly upon the authority of the church , without suffering them to examine , whether such doctrines are taught in scripture , or to exercise their own reason and judgment about it , can make no man a knowing and understanding christian. for no man understands his religion , who does not in some measure know the reasons of his faith , and judge whether they be sufficient or not ; who knows not how to distinguish between truth and error , who has no rule to go by , but must take all upon trust , and the credit of his teachers , who believes whatever he is told , and learns his creed as school-boys do their grammar , without understanding it : this is not an active , but a kind of passive knowledge : such men receive the impression that is made on them , as wax does , and understand no more of the matter . these sayings that are marked out , are more of his misrepresentations , which need no other vindication , but to be shewn in their own light , and proper places . and yet i did not deny , but some men might be so dull and stupid , as to be capable of little more than to be taught their religion as children , but certainly this is not the utmost perfection of knowledge , that any christian must aim at : which he thus represents , with them this is the utmost perfection of knowledge , that any christian must aim at . this i did not say , but this i say , that it is the utmost perfection of knowledge , which any man can attain to , who will be contented with the methods of the church of rome , not to examine his religion , but to take all upon the credit of the church . well , how does our jesuite confute this heavy charge and perfect slander ? does he shew , that they teach all necessary truths , and nothing but truth ? does he prove that men may be very knowing christians without understanding the reasons of their faith ? not one word of this , which alone was to his purpose ; but he says , hundreds of thousands of religious men are employed in instructing the ignorant , and teaching children ; and whoever denied this , that they do teach men and children after their fashion ? but does this prove , that they teach them all necessary truths , and nothing but truth ? or that they make them ever the wiser for their teaching ? as for those ignorant protestants he has had to deal with , if he made converts of them , i believe they were very ignorant ; otherwise if there were ignorance between them , it was as likely to lie on the jesuite's side . having laid down this as a principle , that one great design of the gospel is to improve the knowledge of mankind , i hence inferred , 1. that to forbid people to read and meditate on the word of god , can be no gospel doctrine , unless not to read the bible be a better way to improve knowledge than to read it . 2. this is a mighty presumption also against transubstantiation , that it is no gospel doctrine , because it overthrows the very fundamental principles of knowledge , as i shewed at large , and wonder he has not one word to say for transubstantiation . 3. the authority of an infallible judge , whom we must believe in every thing , without examining the reasons of what he affirms , nay though he teaches such doctrines as appear to us most expresly contrary to sense and reason and scripture , is no gospel-doctrine , because it is not the way to make men wise an● understanding christians , for to suspend the exercise of reason and judgment , is not the way to improve mens knowledge ; and here i distinguish between an infallible teacher and an infallible judge . the first teaches infallibly , but yet he that learns , must use his own reason and judgment , unless a man can learn without it . but the second usurps the office of every man 's private reason and judgment , and will needs judge for all mankind , as if he were an universal soul , an universal reason and understanding , which is to unsoul all mankind in matters of religion . and therefore though there have been infallible teachers , as moses and the prophets , christ and his apostles , yet none ever pretended to be infallible judges but the church of rome . — though there may be an infallible teacher , there never can be an infallible iudge , to whom i must submit my own reason and judgment without examination , because i cannot know , that he teaches infallibly , unless i am sure , that he teaches nothing , that is contrary to any natural or revealed law , and that i cannot know , unless i may judge of his doctrine by the light of nature and revelation : for he is not infallible , if he contradicts any natural or revealed laws . i gave an instance of this in moses and the prophets , and in christ himself : for when christ appeared , there was a written law , and all the miracles he wrought could not have proved him a true prophet , had he contradicted the scriptures of the old testament . and therefore he appeals to moses and the prophets to bear testimony to his person and doctrine : and then miracles gave authority to any new revelation he made of god's will , when it appeared , that he had not contradicted the old. the law of nature and the law of moses were the laws of god , and god cannot contradict himself ; and therefore the doctrine of all new prophets , even of christ himself was to be examined , and is to be examined to this day by the law and the prophets ; and therefore though he was certainly an infallible teacher , yet men were to judge of his doctrine , before they believed ; and he did not require them to lay aside their reason and iudgement , and submit to his infallible authority without examination . this our jesuite makes a horrible outcry about , which has made me transcribe the whole of this argument . he will hardly allow either the author , or the licenser to be christians , and reserved this for the concluding blow to end his pamphlet with : what iesus our god blessed for evermore , even when owned the son of god , even from us christians , cannot exact a submission to his infallible authority , without examining the truth of what he says , by comparing it with the principles of humane reason : this is the sum of all his answer , the rest is raving and senseless harangue . but the fallacy of all this lies in a few words , iesus the son of god blessed for evermore , even when owned the son of son , even by us christians . for those who own him the son of god , no doubt will submit to his infallible authority , and therefore all profest christians must do so ; but that which i said is this , that no man could , nor to this day can own him , upon wise consideration , to be a true prophet , and the son of god , till he is satisfied that he neither contradicts the plain light of nature nor the l●w of moses ; and therefore thus far we are to examine his doctrine ; but when it is evident he contradicts no former revelations , and confirms his authority by miracles , then we are to believe any new revelations he makes upon his own authority . and therefore in my own name , and the name of the licenser , i here profess , that when by examining the doctrine of christ by the light of nature and the law of moses , i find he has contradicted neither , and by the great miracles he wrought , i am satisfied he is an infallible teacher , then i own him for such an infallible teacher ( or judge if he pleases ) that i must not judge of his doctrine ( excepting the case of the light of nature and the law of moses ) but believe it , and submit to him ; and in these cases , i submit to his infallible authority without examination ; i receive all his dictates as divine oracles . i do not wonder the jesuite is so much disturbed at this , for if it appears , that christ himself did not pretend to be such an infallible judge , as he would have us believe the pope or church of rome to be , they must for shame give up this kind of infallibility : and therefore if he has a mind to confute this principle thoroughly , that he may understand my mind plainly , i will reduce all to some few propositions , which he may try his skill upon , when he pleases . 1. that no prophet is to be believed in contradiction to such plain and evident principles of nature , as all mankind agree in . 2. that the first prophet , who appears in the world , before any revealed law , and confirms his authority by plain and evident miracles , is to be believed in every thing he says , while he does not contradict the plain and evident principles of natural knowledge . and for that reason moses was to be believed in every thing , which did not contradict the light of nature , because he was the first prophet , who made a publick revelation of god's will to the world. 3. that succeeding prophets , who confirm their authority with miracles , are to be believed in all new revelations they make , which neither contradict the light of nature , nor any former revelations ; and therefore christ is absolutely to be believed , when it appears , that he neither contradicted the light of nature , nor the law of moses . 4. when the revelation is compleat and perfect , and has no new additions to be made to it , ( as the gospel-revelation is ) how infallible soever any teachers may be , we must believe them in nothing , which either contradicts the light of nature , or the standing revelation , or is not contained in the revelation . and this shews us , how far we are to submit our own reason and judgment to an infallible teacher ; that is , when we are convinced of his infallibility , we must then believe him upon his own word , but not till then . and therefore we must of necessity judge of all prophets , till we can prove them true prophets , and then we must believe them without judging . the miracles moses wrought were a sufficient reason to believe him to be a true prophet , while he did not contradict the laws of nature , and thus far all men were to judge of him , and not to rely upon his authority ; but when by his miracles and the agreement of his doctrine with natural principles , they were satisfied , he was a true prophet , they were to judge no farther , but to receive every thing else upon his authority . when christ appeared in the world , men were to judge of him , before they believed , and that not only by miracles , and the conformity of his doctrine to the light of nature , but by his agreement with the law of moses , which was a standing revelation : and when by these marks he was known to be the true messias , they were to believe every thing else he said upon his own authority . but christ having now given us a perfect revelation of god'● will , to which no additions must be made ; we are to believe no men , how infallible soever , any further than they agree with the gospel-revelation , and therefore must judge for our selves both of the sense of scripture , and the doctrine they teach ; which is a plain demonstration , that as there never was such an infallible teacher , whom we must in all cases believe without examination , ( which is what the church of rome means by an infallible judge ) for moses his doctrine was to be examined by the light of nature , and christ's by the light of nature and the law of moses ; so now especially can there be no such infallible judge , because the gospel is the entire and perfect rule of faith , and we must believe no man , against or beyond the gospel-revelation ; and therefore must judge for our selves , and compare his doctrine with the rule ; which confounds the infallibility of the church of rome . this is the scheme of my principles ; and now he knows , what he has to answer , when he has a mind to it . 4 ly . i observed farther , to pretend the scripture to be an obscure or imperfect rule , is a direct contradiction to the design of the gospel , to improve and perfect knowledge . he says nothing about the obscurity of the rule , as for the imperfections of it , i observed , they pretended to supply the defects of scripture by unwritten traditions . the first answer i gave to this , which alone he pretends to say something to , was this . if the sriptures be an imperfect rule , then all christians have not a perfect rule , because they have not the keeping of unwritten traditions , and know not what they are , till the church is pleased to tell them ; and it seems it was a very great while before the church thought fit to do it : for suppose all the new articles of the council of trent , were unwritten traditions , fifteen hundred years was somewhat of the longest to have so considerable a part of the rule of faith concealed from the world. which the jesuite thus repeats ; the catholicks by unwritten traditions , that make up a part of their rule of faith , mean such things as may be concealed from the world for 1500 years , never heard of before in the church of god , kept very privately and secretly for several ages , and totally unwritten . whereas i said nothing at all of this , but that if the twelve new articles of pope pius his creed in the council of trent , be pretended ( as they do pretend ) to be the tradition of the church , then de facto this tradition was concealed for near 1500 years , for there was no such tradition known before , nor at the time of the council of trent , as has been proved as to several articles , by the learned dean of st. pauls ; and , when our jesuite pleases , he may try to confute him . 5 ly . i observed , that an implicit faith , or believing as the church believes , without knowing what it is we believe , can be no gospel doctrine , because it is not for the improvement of knowledge . and here i observed , that some roman doctors think it sufficient , that a man believes as the church believes , without an explicite knowledge of any thing they believe ; but the general opinion is , that a man must have an explicite belief of the apos●les creed , but as for every thing else it suffices , if he believes as the church believes . that is , as i inferred , it is not necessary men should so much as know , what the new articles of the trent faith are , if they believe the apostles creed , and in other things resign up their faith implicitely to the church . from whence i concluded , that by their own confession all the doctrines in dispute between us and the church of rome are of no use , much less necessary to salvation , for if they were they would be as necessary to be known , and explicitely believed , as the apostles creed ; and therefore protestants who believe the apostles creed , may be saved without believing the trent creed , for what we need not know , we need not believe . what does our jesuite say to this ? is an implicite faith no doctrine of their church ? have i misrepresented their doctrine ? he says nothing of this . but this calumniator ( he says , meaning poor calumniated me ) confounds what is to be known necessitate medii , so that he who through no fault of his hath not learned it , is however uncapable of salvation ( which is all contained in the creed ) with what must be known necessitate praecepti , because god hath commanded all those who are in the occasion and in the capacity of being instructed in it , to learn it . whatever i confounded , i am sure , this is a distinction would confound any man to reconcile it with an implicite faith. some things are so neces●ary to be known , that a man shall be damned meerly for not knowing them , though he had no opportunity to know them ( which some will say is very hard ) other things are necessa●y to be known to those who have opportunity to know them , for that i suppose he means , by occasion and capacity , or he means nothing but a trick ; and what place is here for an implicite faith ? when they must know all that is a necessary means of salvation , at the peril of their salvation , and must know every thing , as far as they have opportunity of learning it ; and therefore must never take up with an implicite faith. he says , each man is not bound to know all that christ hath taught , but yet all that christ has taught as necessary to him in his station : so that if all christians are not bound to have an explicite belief and knowledge of any thing but the apostles creed , then the knowledge of all the peculiar doctrines of popery , it seems , are not necessary for them in their station ; and if they be not necessary for all lay-christians suppose in their station , they are necessary for no body but the pope and his clergy ; and that is the truth of the story : for they are the only people that get any thing by them , and it concerns them only to know these matters . secondly , i proceeded to holiness and vertue , the promoting of which is another great gospel-design ; and shewed how many ways this is hindred in the church of rome . i observed , that great value the church of rome sets upon an external righteousness , is very apt to corrupt mens notions of what is good , to perswade them that such external observances are much more pleasing to god , and therefore certainly much better in themselves , than true gospel-obedience , than moral and evangelical vertues : for that which will merit of god the pardon of the greatest immoralities , and a great reward , that which supplies the want of true vertue , which compensates for sin , and makes men great saints , must needs be more pleasing to god , than vertueit self . this he cites as a great mis-representation , and so it is , as he puts it ; for he makes me say , that they teach all this : whereas all that i say is , that these are natural inferences which men draw from that great value the church of rome puts upon an external righteousness , and that such conceits as these are very apt to make men careless of a holy life . thus he makes me say , the roman church teaches , that men need take no care of venial sins , and that they may keep clear of mortal sins , without any great attainment in vertue . but i never said , the roman church taught this . i say , the doctrine of venial sins , which cannot deserve eternal punishments , how many soever they are , is apt to give men very slight thoughts of very great evils : that wdile this distinction lasts , men have an excuse at hand for a great many sins , which they need take no care of . what! because the church teaches , that they need not avoid venial sins ? by no means ! but because they shall not be damned for them , which is encouragement enough to most men to be careless about them : if they keep clear of mortal sins , they are safe , that is , as to eternal damnation ; and that men may do without any great attainments in vertue : which is certainly true , whoever teaches it , according to the roman distinction between venial and mortal sins . i shewed farther , that the church of rome makes void most of the gospel motives to a holy life . the second was the holiness , and purity , and inflexible justice of the divine nature , which enforces the necessity of holiness , because a holy god cannot be reconciled to wicked men , nor forgive our sins , unless we repent and reform . but the force of this argument is lost in the church of rome by the iudicial absolution of the priest. for they see daily the priest does absolve them without forsaking their sins , and god must confirm the sentence of his ministers ; and therefore they are absolved , and need not fear that god will not absolve them : which must either destroy all sense of god's essential holiness and purity , and perswade them , that god can be reconciled to sinners , while they continue in their sins ; or else they must believe that god hath given power to his priests to absolve those whom he could not have absolved himself . this he thus repeats : they teach ( for this must always come in to make me a mis-representer ) that when a priest absolves men that forsake not their sins , god must confirm the sentence of his minister , and therefore they are absolved , and need not fear ; whence they believe that god can be reconciled to sinners , whilst they remain in their sins ; and therefore they must believe that god hath given power to his priests to absolve those whom he could not absolve himself . how unlike this is to what i said , i need not tell any man ; but he has not only mis-represented my words and sense , but has made non-sense of it too , which is a little too much at once : for if they believe that god can be reconciled to sinners , while they continue in their sins , they need not believe that god had given power to the priest to absolve those whom he could not absolve himself , that is , unreformed sinners ; for if god can be reconciled to such men , who continue in their sins , he may absolve them too , as well as the priest. but i must not part with this point thus . i said , that de facto men saw that they are every day , or as oft as they please to go to confession , absolved by the priest without forsaking their sins ; is not this true ? that they are taught that god confirms the sentence of his ministers , and when they are forgiven by the priest , they are forgiven by god : that the priest is a judge and absolves as a judge , by a true judicial , not a meer declarative power : is not this true ? and is not this reason enough for them to believe that when they are absolved by the priest , without forsaking their sins , they are absolved by god ? and does not this destroy that argument from the holiness and justice of god , that he will not forgive our sins , unless we forsake them ? but he says , they teach , that to receive absolution without a real forsaking of our sins , in lieu of forgiveness of them , adds a hainous sacriledge . but how do they teach this , by words or actions ? their actions teach quite otherwise , for they absolve men over and over , who do not forsake their sins , though they know that they do not ; and if such absolutions do not avail to the forgiveness of sins , what greater security is there in the popish judicial , than in the protestant declarative absolution ? nay , why do they cheat people out of their souls , and lull them into security by such void absolutions ? nor do their words teach any necessity of mens forsaking sin , to make their absolution valid : contrition is the most that is required to absolution . now suppose contrition signifie a sorrow for sin , and a resolution to forsake it , yet contrition is not forsaking sin , is not holiness of life ; and if absolution upon contrition puts men into a state of salvation , then men may be saved by the sacrament of penance , without an actual forsaking of sin ; for if they sin again , it is only repeating the same remedy , the sacrament of penance , with the absolution of the priest , will restore them to the favour of god , and a state of salvation again . which shews that the church of rome does not teach what he pretends ; i wish she did , or that he would teach it for her , that the absolution of the priest will avail no man who does not actually forsake his sins , and reform his life , and then we should see what value men would have for their judicial absolution . a third gospel-motive to holiness , is the death and sacrifice of christ , because his bloud is the bloud of the covenant , and the efficacy of his sacrifice , extends no farther than the gospel-covenant ; that is , no man can be saved by the bloud of christ , but those who obey the gospel . this i observed the church of rome seems very sensible of , that the sacrifice of the cross will avail none but penitent and reformed sinners . but then the sacrifice of the mass is a propitiatory sacrifice for the living and the dead , to expiate those sins , which are not expiated by the sacrifice of christ upon the cross , and that by the bare opus operatum , by the offering this sacrifice of the mass it self , without any good motion in the person for whom it is offered . these are some more of his mis-representations , to which he adds , that when christ was sacrificed upon the cross , he expiated only for the eternal punishment of sin ; when sacrificed in the mass only , for the temporal . what has he to say to this , only three loud calumnies . we teach , that christ on the cross gave himself a full redemption for all the guilt and debt of sinners , who apply to themselves that precious bloud by the means appointed by christ. very tender this ! but did christ expiate the sins only of true penitent and reformed sinners ? is that the only means of applying his precious bloud to us ? that by the sacrifice of the mass , as also by any good christian prayers for obdurate sinners , such graces may be obtained as shall work in them their salvation ; but that no sin is remitted to an impenitent sinner . very artificial and trickish still ! does the sacrifice of the mass expiate sins , or not ? do other good christian prayers expiate sin ? why then does he joyn the sacrifice of the mass , and other good christian prayers , as if they attribute no more expiation to the mass , than to christian prayers ? is the sacrifice of the mass to obtain grace for sinners , or to expiate sin ? pray what grace is obtained by the sacrifice of the mass for those who are dead ? or is the sacrifice of the mass available for obdurate sinners , or for those only who are in a state of grace ? but pray , why not one word to ●he main case , that the mass expiates those sins , for which the sacrifice of the cross made no expiation ? what he adds , that no sin is remitted to an impenitent sinner , is nothing to the purpose ; the question is , whether no man shall be pardoned , who does not reform his sin , and live a holy life ? these are two things in the church of rome , where men receive absolution upon their contrition , as is pretended , who never reform their lives . but as for the opus operatum he tells us , it hath no reference to him , who receives the sacraments , — but to those who administer the sacraments , from whose piety they take not their force . this i know cassander and some other moderate romanists would have to be the sense , but in contradiction to the doctrine of their church : i shall not enter into that dispute now : our present case is very plain . for the mass is offered for the living and the dead , for those who are absent and know nothing of it , and therefore cannot joyn in the oblation of this sacrifice ; that if it have any vertue it must be its own , the bare opus operatum , without any good motion of him , for whom it is offered . a fourth gospel motive to holiness is the intercession of christ for us at the right hand of god. because he mediates and interceeds only for true penitent sinners ; which obliges us , as we hope for any benefit from the intercession of christ , heartily to repent of our sins , and live a new life : but the church of rome has found out a great many other advocates and mediators , who by their great interest in christ , or favour with god , may obtain that pardon , which otherwise they could not hope for : and that this must be the meaning of their addresses to saints and the virgin mary , i proved , because there is no other account to be given of it ; for will they say , that christ wants will or power to undertake our cause , if we be such , as according to the terms of the gospel it is his office to interceed for : i confess'd , it was hard to think , that they should imagine , that the intercession of the virgin mary , or the most powerful saints can prevail with our saviour to do that , which according to the laws of his own mediation , they know he cannot and will not do . but yet so it is , that is , thus they do , and there is no other account to be given of it but this . this he says is a bare-faced calumny ! but what is the calumny ? that they do pray to saints and the virgin ? or that such vile wretches hope to be hea●d by them , who could not reasonably expect , that christ would hear them upon their own account ? let him have a care of calling this a calumny ; there are many fine stories , how gracious the blessed virgin has been to the most profligate villains , which i suppose are related for this purpose to make such wretches great devotoes of the virgin. what he says , that the blessed saints only joyn their prayers to ours to obtain mercy of christ , is nothing to our present purpose : the question is , why those who have so mercifuland compassionate an high-priest , should make such frequent addresses to other advocates , if they did not hope to find them more pitiful and compassionate , to obtain that for them of their saviour by their interest and intercession , which good men know , they may have of christ for asking , without applying to other advocates . a fifth gospel motive to a holy life is the hope of heaven and the fear of hell ; but then the terror of hell is mightily abated by the doctrine of purgatory , for though purgatory be a terrible place , yet it is not eternal ; — especially considering how many easie ways there are for men to get out of purgatory : those who can buy indulgencies , while they live , or masses for their souls , when they die , need not lie long there , if the priests are not out in their reckoning . here he finds three calumnies . the first , that catholicks exempt sinners from hell , who in the protestant doctrine would be condemned to it . no unrepented mortal sin is lodged in purgatory , or escapes hell. now i confess , though i did not say so , yet i think they do ; and i grant it is a true consequence of my argument : that all impenitent sinners shall go to hell , we both agree ; but then we make the reformation of our lives essential to repentance , and how sorrowful soever men are for their sins , if they live after such sorrow and do not reform their lives , they shall go to hell. in the church of rome , at most contrition or sorrow for sin is all that is necessary to absolution , and that keeps them out of hell , and such men must expiate their sins by penance in this world , or in purgatory in the next , but though they do not reform their sins , if they be cont●ite and absolved again , they are restored to a state of grace again , and so toties quoties . now such penitents as are sorry for their sins , but do not reform them , are condemned to hell 〈◊〉 the protestant church , and only to purgatory in the church of rome : and therefore the first is no calumny . the second is , that indulgencies may be bought for money , this is no calumny as i have already shewn , or avail a soul undisposed to receive the benefit of them , through want of contrition , the guilt of sin not being before remitted . this i never said , and therefore is no calumny of mine . the third , that masses said for any soul in purgatory avail such as during life have not deserved and merited that mercy . this i take to be nonsense according to the doctrines of their own church . for certainly those souls who have merited to get into purgatory , have merit enough to receive the benefit of masses . another gospel-motive to holiness are the examples of good men , but in the church of rome the extraordinary vertues of great and meritorious saints are not so much for imitation as for a stock of merits . the more saints they have , the less need is there for other men to be saints , unless they have a mind to it , because there is a greater treasure of merits to relieve those who have none of their own — and if one man can merit for twenty , there is no need there should be above one in twenty good . here he quibbles upon the different acceptation of merit , as it relates to a reward , or as it expiates the punishment of sin . in the first sense he says merit is personal , not communicative ; but if it be communicative in the second sense , that one man may be delivered from punishments by the merits of another , ( and if it be not , there is an end of the gainful trade of indulgencies ) that is sufficient to my argument , and will satisfie most sinners , who are not concerned about degrees of glory , if they can escape punishment . lastly i shewed , that the gospel-means and instruments of holiness , do not escape much better in the church of rome : among others i instanced in the sacrament of the lord's supper , which besides those supernatural conveyances of grace , which are annexed to it by our saviour's institution , is a great moral instrument of holiness — but in the church of rome this admirable sacrament is turned into a dumb shew , which no body can be edified with , or into a sacrifice for the living and the dead , which expiates sin and serves instead of a holy life . here he says , there are three crying calumnies . 1. that the sacrament among them is nothing but a shew or a sacrifice , whereas they very often receive it ; and did i say the sacrament was never received in the church of rome ? 2. that they require the practice of no vertue to the receiving the sacrament , whereas they require the sacrament of penance to prepare for the eucharist . but i spoke of those vertues which were to be exercised in receiving , which there are not such advantages for in the church of rome , where the office is not understood , and the mind diverted with a thousand insignificant ceremonies . 3. that our exposing the blessed sacrament , is a dumb shew , and so we assist at holy mass. and whether it be or no , let those judge , who have seen the ceremony . how much the sacrifice of the mass encourages vertue , we have already seen . i doubt not but our jesuite can give as good an answer to this vindication , as he did to the preservative , and i as little doubt but he will ; unless mr. needham's name to the license may be my security , for he has threatned , it shall be to him a sufficient note and character of a book , not worth the reading , much less the censuring , where-ever he sees , that reverend person has opened it the press : and i commend him for it , for he has had very ill success with such books of late : but though i never grudge my pains in answering an adversary , who gives occasion for any useful and material discourse , ( for i desire whatever i say , should be sifted to the very bottom , and am as ready to own any error , i am convinced of , as to vindicate the truth ) ▪ yet it is very irksom to be forced to write a great book meerly to rescue my words from the injuries of a perverse comment , which has been my present task : thus any book may be answered , by a man , who has wit or ignorance enough to pervert it : and such answers may be easily answered again by men , who have nothing else to do ; but if this trade grow too common , they must be very idle people indeed , who will find time to read them . and therefore to prevent such an impertinent trouble for the future , before i take leave of my adversary , i will venture to give him a little good advice , which may stand him in stead against the next time . 1. that he would be more modest and sparing in his title-page ; not to paint it so formidable as to make it ridiculous : it is a little too much to talk of principles which destroy all right use of reason , scripture , fathers , councils , undermine divine faith , and abuse moral honesty . or forty malicious culumnies and forged untruths , besides several fanatical principles , which destroy all church discipline , and oppose christ's divine authority . if such things be proved against any book , i assure you it is very terrible , though there be nothing of it in the title , but the world has been so long deceived with titles , that commonly the more the title promises , the less they expect in the book . some cry it is a mountebank's bill , othe●s , the man raves , and if curiosity tempts any to look any farther , the disappointment they meet with , provokes their scorn , or indignation . the bare name of an answer to a book , which is commonly known and approved , is a sufficient invitation to all men to read it , but it is a very impolitick thing to prejudice the readers by a frightful title . 2. that he would not think , he has confuted a book by picking out some sayings , which he thinks very inconvenient and obnoxious , but in which the main argu●ent of the book is not concerned : this is the case in many passages he has objected against the preservative , for though there is never a one , but what is very defensible , and what i have defended , yet there are many , that if they could not be defended , the main argument of the book is never the worse : this is as vain , as to think to kill a man by laun●hing a sore , while all his vitals are sound and untoucht . 3. that he would not boast of confuting a book , without bearing up fairly to any one argument in it . i know in his postscript , he says , that he omitted nothing in answer to the first part of the preservative , that even pretended to the appearance of an argument ; that all the rest , which he did not answer in his single sheet , was only swelled up with words , but void of sense and reason . a strange tympany this poor preservative was sick of , that when the wordy swelling was taken down , that and the answer too could be reduced to a single sheet . but the prefacer he says , should have pointed at some pretended proofs , which he slighted to expose , or have praised him for not wearying his readers with a dull prolixity . but the prefacer pointed him to the book , and that was enough , unless he would have had him transcribe the book again , and concluded every entire argument , with this is not answered by the iesuite . for i know not any one paragraph , that he has pretended to answer , though some single sayings he has nibled at , and little pieces of argument , as appears from this vindication , and that so dully too , that there was no need of more prolixity to tire his readers . our author little thinks , how he exposes his reputation among our people by such vain brags as these : they can find a great many arguments , which he has not medled with , and therefore conclude the jesuite to be very blind , or very impudent in pretending to have answered all he could find , or ( which it may be is the truth of the case ) that he was not trusted to read the preservative , but had some sayings picked out for him to answer , and he mistook them for the whole . 4 ly , that when he talks big of calumnies and misrepresentation , he woul● not only say but prove them to be so : that is , that i attribute any doctrines to them , which are not taught by their own councils and doctors , or impute such practices to them , as they are not guilty of : for this cry of misrepresenting is grown so familiar now , and that charge has been so often bafled of late , that our people will not take his word for it , nor allow every argument he cannot answer , to pass for a misrepresentation . 5 ly , i would advise him to have a care , that he do not confute his own church , while he is zealous to confute his adversary ; this often happens , and has done so to him in this very dispute : especially in his talk of moral infallibility , which has effectually given up the roman pretences to infallibility , as i have shewn above . 6 ly , if he resolves to write again ; i desire him to take but any one chapter or section in the preservative , and try his skill on it ; not to pick out a single saying or two , but to answer the whole series of argument● , as they lie there ; and if he can make any work of it , i promise him a very grave and modest reply . but if he skips about from one page to another , and only hunts for calumnies and misrepresentations as he calls them , which he first artificially makes , by changing words and periods , and joyning sentences , which have no relation to each other , and then triumphs over his own creatures , i shall leave him to be answered and chastized by any footman , who pleases to undertake him , and i wish the next may not be so much his over-match , as the first was . i have taken no notice of his postscript in answer to the preface to the protestant footman's defence of the preservative . that author is able to answer for himself , if he thinks fit ; but i presume he looks upon that dispute as at an end , if disputes must ever have an end : for when all is said , that a cause 〈◊〉 bear , and the same arguments and the same answers come to be repeated over again , it is time then for a modest man to have done , and to leave the world to judge ; unless disputing be only an art of scolding , where the last word is thought the victory . the end . books printed for , and are to be sold by w. rogers . bp wilkins his fifteen sermons . octavo . dr. wallis of the necessity of regeneration : in two sermons to the university of oxford . quarto . — his defence of the royal society and the philosophical transactions ; particularly those of iuly , 1670. in answer to the cavils of dr. william holder . quarto . the necessity , dignity and duty of gospel-ministers , discoursed of before the university of cambridge . by tho. hodges , b.d. quarto . the peaceable christian. a sermon . quarto . price , 3 d. a treatise of marriage , with a defence of the 32 d article of the church of england , viz. bishops , priests and deacons are not commanded by god's law , either to vow the state of single life , or to abstain from marriage , &c. by tho hodges , b. d. octavo . history of the affairs of europe in this present age , but more particularly of the republick of venice . by battista nani cavalier , of st. mark. fol. sterry's freedom of the will. folio . light in the wa● to paradise , with other occasionals . by dudley the 2 d , late lord north. octavo . molins of the muscles , with sir charles scarborough's syllabus musculorum . octavo . a collection of letters of gallantry . twelves . leonard's reports , in four parts . the second edition . folio . bulstrode's reports in three parts , the second edition corrected ; with the addition of thousands of references . 1688. fol. the compleat clark ; containing the best forms of all sorts of presidents , for conveyances and assurances ; and other instruments now in . use and practice . quarto . sir simon degges parsons counsellor , with the law of tithes and tithing . in two books . the fourth edition . octavo . an answer to the bishop of condom ( now of meaux ) his exposition of the catholick faith , &c. wherein the doctrine of the church of rome is detected , and that of the church of england expressed , from the publick acts of both churches . to which are added reflections on his pastoral letter . the doctrines and practices of the church of rome , ●ruly represen●ed ; in answer to a book , intituled , a papist misrepresented , and represented , &c. quarto . third edition . an answer to a discourse , intituled , papists protesting against protestant popery ; being a vindication of papists not misrepresented by protestants : and containing a particular examination of monsieur de meaux , late bishop of condom , his exposition of the doctrine of the church of rome , in the articles of invocation of saints , worship of images , occasioned by that discourse . quarto . second edition . an answer to the amicable accommodation of the differences , between the representer and the answerer . quarto . a view of the 〈◊〉 ●ontroversie , between the representer and the answerer ; with an 〈◊〉 to the representer's last reply ; in which are ●id open some of the methods , by which protestants are misreprensented by papists . quarto . the doctrine of the trinity , and transubstantiation , compared as to script●●●●eason , and tradition ; in a new dialogue between a protestant and a papist , the 〈◊〉 part : wherein an answer is given to the late proofs of the antiquity of transubstantiation , in the books called , consensus veterum , and nubes testiu● &c. quarto . the doctrine ●f the trinity , and transubstantiation , compared as to scripture , reason , and tradition in a new dialogue between a protestant and a papist , the second part : wherein the d●●●rine of the trinity is shewed to b●●greeable , to scripture and reason , ●nd transubstantiation repugnant to both . quarto . an answer to the eighth chapter of the representer's second part , in the first dialogue , between him and his lay-friend . of the authority of councils , and the rule of faith. by a person of quality : with an answer to the eight theses , laid down for the tryal of the english ref●●mation ; in a bo●k that came lately from oxford . sermons and discourses , some of which never before printed : the third volume . by the reverend dr. tillotson , dean of canterbury ▪ 8 o. a manual for a christian souldier , written by erasmus , and translated into english. twelves . a new and easie method to learn to sing by book , whereby one ( who hath a good voice and ear ) may without other help , learn to sing true by notes . design'd chiefly for , and applied to , the promoting of psalmody ; and furnished with variety of psalm-tunes in parts , with directions for that kind of singing . octavo . a book of cyphers , or letters reverst : being a work very pleasant and useful , as well for gentlemen 〈◊〉 all sorts of artificers , engravers , 〈…〉 price 〈…〉 〈…〉 communion in the 〈…〉 of c●●terbury . in octavo 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ag●●nst transubstantiation . in octavo . price 3 ● . the state of the church of rome when the reformation began , as it appears by the advices given to paul iii. and iulius iii. by creatures of their own. with a preface leading to the matter of the book . 4 o. a letter to a friend , reflecting on some 〈◊〉 in a letter to the d. of p. in answer to the arguing part of 〈…〉 to mr. g. the reflecter's defence of his letter to a fri●nd , against the 〈◊〉 assaults of mr. i. s. in his second catholic letter . in 〈◊〉 dialogue 4 o. a discourse concerning the nature of idolat●● : in which 〈◊〉 bishop of oxford's true and only notion of idolat●● considered 〈◊〉 confuted . 4 o. the protestant resolv'd : or , a discourse , ●hewing the ●●●easonableness of his turning roman catholick for salvation . second 〈◊〉 8 o. the absolute imp●●●●●ility of transubstantiation demonstrated . 4 o. the practical believer : or , the articles of the apostles creed . drawn out to form a true christian's heart and practice . in two parts . 4 o. a sermon preached at the funeral of the reverend benj. calamy , d.d. and late minister of st. lawrence-iury , lond , ian. 7th , 1685 / 6. 4 o. a vindication of some protestant principles of church-unity and catholick communion , from the charge of agreement with the church of rome . in answer to a late p●●●phlet , intituled , an agreement 〈…〉 church of england and the church of rome , evinced from the 〈…〉 of her sons with their brethren the dissenters . 2d edition . a 〈…〉 against popery ; being some plain directions to unlearne● 〈…〉 to dispute with romish priests . the first 〈◊〉 the fourth 〈…〉 . t●● second part of the preservativ●●gainst popery : shewing how contrary popery is to the true ends of the christian religion . fitted for the instruction of unlearn●● protestants . the second editio● . a discourse concerning the nature ▪ unity and communi●●●● 〈…〉 catholick church : wherein 〈…〉 controversies 〈…〉 the church are briefly and plai●●y 〈…〉 the first part. these five last by 〈…〉 d. d. master 〈…〉 notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59899-e490 answer to preservative p. 4. ibid. answer p. 4. answer , p. 4. answer , p. 4. preserv . p. 9. answer to pres. p. 4. preservative considered , p. 11. preservative , part ● p. 11. answer to preser . p. 5. defence of pr●s . p. 7. preservat . consider . p. 13. a discourse conc●rning the nature and vnity of the catholick church . answ. to preserv . p. 6. preserv . part 1. p. 44 , 45. answer to prese●v . p. 6. preservat . p. 79. preserv . p. 80. answer , p. 7. preservat . considered , p. 40. preserv . considered , p. 42. pres. p. 72. answer p. 2. notes for div a59899-e6100 4 matth. 10. preserv . consid . p. 61. preserv . consid . p. 68. ibid. p. 70. ibid. p. 70. 2 cor. 4.18 . 11 john 25 , 26. preserv . consid . p. 86. p. 80. p. 80. ibid. pag. 19. pag. 79. pag. 81. pag. 79. pag. 85. ibid. pag. 81. p. 87. pag. 87. pag. 77. pag. 82. pag. 78. pag. 79. pag. 78. pag. 82. pag. 83. additionals to the mystery of jesuitisme englished by the same hand. 1658 approx. 279 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 81 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a56533 wing p640 estc r3011 12961713 ocm 12961713 96080 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56533) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96080) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 363:24) additionals to the mystery of jesuitisme englished by the same hand. pascal, blaise, 1623-1662. provinciales. [2], 147, [9] p. printed for richard royston, london : 1658. published in pascal's les provinciales, or, the mystery of jesuitisme. london, 1658. includes index. errata: p. [3] advertisement: p. [4-6] imperfect: filmed copy dark and difficult to read. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature. jansenists -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion additionals to the mystery of iesvitisme . englished by the same hand . london , printed for richard royston , 1658. the representation of the reverend , the cvrez of paris , to the reverend the curez of the other dioceses of france , vpon occasion of certain corrupt maximes of some late casvists . reverend sirs , if all true christians , making truly but one body , are to be guided by the conduct of the same spirit and same heart , and are , out of considerations of charity towards god , ●blig'd to be tender of the spirituall concernments one of another , in those emergencies which heaven is pleas'd to present them with ; it must needs be , that all the pastors of the catholick church stand in a far greater obligation to that duty . for it being expected that their charity should be much more shining then that of private men , as being the pattern and modell thereof , it is accordingly but just it should more closely cement them together , and engage them beyond others , to mutuall helps and assistances , for the better improvement & edification a●d those souls which god hath committed to their charge . out of this consideration was it that we were induc'd to entertain with a favourable reception , what hath been represented to us by our reverend brethren the curez of rouen in our late assemblies . which was this , that , the reverend curè of s. ma●lou , one of the most considerable among them , having thought himself obliged to say something ( in a synodal sermon , preach'd before his grace the arch-bishop of rouen , above eight hundred curez , and abundance of other persons of quality ) against the perni●ious maximes of certain casuists , as such as disturb the order of the hierarchy , and corrupt christian morality ; and that , having since declar'd in a sermon preach'd in his own parish , though he preach'd against those corrupt maximes , yet he did not attribute ●hem to any order , or to any community or body of men , but opposed them considered onely in themselves , the je●uits of the city of rouen have neverthelesse thought themselves so m●ch disobliged and injured by the pu●lick disparagement done the doctrine contained therein , that they presented to his grace the arch-bishop of rouen , in the name of brother iohn brisacier rector of their colledge in the said city , a petition ●illed with injuries and calumn●es against the person of the said cu●e of saint maclou ; to the end , that , having blasted his credit and reputation , all others might be deterred from engaging in an attempt so hazardous as that of the publick discrediting of what those scandalous authors dare publickly write and openly maintain : that this unworthy treatment of their brother had obliged them to assemble together to examine those points in morality which had given the fi●st occasions of the difference : that to effect that , they h●d perused the books out of which they had been taken , and that having made faithfull extracts thereof , they had found therein some propositions so extravagant , and so likely to pervert soules , that it f●rther ingaged them to side with their brother , to demand all together the condemnation thereof : that , to that purpose ; they had presented a petition to his grace the arch-bishop of rouen , who , having return'd them answer , that that affair was of generall concernment , and ref●ected on the whole church , expressed to them his inclinations to have the bus●nesse returned up to the right reverend lords of the generall assembly of the clergy of france , then sitting at paris . and this was it that gave them occasion to addresse themselves also to us , to the end that by mutuall and joynt assistances , our endeavours might prove the more effectuall to obtain a censure of these maximes , as such as are absolutely opposite to the rules and sp●rit of the gospel , whereof they have sent us extracts , and to check the violence of those , who● by their power , would muzzle the p●stors of the church , who being appointed by god to be watchmen and sent●nels to the house of israel , according to the words of the scripture , are obliged to cry o●● and give notice of whatever may prejudice those soul● , whereof god will one day demand so severe an account at their hands . this advice of theirs , full of prudence ●nd zeal , having had a great influence upon us , hath put us upon a resolution in our late assemblies , not onely to joyn our endeavours with those of the reverend curez of rouen , but also to imitate them , by communica●ing to you this affair which indeed is common to all , since it equally concerns us all that the church , the chaste and undefiled spouse of iesus christ , whereof we are entrus●ed wi●h the conduct , under the authority of our lords the bishops , should not receive any spot or pollution in her morality , by maximes that are corrupt , and absolutely contrary to her holy administrations ; and that she should not any longerly subject● to the scandalous reproaches which her professed enemies , the hereticks , burthen her with upon this occasion , in that they would have her to be accountable for those pernicious opinions of certain priva●e casuists , though she hath ever opposed and condemned them by her canons and decrees . t is with this design , and purely out of a consideration of doing the church some service , and to the end you might be fully acquainted with all that passed upon this emergency , we send you a copy of the petition , which the reverend the curez of rouen presented to their arch-bishop , with a faithfull extract of some of the propositions , taken out of a far greater number of others suitable thereto , which contain such a doctrine , as no man that hath ever so little tendernesse of his own salvation b●● must conceive a horrour at ; and among which we have onely put in those that concern morality , and not those that concern the hierarchy . whereof we hope this effect , that being bound up in the same spirit of peace , concord and charity , and embarqued in the same desires of cultivating those souls which are committed to us all , you might joyn with us , as diverse of the reverend the curez of other dioceses have already offered to do , and accordingly send your letters of procuration or atturney to the syndics of our company , authenticated by the testimonies of two publick notaries , and set at the bottome of the extract which we send you of the propositions to be condemned ; and to demand and prosecute joyntly with us , as well before the lords of the generall assembly of the clergie of france , as elsewhere , as it shall be thought requisite , the censure and condemnation of these pernicious maximes , which corrupt and poison christian morality , and disturb civill society , such as are those whereof we send you the extracts , and others of the same thread . that so , the people , whom god hath committed to our charge , under our lords the prelates , may henceforth be preserved from that mortall venome which inclines them to licentiousnesse and libertinisme : and that we may have occasion all together to praise and blesse the father of mercies , for that he hath given us the power and confidence to do that which our duties obliged us to , without being deterred by any feare or humane considerations ; as also for that he shall have done us the favour to make our endeavours upon this account instrumentall and contributary to the salvation of those many soules which have been redeemed by the precious blood of our lord and saviour iesus christ . concluded , and signed by order of the assembly of the reverend , the curez of paris . rousse , curé of s. roch● syndic . dupuis , curé of the saints in● innocents , syndic . paris , sept. 1● , 1656. a copy of the petition presented by the reverend the curez of rouen to their arch-bishop . to the right reverend father in god , the most illustrious and most religious , the arch-bishop of rouen , primate of normandy . the dean and curez of rouen , whose names are under written humbly shew , that ●or some years past , many great prelates , and others of the clergy , men venerable for their piety and abilities have obse●ved , and accordingly complained as well in their writings as their discourses , that divers late authors who have treated of morall theology and the cases of conscience , have taught in their writings and the books they have set forth upon these subjects , certain pernicious doctrines , such as corrupt good manners , and are absolutely opposite to the maximes of the gospell . that the late archbishop , your uncle and predecessor was one of those , who made the greatest discoveries of the consequences of this inconvenience , which he bew●yles very much in that excellent treatise of his , in●ituled de rebus ecclesiae , where , with a zeal● and earnestnesse worthy so great a prelate , he bemoans the corruption of morality , and the dissolution of discipline which hath been occasioned by the destructive principles of the accommodating and complying th●●logie of the late casuists , whose books he compares to those little penitentiall treatises which were heretofore used as instructions to confessors ●n the administration of the sacrament of penance , into which there crept so many errours and abuses , that the second councell of ch●alons under charlemaigne , and the sixth councell of paris under lewis the debonaire , thought themselves oblig'd to condemn them . but besides these matters of grievance for which we have the complaints of divers eminent persons of these times against the c●suists , it hath many times been thought necessary to prevent the further progresse of the corrupt doctrine of some by censures and other juridicall wayes , which course was taken with a book writ by peter milhard , a benedictine monk , entituled , the grand guid of the curez ; as also with that of m. ber●in berthauld , a priest of the diocesse of coutance ● intituled , the director of con●essors , both which received their censure from the theologal faculty of paris . and since th●t time hath the same course been taken with the book of the summary of sinnes , written by father ba●ny , a iesuit , which hath been censur'd at rome by the congregation appointed for the prohibition and condemnation of books , and in france by the assembly generall of the clergy , april 12. 1642. as containing such propositions as might incline souls to libertinisme and the corruption of good manners , and violate naturall right and the law of nations , excuse blasphemies usuries , simonies and many other the most horrid transgressions . and your grace may take it further into consideration , how that it is expressed in the act of ce●s●re , that our lords the prelates had resolved to have a system of morall divini●y composed by ten or twelve doctors of the most eminent of the faculty of paris , which should be approved by the prelates of this kingdome , and received in ●ll their diocesses , so in some me●sure to prevent the inconveniences occ●sioned by the multiplicity of bookes of that nature . and about two years after this censure was passed , that is to say in the yeare 1644. father hereau , a jesuit , re●der of the case● of conscience● in the colledge of clermont in paris , haveing entertained his scholars with certaine propositions prejudiciall to the lives of men , the vniversity put in an information against him for it , and presented to the parleme●t three petitions one after another . in the first whereof , dated march. 5. in the same yeare , the vniversity prayes● that the jesuits might not be permitted thence forth to read divinity in the colledge of clermont or any where else . in the second , the vnivers●ty represents to the court , and shewes that the doctrine conta●ned in the writings of father hereau , is not to be considered as the opinion● of one particular man , but as the doctrine of severall authors of that society . and the dri●t of the third petition , is , to perswade the court to suppresse that book of father c●ussinus , which is called , an apologie for the religiou● men of the society of iesus , wherein that iesuit endeavours to vindicate his society from the charge put in against them by the vniversity , and undertake● , ●n that libell , to jus●ify the pernicious doctrines which had occasioned the presenting of the two former petitions . while ●hese things were in agitation , the king having ( advice had with his councell ) received notice of the pernicious doctrines taught at the colledge of clermont , sent for the provinciall and superiours of the three houses which the jesuits have about pari● , and discovered to them , in the presence of the queene regent his mother , how much he was dis●●ti●fied with the propositions taught by f. hereau ; telling them that the superiours were very much to b●ame for suffering such maxime● to be brought upon the stage , as whereof the very knowledge were very dangerous , as being so far from obliging men to a regulation of their passions , that they encourage men r●ther to comply therewith . his majesty further expressed his desires to the superiour● of that order , that they would for the future be more carefull to take notice of the doctrine that should be either published or taught in their houses ; that he would not take it for any excuse , they should alledge their ignorance of the corrupt maxime● that might be treated of by their fathers ; and that he would call them to accompt for what ever should be done amiss for the time to come . whereupon , as it may be seen in the order of the councell published af●erward● , bearing date the 28th . of aprill 1644. th● sa●d jesuits were , as they pretended , extreamly troubled , his maje●ty should have any occasion to take any thing ill as to the carriage of any father of theirs ; they acknowledged , that the said father hereau had not done well in treating publickly of such questions , as were complained of ; that they disclaimed them , thinking it very dangerous they should be either taught or treated of ; and that for the fu●ure they wo●ld take such a course , as that in their colledges there should not be advanced any thing that might prove prejudiciall to the publick . the effect of these declarations of theirs , was , that the king , with the advice of his councell sent ou● severe prohibitions to the jesuits and all others , that they should not for the future either in their publick lectures , or otherwise , treat of any such propositions , with an injunction to the superiours to be very watchfull that there should not , in any of their houses , things of that nature be advanced ; and in the meane , that f. hereau should remaine secured in their colledge , till some fur●her order should be taken about him by his majesty● the noise and stir , which tho●e pernicious propositions of father hereau's did at that time rai●e about paris , and particularly those that concerned the killing of evil speakers , revived the curiosity of a m●ny very le●rned and judicious persons to look more narrowly into the doctrine of the casuis●s . the authors of the bookes written at that time in defence of the vniver●ity against the designes and attempts of the jesuits , drew up a catalogue of a many dangerous propositions , which may be found princ●pally in two bookes ; whereof one is instituted , academicall truths ; and the other , the answer of the vniversity of paris , to the apologi● for the jesuits , written by father causinus . but much about this very time , as also since , there have been published severall larger collections , wherein are rallyed together abundance of abhominable propos●tions , which are , in the said collections attributed to the casuists , and those the most eminent of that qu●lity . this was it also , may it please your grace , that gave us occasion , to examine with the greatest care we could , whether there were to be found in the bookes of those authors , doctrines so pernicious , ●s those that were cited in the collections . the charge of pastors which we exercise in the church under your authority , and the obligation that lyes upon us , to prevent the soules committed to our charge from being infected by this contagion , and the priests who administer the sacrament of penance in our severall p●rishes , from taking for a r●le these d●ngerous maximes : , and put them in practise in our confession seats , have eng●ged us to joine together in this designe , and we have with the same spirit and s●me heart consulted the bookes we could meet with , wherein we have ●ound a great number of erroneous , dangerous and detestable propositions , and have dr●wn up true co●ies of the same , which we present to your greatnesse , accordingly to obtaine the censure thereof . and whereas this evill hath spread it self so far , that it cannot any longer be either concealed or dissembled , it may be thought high time to hinder its further progresse by some effectuall remedy . for , things are come to that passe , that unlesse episcopall authority interpose it selfe and ●ise up , to condemn these lewd propositions , such of the people as are acquainted therewith might be erroneously perswaded that these opinions , being taught by catholick doctors , and tolerated i● the church , are not corrupt , and that they may be followed with safety of conscience ; which , if some sudden provision be not made against it , may produce very deplorable effects . for those that have but any thing more then ordinary inclinations to piety , will still be scandalized at it , the more dissolute will thence take occasion to some with more insolence and encouragement , and hereticks will be sure to make their advantages of it , that is , think it a just ground publickly to discredit the catholick church , by laying at her doore these pernicious maximes , as hath been done heretofore by the minister du moulin in his book o● traditions , where he reproaches the church of rome with the pestilent opinions of some of our casuists . it is on the other side to be considered , that there never was so much necessity to abate the confidence of these newly-illuminated divines , whereof we find the latter still adding something to the extravagances of their predecessors ; which it were no hard matter to make appeare by diverse notorious examples that will deserve notice should be taken thereof . so that if some course be not taken to suppresse a temerity so prejudiciall to the church● it 's to be feared , that time may hereaf●er so● bring things about , that men may take for sound doct●in●s and undeniable truth , abundance of dangerous propositions , which the more ●eare-conscienced casuists have not presumed yet to advance otherwise then as questionable and hardly probable . your grace having taken all these things into your serious consideration . we are further most humble suitors to your grandeur , that you would be pleased to employ that authority , and that truly-episcopall zeale which you have , to weed these cu●sed ●ares out of the field of the church , and to make way for the purity of christian morality to thrive therein , by rooting out these unhappy doctrines , by a censur● worthy your selfe , that is , such as , no doubt , will encourage and engage other prelates to do the same thing in their diocesses ; whereof what can be the consequence , but that the spouse of jesus christ , being found incorruptible and without spot as well in her manners as in her doctrine , must put her enemies to silence , and inviolably preserve her selfe and persever in that purity which her divine spouse hath merited for her by his blood. and whereas m. iohn brisacier , calling himsel●e rector of your episcopal colledge , hath some dayes since presented to your grandeur a petition full of injurious expressions and calumnies against the person of m. charles du four , abbot of aulney , treasurer of your cathedral church , and cure of the parish of s● . maclou ; in which petition he treats the said du four in no other termes then those of temerarious , seditious , refractory , abettor of heresy , and detractor , and charges him with a many other scandalous and reviling characters , meerly for having preached , with zeale and earnestness , against these dangerous doctrines , once in your presence , and before all your clergy , and another time in his owne parish , explaining to the people the commandements of god , and the wholsome maximes of the gospell , yet without the least derogation or injury to the iesuits : and where●s the maine designe of the said brisacier in the petition he hath presented to you , by way of complaint , is , to stop the mouths of the pastors , and to hinder us from instructing the people committed to our charge in the purity of christian morality , and opposing those errours wherewith some do so much endeavour to corrupt it , it is the humble ●uit of your petitioners● that it may please your grace to enjoyn and order him to make the said du four reparation for the horrid calumnies and af●ronts contained in his said petition , and oblige the said bris●cier sincerely to disclaime and retract , ●s well by writing as by word , those detestable opinions . and in case you shall think fit to admit him the said brisacier to plead for himself , that so there may be a legall proceeding in the businesse , that you would be pleased to order , that , before any priviledge be allowed him , he be engaged to clear himself canonically of the character and censure pa●sed and published against him by the late archbishop of paris , and withall to cause him to be acknowledged by his superiours in all his complaints and pleas , and to submit , in all this● prosecution to your tribunall and i●risdiction , and further to declare from article to article whether he approves or disapproves the propositions which the curé of s. maclou hath publickly cry'd down in his● sermons , whereof there is a catalogue hereunto annexed , and so , that once done , joyn issue , and after all things have been fairly debated , to stand to your judgement upon the whole matter . and for our parts who are your petitioners , and call upon you as our judge and father , we humbly desire your grace will be pleased to continue us in your protection , together with the said curé of st. maclou , whose case we all make our own , and , by condemning these pernicious doctrines , keep those qu●et and silent who would divert us from opposing the same , and discovering to the people the dangerous consequences thereof . and we beseech you further to consider , how insupportable it must be to the pastors and curez of your metropolis , to see , that some particular persons among the jesuits , should make it their business to stop their mouth● , and to divert them from preaching the truth of sound doctrine , and to oppose the extravagances of an erroneous morality , while it is suffered that those very particular person● should publickly countenance and maintain them , as is done dayly by the said father brisacier , as well by writing as discourse , as we shall finde it no hard matter to prove , if he dares deny it● nor does he do this himself , but , as if his example were contagious , the same thing h●th been done , and that with more scandal and danger , by father de bois , regent in divinity in your archi-episcopal colledge , who , not thinking it enough , that he had beaten down and endeavoured to destroy , as he hath done this last year , that point of ecclesiastical and hierarchical discipline that is the best established in your diocess , as having made several set discourses to his scholers ( who are in a manner all priests well known and respected in our parishes ) against the obligation of hearing parochial masses , and against the authority which the prelates have to oblige the people thereto , hath , within this moneth , forborn his ordinary lectures , out of a design to excuse , nay , indeed to maintain , the pernicious doctrin of the most disallowed casuists of his order , as having , among others , undertaken to justifie that book of father bauny's , entituled , the summary of sins , and to make his doctrin pass ●or sound and innocent , though that very book had been censured at rome , as also by our lords the bishops in a general assembly . it was also with the same excess of confidence that the said father de bois hath presumed to vindicate father amicus , a divine of his socie●y , upon the subject of murther to be committed on those who either calumniate or threaten to calumniate priests or religious men , ev●n to that height , as that in the last lectures he read to his schollers within these few dayes , he hath clearly maintained , that it was lawful for priests and religious men , to defend , etlam cum morte inva●oris , the reputation they have acquired by their vertue and prudence , when there is no other course to be taken to divert the detractor . all which when your grace hath taken into serious consideration , we humbly desire , you will be pleased to order the said regent publickly to retract and disclaim the propositions he hath advanced , as well against good manners , as against the order and discipline of your diocess , and that of the whole church , and that a prohibition be issued out , that he may not for the future spread abroad any such scandalous doctrines , upon pain of those canonical chastisements incurrible by the contrary . and in the mean time , we shall pray unto god who is the great master of all good and wholsome doctrine , that he would preserve your grace , to ●he end that puri●ie may be reestablished in his church , and prosper y●u in all your undertakings . and at the bo●tome were their seals with the names ensuing , ●iz . turgis , dean of chris●endome , and curé of st. vivian . du tour , cu●é of st. maclou . du perroy , curé of st. stephen , les tonneliers . sancier , cu●é of st. deny's . voisin , curé of st● michael's . thierry , curé of st. john's . chretien , cu●é of st. patrick's . le clerc , curé of st. andrew's . picquais , curé of st. saviour's . lorrain , curé of st. martin le pont . avice , cu●é of st. lo. de sahurs , curé of st. peter's du chastel . le febure , curé of st. vincent's . de la vigne , curé of st. peter's le portier : nicolas tallebot , curé of st. andrew's pres canchoise . de la fosse , dean and curé of our lady'● church , dela ronde . de la haye , curé of st. amand. mar● , curé of st. martin sur renelle . tirel , curé of the holy cross , des pelletiers . le prevost , curé of st herbeland's . artus , curé of st. vigor . gueroult , curé of st. nicalse . des marets , curé of the holy cross , st. owen's . cotteret , curé of st. candus the younger . de fieux , curé of st. laurence's . teveneau , curé of st. stephen's the great church . le cuiller , curé of st. mary's the lesser . faucillon , curé of st. nicholu●● the said petition was communicated to the proc●or according to the order , of his ●race the arch-bishop of roven , made at his archi-episcopal palace of g●lllon , august , 28 , 1656. a catalogue of the propositions , contained in an extract made of some of the most dangerous propositions of diverse late casuists , in point of morality , faithfully taken out of their works . i. saint thomas , ( aquinas ) having ● clearly taught● quodlib . 8. a. 13. and quodlib . 3. ● . 10. that the opinion● of do●●ors hinder not but that a man may be guilty of sin , when he acts against the law of god ; these casuists , on the contrary , teach , that an opinion is probable when it is maintained only by one grave doctor , and that a man may be confident he does not sin , though he quit an opinion which he knows to be true , and is the more safe , to follow that which is contrary thereto , and consequently less probable and less safe . this is affirmed by filliucius , a jesuit , mor. qu. tr . 21. c. 4. n. 128. tannerus a jes. theol . schol. tom. 2. disp . 2. q. 6. dub . 2. sanchez , jes. in sum. l. 1. c. 9. n. 7. layman , jes. theol. mor. l. 1. tr . 1. c. 5. sect. 2. n : 6. ii. of a strange imagination which these casuists have , that their opinions , being supposed probable do make that , which was sin before , not to be such any longer . caramuel , in epist. ad ant. dianam . iii. that the casuists are at liberty to answer according to the opinions of other● , though they think● them erroneous , when they are likely to prove more acceptable to those that consul● them , that is to say , they may answer one while according to one man's judgement , and another according to another's , though contrary thereto● layman , ●es . theol. m●r● l. 1. tr . 1. c. 5. sect. 2. n. 7. escobar , princ. ex . 3. n. 24. iv. that the conditions which these casuists require as necessary to make an action imputable as sin , may excuse an infinite number of crimes . bauny , jes. som. des pechez , c. 39 , p. 906. of the 6. edition . v. how they elude and annihilate the lawes of the church in the punishment o● the most horrid crimes . escobar , jes. th. mor. tr . 1. exam. 8. c. 3. praxis ex societ . iesu dec●oribus . vi. that one may kill another to pr●vent ● box● o'th'●●r or a blow w●th ● stick . azor● jes. insti● . mor. par● . 3. l. 2. p. 105. filliucius ies. to. 2. tr . 29. c. 3. n. 50● l●ssius jes. de iust. & iure , l. 2. c. 9. dub . 12. n. 77. escobar ●es . mor. theol. tr . 1. exam. 7. c. 3. praxis soc. iesu . becan . jes. sum. part . 3. tr . 2. c. 64. de homicid . qu. 8. vii . that it is lawful even for an ecclesiastick and a religious man to maintain the honour he hath acquired by his learning and vertue , by killing him who derogates from his reputation by opprobrious speeches and calumnies . amicus , jes. tom. 5. disp . 36. n. 118. viii . the doctrin of father amicus that permits a religious man to kill him tha● threatens to calumniate , maintained by caramuel , as being the only true judgment upon that case , the contrary being not so much as probable . theol. fundam , fund . 55. sect. 6. p. 544. ix . that it is doubtful whether a religious man having made use of a woman , may not kill her if she offer to discover what passed between them● caramuel ibid. sect. 7. p. 551. x that as it is lawful for a man to defend his honour against him that would rob him of it , by charging him with a crime he is not guilty of , so may he do it also , by killing him . caramuel . theol. fundam . fund . 55. sect. 6. p. 550. xi . that it is lawful , according to some , in the speculative , and according to others in the practick also , for a man to wound or kill one that hath given him a box o'th'ear , even though the other run away for it . lessius , ies. de iust. et iur. l. 2. c. 9. dub . 12● n. 79. reginaldus jes. in praxi . l. 21. n. 62. filliucius jes. tr . 29. c. 3. n. 51● layman jes. l. 3. tr . 3. par . 3. c. 3. n. 3. escobar ies. mor. theol. tr . 1. exam. 7. c. 3. praxis . caramuel , theol. fundam . fund . 55. sect. 8. pag. 551. xii . that a man may kill a false accuser , nay , the witnesses produced by him , and the iudge himself , when they cannot be otherwise diverted from oppressing the innocent . tannerus jes. to. 3. disp 4. q 8● d. 4. n. 83. sanchez ies. oper. mor. in decal● l. 2. c. 39. n. 7. xiii . that it is lawful to procure abortion before the childe be quick in the womb , to save a maid's life or reputation . egidius trullench in decal . tom. 5. l. 5. c. 1. dub . 4. n. 1. et. quidam theologus socie●a●is iesu ap●d . dianam , part. 6. tr. 8. res●l . 37. xiiii . that it is lawful to kill him that gives ●s the lye , or any way reviles us . escobar theol. mor. tr . 1. exam . 7. c. 3. praxis reginaldus jes. l. 2.1 . c. 5. n. 60. xv. that it is lawful for us to kill him that takes away our goods from us , even though he run away to avoid it , provided the thing be of value . lessius jes. de iust. et iure , l. 2. c. 9. dub . 11. n. 66. & 72. escobar , jes● theor. mor. tr . 1. exam. 7. c. 3. praxis . xvi . that it is lawful upon certain occasions to accept ● challenge and to fight a duel . escobar jes : theol. mor. tr . 1. exam. 7. c. 3. praxis layman jes. l. 3. t. 3. part . 3. c. 3. n. 2. & 3. hurtad● de mendoza jes. in 2.2 . disp . 170 sec● . 9. § . 82. apud dianam , part. 5. tr . 13. resol . j. 21. idem hurtado de mendoza jes. referente diana , part. 5. tr . 14. miscellan . 2. resol . 99. xvii . that it is not simony either to give or receive a temporal good for a spiritual , when it is given only as the motive , and not as the price . grego●ius à valentia , jes. 3. to . 3. disp . 6. qu. 16. p●n . 3. p. 2039. et sequent . escobar , jes. mor. theol. tract . 6. ex . 2. c. 6. n. 40. praxis mil●ard , guide des ●urez . ch . 63. inst. 1. n. 2. xviii . that it is not simony to obtain a benefice upon the promise of a summe of money , when a man hath no intention to pay it . escobar ●es . moral . theol. tr 6. exam . 2. c. 2 n. 14. xix . that a fortune-teller is obliged to restore what he hath received for telling ones fortune , ●f he hath not advised with the stars , but that he is not obliged to restitution if he hath consulted the devil . sanchez ies. sum. ( as . l. 2. c. 38. n. 96. xx. that a man is not obliged either according to the right of nature , on according to the lawes of his countrey to restore what he hath received for giving an unjust sentence , or committing an assassinate , or an act of adultery , but may lawfully retain it . l●ssius ies. de iust. l. 2. c. 14. d. 8. n. 52. xxi . the encouragement , and the gap which these casuists lay open for domestick frauds . bauny ies. som. des pech . p. 213 , & 214. edit . 6. xxii . that a man is not obliged to make restitution for the losses which a third person hath done upon our sollicitation and procurement . bauny ies. som des pech . p. 307 , 308. edit . 6. xxiii . that a man is not obliged upon pain of mortall sin to restore the totall summe which he hath gotten together by a many little thefts . bauny ies. som. des pech . p. 220. edit . 6. xxiv . usury palliated by these casuists under the name of major , upon whom they impose . bauny ies. som. des pechez , p. 331. & sequent . edit . 6. xxv . that envy is no mortall sinne when it is conceived onely at the temporall good of our neighbour . bauny ies. somm . des pech . p. 123. edit . 6. xxvi . that a priest who hath received mony of one man to say a masse , may afterwards receive of another , as much as that part of the sacrifice which belongs to himself amounts to . escobar , ies. theol. mor. tr. 1. axam . 11. c. 4. praxi● . xxvii . that it is a sufficient hearing of the masse to hear the four parts of it at the same time . escobar ies. theol. moral . tr. 1. exam. 11. c. 4. praxi● p. 146. edit . lugdun . anno 1644. bauny ies. moral . theol. par . 1. tr. 6. de praecepto audiendae missae : qu. 9. pag. 312. xxviii . relaxations absolutely destroying the obligation of fasting . escobar , jes. theol. mor. tr. 1. exam. 13. c. 3. praxis . xxix . the casuists have brought the care which confessors ought to have to judge of the disposition of their penitents , to a simple demand whether they are so●●y for their sinnes , and have an intention not to fall into the like again ; and pretend , that if they say , yes , the confessors are obliged to believe them . filliucius jes. mor. quaest. tom. 1. tract . 7. n. 354. suarez jes. in 3. part. tom. 4. disp . 32. sect. 2. n. 2. xxx . that the penitent , though interrogated by his confessor , is not obliged to acknowledge that the sin wherewith he charges himself is an habituall sinne , into which he is wont to fall often . bauny jes. theol. mor. part . 1. tract . 4. de poenit. q. 15. p. 137. xxxi . that a next occasion of sinning being supposed to be that which of it self induces a man to commit mortall sinne , and in which a man is seldome or never conceived to be , but he falls into that mortall sinne , yet it is lawfull for a man to continue therein , nay , to engage himself in such an occasion , out of a consideration of the spirituall or temporall good of himself or his neighbour . bauny jes. theol. mor. part. 1. tr. 4. de poenit. qu. 14. p. 93 , & 94. xxxii . that a man that keeps a concubine is not oblig'd to dismisse her , but onely to promise that he will no● sinne with her any more , it being supposed he cannot enjoy himself , and must lead a melancholy life without her . sanctius , in selectis disp. disp . 10. n. 20. apud dianam part . 5. tract . 14. resol . 108. xxxiii . that the consideration of a temporall concernment may oblige the confessor to absolve a penitent that is in the next occasion of sinning , though he quit it not . bauny ies. theol. mor. par. 1. tr. 4. de poenit. qu. 14. pag. 94. xxxiv . that it is lawfull for a confessor to absolve those that are in the next occasions even of incest , without obliging them to separate , when their relapses are not frequent and in a manner diurnall , but onely once or twice a moneth . nay further , that a confessor is engaged , toties quo●ies , to absolve the young gentleman , that cannot forsake his father's house nor dismisse thence the servant-maid he ordinarily makes use of , though there be no likelyhood he should forbear sinning with her , though he promise to do it . bauny ies. somm . des pech . ch . 46. p. 1089. edit . 6. xxxv . that a confessor is obliged , toties quoties , to absolve those young people who grow worse and worse , and are guilty of frequent relapses into the s●me mortall sinnes , though they make it not in the least measure their businesse to reforme their faults . bauny ies. theol. mor. part. 1. tr. 4 de poenit. qu. 15. p. 96. xxxvi . that a confessor is obliged not to deferre or deny absolution to those who are fallen into an habituall custome of committing mortall sinnes , against the lawes of god , nature and the church , though they discover not the least hope of amendment . bauny ies. theol. mor. part. 1. tract . 4. de poenit. qu. 22. pag. 100. xxxvii . that remorse for sinne conceived out of a consideration of the temporall inconveniences ensuing thereupon , as the losse of a man's health or his money , is a sufficient qualification for his receiving the grace of absolution ; if a man does but imagine that that inconvenience proceeds from the will of god. escobar . ies. tr. 7. ex 4. n. 91. amicus ies. tract . 8. disp . 3. n. 13. xxxviii . that we are not obliged by any commandment of charity , to do any act of love towards god , nor to observe any precept of his out of any motive proceeding from that love , and that we are not so much commanded to love god as not to hate him . ant. sirmond ies. deffense de la vertu , tr. 2. a letter from a curé of roven to a curé in the countrey , giving an account of the procedure of his brethren the curez of the said city , against the doctrine of certain casuists ; and may also serve for a refutation to a libel intituled , the answer of a divine , &c. argvment . a particular account of the difference between the curez of rouen and the jesuits there , and the proceedings of the former therein . monsieur du four curé of s. maclou preaches against the corrupt maximes of the casuists , not cha●ging any particular order therewith . the jesuits only take alarm , and put up a detractive petition to the archbishop against him . whereupon the curez of rouen unite , consults the casuists , find they maintain the doctrines charged upon them , and put up a pe●ition to their archbishop with a catalogue of the doctrines thereunto annexed ; desiring the censure thereof . he sends up all to the assembly of the clergy at paris who take cognizance of the businesse . the author of the answer of a divine , &c. found an impostor , and consequently a jesuit . sir , i have received your letter of the 13. current , wherein you tell me that your health being not in such a posture as would permit you to come hither to the synod , where you were in hopes to understand what had passed between the curez of rouen and the fathers of the society of iesus , a friend of yours here had sent you a printed sheet , with this title , t●e answer of a divine to the propositions extracted out of the letters of the iansenists , by some of the curez of rouen ; which answer hath been presented to the right reverend the bishops met together in the generall assembly of the clergy . i cannot but imagine how much you were surprized at the first reading of that answer , and how that at the same time your judgement of it was , that it could be no other then an infamous libell , and a scandalous pamphlett purposely scattered abroad to blast the honour and holinesse of the church , derogating from the authority of the right reverend the arch-bishop of this place , and destructive to the innocence of the pastors who endeavour to serve and maintain that divine spouse of iesus christ . that you have also understood , how that the iesuits seem loudly enough to declare themselves the authors of that piece , when they cause it to be sold publickly by the book-sellers belonging to their colledge , when they distribute it themselves in the houses where they make any visits , and do so exactly play the mercuries to scatter it up and down , that we are oblig'd to them for its coming among those that are of our arch-bishop's councell . and lastly , that you expected with some impatience a generous reply from the reverend the curez of rouen to that injurious and ill-instructed divine , and how necessary you conceiv'd it that such a course should be taken , to the end that all the world might be satisfied of the purity of their intentions in the cause they are now engag'd in , their prudence in point of proceeding , as well in the enterprise as the prosecution , and the integrity of their faith , which it was the main design of that libell to cast a blemish upon . to satisfie therefore your desires as to these particulars , and to give you some account of an affair wherein we are all equally engag'd by the common concernments of their ministery ; i am to tell you , sir , that the curez of rouen , having taken notice of a sheet that was scatter'd up and down full of impostures and calumnies against them , and being in a manner perswaded , as well by the hints you give in your letter , as by other too too pregnant circumstances , that it was a production of the jesuits , thought fit to make their complaint against it to the other arch-bishop , by a letter which they immediately writ thereupon , and to demand justice for the same of his officiall , by a petition which they presented to him , whereof i thought it not a misse to send you a copy , that you may see the justifiable motives of their complaints . that once done , they had resolved to sit down and be silent , so in some measure to expresse their moderation in suffering injuries suitable to the maximes of the gospel wherein they instruct their people . they were , i say , content to be quiet , expecting the publick satisfaction and reparation , which might prove the effect of those juridicall courses they had taken . but having observ'd on the one side , that the proceedings were likely to take up much time , and that the iesuit● in the interim made their advantage of their modesty , persisting still in the distribution of that libel , giving out where ever they came that it could not be answered , nay , treating the curez of rouen as such as were to be derided for their weaknesse and ignorance ; and on the other side , having taken it into consideration that they are oblig'd to maintain the dignity of their ministery , and that it is their duty to hinder that from falling into contempt , or their persons into disparagement before their people , through the hor●id calumnies which the pretended divine loads them with , representing them as seditious persons , abettors and fautors of he●es●e ; they thought it concerned the honour of the church and their own reputation , that the world should be acquainted with the sincerity of their faith , as also that the simple , who might haply be surpriz'd by truth-lesse suppositions , should be undeceiv'd , and that , by answering that scurrilous libell with the greatest moderation they possibly could , they might satisfie and convince all those that are lovers of truth and justice that their interprise is holy , their proceeding canonicall , and that they cannot be blam'd by any for what they have done , but by such as are prepos●essed by passion , or too violently engag'd in the interests of a party they makes some advantages of . it was upon these reflections , and the wholesome advice in your letter ( which i have communicated to them ) that they enjoyn'd me to write to you what you now receive , and to entreat you to communicate it to your brethren , and all other good people , as we shall do here and elsewhere , to the end that all the world may be satisfied of the equity of our cause , and that those persons of quality , who shall come to the knowledge thereof , may conceive an opinion of us quite contrary to that which some would have perswaded them to , by atif●ces es and detraction . there needs no more then the simple , that is to say , the most sincere and most faithfull relation of what hath passed in this emergency on the part of the curez of rouen , to justifie their proceedings , and to prove the author and dispersers of that libell guilty of malice and imposture . i shall not say any thing which cannot be confirm'd by the testimonies of persons on whom no reproach can be fastened , nay , by that of the arch-bishop himself ; who being our head , our judge , and our father , hath also ever been our witnesse and our oracle ; and we should justly deserve his indignation , did we any thing without a relyance on his approbation and conduct . the businesse , as to matter of fact , stands thus . monsieur de four , curé of s. maclou ( whose abilities and worth are generally known ) having preach'd two severall times ( as you have already understood ) against those pernicious doctrines which tend to the corruption of good manners , the iesuits were immediately troubled thereat , and made great complaints of it to our arch-bishop , in a petition which they presented to him in the name of father brisacier , fraught with injurious expressions and calumnies against the said monsieur du four. these things coming to the knowledge of the curez of rouen , they thought themselves oblig'd to engage in the quarrell of their reverend brother , violently set upon in a difference wherein they were all equally concern'd , since it is their duty to be watchfull over sound doctrine and the purity of manners , as that on which depends the safety of those souls that are committed to their charge . but that their proceeding might appear to be such as was the effect of a serious consideration of the affair they were to engage in , they had a debate in one of their assemblies , about consulting the bookes , whence it was alledged , that the propositions and pernicious maximes , preached against by the curé of saint maclou , had been taken , to the end that true copies and extracts should be made of the same , and accordingly that the condemnation thereof should be required by canonicall wayes , if the● were found in the casuists , what quality or condition soever they were of● but , on the contrary , if they were not to be found in those books , that the prosecution might determine as to the casuists , and be reviv'd to procure a censure of the letters to the provincial , wherein those doctrines , with the authors that maintained them , were cited . six of the assembly were pitched upon and appointed to undertake that employment . they spent therein a whole moneth , doing all things with all possible ●ideli●y and exactnesse ; they sought out the places cited , they found them , word for word , as they were cited , in the originals . they drew copies thereof , and reported the whole to their brethren in a second assembly , wherein for further certainty , it was ordered ; that if any among them were desirous of further satisfaction as to those matters , they would be permitted to come to the persons deputed , into the places where the books were , to consult them and compare them as they pleased . this order was put in execution , insomuch , that for five or six d●yes after , there were seldome lesse the● ten or twelve curez at a time , searching after the passages , and comparing them with the authors , as being satisfied of the truth and faith●ulnesse of the ci●ations . what greater circumspection could be us'd in a proceeding of this nature ? and certainly there needs no more to give an absolute defeat to the imposture of those , who , purposely to disparage the said curez , and to rais● some clouds of division and jealousie among them , affirme , that diverse of them were surpriz'd , and inconsiderately drawn in to engage in that party . nor was their prudence lesse remarkeable in the petition presented to the arch-bishop , in the name name and on the behalf of the said curez . for , having been drawn up , and digested into the particulars to be invested on , by some of their company appointed to that purpose , it was read severall times in two or three severall assemblies , wherein were present ordinar●ly twenty or two and twenty curez , in so much that at the last it was sign'd by twenty & eight . this certainly should be look'd on as an argument of the union and good intelligence which is among the curez of rouen , and that it is the same spirit they are guided by ; not as proceeding from any combination , as it is maliciously objected by the author of the libell , but from the love of justice , and a tendernesse for truth , which thus joyntly engages them in this cause . five were chosen out to go as deputies from the assembly to the arch-bishop , to present to him the petition and the extract of pernicious proposition● gathered out of the casuists , and that worthy prelate honoured them with so kind an entertainment , and so favourable a reception ; he express'd so much satisfaction at their piety and zeale ; he told them with so much earnestnesse and reality that he abhorr'd those corrupt doctrines , that they could not , from all , but conceive immediate hopes of happy succe●●e of their enterprise . in a word , that prudent arch-bishop , having first taken the conclusions of his pr●ctor-general , and the advice of his councell , it was ordered by him , that the said petition , with the said ●xtracts , thereunto annexed , should be sent up to our lords of the generall assembly of the clergy , to the end , that those pestilent doctrines should receive a more notorious and solemn censure , by the decisions of so illustrious and and venerable an assembly as that which is the representative of the church of france , and whence we derive the oracles of our religion . but ere things were risen to this height , the reverend , the curez of paris having had notice of what was in agitation in our city about these matters , were s●irred up by the same spirit , and animated by the same zeale with those of roven , they honour them so far as th●t they write to them , and to give them thanks for the affection and tendernesse they had expressed for the purity of christian morality , they intreat them to send up their collections and memorials , and appoint eight of themselves , all doctors of divinity of the faculty of paris to examine them , and accordingly to give the said curez of rouen all the advice and assistance requisite in such a business . since which time , being more fully informed and satisfied as to the matter of fact , they resolv'd to joyn with us in this cause , and to exhort the curez of the other diocesses of france , to demand joyntly with them , of our lords the prelates ( in a spirit of peace and charity , which ought ever to be attended by a true zeale ) the censurt of the dangerous , propositions specified in the ca●alogue and extracts which they sent them . and our arch-bishop himself , for his own part , to shew how much he thought himself concern'd in an affair of this importance , and the justice he was desirous to do the curez of his chief city , sent up monsieur gaulde his grand vicar ( whose vertue and abilities all have sufficient experience of ) to present , on his behalf , the petition , and extracts made by the curez of rouen to our lords of the assembly generall with letters of recommendation worthy his zeal and earnestnesse . accordingly hath that honourable assembly given eare to these just demands , it hath afforded them a favourable reception , it hath even publickly commended ●●e procedure of the curez of rouen , it hath judged ●t jus●ifiable and canonicall , and taking cogn●s●nce of the businesse as such as religion it self and the salvation of mens souls are very much concerned in , it hath appointed delegates , very devout and very able men , to take it into examination . from all which cirrcumstances , we cannot but raise a certaine hope , that god will strengthen them with his spirit , and fill them w●th his light , that their endeavours , to expell this mortall contagion , which tends to the poisoning of her children , out of the church , may prove the more effectuall , that she may be maintained in her most holy rules , and may flourish and fructifie though the spirit of the gospell , whence she derives that incomparable beauty which is so amiable to the sight , and winnes her the heart of her divine beloved . thus , sir , have i given you a true and sincere account of what passed in this affaire on the part of the curez of roven . i dare call god to witnesse , that it is nothing but the naked truth , and thence you may be pleased to consider , whether they have had any ground to traduce us ; consider , what foundation they may have to blast our reputation with calumnies as they do in that libell ; consider , i say , whether it does not even in the title broach three signall impostures . for in the first place , the propositions , which we desire should be censured , are not extracted out of the letters of the jansenists , as the a●thour sales in that pamphlet . but they were taken out of the bookes of the casuists ; nay , if what he saies wer● true , the extracts would be ten times larger and of greater bulk then the whole p●eces , out of which they are taken , as it were easy for us to demonstrate . secondly , this catalogue and the extracts which the jesuits have so great an aversion for , and are the ground of all their fury and exasperation , are not the worke of the curez of rouën , who only drew up the extracts which they presented to their arch-bishop , and which the arch-bishop hath sent up to the assembly● l●stly , it is far from truth , that this answer of a divine was ever presented to the said assembly . our lords the prelates , whereof it con●ists ; would never have suffered such an affront should be done to the dignity thereof , nay , it is an act of the greatest contempt that can be committed against such an assembly to direct to it a scandalous pamphlet without a name● such as is that answer . no , those who are thought to be the authors of it , are more prudent and better advised then ever to have attempted any such thing , though they are not to be numbred among those that have the most respct of bishops . i should be over troublesome to you , and haply exceed the limits of a letter , should i make it my businesse to refute all the calumnies and impostures which are scattered up and down the body of that pamphlet , and therefore shall fasten only on some . this implacable pamphleteer sayes , that we have put in an information against the iesuits at the tribunall of our lords the bishops , and we may say , on the contrary , that it is they themselves that have brought the information against themselves . for neither in our petition nor our extracts presented to the arch-bishop do we any where taxe the iesuits by name ; if we say any thing of them , it is occasionally , and by way of instance ; all that we desire being only the condemnation of the pernicious doctrines taught by some late casuists , whoever they may be . but they have betrayed themselves by their own complaints and expostulation , they are wounded by their own weapons , sagittae ●orum factae sunt plagae corum . psal. 63. and they were the only men , who , satanically zealous to maintaine these doctrines , and to shew th●mselves in a manner the patronizers of homicides , simonies , and other the like crimes , have made all the noise , and raised that tempest which is likely to ●●ll so heavy upon them . besides , we cannot be said to have presented to our lords of the assembly any petition or other piece to bring them into trouble there , it being certaine that it is only the arch-bishop him selfe that hath , by his grand vicar , presented them , and consequently this jesuiticall secretary does notoriously derogate from his authority , and is not afraid in his libell to be a little too peremptory with him and to traduce him under the name of the curez of roven . the next thing he quarrells at is that we are guilty of a frivolous busying of our selves to weed out the corruptions that may be found in bookes , while they grow and thrive in mens soules , whence we should endeavour to root them up . this is an indeterminate charge of our idleness and want of courage in our functions , but without the least consideration , that these lesbian maximes purposely sorewed up to a complyance with sinners ( whereof we find the bookes of the casu●sts but too full , ) are the fatall seeds of so many corruptions and ●candalls as are predominant in this unhappy age ; and that our time cannot haply be better employed , then in endeavouring to smother them , and to prevent them from growing out of those books into mens consciences which are of themselves inclinable enough to entertaine any thing that cherishes the passions , and complyes with the vergency of corrupt nature . then he tells us , that it were a far better employment for our assemblies to review the houres of port royal , and addes , that the faithfull committed to our charge , do to this day repeat , at the feet of our altars those very prayers that are contained in that book , to the reproach of faith and scandall of the church . we never had yet the least acquaintance with the authors of those houres , and therefore cannot be said to countenance them , and it is a prerogative of god only to judge of the intentions of their hearts . but it 's to be hoped , this censorious libeller will not think it much we should give them a charitable interpr●tation , and should avoid , upon this occasion , that reproachable waxinesse of na●ure ( as he observes himself ) that is so easily wrought upon at to hearken to and countenance calumny , though he himself hath not much endeavoured to avoid it heere . some more knowing and better divines then he differ very much from his opinion of those houres , because they are not prepossessed against them as he is , who supposes that the son of god is therein degraded from the title of the redeemer of all men , because it is not there expressed in the version of certaine hymnes , though the same thing be found in severall other places , and particularly in the 7th . ver . of the te dum. and we would gladly referre him to the hymnes of the romane breviary corrected by vrban viii . of blessed memory . that methinks were enough to give a check to his sinistrous judgement of the persons that composed them , as to what concernes that article . and for the other , where he alledge● , that they have therein followed the version of mar●t in the 17. ver . of the 138th . psalme , to take away the invocation of saints ; he betrayes his want of consicience in imposing that drift upon them , since he is not ignorant , that though that version be not the more ordinary , yet is it approved by above ten moderne jnterpreters , jesuits , and others , men very learned and of unsuspected faith , who stick close to the hebrew text . besides that in the hymnes , litanies and prayers of these hours , the intercession of the saints is therein very often insisted upon . what probability is there then , that , if some of our parishoners make use of them , it must needs he to the great reproach of faith and scandall of the church ? he would ●urther put us into an alarme against the memory of the late abbot of s● . cyran , whom he charges with the reviving of certaine propositions of wiclef which blast the dignity of our character . but let him take good heed that this accusation , which he advances to put a flurre upon him , proceed not , either from want of diligence in the reading of his works , or an excesse of passion against that great man , inclining him ●o disparage them . as there is not hardly any one that is unaquainted with his excellent and glorious endeavours for the defence of the priesthood of iesus christ , so methinks should it be heard for any one to imagine that he had any designe to blast it in his lettters , which are all most christian , and full of piety . for , in a word , not to medle with the two last propositions , since our divine hath no● thought to cite the places , out of a prudent feare that in case we should examine them we might discover his foule play in falsifying and distorting of them , he hath suppressed out of the first a word that is essentiall and of importance purposely to give it a wrong sence , and to make it odious . 't is not our businesse to write a panegyrick for monsieur de s. cyrian , but only to beare witnesse to the truth , and the author of the pamphlet must give me leave to tell him , that his way of proceeding is not justifiable . in the 93. letter , which he cites , we find , that the church hath a power to take a course with priests of ill lives , and to cut them off from any relation to her , if she think it fit , and that if she do it , they are no longer to be reputed priests , but to be looked on as secular persons . this faithfull secretary hath left out the word reputed , which is to be seen in all the latter editions of those letters , and was omitted onely in the first printed at paris , through the printers negligence , and is accordingly put upon his score among the other errata at the beginning of the book . let him then but restore that word to the passage fore-recited , and he will find the doctrine of that letter to be the same with what is taught us by the church in her canons , that is to say , that priests degraded , and such as , for their lewd lives and noto●ious crimes , have been deprived of tonsure and the long robe , which are the honourable badges of the sacerdotall function , are not to be looked upon or reputed as priests , ●●t such as are reduced to a secul●r qualification ; though , all this supposed , they do not lose the divine character of their ordination . the case being thus ●airely cleared up , we are content the author himselfe should be judge in the difference , appealing from himselfe mis-informed to himselfe better informed , or lesse prepossessed , to dec●de , whether such pr●positions as these , are those of the infamous arc● heretick wiclif , and whe●her in our assemblies , we should make it our businesse to conspire their censure . he further playes the admonisher , when he tells us , that our endeavours would be more serviceable to the publick should we prosecute the suppression of the scandalous letters ; published , ( as he saies ) with so much● defyance of punishment ever since so long a time against the honour of sorbonne and all divines . but he sayes too much to be credited . for were it true , that those letters were published to the dishonour of sorbonne and all divines , whence comes it to passe that the colledge of sorbonne and all the divines of the whole church do no● combine against them to have them condemned , prohibited , suppressed ; whence comes it that the iesuits ( for whom this secre●ary apologises all the way ) make it their complaint wherever they come that those letters are levelled only against their society ? whence comes it th●t only they of all others took the alarme ●hereat ? and if they are so much employed in fighting against the enemies of the church , and in courageously standing up for the conc●rnements of iesus christ , as this pamphlet would make us beleeve they are , whence comes it , that , when they pretend to refute the letters , which are so insupportable to them , they direct their answers only to those which oppose their corrupt doctrine , and that pernicious● libertinisme which they introduce into morality ? how comes it that they are so silent as to the four first letters ? how can it be that they have hardly a word to say of them , tho●gh they hold them to be injurious to the grace of the son o● god , and the sacred decisions of his c●urch ? needs there any more to demonstrate that they , out of a set design , forsake the cause of iesus christ , and flight the advan●ages of his divine spouse , when it lies upon them to make good their own interests , and the transient lustre of their society seems to be falling into some eclipse ? is this the glorious employme●t they make such brags off ? but how ere it be , we declare , that we do not th●nk our selves concerned in those letters , otherwise then it may be lawful for all others to be , that is , that we look on them as such as may somewhat ●urther the discovery of errours , that so they may b● the better avoided ; leaving the judgement thereof to our lords the bishops . this writer hath a further accusation against us , which is , tha● we blow the coals of that heresie which is now breaking forth in●o flames in the house of god , and cruelly persecute those who make it their endeavour to quench it . for which he adds this reproach , that the unjustice of our prosecu●ion tends to the prejudice of fai●h , and the re-establishment of jansenisme● yet further blaming us , for that we are engaged in a combination , and endeavour to sacrifice the masters o● both ancient and modern divinity to the passion of the iansenists , so to be offered up a● the publick victims of heresie . and so goes even to the end with discourses much of the same nature , very unworthy the name of a christian , and most injurious to the pa●tors of the church . — tantaene animis caelestibus irae ? who could ever have expected that a divine should have treated us in these terms ? or imagine , that a spirit perpetually covered with the robe of charity should persecute us with expressions so full of gall and so maliciously satyri●al ? however , we think it no hard matter to forgive him . but when we truly consider his language ( which is far different from that of heaven to the annointed ones of the lord ) w● presently find , that he is but too close an imitator of those whom he vindicates , and that we may well take occasion to tell him , v●rè et tu unus ex illis es , nam et loquela tua manif●stum te facit . for when they finde themselves called to account , either for attempting any thing against the hierarchy of the church , and the priviledges of the pastors thereof ; or for maintaining the most dislut● and most extravagant opinions of the late casuists , such as are absolutely destructive to the purity of manners , they are in a manner reduced ( out of an ingenious , but withal a diabolical p●ece of reynardisme ) to this one evasion , or rather injury of iansenists , which they make their bulwark and last refuge● where being once gotten into , they think thems●lves out of all danger , and whence they believe they may , without any fear , shoot the prisoned arrows of the most cankered de●raction against those who only quarrel at their errours and irregularities . and of this i have a clear and pertinent example to give you . for i bese●ch you , sir , do but consider what relation there is between the propositions condemned by the constitution of innocent x. which ar● the subject of iansenisme , and the doctrines now in question , and wher●of we demand the censure ? the former are of grace and free will ; and the latter relate only to morality . the former treat of the most sublime , and most mysterious points of all scholastical divinity , such as only doctors , and the most knowing are able to look into ; and the latter are only decisions relating to the conduct of christian life , wherein it is requisite that every one be instructed . what ground then have the iesuits to charge us with this injury ? upon what account do they make it their main business to perswade the people , that their pastors , who are their spiritual guides , and on whom depends the salvation of their souls , according to the scripture , ex quibus anima populi pende● , countenance hereticks , and make use of their arms ? or rather why would they have the world believe that there ●s a new sect of hereticks , and a sort of enemies now rising that set the church on fire ? we declare that we know not any , that we do not so much as see this fire , and that if we could perceive it , we would be among the first that should endeavour to quench it . whence comes it then , that they make such an ignominious parallel as that of comparing priests and pastors of the church to huss●●es , lu●herans , and calvinists , which is the greatest affront and de●ogation they could have been guilty of in relation to the character and employment they have in the house of god ? is it that they would make them unserviceable in their functions , and their ministery , by this injurious bringing of their faith into suspition , and by those false impressions which they so much endeavour to make in those whom god hath co●mitted to the●r charge ? but what ! can it be objected to the curez of roven , that they are not in an absolute and perfect submission to all the orthodox truths of the church ? do they not instruct their parishoners in the inviolable maximes of the gospel , and the adorable mysteries of religion ? and do they not endeavour as much as lies in their power to reduce the enemies that oppose them ? is not their doctrine sound , and their word irreprehensible , as the apostle would have i● , in his epistle to titus ? is not their arch-bishop , to whom they are accountable , satisfied with their conduct , and the integrity of their faith ? is not the whole citty a sufficient testimony of their good and whol●ome instructions ? and do not the iesuits know well enough , that we have all published the popes bull , and the mandate of our arch-bishop concerning the five propositions justly condemned at rome ? is there any one among us that hath maintained , taught , or preached any of them ? or hath otherwise dissented from the sacred constitution of the vicar of jesus christ ? wherein then do the said curez countenance hereticks ? wherein do they afford them their name and interest ? as in imposed upon them by the libeller . what is it that makes them the cruel persecutors of the children of the church ? it is because they pre●er the most undefiled , and most sacred rules of the gospel , before the dangerous instructions of the late casuists ? it is becau●e they are in love with the holiness of the church their mother , and conceive a certain horrour to see her defiled by her own children , through the doctrines of those , who , incapable of being their fathers , will needs be their dangerous tutors and instructors ? is it because they demand of their arch bishop , ( the judge of sound and corrupt doctrine ) the censure of those pernicious propositions that are the destructive vipers of all morality ? but are they not obliged to this watchfulness , to prevent the tears from growing up in their masters field , and that the souls for which they are accountable at the tribunal of god should not be infected by that mortal poison ? i can assure you , sir , that they were not stirred up by any other motives in all this affair ; that by the grace of god , they will not be guided by any other , and that if their enemies will not give over persecuting them and charging them with calumnies● they will nevertheless endeavour the discharge of their duty , and as much as they can reassume more and more courage , to bring things so about , that innocence and truth may triumph over violence and imposture . in the mean time , sir , let us continue nnited in the spirit of peace and charity , in the midst of these disorders , which god will , in his good time , put a period to . and let us withall generously maintain the concernments of our common mother , whose breast , as it ought , so it ever shall even to the end of all ages , be ever full , as well of the most pure milk , and most power●ul wine , of the celestial and divine truths of jesus christ , the master , doctor , and perpetual dictator of his church , as of the precious treasure and inestimable riches of his graces , which he sheds into all souls , but especially the souls of the faithful , in the quality of saviour , deliverer , and universal redeemer . sir , be pleased to af●ord me your prayers to him , that i may not be so unhappy as to resist his grace , or deprive my self of it by my unthankfulness towards him , and the abuse of my liberty . i am . &c. a petition of the curez of rouen to monsieur the official , presented the 26. of october , 1656. to monsieur , the official of rouen , or to monsieur his vice-gerent . the humble pe●ition of master peter chrestien curé of st. patrick's , mr. william le cler● , curé of st. andrew's ; mr. john de sahurs , curé of st peter's du chastel ; and mr. stephen de fieux , curé of st. laurence ; on the behalf of themselves and their brethren the curez of rouen . shewing , that within some few dayes past the jesuits of the colledge that is within the said city , and particularly father brisacier , f. berard , and f. de la bri●re , have dispersed up and down to diverse persons , a scandalous libel to the great disparagem●nt of the petitioners , intituled , the answer of a divine to the propositions ●xtrac●ed out of the letters of the iansenists , by a certain curez of rouen ; which answer hath been presented to the right reverend the bishops of the assembly general of the clergy . that the said libel is fraught with lies , ●alse reports , impostures , and bitter calumnies very much to the disparagement of your petitioners . for the author does therein lay it to their charge that they are the first kindlers of that fire which now begins to break forth in the house of god , and that they are the cruel persecutors of those who endeavour to quench it . that he further reproaches them , that though it is their duty to be tender and watchful over the church , yet they shut their eyes so as not to see the danger that shee is in a manner fallen into , and that they are so far from making any opposition against her enemies , that they quarrel with her children . he sayes that they insist upon the advantages which hereticks pretend to have against her , and though he seems unwilling to lay an imputation of heresie equally on all , yet would he have them discover strange symptomes thereof in that action of theirs . he charges them with a reproachful easiness of nature , such as inclines them to give credit to and countenance calumny . he sayes that the unjustice of their prosecution tends in effect to the prejudice of faith , and the reestablishment of iansenisme . he blames them for traducing monsieur du val , as a criminel , not knowing what they do . he sayes that these curez , ( meaning the petitioners ) combine together in a design to sacrifice the masters of both ancient and modern divinity , to the passion of the iansenists , and to offer them up as publick victims to heresie . he sayes that they prosecute a charge against all catholick universities , and all orthodox doctors on the behalf of iansenisme . he says that the voice of the pastors of rouen is no more then the eccho of those mali●ious letters that are written at port-royal , and sold at charen●on ; that the enterprize which the curez of rouen are engaged in , is frivolous , as to the design , and unworthy the prosecution of a prudent man. to be short , his writing is filled up with diverse other expressions of the same nature , which are all most untrue , and tend very much to the discredit of the petitioners ; and he grounds all his injuries and all his reproaches on a matter of fact absolutely supposed ; that is to say , that the petitioners have put in an information against those whom this writer makes it so much his business to vindicate ( whom he sufficiently discovers to be no other then the iesuits ) and have impeached them at the tribunal of our lords of the assembly of the clergy , of having corrupted the whole doctrin of morality ; supposing withal , but untruly , that the petitioners had presented to that honourable assembly , an injurious catalogue of the propositions that concern moral doctrin . which is a falsity and palpable imposture , since it is evident , that the petitioners neither were sent , nor did send to the assembly , that they have not impeached any one , that they never presented any catalogue or any propositions . but the truth , as to the matter of fact , is this , that the petitioners desirous to be fully satisfied whether the doctrines that were contrary to the holiness and purity of christian morality , which so many learned and able persons have so long since quarrelled with these casuis●s for , were really to be found in the books of those authors , some of them , appointed by consent of their assembly , had accordingly undertaken the examination thereof : and having found in diverse books of those writers , the greatest part of the propositions laid to their charge , they drew a faithful extract thereof , and having reported the whole business in a●nother assembly , they unanimously resolved to have a petition presented to the arch bishop , to demand of him the condemnation thereof . that this being accordingly put in execution , the arch-bishop had sent up the said petition , with the extracts thereunto annexed , to the lords of the assembly held at paris , as being an affair of general concernment , and such as the whole church was interes●ed in . and having to that purpose sent up monsieur gaulde , his grand vicar to make a report of the whole , with a letter from himself , powerful and worthy his zeal , the said assembly took cognizance thereof , and immediately appointed certain commissioners to examine the business , to the end , that upon the return of their report , they might proceed to judgement . that the business came to this head as to matter of fact , is a thing so well known that the author of the said libel could not be ignorant thereof . whence it may be easily inferred that when he attributes to the petitioners , what hath been done only by the means of the arch-bishop , his main design was , to fasten all the injuries and invectives of his defamatory pamphle● upon the said praelate . for it being a thing out of all dispute , that neither the curez of rouen , nor yet those of paris presented to the ●ssembly any propositions concerning morality , and that there was not any thing of that kinde brought thither , but by the means of our arch-bishop , yet does not this detractor think it much openly to direct his calumnies against him under the name of the curez of rouen ; affirming that the hereticks , whom he makes the authors of the propositions , daring not to appear themselves for fear of being dismissed with reproach , yet there hath not wanted some that durst present in so honourable an assembly , what should rather have been cast into the fire . and it is this bitter re●lection of the libeller which the petitioners are most troubled at , as conceiving themselves less wounded in the disparagement they receive in their own reputation , then in the injury done their head , whom the respect due to his eminent dignity should have secured from all the assaults of calumny , and that especially in an occurrence , wherein he hath been honoured with the elogies of our lords the prelates and the most cons●derable persons in the state , who have highly celebrated his prudence in the management of this whole affair . now though the said libel be levelled against the ●aid arch-bishop after so audacio●s a manner , yet hath not that consideration ●ny way hindred the iesuit● ( who in all probability are the authors thereof ) from being the dispersers of it , and bringing it into diverse houses of quality in this city ; nay so far , that f. dela briere hath distributed of them even in the palace of the arch-bishop , to diverse eccle●●asticks of his councell . these things being t●ken into considera●ion , as also that the said pamphlet is derogatory to the honour of our said lord the arch-bishop , that it is fraught with malicious calumnies against the petitioners , and falsely supposes that there are in this dioce●●e , and within this citty such perni●ious hereticks as have sold their soules to impiety , and heighten the flames of a new heresie , whereof the author charges the petitioners with a design of promoting and countenancing the re●stablishment , as it is alledged in the said libell hereunto annexed ; it is humbly prayed , that you would b● pleased to order the said fathers bri●acier , berard , and dela briere to appear● before you in person , that they may discover and declare from whom they had that defamatory libell which they have distributed to diverse persons , as the petitioners are able to prove and make appear , in case it be denyed . and that if it fall out , that the said iesuits will no● appear and discover the author of the said libell , that it be taken for granted that they caused it to be writ and printed ; and as such , and distributers of th● same , that they be condemned to make reparation in point of honour to the petitioners , as notorious detractors , impos●ors , and disturbers of the publick peace , and other penalties , which the petitioners referre to the zeale and prudence of ●he proctor generall of the arch-bishoprick to demand against them according to the evidence that be brought him ; and to that end it is desired that he may be appointed to carry on the bu●●ness joyntly with us . and it is further prayed that a prohibition may be issued out that they may not for the future publish or distribute any such libel● upon p●in of excommunication ●pso facto , and other canonicall punishments specifyed in the holy decrees , against● the author● of s●●ndalous libels , and that th● sentence which shall be passed hereupon be read and publist●d in the severall churches , ●nd other places where it shall be thought fit , that the people may be undece●v●d , as to the calumnies , injuries , and defamatory impostures whereby the said iesuits would blast the reputation of the petitioners in the said libell , and you will do iustice. and signed by the said chr●sti●n , le cler● , de iaehurs , de fi●ux ; & le vigner proctor , with their severall subscriptions . a remonstrance of the reverend the curez of paris to their lords of the assembly generall of the clergy , when they presented to them a continuation of the extract of diverse pernicious propositions advanc'd by the late casuists . may it please yovr honovrs , the favourable reception we have found in your honourable assembly seems not to us a lesse remarkable discovery of your goodnesse towards us , then of your zeal for the undefilednesse of ch●istian morality . we have inferred ●rom it , to our more then ordinary comfort , that all the artifices which some have made use of to bring an odium upon us , have not prov'd so effectuall as to surprise you , and to make you in the least measure unsatisfied of our inviolable submission to episcopall authority . and certainly it must needs be a strange thing , that those who make it their main businesse to render it as despicable as they can , and have so often given you occasion to oppose their attempts against the hierarchie , should be guilty of an imagination that they could raise jealous●es in you of those , who think it a glory to them , that they have not any priviledges whereby they might be exempted from the dependance they have on their prelates . for your honours may be pleas'd to consider , that they could not upon any occasion betray a more groundlesse pretence of their detraction , since that , ever since the first breaking forth of this business to the present , we have not done any thing but what discovers the respect we have for your sacred dignity . the reverend clergy of rouen who first set this businesse on foot , and made the first complaints about it , brought it before their arch-bishop ; all the end that we had in countenancing and furthering what they did , was onely to make a joynt addresse to your assembly ; and when we sollicited the curez of the other diocesses to joyn also with us , , we were very far from thinking it should be done wi●h any derogation from their bishops . your honours will , we hope , have that opinion of us , that we are not to learn the obligations that ly upon us , or the limits of our duty . we thought it a breach thereof to continue any longer silent , when we see the church over-grown with a poysonous morality , more corrupt then that of pagans themselves ; nor are we ignorant on the other side , that we are excusable in the sight of god , by discovering the horrour we conceive thereat in our endeavours to raise an impression of it in all the souls committed to our charge , and in addressing our selves to the princes of the church , to represent unto them the pernicious consequences thereof . it lyes upon your honours to prevent the ●urther progresse thereof by a legall and authentick condemnation , since it is to your authority that god hath particularly committed the discernment of sound and corrupt doctrine , and the care of being guides to the people of god , by rules that are wholly divine , according to the word of the grea● pope , innocent i. to a certain arch-bishop of france ; disciplin● deific● populum ●rudi●● deb●mus . and that which is added by the same pope , in the place before mentioned● viz● that it is to be feared , that the silence of the bishop● be not taken for their consent to the dissolution of morality , ne ●ilentio nostro exist●●●●mur his pr●b●●e cons●nsum , dicente domino , videbas ●urem , u● cu●re●●● cum ●o , is , at this time , more considerable then even . for the extravagance of these writers is come to tha● height , that making their advantages of the lenity of the church in poin● of toleration , they presu●e to affirm it openly , that she co●ntenance● their irr●g●l●rities , because she suffers them . this is no more then what hath already been made appear t● your honours out of f. baun● a jesuite , and what may be seen yet further in another of the same society , whose name is mascarennas , who being equally d●●●●ou● in f. ba●ny to establish this extravag●nt p●opositio● , th●t it is sufficient , so as to fulfill the precep● of hearing masse , if a man heare●●wo halves at the same 〈◊〉 from severall priests , imagines it excellently well maintain'd by this erroneous and dangerous principle , that the church , without any opposition , suffering that opinion should be published , is an argument that she● approues i● . thi● maxime which carries within it , wi●hout exception , all the e●rour● which th●se c●suis●● have publish'd , must need● oblige your honour● to find out some speedy remedy against evils that grow daily mor● and more predominant● and which those that introduce them end●avour to establish by principes that make them incapable of any remedy . for their temerity i● come to that p●t●● , ●s to pretend that th● author●ty of the bishops cannot give them ●ny check . they have made no difficulty to maintain , ( 〈◊〉 you may perceive by the extract● which we now present you with of a new d●●●●e● ) that th● bishop● cannot prohibit th● books of the casuists , such as are those of diana ; ( one of the most extravagant that ever were ) otherwise then as marchandises , or , at the worst , but as prejudiciall by accident , and not condemn them as evill in themselves : and that , when four or five of these authours agree in the same opinion , it is so far probable and safe in point of conscience , that unlesse the church mukes the contrary thereto an article of faith , it can no more cease so b● such , then foure can cease to be foure . thus is it , may it please your honours , that these writers do at the same time invest simple private men with a pernicious power to overturn at their pleasure all chris●ian morality , and would devest the successors of the apostles of the right which iesus christ hath endu'd them with , to prevent the extravagances of man's wit from corrupting the truth of his gospel . but this also considered must needs engage you the more to make them feel the weight of that authority , which they would deprive you of and receive , to the advantage of the whole church , the examples of your predecessors and your own . it is not unknown to your honours , how that in the beginning of the ninth age , the church of france did by the severity of her canons , put a stop to a licentiousnesse much less considerable then that which is now so prevalent . there started up of a sudden a many triviall writers , who put out a sort of books called penitentials , to regulate , as they thought fit , the penance to be inflicted on penitents , according to the diversity of sins . but having by that erroneous indulgence deviated very much from the regulations specified in the canons , the bishops of france assembled in the ii. councell of cha●lons upon s●one , and in the vi. of parls , ordered , that all priests should forbear making ●ny account of those penitentiall book● , as also that they should be absolutely abolished , nay burnt , to the end they might not prove an occasion to deceive the pri●sts that read them , and consequently the people . whereas there are many priests , sayes the councell of paris , can. 32. who either out of negligence or ignorance inflict penances on those that confesse their sinnes , otherwise then it is provided by the canonicall constitutions , making use , to that purpose , of certain writings which they call penitentialls , contrary to the holy canons , and by that means cure not the wounds made by sinne , but cherish and continue sinners therein by an over-indulgent dressing thereof , drawing upon themselves that malediction of the prophet ; woe unto those that sowe pillowes to all elbowes , and make cushions for the heads of men to seduce them ; we have ordered , by a generall consent , that every bishop shall within his diocesse cause strict search to be made after those erroneous writings , and having found them , shall cause them to be burnt , to the end , that such priests as are ignorant may not any longer make use thereof to the de●●●uction of souls . now we humbly intrea● your honours to consider what comparison there is between the excesses against which these holy bishops your predecessors have acted with so much zeale , and those whereof we now humbly begge the suppression ? it was not layd to the charge of those composers of penitentiall directions , that they had excus'd or authoris'd crimes , but only , that they had taught the priests to inflict pen●nces lesse severe then those that were prescribed by the canons . nay even as to that point , how much more reserv'd were they then those of this age ? for the greatest licentiousnesse they are tax'd with is that which is condemned by the same councell in the 34. canon , viz. that they had impos'd on a detestable crime a penance of lesse continuance then 25. years , which was the time prescribed by the councell of ancyra , whereas these now reigning think it not enough to take away all the punishments impos'd by the late popes on the same crime , but are so presumptuous as to maintain , th●t those confessors that are carefull to promote the spirituall good of mens souls ought to send the laicks to the holy communion , and the priests of the alta● the very day , that they had committed those abominations , worthy of all the fires of heaven , earth , and hel. thus have we discover'd to your honours the proceedings of those exemplary men that have preceded you in the government of the gallicane church . they have not given way , as they say themselves , that the faithfull should be abus'd by vain hopes , and the deceitfull promises , which they might flatter themselves with out of corrupt books . and it must needs be by following so wholesome an example , that you have already broken the ice and put a stop to this torrent of licentiousnesse and errours , by condemning the books of the s●id father bauny , who published them in france , as containing propositions inclining men to liber●inisme and the corruption of good manners , and doing violence to the naturall right , and the law of nations , excusing blasphemies , vsuries , simonies , and diverse other the most ●normous sinnes , as if they were light peccadillo'● . but the inju●ious contempt wherewith your censure hath been received by some , who maintain that authour , even since your condemnation of him , as being not guilty of any irregularity in point of morality , and cause his books to be reprinted without the least correction or alteration , is enough to convince you , that since the mischief still continues , and growes more and more predominant by time , there is a necessity the same remedies should be continued , and that others should be apply'd that are more effectuall . the eyes of the whole church are upo● your honors in this affair ; her honour is but too much concern'd in it , she cannot any longer bea● either with the reproaches of hereticks her enemies , who endeavour her disparagement by attributing to her these pernicious maximes , or the temerity of some of her own children , who conspire with the others to fasten the same scandall on her . for it is not the greatest scandall that even happened to the church of iesus christ , that , while hereticks are so presumptuous as to impu●e to the whole body of ca●holicks the licentiousnesses of some particul●r persons , there should be , at the same time , whole so●ietie● that acknowledge them , that justifie their accusation , that would have the stranges● extravagances accounted romane tradit●on● , and are grown to that height of● presumption as to pretend that ●●n cannot quarr●l at these irreg●larities , without being of the number of the calvenists , or at least countenancing them ? will not the church disclaim these temeratio●s wretches ? will she not make a publick discovery of the horrour she conceive● thereat ? shall it ever be said , that for a man to be a catholick , he must approve domes●i●k infidelities and usuries with father ba●●y , simony , with v●lentia , the lawfulnesse of murther to avoid on box o' th' ●are , with lessius , assas●inations for calumnies with father amicus , impostures and false accusations , with caramuell ? shall it ●e said , that a man must entertain all the pernicious or extravagant decis●ons of escobar for mysteries revealed by● iesus christ , and that he cannot make any complaint against them , but he must be immediately treated as an heretick ? this is the affront that some would have put upon the reverend , th● curez of ro●en , by a virulent pamphlett , under the form of a petition presented to your assembly , and yet hath not any name to it ( which is a kind of proceeding never heard of before ) because , as it should seem● the authors of that scandalous piece would gladly have play'd the wolves with those that hit them in the teeth with their morality , and tear them in pieces , but d●rst not discover themselves , so to avoid the punishment they might deserve for their in●olence . in that piece your honours may discover some tr●cks of that confidence● whereby they vindicate their most dangerous maximes , they think it not enough to maintain them as tolerable , no , they would have them receiv'd as articles of faith , which a man cannot deny without falling into lutheranism . this is the account they get in that pamphlett , of what is taught by father bau●y , that to make an action impu●able as sinne , it is necessary it should proceed from a man that s●es , that knowes , that considers what there is of good or evil therein , and that before this sight and reflection of the mind , it is neither good nor bad . thir proposition , which palpably excuses an infinite number of sinnes , and which , as such , was condemn'd by the colledge of sorbonne in its censure of the first of iuly 1641. in th●se words , falsa , viamque aperit ad excusandas excusationes in peccatis , is grown up of a sudden , if we believe the partisans of that ●asuist , a point of the doctrine of the church , taught by s. thomas with all catholicks , and oppos'd onely by lutherans and ●alvinists . these are their own expressions but full of falsity and imposture . for where hath s. thomas ever taught that doctrine , he , who maintains every where , that a man's ignorance of those things which he ought to have known excuses him not from sinne ; 1.2 . q. 77. a. 2. and 3. and qu. 78. a. 1. and that men commit an infinite number of crimes without having any other sight thereof then that , of complying with their passions , and without making any reflection whether what they do be good or evil in the sight of god. 1.2 . q. 77. a. 2. and how dare they affirm , that all catholick● are of the same opinion , when their own casuists , who are the most guilty of dissolution of all catholicks , and the most inclin'd to embrace those opinions that flatter the humours o● men , are not all of that judgement ? for escobar makes it a point of his problematicall theologie , lib. 1. probl . 17. and cites those divines even of his own society who hold the contrary● to that opinion of f● bauny , condemn'd by the colledge of sorbonne , which yet they now dare impose upon the whole church . this your honours may be pleas'd to look on as a remarkable example of the originall and progresse of their probabilities . they are litter'd at first imperfectly with some doubt ; then are they lick'd into the degree of probable and safe in point of conscience ; and thence , by the advantage of confidence , that loses nothing by continuance , they are reduc'd to the predicament of certain truths , and they that oppose them chargeable ●ith heresie , even after they ●ad been censur'd by whole vniversities . nor indeed do they much dissemble the novelty of their opinions , or their first productions . they very sincerely acknowledge that they are ordinarily ha●ch'd by the temerity o● some particular person , who , under pre●ence of some probable reason that comes into his mind , presumes to oppose the common sentiment of all other divines , and formes out of his own a probable opinion , which time afterwards ripens and confirms . this is the acknowledgement of escobar , in these words , t●m . 1. in prael . cap. 4. though many persons have treat●d of a matter with great care , and happen to b● all of the same opinion after they had well considered the reasons thereof , yet is it my judgement that a learned man may neverthelesse , with some probability , be of a contrary opinion , if ●e sees there is any reason that is very pr●gnant for his sentiment , and finds that the others have not sufficiently clear'd up the businesse . for thus were probable opinions first introduc'd into the schooles● hoc enim modo probabiles opiniones fuere in scholas introductae● and to be short ( adds he a little lower ) all these opinions , when th●y come first into the world , owe their production to one single author . whereupon , another doctor agrees with him , because that opinion , though newly aduanc'd seems probable to him . certe quaelibe● opinio dum suscitatur , ab uno q●tum habet authore . postea alius . alii consentiens ideo assensum praes●i●it , quia recens adinventa opinio sibi visa est probabilis . nay , this is not alwayes necessary . there are some probable opinions that proceed from no other dam then blind chance . be it supposed that a doctor , without so much as minding what he did hath broached some new and strange imag●nation , which he himself thought not probable ; there needs no more to give another doctor occasion to make a new discovery in the country of probability . and this is no more then is ingenuously confessed by the same escobar , in these terms : i do only conclude an opinion to be probable when he that first found it ou● , judges it to be probable , and confirms it with a probable reason . but even when a doctrine , advanced by a doctor , is approved neither by himself , nor any other as true ( etsi doctrina adducta a doctore , nec a se , necab ●lio vera esse affirmetur ) but is only proposed as an argument to which an answer is required , or casually brought in to explicate some other , or haply by way of instance , i never●heless bring it into the qualification of probable opinion● , when i find it maintainable by a rational reason , si rationabili ratione inniti video . and yet your honours may be pleased to take notice , that these fantastick conceits , which they themselves acknowledge to be new , and newly introduced into the schools , which they confess to be the aerial issue of their own spirits , the most corrupt of all masters , according to that remarkable expression of saint hierome ; non quod à me ipso oidici , hoc est à presumptione , p●ssimo praec●ptore ; these imaginations , unknown , according to their own acknowledgement , to all antiquity , are nevertheless to be thought certain and infallible paths to lead men to heaven . for it being their main design only to flatter men , and to bring them to their lure , they saw well enough , that it would amount to nothing to invent probable remissions of duty , if those that followed them drew no other advantage thence , then that they were probably faved and probably damned . they have therefore thought themselves obliged to get higher , and by a mystery unknowne to all divinity and reason make an allyance between probable sinning , and the certainty of not sinning● be pleased then to consider the strange ratiocination of all these late writers . if i kill anothe● for a bo● on the care , it is probable that i shall not sinne , according to lessius , filliucius , bald●llus : it is also probable that i shall sinne , according to all the ancients ; it is therefore certaine that i shall not sinne , by the principle of probability . whence it may be further inferred , that when ever they affirme it to be doubtfull whether an action be a sinne , and contrary to the law of god , they with the same breath maintaine , that it is not doubtfull , but undeniable , that if a man does it , he commies not any ●inne in the sight of god. 't is upon this new kind of logick , of concluding a certainty from an uncertainty , that they have laid the foundation of all christian morality , taking this alwayes as an undenyable principle , that all the contrary opinions of the casuists are equally saf● . omnes opiniones probabiles sunt aeque tutae . not but that they are very sensible , that , of two contrary opinions upon the same point of morality , it is necessary that one be true , and the other false ; that one be consonant to the law of god● and the other contrary thereto ; but they neverthelesse stand upon it , that being both probable ; because there are cas●ists that hold as well one as the other , the conscience d●●ives equall sec●rity from both ; that the judgement● of men , even when they are deceaved and pervert the divine law , puts us out of all danger as to what we might expect ●rom the law of god ; and lastly , that we may make as great advantages , in our journey towards heaven , of a probable falsity , as of the most certaine truth ; ut quamcunque , as escobar affirmes , viaru● primo diversarum inierint homines , recta tendant ad superos . what then must we think will become of that terrible saying of the wise man , which he hath repeated in two severall places , a● it were to make a greater impression thereof in our mind● , there is a way , that seemeth straight unto man , and yet is that which leadeth unto hell ; i● there needs no more then that a way seeme str●ight to some casuist to lead us in a direct line to heaven , even when it is not streight in the ●ight of god ? and what account will there be had of these words of jesus christ , if the blind lead the blind , both fall into the ditch , if two c●suists , whereof the one is blind the other illuminated , because the one maintaines that which is true , the other that which is false , are as infallible guides one as another ? we might have produced to your honours a whole bloud of fathers , whose judgements are absolutely opposite to this so dangrous imagination of these casuists ; but we have thought it enough to weigh them by the doctrine onely of s. thomas ● who establishes a quite contrary maxime , which he makes use of as a certaine principle whereby to resolve other questions . for whereas there were in his time different opinions concerning this point● viz 〈◊〉 whether it were lawfull for a man to have a plurality of prehendaries , as he himself acknowledges quod l. 〈…〉 ●●●●niuotur theologi theologis , & i●rist 〈◊〉 i●risti● contraria sen●ire . he therefore puts 〈◊〉 to the question in his quod. l. 8. ar● . 13. whether this contrariety of opinions were a sufficient ground for a man to forbeare the having of more then one , be●ause he could not do it without running himselfe into some danger of sinning . now according to this new mystery of probability , there was not the least occasion to make any such question it being evident , that a man might with safety of conscience follow whether he thought good of the two opinions so authorised , and that there were not the least danger of shining in either the one or the other . but the divinity of that saint is far different from this latter , and men were haply in his time ignorant of this so commodiou●●n invention of complying with all the world● a m●n , saith he , becomes guilty of ●inne , tw● manner of waies● one by acting ag●●nst the law of god , the other by acting against hi● own conscienc● ● now that which is done against the law of god is alwaies euill , and is not to be ●xcused though it be according to a man's conscience . when there●●re therfore two con●rary opinions of the same thing , is mu●t necessarily b● , that one is true and the other false● and consequently , either the opinion of those doctors tha● maintain● i● to be ●●lawfull to have severall prebends , it true , and if it be so , he who acts contrary to that true opinion , and consequently contrary to the law of god● is not to be exempted from sinne , though he do not therein act against his conscience● but if that opinion be false , and tha● it were lawfull according to the 〈◊〉 of god to have a plurality of pr●bends , he that should be perswaded of it , should not sinne &c. now we are to represent to your honours that this erroneous confidenc● in th● opinions of men , though contrary to t●uth , which i● so formally condemned by s● . thoma● , after the fathers , and according to the scripture , is now become the maine hindge upon which they pretend that all cases of conscience ought to be turned about . these late writers treat as ignorant all those that are not of their opinions ; ●gnorantiae invidenti condoleas , sayes caram●●l , upon that occasion ; ●ay they are so far from any feare of the dreadfull consequences of this irrecla●meable liberty they take to reduce all things to the predicament of probabilities ● that they ●onceive it to be an extraordinary service done the church , to multiply them as much as they can . they out-vy one the other who shall invent most , and the greate●t panegyricks they make one the other , is grounded upon their introduction into the world of the greatest number of new probabilities . i have a reverence ( s●ies caramuel ) for the ingenu●●y of the learned diana : he must needs be an envious person who does not acknowledge , that by his i●dustry many opinions are grown probable , which were not such before him , and consequently that those who follow them sinne not , though they had sinned before . 't is by the meanes of this infinite multitude o● different probable opinions , whereof some are true● others false , that they so presumpt●o●sly give out themselves , that they have found severall wayes to go to heaven , such as extreamly facilitate the salvation of mankind ; for that if there were no other then the path of truth , which is upon every point , the same and indivisible , men would find it too great a difficul●y to travell in it , and one would be forced to jostle the other out of his way . we cannot without horrour & shame entertaine your honours with these extravagan●es ; but they are such only in their own principle , since they are but too too formally inferred from it . for if it be true that the authority of these casuists can make opinions probable , and that it must be supposed that all probable opinions may safely be followed , as to matter of conscience , though they permit a man to do that which is evill in it selfe , and con●rary to the eternall tr●th , they have very much reason to conclude thence that the whole church is extremely obliged to them , for that they have made salvation a thing so easy for her children to attaine to , by the multitude of probable opinions , which they make it so much their boast that they have lately found out . but do they not with all give us just ground to complaine with the learned and pious guigues , generall of the carthusians ; o apostol●rum tempora infelicissima ! o viros illos ignorantiae tenebris involutos , a omni miser●tione dignissimos ● qui●ut a●● vitam pertingeren● , propter verba labioru● dei , ●am d●r●● vi●● custodieban● , & hac nostra compendia nesciebant , o how unhappy were the apostles in their times ! o how did those that lived then grope in deplorable darknesse ! how were they to be ●emoan●d that they were not acquainted with any other way to go to heaven then those rough and austere ones which were chalked th●m by the word of god● and were ignorant of all these shifts and compendious methods of probable opinions , never found out till this age of ours . we doubt not but your honours are sufficiently satisfyed of the strangenesse o● this doctrine in it selfe , and to what dre●dfull extravaga●ces it may open a gap and give encouragement . all errour● in matter of morality are very dangerous , because they corrupt the judgement , which discernes between good and evill● and is the originall of all actions . but this principle of probability is much more dangerous , in so much that it may be called the generall poison of those en●e●●med sources , which communicates to them a particular infection far gr●ater then that which they have of thems●lves . for instance , it must certainly be a d●mnable extravagance of opinion , to maintaine , ●s f. amicus and caramuel● do , that men that hav● devoted their selve● to a religious kind of life ( and there●ore with much mo●● reason those that are of the world ) may kill those that intend to calumni●te them : but the feare of damnation for following these ●asuists , might haply stop their hands who were inclin'd thereto , if at the same time it were not demonstrated according to the genera●l doctrine of probability , that , of two probable opin●ons , it is as s●se to follow one as the other , a●d consequ●ntly● that there is as litle danger of offending god by k●lling● as there is in no● killing . it were therefore but to little purpose for the church to condemne the pa●ticular ●allyes of licentiousnesse which these late c●suis●● are guilty of , if your honours do not also take away th●● roo● whence they all de●iv● life and growth . all the ●cknowledgement they will make of your censure , shall be to confesse that your sentiment● are probable , but that they hinder no● but th●t their● are so too● of thi● evasion of their● your honours h●v● dayly experi●nce in their attempts against the hierarchy . ●or whe● t●ey would maintain● , for ins●●●ce , that the regulars of any religiou● orde● , ●ay wit●● sa●e conscience m●ke use of those pr●●iledges wh●●● 〈◊〉 expressely ●evo●●ed by the councell of tr●n● ; ●ha● having presented themselves before you , though you had refused to approve them , they have neverthel●●●● , ●● defiance o● your authority , a power to heare confess●on● ; and lastly● that having been once ●pprov'd , they cannot be a●ter●●●ds revoked , upon what do they ground all these so illegall pretentions● 〈…〉 sanch●● , one rodrig●●● ● one villalobos , one portellus , one diana , and others of the same mo●t●ll , which are much more then needs to make an opinion probable . and if you should oppose your decrees to the t●merity of these casuis●● , all the advantage you shall make of it will be , that you shall also make your opinion probable● your honours shall be cited a● maintainers of the negative , and escobar shall discourse thus upon the whole : regulares possunt , et non possunt , in foro cons●ientia , sui● vti privilegis● quost sun● expresse p●r triden●inum revocata● lib. 6● probl. 16● p. 192. sufficit et non sufficit pe●ere ●pprobationem , u● regularis , si injust● ei deneg●tur● , ●ens●a●ur jure approbatus , lib. 7. probl. 30. p● 269. that is to say , in a word , some hold the affirmative , others the negative , you may believe● and you may do what you thinke good your selfe . nor is it any more difficulty for your honours to imagine what confusion , and what dist●rbance● this principle of probability may oc●asion in the s●ate ● and what a bane it may prove to civill society● whe● it shall be joined with their other maxi●e●● p●● the ●ases that judges have any inclination● to ●avour their friends , or to be revenged of their enemies , what encouragement will they not find to pervert all justice , with safety of conscience , in this maxime of escobar and foure other casui●ts ; namely , that they are not obliged to follow the more probable opinion● but that they may give sentence for him , who seeme to have lesse right of his side● and whose 〈◊〉 is made good by lesse probable reasone ? in like man●e● if the people fall into an humour of rebellion , what pretences may they not find to colour their defection , in that other maxime of the same author , viz ; that they may without any cause sh●wne , choose whether they will submit or no , 〈◊〉 to ●he ordinances of their ●rinces , though after a legall publication thereof ; if they have no mind to pay● taxes shall they ever be to seek for a lawfull excuse to be exempted ; since that to effect it , there needs no more , according to these casuists , then a litle probability , even though they cannot deny but that their prince hath as much if not more reason to impose a contribution upon them , then they have to deny the payment thereof ? but we shall no● trouble your honours with any more as to that point . wha● we have , and might say of it , we think two horrid to expresse . we have only said a word or too at the beginning of our extract of probability , which is enough to satis●y all those who have any affection for their prince● a● god oblige● them to have , o● what consequence this doctrine is , and how likely it is to receive , ●n such emergencies● as cannot be fores●ene , but ought alwayes to be feared , the detestable maximes of a great number of these ca●uists , contrary to the sa●ety of their persons , and the soveraigne power which they derive onely from god himselfe ? they may seeme to be supp●essed , bu● they will never be absolutely extinguished , while they flatter men with an assurance that they do not sinne when they follow these l●te authors , and that even when what they teach , is , in effect , contrary● to the law of god. these things well considered , who cannot 〈◊〉 admire the strange confidence of some persons , who would have the complaints we have put up to your honours against these seditious maximes , to be looked on no otherwise then as an attempt prejudiciall to ●he well fare of the state . but our comfort is , that those who make it their businesse with so much zeale to promote the security and agg●andization thereof , are but too well assured of our per●ect and inviolable fidelity thereto , ever to give any entertainment to those bad impressions which some would have raised in them of us . it is well knowne that in the assembl●es where we are wont to meet , and which are authorised , not only by the custome and approbation of our arch-bishops but also by the letters which it hath pleased his majesty to send us to that purpose , there is not the least discourse had concerning the publick affaires ; no , our employment is about other things ; our thoughts are taken up only with the concernments of our parishes , and the spirituall good of the soules committed to our charge , because that is the maine designe of our functions . nor is it any other interest then that of those soules , so precious in the account of ●esus christ , that obliges us to addresse our selves to your honours , to beseech you , by the exercise of your authority , to prevent the further establishment of these strange corruptions , now so much in vogue , to the dishonour of c●tholicks , and the scandall of hereticks . the censure you shall passe upon them must need● be of extraordinay advantage to the church , ●●y even to those that are the m●intainers and publishers of them ; for if they acknowledge and submit to your decrees , they will ret●rne into the way of t●●th , out of which they had so strangely wandred● and if they oppose them , as it is their ordinary course to do , it will be with this disadvantage to them , that they shall lose that erroneous beliefe whence they derive a power to deceive sou●es , and which is , as well in regard of themselves as of others , of all misfortunes the most deplorable . how ere it happen , you will deliver your own soule● according to the ●ang●●ge of the scrip●●re , and the sentence of publick condemnation which you shall passe upon these pernicious opinions , shall prove your vindication before the tribunall of jesus christ , who will require a strict account of the pastors of his church , for all the abuses , and all the disorders , which they shall not have endeavoured to suppresse . but for our parts , who are only called to the participation of a small glimpse of that power , whereof your honours shine in the meridi●n lustre , all that it lyes in our power to do , is , to let you know , how earnestly we disire and pray for the reestablishment of christian mortality in its purenesse and perfection , and by crying down these unhappy maximes among the people committed to our charge , preserve neverthelesse union and peace even with those that maintaine them , according to these excellent words of st. augustine . quisquis vel quod potest , arguendo corrigit , vel quod corrige●e non potest , salvo paci● v●nculo , excludit , vel quod , salvo pacis vinculo excludere , non potest , equitate improbat , ●●mitate supportat , hic ●st pacificus , et ab isto maledicto quod scriptura dicit , v● his qui dicunt quod nequa● bonum est , & quod bonum est nequam , omninò liber , pro●s●s s●cur●s , penit●s ali●nus . thus concluded and ordered in the assembly of the reverend the curez of paris , and presented to the hono●rable the a●sembly generall of the clergie . november , 24. 1656. and signed , rouss , cure of st. roch , syndic . du puys , cure of the sts innocents syndic . the principles and consequences of probability , explic●ted by caramuel , one of the most eminent among the late casuists , in a book of his printed in the year , 1652. intituled . theologia fundamentalis . this extract comprehends the general principle of the new morality , which is , the doctrin of probability . the whole doctrin hath been taken out of one single author , to the end , it might be the better perceived , that they are not loose and stragling maximes that are not maintained but separately , and accordingly are not to be thought to have any correspondence . to that effect , have we made choice of one of the most eminent and most learned of these casuist● , named caramvel , a man yet living , and a person looked upon by the rest , as the ●orch of all the great wits of this age , ingeniorum facem , and one that is of such account among them , that they cannot be perswaded , that what the great caramuel , as they call him , hath approved , should be condemned by any one . nor is it on the other side to be doubted but that he is excellently well read in the doctrin of these late authors , since he openly professes that he reads in a manner no books but theirs , and that he should think his time lost in reading the antient fathers . this is no more then what he declares himself in these words p. 22. whence may be given a great guess of the genius of the man. non ego multum temporis impendo , aut perdo , in veterum ( patrum ) libris legendis ; non quod contemnam illos , sed quòd omnia quae pulchrè cogitârunt , jam sint à junioribus summo studio et ingenio elimata . for the bett●r understanding therefore of the doctrin of probability which is the troja● horse wherein is contained all the learning of these cas●ists , it is to be observed , that the question is not whether there are probable opinions in morality ? that there are such , it is generally granted by all , though the number of them be infinitely less then what is imagined by those who make it their business to reduce the most infallible rules of manners into problematical questions , and can , without blushing , put out whole volums full of such decisions as these , never heard of before among divines ; est , et non est ; licet , et non licet ; peccat , et non peccat ; tenetur , et non tenetur ; sufficit● et non sufficit , as if the school of iesus ch●ist were of a sudden degenerated into a school of sceptick● and pyrrhonians . but the deadly poison of this doctrin consists in the fatal conjunctions of these four maximes , which derive their unhappy influences on all the rest . the first is , that , when there are different probable opinions upon any point , and that there are some who maintain a thing to be forbidden , others on the contrary hold it to be lawful , both these opinions are equally false in point of conscience . and though there is a necessity that one of the two should be false , and contrary to the law of god , yet may a man nevertheless finde the way to heaven in either of the two , and may walk as securely in that which is ●●lse , or in that which is true ; ut quamcunque du●rum 〈…〉 diuers●r●m homines 〈…〉 ●e●dant ad sup●ros● as escobar sayes , theol. mor. tom. 1. in ●r●l . cap. 3. the second is , that a man is at liberty to make ch●ise of the less proba●le and less safe opinion , by quitting the more probable and more safe . that it is to say , that when a man is in some doubt , whether it be a sin or not , to commit such an action , and that the opinion whi●h maintains that it is a sin to commit it seems the more probable to him , insomuch , that all things considered , he is convinced that it is so , yet it is nevertheless lawful for him , with safety of consolence , to do that action , which he is satisfied is more probably a sin . the third is , that an opinion is then probable when it is confirmed either by a reason , or a considerable authority ; and that to make it such , there is no necessity these two conditio●s should me●t together , either of them being sufficient to do the business . the former kind of probability , they call probabilitatem● intrinsecam , the latter , probabili●atem extrinsecam . the fourth and last is , that , according to the gene●al consent of all casuists , an opinion is then probable● and may ●e commonly followed without any fear , when it is maint●ined by four grave authors , and that there are diverse who affirm , that the authority of one single author is sufficient . 't is in the rivetring and twisting together of these four maximes that the doctrin of probability consists . from the present extract as well as from those which we brought in before , may easily be inferred the pernicious consequences thereof . but to put a gag in their mouths who are so ready to maintain it , we need only tell them , that as well the state , as religion , is obliged to crush the serpent , for that while there shall be any thing of life in it , it can never be prevented , but that the detestable maximes , such as reflect on the safety of soveraign prince● and authority , whi●h have be●n so o●●en condemned by the parliaments , the universities , and clergy of france , will still con●inue probable and safe in point of conscience , and will be looked on ●y those that are instructed in that doctrine , as infallible w●yes to le●d men to heaven ; especially since they have been taught and maintained● not only by one , nor by four , but by above twenty of the most eminent of these casuists . to be short , that we may in few words give a preservative against this poison , which no man can conceive the least suspit●on of , wee shall lay down in this place , a remarkable passage out of st. thomas , which clear● up the whole cont●oversie . st. thomas . quodl . 8. art. 13. utrum , quando sunt diversae opiniones de aliquo facto , ille quisequitur minùus tutam , peccet ? ut de pluralitate praebendarum . respondeo , dicendum , quod duobus modis aliquis ad peccatum obligatur : uno modo , faciendo contra legem , ut cum aliquis fornicatur ; alio modo , faciendo contra conscien●iam , etiamsi non sit contra legem : ut si conscientia dictat alicui , quod levare festucam de terra sit peccatu● mortale . ex ●onscientia autem obligatur aliquis ad peccatum , sive habeat certam fidem de contrario e●us quod agit ; sive e●iam habeat opinionem cum aliquâ dubitatione . illud autem quod agitur contra legem , semper est malum , nec excusatur per hoc quòd est secundum co●scientiam● et simili●er , quod est contr●● conscientiam , est malum , quamvis non sit contra legem . quod autem nec contra conscientiam , nec contra legem est , non potest esse pecca●um . dicendum est ergo , quod , quando du● sunt opiniones contrariae de ●odem , oportet esse alteram v●ram , et alteram falsam . aut ergo ille , qui facit contra opinionem magistrorum , utpote ha●endo plures praebendas , facit contra veram opinionem , et sic cum faciat contra legem dei , non excusatur a peccato , quamvis non faciat contra conscientiam ; sic enim contra legem dei facit . aut illa opinio non est vera , sed magis contraria quàm iste sequitur , ita quod verè licet habero plures praebendas , et tunc distinguendum est : quia aut talis habet conscientiam de contrari● , et sic iterum peccat , contra conscientiam faciens , quamvis non contra legem ; aut non habet conscientiam de contrario sed certitudinem ; sed tamen in quandam dubitationem inducitur contrarietate opinionum : et sic , si manente dubitatione plures praebendas habet , periculo se commit●i● ; et sic procul dubio peccat , utpote magis amans benefic●um temporale , quàm propriam salutem : aut ex contrari●s opinionibus , in nullam dubitationem adducitur ; et sic non committit se discrimini , nec peccat . st. thomas . quodl . 8. art. 13. whether , when there are several opinions concerning the same matter of fact , he who follows the less safe , sin or not ? as for instance , concerning the plurality of praebendries . i answer , and say , that a man may be liable to sin● two manner of wayes ; one , when he does any thing against the law , as , for instance , when one commits fornication . the o●her , when he does a thing aga●nst his conscience ; as● if his conscience should tell him , that to take up a straw of the ground , were a morta● sin , and he should nevertheless do it . now a man is subject to sin against his conscience , whether he be perswaded , that the opinion contrary to what he practiseth is the more safe , or do but make some doubt thereof . but whatsoever is done against the law is alwayes evil , nor is it any way alleviated or excused , by pretending that it is according to a mans conscience . and in like manner , what a man does against his conscience is evil , though it be not against the law. but what is neither against conscience , nor the law , cannot be sin . it is therefo●e to be inferred , that , when there are two contrary opinions of the same matter of fact , it must necessarily ●e that one is true , and the other ●alse . he therefore that acts contrary to the opinions of the more learned , as for instance , hath a plurality of prebendries , does either act against the true opinion , and ●onsequently doing that which is against the law of god , is not free ●rom sin , though he do not any thing contra●y to his conscience ; for ●o he becomes ● transgressor of the law of god. o● th●t opinion is not true , but rather the contrary thereto , so as that it is ●ruly lawful ●or a man to ●ave a plurality of prebendries , and then we mu●t dis●ingu●sh . for , ●ither such a man is convinced in conscience of the contrary , and so falls into sin on the othe● side , as doi●g what is contrary to the dicta●es of his conscience● though not agains● the law ; or ●e is a●●ured in his own cons●i●nce that the contrary cannot be ●igh● , and yet is no● absolutely sa●isfied but inclines to some doubtfulness by reason of the contrariety of opinions ; and that being supposed , if , continuing in his dou●t●ulness , he hath a plurality of prebendries he puts himself into danger , and consequently does certainly sin , as one that rather mindes the prosecution of temporal advantages then his own sal●ation . or● the contrarie●y of opinions raises nothing of doubtfulness in him ; and i● so , he neither runs himself into any da●ger , nor sin . a catalogue of the propositions contained in the continuation of the extract of diverse corrupt propositions of the late casuists ; collected by the reverend the curez of paris . and presented to the honourable the assembly generall of the clergy of france , the 24. of november 1656. being the summe of the principles and conseqvences of probability explicated by caramouel , one of the most eminent among the late casuists , in a book of his printed in the year 1652. intit●led , theologia fundamentalis . i. there are two kinds of probability , one proceeding● from reason , the other from authority . that one without the other is sufficient to make an opinion probable . that all probable opinions are equally safe in themselves . that it may so happen that the most gentle may be the most safe ; and that it is lawfull for a man to follow the lesse probable . caramuel theol. fundam . p. 132. ii. that according to the generall consent of all casuists , the authority of four authors is sufficient to make an opinion probable ; and by a necessary consequence , one single author is also sufficient . caramuel theol. fundam . p. 137. iii. there are three conditions necessary to be supposed ere a man can affirm an action to be unlawfull , and if there be but one of the three wanting , he may affirm it to be lawfull . idem . ibid. p. 138. iv. that bishops cannot prohibit the books of the casuists ● otherwise then as marchandises , or as being accidentally prejudiciall , and that they cannot condemn them as pernicious . idem , ibid. p. 89. v. that it is impossible a probable opinion should be condemn'd in it self , and that it is impossible also , that an opinion maintain'd by severall doctours should not be probable . ibid. p. 393. vi. that a probable opinion , that is to say , such as is maintained by the most eminent casuists can never cease being probable and safe , if the contrary be not made an article of faith by a new definition of the church . and that a condemnation of a lower degree then that , cannot deprive it of its probability . ibid. pag. 89. vii . that things being weigh'd and consider'd according to the doctrine of probability , whatever some casuists write to condemn certain unjustifiable opinions of the others , amounts to nothing ; for that does not any way hinder but that the opinions of those others remain as probable as ever● ibid. p● 652. viii . that , when there is as yet but one grave author that hath purposely and out of design , treated of a case , his opinion is morally certain , and more then probable . an instance thereof taken from the doctrine of f. amicus ● who gives religious men a permission to kill those that should calumniate them . caramuel th●●l . f●ndam . p. 545. ix . that men ought not to confront the civill and ecclesiasticall lawes against the new opinions of the casuists , for that these being of a much later date then the lawes , it cannot be thought that their opinion● should be expresly condemned thereby . ibid. pag. 549. x. that the inconveniences and dangerous consequences attendant on probable opinions● do not any way hinder but that they are still probable as ever . ibid. xi . that logick must be brought to a reformation , be●●use that which hath been hitherto taught is not sufficiently consistent with the doctrine of probability . ibid. p. 550. xii . the use of the doctrine of probability in order to the authorization of the most mischievous decisions that may be . ibid. p. 552. & p. 550. xiii . that the civill magistrate , as , for instance , a judge , cannot condemn those that have followed a probable opinion , such a one for example as hath killed another in the defence of his honour ; and that as concerning excommunication the case is the same . caramuel . theol. fundam . p. 202. et in commentario in reg●l . s. ben●dic●● . l. 1. ● . 65. xiv . that those that follow the most gentle , th●t is to say , the most licentious o● all the probable opinions , such as are those that are approved by diana , o●ght to be called , not onely generous souldiers , but also virgins ; because those opinions do enable men to behave themselves , in all the precepts of the church with such purity , that they do not commit hereby so much as ● ven●all sinne . car●muel in epistola ad ant. dia●●● . pag. 24. xv. that with the assistance of probable opinions , a man do his duty as to what concerns the divine office , without so much as a veniall sinne , what distraction soever he may be guilty of in the performance thereof , nay and that voluntary too ; because a man hath no more to do in such a case , but to have a probable confidence that the church obliges him not any further then to an externall recitation of it , and expects no● any internall attention thereto . caramuel , the more to recommend ●he advantages of this invention , declares openly , speaking of himself , that he never so much as once in the year confes●'d himself guilty o● the least veniall sinne in saying over his bre●la●y , nay , on the contrary , that he might safely swear , that he h●d not committed any , though he knew himself charge●ble with many distractions , and those voluntary . caramuel . theol. fundam . p. 134. xvi . that of two probable opinions that are contrarie● , the same person may , as his humour leads him , one while make use of the one , and immedi●tely a●ter put the other in practise ; what inconvenience soever may h●ppen thereby to his neighbour , it matters not . th●t this doctrine is true , what mischief soever may he the consequence thereof , nay though that by this change of opinion a man exempts himself from the observation of the commandments of the church . the reason whereof● is , that those commandments are very ancient , and these compendious subtilties of a very late date ; and consequently , that the church , having no● foreseen them , cannot be thought to have ●orbidd●n them . ibid. p. 143. xvii . one example of th● precedent doctrin● produc'd by him , is , that a person having heard the clock strik● twelve , between saturday night and sunday morning● and thereupon eaten a good meals meat of flesh , if , after he hath so eaten , it strike twelve again by some other clock● he may communicate the next day , as havin●●ot broken his fast at all . the reason whereof is , that these two clocks are to be look'd upon as two probable opinions , and consequently , that , according to the former , it was lawfull for a man to eat flesh , as being already sunday morning , and that accordin● to the latter he might imagine himself not to have eaten on the sunday , but onely on the saterday . ibid. p. 139. xviii . a second example is this● that an ecclesiastick taking ship , and having brought with him onely his diurnal , ( according to the opinion of sanchez , who affirms that a man performs his duty , as to the saying of the divine office , by saying onely what is in the diurnall ) may , when he is upon the se● , choose whether he will say any thing of his office at all● by chan●in● his opinion , and following that of sa●cius who saye● that a man does not perform his duty , if he say nothing but what is in the diurnall , and consequently , he who hath only a diurnall about him , is not oblig'd to any thing . ibid. p. 138● & 13● . xix . that it may be infer●'d from the doctrine of probability , by a sound ●nd logicall consequence , that the church can neither command nor prohibit any action that is done in secret , and consequently , that a man should not commit any sinne in eating flesh on fridayes , so it be done secretly , or in not saying over his breviary , provided no body knew not any thing of it , &c. that these consequences are improbable , and that neverthelesse they are dialectically drawn from the from the doctrine of probable opinions . so that this doctrine may produce in the schooles a heresie not unlike that of the independents in england . caramuel , pag. 205. xx. certain ridiculous consequences , though necessary , drawn by caramuel from an opinion maintain'd by above eight casuists , and consequently probable according to their maximes . 1. consequence , which caramuel approves in the place hereafter mentioned as most probable , is this , that a man confessing his sinnes and thereupon receiving the communion at easter satisfies the precept of the church for two years , the precedent , and the subsequent . 2. consequence , is , that if a man say mattins and lands but once , towards the evening , he may satisfie the precept of saying them for that day and the next . ibid. 3. consequence , which he does not approve , but engages himself is rightly drawn from the same opinion , is , that 24. monkes who should say at the same time every one a lesson and an answer of matins , would all acquit themselves of the obligation that lyes upon them concerning the lessons and the answers . ibid. p 225. 4. consequence , is , that , when two persons say over their breviaries at the same time , they may repeat each of them his verse at the same time , not troubling themselves about any thing of attention to what they do , because it is not any way necessary . 5. consequence is , that it is sufficient to say onely once , whatever is to be repeated in severall parts of the office , as the pater noster , deus in adjutorium ; &c. this opinion seems probable to him . 6. consequence , is , that a man satisfies the obligation that lyes upon him to say the rosary , by saying onely one pater , and one ave. xxi . an impious objection , grounded on the doctrine of probability , tending to prove , that a man may be saved in any sect or heresie , proposed by caramuel , under the name of a lutheran , without any answer brought by him thereto . pag. 472. the censure of the books of caramovel , by the late archbishop of maechlin● wherein the toleration of the new probable opinions is particularly condemned . james , by the prov●dence of god , and the holy apostolick see , archbishop of maechlin , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting in our lord jesus christ. upon information made unto us , that the booksellers of our diocesse sold and uttered certain books of divinity set forth by iohn c●●a●ouel lobkowits , doctour in divinity , contain●ng abundance of propositions whereat the more knowing and devout sort of people are very much scandaliz'd ; we have caus'd the doctrine contained in those books , to be very diligently examin'd by severall divines ; to the end that if there were any thing of venome therein , such as might prove destructive to the souls committed to our charge , we might accordingly apply such convenien● remedies , as should preve●t their dest●uction . having therefor● had a faithfull report made us by those divines of the strict examination they had made , and finding thereby that the said author does advance severall strang● and impious propositions , which open a broad way to c●s● souls into eternall damnation● and that he propos●s with an insupportabl● im●rudence , many doubts con●●ary to the most certain princi●le● of divinity , by opposing weak and triviall reasons there●o , to which he doth not bring any sol●tions ; and consequently that the said author doth countenance execrable opin●ons , such as a man cannot ●eflect on without ho●ou●● as if he had mad● i● his design to undermine the ●unndations of sound doctrine , that so h● might afterwards with more ease over-turne the whole superstructure● and lastly that in many places he confidently declares , that it is his designe to make ma●y opinion● probable , so to make abu●dance of thing● be thought lawfull , which have hither●o bee● accounted ●●nne● ; by th●● means making more broad and more eas●e , every day then other , the way that leads to heaven , as if he could by his new subtilties put the imposture upon iesus christ who sayes in his gospel ; enter in a● the straight gate ; for the gate which leadeth unto death is large , and the way that leadeth thereto broad and spacious , and many there are that enter in at that gate . but that the gate which leadeth unto life , is narrow , and that the way that leadeth thereto is straight , and that there are few that find it . conceiving our selves therefore oblig'd out of a consideration of our pastorall charge , to set as ●ar as we can from this broad gate and this spacious way , the sheep whereof we are to be accountable , we have thought it absolutely necessary , to forbid the r●ading of all the books , which that authour hath set out , or shall set out for the future , unless● it be that they are approved by us , or such other persons as sh●ll be commissionated by us to that purpose . we therefore very strictly charge all the faithfull of our diocesse to forbear the printing , selling , buying reading or retaining any of all the s●id books , enjoyning all those that now have or hereafter may have any of them , to bring them unto ●s , w●thin fifteen daye●●fter the publication of these presents , to the end that we may dispo●e thereof , as we ●hall see con●enient . dated at brussels , the 18. of february , 1955. signed thus ; james , arch-bishop of machlin . brussels , printed by martin de bossuyt , printer to the city , in the stone-pereet , at the sign of s. feigr . m.dc.lv. an extract of certain propositions , out of a very late author , a iesuit , named mascarennas , printed by cramoisy , in the year , 1656. and not publickly sold but since october in the said year . the book is dedicated to the virgin mary , and th● auth●r de●lares in his epistle , that he teaches and maintains no more then what he had learn't from her , as his mistress , and that it was by a certain inspiration from her that he writ it . now it may be judged by some of these decisions ; whe●her it be a work consistent with those pretended inspirations , and the purity of that virgin to whom it is addressed . i. that whatsoever the church suffers to be ta●ght and published by the casui●ts , ought ●o be accounted lawful ; and consequently , that a man satisfies the precept of hearing masse , when he hea●s two halfs thereof ●rom two several pries●s , whether it be at several times or at the same time . tract . 5. n. 491. ii. that either a secular person , or a priest being fallen into any kinde of impurity whatso●ver , n●y , though such as are against nature , may , without so much ●s the least venial sin , ( nay , are to be commended for it if they do ) communicate the very same day , after they ha●e made thei● con●ess●o● th●reof . that wh●reas ther● were heretofore laws in the church contrary to thi● tenent , they are now abrogated by the general c●stome o● the whole earth . that the confessour ought to advise his penitent to receive the eucharist the ●e●y day tha● he is fallen into such crime● ; and that the vow or resolution any one might have made , not to come to the lord● table i●●hat condition , were nul . tr . 4. de sacros . euch. sa●ram●nto , disp . 5. c. 7. p. 239. f. bauny jes. theol. mor. tr . 10. p : 457. tre●ting of the s●me question , upon a case proposed of a priest tha●●hould have the co●fidence to say ma●se the same day th●t he h●d committed some horrid crime , follows the same sentiment of sancius , and is approved by mascaren●as , who very roundly declares , that it is no more then what may be followed in the pr●ctick . iii. that sacrilegio●s communio●● produce grace as soon as a man hath cleansed himself by confession , and consequently he that had received an infinite number of such communions , or a prie●t that had said masse ten times every day , contrary to the precept of the church , and that in a polluted condition , would become mo●t sanctified in ● moment , a●soon as he had made an act of contrition , or of attrition with con●ession . tr. 1. de sacram . in gen●re dis● . 4. c. 5. p. 47. iv. that a priest , who without a●y necessity , bu● meerly out of pure malice says masse in a condition of mortal sin , without making ●ny confession before hand , is not obliged to sati●fi● th● obligation that lies on him according to the councel of t●ent , of confessing himself assoon as may be : because the councel speaks only of such as have omitted confession in a case of necessity , ●nd not of those who have omitted it out of a malicious de●ign . tr. 4. de s●cros● e●ch●r . sacram . disp . 5. c. 6. p. 236. v. that , absolutely speaking , it is not so much as a venial sin to omit the sacrament of con●irmat●on ; a tenent that hath been condemned by th● bishops of france , and by the colledge of sorbo●●e in the cen●ur● passed on certain books of the iesuits of england . tr● . 3. d● sacram . con●irm●● . disp . 4. ● . 3. p. 152. vi. that when a man who hath committed an action , would , to know wh●ther it b● a si● or no , bring it to the test of several probabl● opinions , he is not obliged to confess himself of th●t doubt●ul sin , even though he inclines more to the opinion that makes it a sin , then the other . tra. 4. de sacram . euchar. disp . 5. c. 4. p. 227. vii . that he that goes to masse● to take his opportunity to look on a woman with unch●●t● desires , and who , were it not for th●t ●nd , would not go thither at all , fulfils the precept of hearing masse , even though he had an express intention not to ●ul●il it . tract . 5. n. 518. a list , of many dangerous propositions taken out of the late casuists , and particularly , out of the first tome , in folio , of the new morall theologie of escobar , a iesuit , printed not long since at lyons , and dedicated to the generall of the jesuits . there is one thing will haply be much wondred at in this list , ●nd that is the odde stile and man●●r of expression familiar with escobar , as , licet , & non licet ; peccat , et non peccat . &c. it is therefore but necessary there should be some account given of his meaning thereby ; which is only this , that a thing is allowable according to some casuists , and is not according to others . thence he concludes th●t the thing in question is infallibly lawfull according to the principle of probability , which he layes down as the corner-stone , at the very beginning of his work , as may be seen by the first proposition . it is not to be doubted but this manner of treating of christian morality will seeme ridiculous to persons of understanding and sound judgement , but it must needs draw groanes from the breasts of those that have any tendernesse for piety , and will justify before all the world , what a right character is given by the late bishop of bellay in one of his bookes , of these refiners of the rules whereby mens consciences are to be directed . 't is principally , saith he , in that part of theologi● which is called morall , that they discover the utmost of their extravagances , playing the sophisters so peremptorily in things that concern● the l●w of god and humane actions , that , as they dayly find out new sinnes , and make new discoveries in the unknowne world of vice , so have they a way to subdue what they discover , ravelling and unravelling sinnes as their humour inclines or diverts them , framing mens consciences , or rather making sport with them as they please themselves . it is and is not , is the motto and devise of this kind of science . would you have such an action to be guilty of any sinne ? they will turne that side of the picture towards you which shall represent it as such . is it expedient there should not be any sinne in it ? they will turne the other side towards you . this is the true lesbian rule which bends it self to the thing it is to measure . every yeare , what do i say , ●very yeare ? no , every month , nay , every quarter of the moone , the society of the indies furnishes us with some new casuist or other . there it is that they twist and un●wist sinnes , in so much that what was sinne last yeare , is no such thing this yeare , and what is not such this yeare , shall haply be the next , if there be any necessi●y for it . i. that all probable opinions are equally safe in point of conscience . whence it must needs follow , that , when some casuists affirme a thing to be lawfull , and others hold that it is not , it is not to be doubted but that it is lawfull , and that all the world may , without any sinne , follow such an opinion . escobar , theol. m●r. tom. 1. l. 2. sect. 1. c. 2. p. 34. ii. that it is carfull to consult severall doctors , till such time as that we meet with some one that answers us according to a probable opinion that speaks favourably on our ●ide . escobar , theol. mor. tom. 1. l. 2. sect. 2. c. 6. probl. 7. p. 39. iii. that kings may impose a tribute as just , according to a probable opinion , and that the people may refuse to pay it , as being unjust , according to another probable opinion . escobar , theol. mor. tom. 1. l. 2. sect. 2. c. 6. probl. 18. p. 43. iv. that subjects do not sinne , when they refuse , without any reason alledged , to submit to a law whereof there hath been a legall proclamation made by their prince . escobar , theol. mor. tom. 1. l. 5. sect. 2. c. 14. probl . 13. p. 160. v. that clergy-men are not subject to secular princes , and that they are not obliged to any obedience to their lawes , even though those lawes are not any way contrary to the state ecclesiasticall , escobar , tr. 1. exam. 1. c. 5. num. 34. et sequent . vi. that a man proscribed and out-lawed by a temporall prince may not be killed out of his territories , but that he who is proscrib●d by the pope may be killed in any part of the world , because his jurisdiction extends over all . escobar , moral . theol. tr . 1. exam. 7. c. 3. praxis ex doctoribus socie●atis . vii . that the lawes which inflict penalties on those that shall do certaine actions , are not obligatory in point of conscience , even though the matter be of great importance . escobar , theol. moral . tom. 1. l. 5. sect. 2. c. 17. probl. 26. p. 164. viii . that a iudge , as well superiour , as in●eriour , may give sentence according to one probable opinion , quitting another opinion that is more probable . in like manner , that a physician may prescribe a thing that is lesse likely to cure his patient , instead of that which he conceives he may with more probability and safety administer . escobar , theol. moral . tom. 1. l. 2. sec● . 2. c. 6. probl . 14. p. 42. ix . that , considering justice simply in it selfe , a judge may lawfully take a summe of mony to give sentence for which of the parties he pleases , when both have equall right . escobar , moral . theol. tr . 3. exam. 2. c. 6. praxis ex societ , iesu doctoribus . x. that , in civill contracts , he who had externally obliged himselfe either by word or writing , and who had not at the same time any intention to be internally obliged , is not in conscience engaged to performance , and may secretly take back againe that which he had sold , restoring the price he had received . escobar , theol. moral . tom. 1. l. 10. sect. 2. c. 16. probl. 20. p. 462. xi . that according to a probable opinion , deciding that a taxe imposed upon merch●ndises is not just , it is lawfull for a man to use false weights to gaine the more ; and that , if he be charged with so doing , he may deny it by oath , making use of equivocall expressions , when he is brought upon interogatories before a judge . escobar moral . theol. ●r . 1. exam. 3. c. 7. praxi● ex societ . doctor . xii . that a sonne , who lives in the house with his father , may exact a certaine recompence for the services he does him , and in case he do not give him any , h● may with a safe conscience steale from his father . escobar moral . theol. tr . 3. exam. 9. c. 4. p●axis ex societ . iesu. doctoribus . xiii . that a man does not become irregular , that is to say , incapable of ecclesiasticall administrations , for having procured and been the occasion of an abortion , if he be in any doubt whether the fruit of the wombe were quick . escobar● moral . theol. ●r . 4. exam. 6. c. 5. praxis ex societ . ies. doctor . xiv . that an ecclesiastick surprised in adultery , if he kill the womanes husband whom he hath abused in his owne defence , is not for that irregular . escobar theol. moral . ●r . 4. exam. 6. c. 5. praxis ex societ . ies. doctor . xv. that a man condemned to the galleyes is not irregular . escobar , moral . theol. tr . 4. exam. 6. c. 5. praxis ex societ iesu doctor . xvi . that when the church , doth , upon paine of excommunication , forbid the reading of bookes written by hereticks , she does not in that prohibition comprehend those who cause them to be read by others ; the reason is , that , to cause a thing to be read is not the same as to read it . escobar , theol. moral . l. 7. sect. 2. c. 33. probl. 59. p. 289. xvii . that it is not simony for a man to give mony to another , to the end he might employ his interest with the patrone of a living , to procure the said living for him . escobar , theol. moral . tr . 6. exam. 2. c. 6. praxis ex societ . iesu doctor . xviii . that a dispensation is in force , though the c●use , upon allegation whereof it was obtained , be absolutely ceased . for instance , when a man hath obtained a dispensation , not to say over his breviary , by reason of some inconvenience it may be to his sight , he shall not be obliged to do it , when that inconvenience is removed . escobar , moral , theol. tr . 1. exam . 16. c. 4. praxis ex doctoribus societ . iesu. xix . that it is not so much as a veniall sinne to make use of a dispensation procured without any legall ca●se alledged● escobar , moral . theol. tr . 1. exam . 16. c. 4. praxis ex doctor . societ . iesu. xx. that where the pope simply enjoines men to give almes , to gaine jndulgences , it is sufficient if a man give but a halfe-peny . escobar , moral . theol. tr . 7. ex . 5. c. 8. praxis ex societ . ies. doctor . xxi . that workes , that are good in themselve● , but are sinnes , and those mortall , by reason of the evill end whereto they are referred , are sufficient , in order to the gaining of indulgences . escobar moral . theol. tr . 7. exam . 5. praxis ex societ . ies● . doctor . xxii . that a priviledge is good and authentick , though it be obtained by discovering but some part of the truth , and in such manner that i● had not been obtained , if there had been an absolute discovery made of the truth . escobar , theol. moral . tom. 1. l. 6. sect. 2. c. 10. probl. 6. p. 187. xxiii . that it is lawfull upon occasion of some great feare● to make use of dissimulation in the administration of the sacraments , as for a man to make as if he consecrated , by pronouncing the words without attention . escobar theol. moral . tom. 1. l. 1. sect. 2. c. 7. p●obl . 26. p. 27. xxiv . that it is no sinne to contract a marriadge by person●tion , as if it were in a play upon the stage , by using equivocall expressions to elude the church , when one is forced thereto by a great ●eare . escobar● theol. tom. 1. l. 1. sect. 11. c. 7. probl. 24. p. 26. xxv . that , by vertue of the bull called crucia●a , a man may be dispensed of the vow he had made , or o●●h he had taken , not to commit fornication or any other ●●me ; though a man can not be dispensed of an o●th he had taken about any concernement of his neighbour . escobar . tr . 1. exam. 17. n. 144. idem , theol. moral . tom. 1. l. 7. sect. 1. n. 245. xxvi . that , coming to the preface , a man is not obliged to heare the rest of the masse , at a place where there is but one masse said . escobar moral . theol. tr . 1. exam. 8. c. 3. praxis ex soc iesu doctor . xxvii . that a man , who hath the reputation to be extrea●ly given to women , does not commit any mortall sinne in solliciting a woman to condescend to hi● desires , when he does not intend to put his designe in execution . escobar moral . theol. tr . 1. exam. 8. c. 3. ●raxis ex societ . iesu doctor . xxviii . that a person , having played the fortune-teller through an expresse invocation of the devill , is not obbliged in hi● confession to discover any fur●her then that he hath answered a question proposed to him , or told ones fo●tune . escobar theol. moral . tom . 1. l. 3. sect. 2. c. 10. probl. 52. p. 102. there may be further seene very strange elusions , as to the si●cerity of confession , which out of very shame are not brought upon the st●ge ; in the same escobar , theol. moral . tom. 1. l. 3. num. 256 . 294.300.30●.323 . xxix . that it is no mortall sinne to preach , principally out of a consideration of v●in glory , or for mony . escobar , moral . theol. tr . 6. exam . 7. c. 7 praxi● , p. 954. xxx . that it is lawfull for catholicks to appeare at the font , and answer for the children which the minister● bap●ise . escobar , moral . theol. tr . 7. ex . 2. c. 4. praxi● p. 980. xxxi . that it is lawfull for a man to let his house to common strumpets , who , he knowes before hand , will make it a place of publick prost●tution , not requiring so much is any reason why he should be excused for so doing , etiam null● just● c●usâ ●x●us●nte . sanchez in sum. l. 1. c. 7. num. 10. the same thing is also maintained by others , jesuits , as vasquez , in opusc . de scandalo . p. 43. ● . 8. du . 5. n. 48. reb●lliu● , l. 14. q. 17. n. 8. castrus palaus . ● . 1. tr . 6. dis . 9. pun . 12. n. 1. azor , and v●lentia cited by sanchez . xxxii . the severall wayes that servants may conscientiously contribute to the debauches of their masters , according to the doctrine of these c●suists . gaspar hur●ado , a jesuit , apud dianam 5. part . p. 435. escobar . moral . theol. ●r . 7. exam. 4. c. 8. n. 223. xxxiii . after what a strange manner these late casuists do elude and bring into contempt the most wholsome regul●tions of the church , and the most necessary provisions she hath made to stop the course of the most presumptuous crimes , such as are blasphemies , by falsely affirming that they are abrogated by a contrary custome . thomas sanchez , in sum. l. 2. c. 32. n. 44. xxxiv . that a cu●e or pastor of the church is discharged from the obligation he stands in to endeavour the instruction of his people , when he cannot do it of himselfe by reason of his ignorance , and that he hath not the means to have it done by another , by reason of the small profits of his cure. bauny jes. tract . 10. de presbyteris et parochis . q. 32. p. 448. xxxv . that a man does not commit any sinne , or is guilty of any ●rreverence towards god , when he presumes to addresse himselfe to him in his devotions , having an actuall inclination mortally to offend him . sanchez , opuscul . mor. l. 7. c. 2. du . 9. xxxvi . that a priest who should every day say the office proper to easter , without any reason for so doing , should be guilty only of a veniall sinne , and that if he had any reason to do so , he should not sinne at all . caramuel , theol. fundam . p. 520. xxxvii . that he who hath a will to commit all the veniall sinnes that are , doth not sinne mortally . granados , diana , mucha , cited by escobar , theol. moral . l. 3. p. 83. xxxviii . that it is a scruple very much to be blamed for a man to say in his confession , that he hath committed a fault , being satisfied in himselfe that he did ill . bauny . tr . 4. de poenit. q. 15. p. 138. xxxix . that it is no injury done to the paternall power a man hath over his children , for another to perswade his daughter to run away with him , in order to a clandestine marriage , against her fathers consent . bauny , theol. moral . tr . 12. de impedimento rapiûs , p. 721. xl. that it is probable by authority , and certaine in reason , that a husband may without any sinne kill his wife surprised in adultery , and a father his daughter ; and that the lawes of the church , which condemne that action , oblige only ecclesiasticks [ who cannot have wives or daughters ] and not secular persons . caramuel , theol. fundam . p. 737. xli . that it is lawfull for a man , in order to the preservation of his voice , to make himselfe an eunuch , contrary to all civill and canonicall lawes , which expressely forbid it . what good opinions these casuists have one of another . caramuel . theol. fundam . p. 555. and 556. xlii . that if an jnfidell find any thing of probability in his own false religion , he is not obliged to embrace the christi●n faith proposed to him , though he find himselfe more inclined to believe the latter , unlesse it be at the point of death , according to some , nay , he ●s not obliged even at the point of death according to others . thomas sanchez , sancius , and diana , cited by escobar . theol. moral . p. ●9 . xliii . that there is no necessity , that , a man ready to dy , should , in order to the receiving of the remission of his ●i●nes of god , have a true desire to reforme his li●e , if god should spare it him a while ; and that he may obtaine it by the absolution of the priest , though he be in such a disposition as to matter of repentance , that if he were but confident he should live any longer , he would neither confesse no● quit his sinne● at all . p●●rus m●ch●el de san roman , jesu●t , expedi● , & spir●●ualium soci●● . iesu. l. 3. c● 7. p. 78. a letter , written by the reverend father in god , iames boonen . arch-bishop of maechlin . to their eminences the cardi●als of the inquisition at rome , to whom the iesuits had appealed from his ordinances . faithfully translated out of the latine into french , and out of french into english. argument . complaint being made to the arch-bishop of maechlin , of the remisness of certain confessors , he causeth an extract to be mad● of certain ar●icles or propositions maintained and practised by some , which who would not renounce the practise of were not to be admitted to hear confessions . the jesuits not o●ly dispute , but m●intain them , whereupon they are denied approbation : they appeal to the cardinals of the inquisition at rome , who write to the said arch-bishop to approve them , which gave occasion of the ensuing letter . may it please yovr eminences , on the 21. of may , came to my hands the letter which your sacred congregation was pleased to write to me of the 18. of april , whereby you give me to understand , th●t , desirous to sati●fie in some measure the rector of the iesui●s colledge at louuaine , which is within this diocess , you have thought fit to enjoyn me , not to deny such priests of that colledge as shall have been examined and approved , a permission to hear the confessions of secular persons ; unless it were , that , meeting with any thing i should be troubled at in so doing , i did , within three moneths , represent unto your sacred congregation , the just causes that hindred me from granting that permission ; in which case if i neglect to give you satisfaction , some other bishop should be empowered to examine and approve them . this your eminences may well imagine must needs be no small affliction to me , nay , that i cannot but be much more troubled at it then i am well able to express ; since that , being come to the extremities of old age , and upon the point of my departure hence , to go and give an account to the supream judge , of my administration , i finde , that , not only , the world is already full of malice ; but also that it degenerates dayly more and more into wickedness , because charity waxeth cold . desirous to finde out some reason thereof , i have often both observed , it my self , and have it from the information and judgement of several persons , whose integrity , zeal , experience , and learning i am well satisfied of , that the principal cause of this deplorable degeneration and disorder , proceeds from the over indulgence of many confessours who are ready enough to open trap-doors to let men into dissolution and libertinisme , taking for security ●or their so doing some new opinions of certain divines , who , instead of measuring their proceedings by the practise of evangelical truths and the rules of good life , which have been left us by the holy fathers , make it their main business to finde out new excuses to confirm those , which sinners themselves are wont to alledge , to palliate their sins , and to cover with the cloak of probability , the ignominy and shamefulness of their crimes . it is of such persons as these that the prophet ezechiel hath said in the scripture . wo unto thos● that sow cushions under the elbows of men , and lay pillows under their heads that they might deceive them . these perni●ious extravagances are now come to that heigh● , that ●here were requisite not a letter , but whole volumes , if a man should make but a simple extract , out of some of their books and practises , of all those unheard● of paradoxes , whereby they at this day elude the precepts of the church , concerning the observation of fasting , fes●ival dayes , and the recitation of the canonical hours ; whereby they palliate simonies , private revenges , lyes and perjuries ; whereby they e●e●vate , and bring in a manner to nothing the obligation which lies upon men to avoid the occasions of falling into sin ; and in fine those paradoxes whereby they expose to an evident danger of nullity , the efficaciousness and power of the sacraments . now as it is in a manner natural to men to approve those dissolute maximes which any way flatter their irregular apprehensions , so must it needs happen , that those , who are the authors thereof , taking it for granted by the easie entertainment they meet with in the world , that they had done a very considerable service therein , cannot but presumptuou●ly imagine in themselves , that they dayly more and more enlarge the way to heaven , by the means of their probability , that is to say , take away the bounds and meers of that straight way which leads to life , planted by the hands of iesus christ himself , who is eternal and unchangeable truth , and remove them out of their places as far as they can by such inventions , as proceed from no other principle then themselves . having received several complaints against this erroneous and dangerous kinde of theologie , from those who have a certain zeal and tenderness for a more solid doctrin , and a more christian discipline ; and finding on the other side , that the hereticks who are our neighbours , continuall loading us with reproaches , that some doctors of our catholick church do maintain things so extravagant in the business of morality , as that pagans themselves ne●er betrayed any thing that may come into comparison therewith ; i made it my earnest business to make a collection of some of the most dissolute and most dangerous articles , whereof i have hereunto annexed a copy , taken partly out of their printed books , and partly out of what hath been observed in the practice of some of them , whose demeanours i have had a very faithful account of . having so done , i thought it not amiss to require the opinions and judgments thereof of the most knowing men of my diocess , as well secular as regular . whereupon having seen and examined the whole , i resolved to prevent the further progress of this evil , by the application of the most gentle remedies i should have thought of ; tha● is to say , by giving notice as well by my self as those who had managed the examination of the business , that those , who were admitted to hear confessions , should beware how they fell into that dissolution of doctrin ; a●d giving order withal that there should be a learned refutation set forth of some part of those articles . b●t having found afterwards , that this kind● of prevention , was not sufficient , and that reco●rse must be had to more effectual remedies , i resolved not to grant to any , either secular , or regular priest , the power of receiving confessions , if he did not promise and swear before hand not to put in practise any of all the said articles . much about that time , it happened , that on the 23. day of april 16●2 . several religio●s men of the society of iesvs , presenting themselves to be examined , i thought it no easie matter to meet with another so favourable an opportunity to execute the resolution i had taken . and thereupon i began with those , as well out of an imagination , that if they should willingly comply with , and observe that oath , the religious men of other orders would certainly make no difficulty thereat ; as that i had certain proo●s , that the fathers of that society , were of all others , the most addicted to invent and to practise those licentious doctrines . and this among many other examples cle●rly apeared to the examiners whom i had appointed to make the examen , on the day before mentioned . for the iesuits , having been , of set purpose , examined that day , concerning the dangerous articles , they very obstinately maintained the best part of them , and particularly this , which , i have from very good hands , as a certain truth , hath been practised by the religious of their society , that is to say , that it is lawful to dismiss those with the sacramental absolution tha● have not haply gone over half their confessions , when there happens to be a great concourse of penitents , as it may very well happen upon great festivals , or at a time of indulgence : which being tollerated , it would very of●e● come to pass , that people would make but half & imperfect confessions , those fathers drawing to their churches a great multitude of penitents . another effect of this toleration would be , that the greatest sinners , out of the fea●e they might be in to declare the enormity of their crimes , would with no small satisfaction embrace this convenience of obtaining absolution , when they have haply confessed but one or two of their most p●●donable defaults . upon these considerations was it , that i deferr'd the granting of ● permission to hear the confessions of secular persons to seven o● the religious me● of that socie●y , who in other things had discovered sufficient learning and abilities , untill such time as they should promise and swear that they would not proceed according to those articles in the mannagement of mens consciences . and wher●●s i well foresaw tha● they would not be perswaded to take any such oath without the consent of their superiour● , i gave them a copy of those articles to be shewen them ; which they promis'd me to do . but from that time to this , i never could have ●●y account or answer , either from them or their superiours , unlesse it be , that one of them , whom i think to be a professor of lovaine , told me that their society had caus'd to be printed , in france , some of those very articles ; but that it did not any way concern the inhabitants of flande●● . whereupon i made him answer , that , it being not the custome to permit the impressions of books made by those of their society , without being before-hand ●pprov'd by three of their divines nam'd by their provinciall , it was no longer to be doubted that their whole society maintain'd , as probable , what so many divines besides the author of the book , had thought fit to be communicated to the publick . all these things considered , i must confesse i could never comprehend upon what these fathers ground the imagination they are of , that i have done ●hem any injury , by pressing them to the oath before mentioned . had they been but pleas'd to discover the pretended grievances which they thought so indigestible . i should have ordered the businesse to be diligently examin'd , and if there had been any thing of reason in their complaints , i should have thought it no difficulty to quit my former resolution . for it was far from my design to do ought that might prove prejudiciall to them , all may aime being to prevent the destruction of that flock which was committed to my charge , and to rescue it ●rom ●he inconveniences consequent to the licentiousness of some confessors , which i saw growi●g daily more and more predominant , and , was justly afraid , proceeded for the most part from that society . and whereas i could not imagine they should fly to those shi●ts and evasion● out of any other pretence , then for that there might be , among the censured articles , some which they conceiv'd might be represented as le●se odious by a favourable construction thereof , or might haply be so farre maintain'd by plausible arguments , as that they should seem not ●o deserve so severe a censure , i thought fit ( purposely to avoid being engag'd into a multiplicity of dispute without any hope of conviction ) to put those articles into the hands of the theologall faculty of lovaine , to the end they might there be maturely examined , that those onely might be censur'd which should be found undeniably corrupt and condemnable , and that , if the said faculty had met with either in the books , or observed in the practise of confessors any other opinions , containing a doctrine pernicious as was that of the articles , they might be added thereto , as was accordingly done by the same , both on the 30 of march , and the 26. of april 1653. when they judg'd that the xvii . propo●itions ensuing were not to be tolerated in the practick , and that it was the duty of superiours , to make provision of their authority tha● they should not be taught , as may be seen by the copy of the decree of the said faculty hereunto annexed . to the end therefore that i might in all things obey the order of your eminences directed to me , as far as lyes in my power , and at the same time not omit any thing that my episcopall function may oblige me to , as to what concerns the weeding out of these pernicious doctrines , i shall be ready to admit the religious men of the society aforesaid , to receive confessions , when there shall not be wanting any of the qualifications requisite , provided alwayes that , being legally authorized , they promise and swear , that they will never , in the practick , adhere to those xvii . propositions at least , which i shall to morrow propose to the ecclesiasticks and regulars of my diocesse , to the end they may be abhorr'd by all , a proceeding i hope your eminences will allow as justi●iable . there are yet two things , whereof i think it not amiss , upon this occasion , to give your eminences some account of . the former , is , that the regulars do not observe the decree of the congregation , made concerning the affairs and requisitions of the bishops and regulars , dated the 15. of iune , 1647. hereafter mentioned ; wherein it is declared , that it is not lawfull for regulars to give absolution in cases reserved to the ordinaries of the places , or that might be reserved to them for the future . and consequently , that they cannot exercise that power , if they have not obtained leave to that purpose of the ordinary . now , though i took great care to have the said decree communicated to all superiours of the regular orders the 3. of octob. 1647. yet hath there been with me but one single religious man of the order of s. august . to desire that power , which i accordingly granted him , because he was a prudent and pious man. others there are that pretend they have i know not what priviledges , or communications of priviledge● ; nay they disclaim the decree , as nul , because it was granted without their being heard thereto . others there are , that affirm it only to be declarative , and consequently that it is of no force against their priviledges , which , they say , cannot be made invalid , but by a decree formally levell'd against them . nay , there are some so teme●arious , as presumptuously to affirm , that it is not in the power even of our holy father the pope himself , to revoke or abridge their priviledges , as being such as have been granted them by way of reward for their merits . the second thing i have to represent unto your eminences , is , that there are severall regulars who receive confessions within my diocesse , though they have not been approved either by my predecessors or my self . upon which account it was , that , not long since , i caus'd notice to be given to all the regulars ( as it appears by the copy of the mandate hereunto annexed ) that they should come and present the deed or writing wherein are to be seen the names , and the time of approbation , which they had received either from me or my predecessors . this hath been done by many ; and so that it soon discovered the great number of those that have intruded into the office of confessors within my diocesse , without the said approbation . but one thing happened which i cannot sufficiently admire , that is , that when the mandate came to the knowledge of the abbot of saint angelo , internuncius of his holinesse in the low-countries , he sent to me that i should revoke the said mandate , though it did not comprehend any thing which had not been observed from all antiquity , and that it had been established for a rule in the provinciall councell of maechlin , and confirmed by pope paul v. in the title ● . c. 1. of the sacrament of penance , in the termes recited in the article hereunto annexed . and all this , notwithstanding the express command of our most holy father the pope that it should be observed , as may be seen in his brief of the 16. of may 1648. concerning the cause of the bishops of angelopolis . by which brief , it is enjoyned , that the regulars , even of the society of iesus , approved in a diocesse by the bishop thereof , to hear the confessions of secular persons , shall not have power to receive the like confessions in another diocesse without the approbation of the bishop of the said diocesse , as i doubt not but is well known to your eminences . and thus much i conceiv'd it my duty to discover to your sacred congregation , in order to the good of ecclesiasticall discipline , having so great a confidence of your piety● zeal , and vigilance , as that you will vouchsafe to afford me some more effectuall means and remedies , whereby i may be enabled to oppose those abuses which ought not to be neglected . in the mean time , having with all submission acknowledg'd the reverence i have for your purple , i remain your eminences most humble servant , iames , arch-bishop of maechlin . ●russels , july 17. 1654. propositions that ought not to be tolerated in the practick , and should be condemned by the authority of superiours . i. a confessor ought not to deferre or deny absolution to a penitent , that goes on in an habituall course of sinning against the lawes of god , nature and the church , though he discover not the least hope of fu●ure amendment , provided he only say that he is sorry for what is past and promise to reform himself . ii. that it is sometimes lawfull to absolve a person that is in a next occasion of sinning , such as , if he please , he may , but will not avoid , nay , though he seek it , and engage himself therein directly and of set purpose . iii. to abuse a marry'd woman is not adultery if the hu●band consent thereto ; and the rest , too too horrid to be translated . iv. it is lawfull to dismisse those with the sacramentall absolution , who had not said over half their confessions , by reason of the great concourse of penitents , as i● may frequently happen , for instance , on great festivals and dayes of indulgence . v. that it is law●ul as well in judgement , as out of judgement , to swear with a mentall reservation , without any regard had to the intention of him who obliges a man to swear . vi. it is sometimes allowable , and that so as a man shal not be guilty of any mortall sinne , to kill an adverse party , or to defame him , even by charging him with crimes he is no way guilty of . vii . it is lawfull for an ecclesiastick or a religious man of any order to kill a detractor , who threatens to discover notorious crimes of him or his religion , when there is no other way to prevent it , as it should seem there is not , if the detractor be ready , publickly to charge therewith , and that before most grave men , either that religious man or his religion , if he be not kill'd . viii . the commandment of the church to observe festivall dayes , is not obligatory upon pain of mortall sin ; ( the case of scandall only excepted ) if there be nothing of contempt . ix . there are some who probably maintain , that if the child be not yet quick in the mothers womb , it is lawfull to procure an abortion , to avoid either scandall or death . whence it appears that we must not too easily condemn a wench that compasseth the death of the child within her , when the child is not yet quickned , out of a fear that being found big , she might be put to death , or come to discredit . x. it is lawfull for a man to entreat a conjurer to dissolve a charme laid before by another of the same profession , if he be willing and ready to do it . xi . those who communicate at the monasteries of the mendicant friers about easter , satisfie the commandment of chuch concerning annuall communion , and are not oblig'd to communicate to their parishes . xii . when a man hath in his confession conceal'd some sins , out of a fear of brin●ing his life into any hazard , or out of some other consideration , he is not oblig'd to discover them in any confession afterward● . xiii . it is not onely lawfull to preserve , by a mur●hering defence , the things we are actually in possession of , but also those whereto we may make a certain claim , or have some interest in , and are in hopes to be possessors of hereafter . which doctrine allow'd , it is lawfull ●s well for an heir as a legatee to defend himself in that manner , against him who unjustly raises encombrances to hinder his succession , to retard the exec●●ion of a will. the same course is also allowable in him that hath a right to a lecturer's place or a prebendry , against another who unjustly disturbs his possession . xiv . to call god to witnesse to a light inconsiderable ly , is not so great an irreverence , as that a man should or might be damn'd for it . xv. t is no mortall sin for a man to accept a challenge to maintain his honour , and to kill the challenger . xvi . a man is not oblig'd , upon pain of mortall sin to restore what he hath stollen by triviall and inconsiderable thefts , what ever the total summ thereof may amount to . xvii . a person is capable of receiving absolution how palpable soever his ignorance may be of the mysteries of fa●th , nay , though out of pure negligence , he knowes nothing of the mystery of the most blessed trinity , or of the incarnation of our lord jesus christ . advertisements to confessors . confessors are hereby to take notice , that they ar● not invested with any such power as that of disp●ncing with the obligation which lyes upon men to pay th●ir debts , or to countenance the delay o● th● payment thereof ; or exempti●g m●n from th● obligation of restoring the honour th●y have taken away from their neighbour , or making satisfaction for th● injuries they have done him . they are accordingly to deferre absolution , if the penitents expresse not a ●●●●●ne●s● to sati●f●● , whe●her it be for their debts or the i●juries they have done , those c●ses on●ly excepted wherein the lawes permit it , whereo● the con●e●sors onely ar● the int●rpreter● . they are further to be advertis'd , that , according to the prescription of the councell of trent , they are not to meddle with reserv'd cases , and consequently , that they are not to a●●ume to themselves any po●er of absolution therein , ●ave onely in extreme nec●s●ity . the judgement o● the thologal-facvlty of lovaine consulted by the arch-bishop of macchlin , to know , whether he ought not to enjoyn the confessors to forbear the practise of the precedent propositions , in the direction of mens consciences . the s●cred theologall faculty of lovaine assembled ●n the hall of the university , the 30. of march , and 26. of april 1653. hath judged and concluded , that the doctrine of these xvii . proposi●ions is not to be suffered in the practick , and that the superiours ought to employ their authority for the prevention thereof . it is also the judgement of the same faculty , that the two advertisements subsequent thereto are to be seriously recommended to the confessors . signed below , by theodorus lylvoltius , dean , in his own name and that o● all the other doctors . the end . the stationer to the reader . i had once resolv'd to close up the additionals to the mystery of iesvitisme with the solemn censur● passed by the theologal faculty of lovaine , upon severall propositions , as confining my self to what i found in the cologne-edition of the provinciall letters . but the two following pieces coming so opportunely to hand , and being of so much concernment to all the transactions between the ian-senists and the molinists ; it would have argued a neglect , if not an envy , of thy satisfaction to haue slipped the present occasion i had to file them up . besides , the iesvits , for their vindication , intending to put ou● the apology for the casvists , &c. in english , ( to which these are written by way of answer ) they may prove an antidote against the poyson , intended the unwary world in that master-piece of the society . r. r. factvm , or a remonstrance of the curez of paris . against a book intituled , an apology for the casuists , against the calumnies of the jansenists . printed at paris 1657. as also against those that have been the authors , printers , and dispersers of it . the cause we are engag'd in is that of christian morality . our adversaries are the casuists , who corrupt it . the concernment we have therein is deriv'd from the tendernesse we ought to have for their consciences who are committed to our charge . and the reason of our so earnest appearance against this late libell , is , that the con●idence of these casuists growing every day more and more insupportable , ●nsomuch that it seems arriv'd to such a height as makes it incapable of addition , we conceive our selves oblig'd to have recourse to the utmost remedies , and to put up our complaints to all the tribunals where we imagi●e we ought to do it , so ●o prose●ute without any intermission the censure and condemnation of those pernicious ma●imes . the better to satisfie the world of the justice of our prete●●ions , we need onely give ● naked representation of the whole di●ference as it lyes between ●s , and an account of the carriage of th●se casuists from the beginning of their enterprises to the publishing of this last ●ook of th●●●s , which is indeed the consummation of all . to the end , that men , having consider'd with what an exc●sse of pat●ente they have hitherto been tol●rated in ●heir pernicious d●signs against the church , may th●nce per●eive the necessity there is henceforward to proceed with the greatest rigour against them . but we think our selves concern'd in the first pla●e to make ●ppear w●e●ein the venome of their mischievou● doctrines doth principally consist , as a thing which the greatest p●rt of the world does not sufficiently reflect upon . that which is most highly pernicious in ●h●se new doctrines , it , that their main design is not onely to corrupt good manners , but to introduce corruption into the very rule of morality , which is ● businesse of ●arre greater consider●●ion and consequence . for it is much a lesse dangerous and generall inconvenience to introduce ●rregularity and dissolution , yet with a supposall of the vigour and existence of the laws whereby they are forbidden them to pervert those laws and to justifie those irregularities . the reason thereof is , that , as the nature of man is even from its first being perpetually inclin'd to evil , and that the onely thing which prevents him from falling thereinto is ordinarily the feare he may be in of the law , so it happens , that , when he hath once shaken off that bridle , he runs at random into all excesses of concupiscence ; so that there is no difference between making all vices lawfull , and all men vicious . and thence it comes , that the church hath never ende●voured any thing so much as an inviolable conservation of the rules of morality , even in the midst of their disorders whom shee could not prevent from a violation thereof . so that when time hath produced christians of evill lives , it is to be observed at the same time that there were holy lawes that condemned them and were purposely made for their reduction . nor indeed was it ever known before the starting of these casuists , that any one , acknowledging himselfe to be of the church , did publickly endeavour to destroy the purity of her rules . this , it seems , was an attempt reserved for these last times , which the clergy of france calls the dregs and dotage of the last dayes , wherein these new divines , instead of making the lives of men consonant to the precepts of jesus christ , make it their businesse to levell the precepts and rules of jesus christ to the concernments , passion● and pleasures of men . it is by this horrid overturning of things , that some , who go by the names of doctors and divines , have introduced , instead of true morality , which ought to have no other principle then divine authority , nor other end the● that of charity , a morality that 's purely humane , such as proceeds ●rom no other principle then that of reason , nor hath other end then concupiscence and the passions most irregul●r in n●ture . and this is no more then what they declare themselves with an incredible presumption , as may be seen by these few maximes , which are most ordinary among them . an action , say they , is probable , and may be done with a safe consci●nce , if it be grounded on a ra●ionall reason , ratione rationabili , or upon the authority of some grave authors , nay , of one alone , or if it be directed to an allowable object . now what they mean by an allowable object may be seen by the examples they give of it . it is lawful , say they , for us to kill him that hath done us any inju●y● provided it proceed from a motive of gaining esteem among men , ad captandam hominum aestimationem . a man may go to the place appointed with a design ●o ●ight a duel , provided he do it to avoid the aspersion of a hen-hearted fellow , and to gain the reputation of a man of me●●al , vir ●t no● gallina . a man may give money for a bene●ice , provided it be ●one out of no other reflection then that of the temporal advantages accrewing thereby , and not out of any thoughts of making a comparison between a temporal and spiritual thing . a woman may dress her self gorgeously , what inconvenience soever may happen thereby , provided she do it meerly out o● the na●ural inclination she hath to be vain , o● naturalem fas●us inclinationem . a man may eat and drink a● much as he please , so it be done purely out of vanity , and without prejudice to his health , because the natural appe●ite may endeavour its enjoyments in those actions which are proper thereto● licite po●est appetitus naturalis suis actibus frui . from these few words may a man give a great guess a● the designs of these casuists , and how that , while they destroy the rules of pie●y , they in●roduce , instead of the precepts of the scrip●ure , which oblige us to do all things with an humble complyance to the will of god , a brutal permission to make all our actions absolutely referrible to our selves . that is to say , whereas jesus christ came to mortifie in us the concupiscences of the old man , and to settle the empire of charity in the new man ; these , on the contrary , are come to revive the concupiscences , and to smother the love of god , from which they give men a liberal dispensation , and declare it to be sufficient if they hate him not . this , this is that carnal kinde of morality which they have furnished the world with , such as hath its dependance only on the arm of flesh , as the scripture speaks , and whereof they assign no other ground then the authority of sanchez , molina , escobar , azor , so●us , &c. who it seems think it rational ; whence they conclude , that it may be followed with the greatest safety of conscience , and without running the least hazard of damnation . it is er●ainly a thing deserves our greatest astonishment to see the presumption of some men come to this height . but this is done insensibly , and by degrees that to most are imperceptible ; in this manner . these accommodating or complying opinions were not at their first start guilty of the excess they are at the present , but seeming not so horrid , and being advanced only as things doubtful and problematical , ●hey immediately gained some strength by the number of their main●ainers , whose maximes are of this quality , that they dayly tend more and more to dissolution and libertinisme . so that there being a considerable body of casuists tha● s●ifly maintained them , the ministers of the church somewhat backward to engage against that great number , and hoping withall that mildness and reason might reduce those wandring persons into their right way again , have suffered these disorders with a patience , which the event hath discovered to be not only ineffectual , as to what was expected might be the issue of it , but also prejudicial . for they , assuming thence a liberty to write , have in a short time spent their venome into so many volumes , that the church does at this day groan under the monstrous burthen thereof . the licentiousness of their opinions , which must be proportionable to the multitude of thei● books , is such as does not only hurry them into pernicious tenents , but gives them withall a confidence to propose them to the world . thus the maximes which they had at first only scattered abroad as simple sen●i●●ents , were , not long after , advanced into the predicament of probability ; thence into the number of such as might be followed with all safety and serenity of consci●●ce ; nay , at last , declared to be as safe as the contrary opinions , and this with such a palpable discovery of extravagance , that the ec●lesiastical powers conceiving a just indignation thereat have passed several censures on those doctrins . the general assembly of the church of france censured them in the year 1642. in the book of f. ba●ny which is in a manner a perfect collection thereof : for books of that nature are but perpetually re●terated copies of the same things , that were extant before . the colledge of sorbonne passed the same cond●mnation on them : the theologal faculty of lovain did the like ; and the late arch-bishop of paris passed several censures upon them . insomuch that there was some ground to hope , that so many authorities joyned together might retard the further progress of so growing an in●onvenience ; but the casuists it seems thought not all these checks worthy their notice . f. hereau read , in the colledge of clermon● , such strange lectures in oder to the permission of homicide ; and the fathers flahaut , and le court did at ca●n broach ●●●ch horrid tenents to authorise duels , that the university of paris conceived it sel● there●pon obliged to make a representation thereof to the parliament to have some course taken therein , which occ●s●oned those tedious proceedings that are known to all the world . f. hereau being upon that charge by order of the councel , confined to the iesuits colledge as a prisoner , it abated somewhat of the ea●nestness of the casuists ; but in the mean time were they preparing new matters , to be spawn'd into the world in a more favourable conjuncture of time . accordingly , it w●s not long ere came abroad the works of escobar , f. amicus , mascaregnas , caramuel , and diverse others , so ●raught with the opinions th●t had been already condemned , nay , with some new ones more horrid then any before ; that we , who , by reason of the over sight and familiarity which we have with mens conscience● , must needs take notice of the mischiefs occasioned by those irregularities , thought our selves obliged to oppose the same all that lay in our power . upon these grounds was it , that we addressed our selves these last yeares to the assembly of the clergy then sitting , to demand the condemnation of the principall proposition● of these late authors , whereof we gave them a faith●ull extract . then was it , that the earnestnesse of those who would undertake the maintaining of them , apparently broke out . they left no course unat●empted , omitted nothing of sollicitation to prevent the censure , or at least to del●y it for some time , out of a fond hope , that if they could but shift it off to the rising of the assembly , there would not be time to take it into consideration . their designe , in some part , proved effectuall ; but notwithstanding all their artifices , and the great af●aires the assembly had to dispatch neere its closure , nay , though we had not of our side but the bare truth ( a thing not very powerfull at this day ) yet by the providence of god things were so ordered , that , contrary to all their endeavours , the assembly resolved not to separate till it had given sufficient discoveries of its indigna●ion against those dissolutions , and its earnest desires to passe a sol●mne condemnation upon them , i● they had had time to do it . to make this the more evident to all the world , a circular letter was written to all the bishops of the kingdome , and the book of st. charles borrhom●us , printed the last yeare by their order , sent with the said letter , wherein , the more to oppose those mischievo●s maximes , they begin with that of probability , which is the foundation of all . their words are these . i● is a long time , that it hath been the griefe of our spirits , to see our diocesses , as ●o these matters , no● only in the same condi●ion with the province of s. charles , but in a much more deplorable . for if our confessors have a greater talent ●f learning and abilities then th●se of his time , the dang●r is so much the greater of th●ir embracing and foll●wing certaine moderne opinions , which have made such a strange alteration in christian morality , and the maximes of the gospell , that the most implicite ignorance is to be preferred far before such a knowledge ; as such as te●ches m●n to be sceptiques in all ●hings , and 〈◊〉 find out wa●e● , not to exterminate the corrupt maximes of men , but to justify them therein , and to instruct them how they may with safe●y of conscience put them in practise . then they come to those conveniences and accommodations that are established upon the principle of probability . for , say they , whereas iesus christ hath left us his precepts and example , to the end that those who believe in him , might obey him , and regulate ●heir lives according thereto , the designe of these authors , on the con●r●ry , seems to endeavour a complyance between the precepts of i●sus christ , and ●he interests , pleasures , and p●ssions of men ; so ingenious are they in soo●hing their ava●ice and ambition , by ●he encouragements they give them ●o be revenged of ●heir enemies , to lend out mony upon excessiv● interest , to get into ecclesiasticall dignities by waies ev●r so indirect , and to pr●s●rv● the imaginary honour which is der●ved from ●h● world by bas● and bloody ●ourses● and a●ter they had made some scornfull reflections on the casuists meththod of the right direction of the in●ention , they earnestly condemne their abuse of the sacraments . and l●stly , that the church might know , that what they had done was but little in comparison of what they would have done , had it been in their power , they con●clude thus . severall curez of the ci●●y of paris , and of other the chiefest cit●ies of the kingdome , have , by the complaint they have made to us of these disorders wi●h ●he permission of the reverend th●ir p●elates , and thei● earnest intreaties that some remedy might be though● on , heightened our zeale , and much added ●o our attristation and regret . had their addresses come sooner to our assembly then they did , we should , with all possible exactnesse and diligence , have examined all the new prop●sitions of the casuist● whereof they gave us the ●xtracts , and p●ssed a solemme sentence upon them such as might have hindred the further progresse of that con●agion of mens consciences . but having not the leasure to take the b●sinesse into examination , wi●h the diligence and exactness● which the impo●tance thereof might justly require , we find , that , for the present , we could not be●hink u● of a be●t●r remedy for so deplorable a disorder● then to give order for the printin● of the instructions laid down by st. charles borromaeus , cardinall and archbishop of milan , at the charge of the clergy , as being s●ch as wh●nce these conf●ss●rs may learn● how they ought ●o behave themselves in the administration of the sacram●nt of penance , and to send ●hem to all the r●verend the bishops of the kingdom● . there being nothing so remarkeable ●rom this procedure of our lords the bishops , as that what thy said proceeded absolute●y ●rom the force and conviction of truth which they conceived obliged them to expresse themselves in that manner , we pr●sumed , that the authors of those novelties would have been more r●s●rved for the future , and that , having considered that all the cu●ez of the prin●●pall citties of france , and the ●relates , were unanimously resolved upon the condemnation of their doctrine , they would at length have sate still , and thought it no small happinesse that they had avoided the censure they had so much deserved , that is , such as must needs have made a noise in the world proportionable to the extravagances they had committed against the church . this posture were things in ; and , for our parts , our thoughts were wholly taken up with a peaceable instruction of our people according to pious and christian maximes , without any feare of dis●●●bance , when there comes upon the stage this new book , we have now to de●le with , which being an apology for all the casuists , does alone containe full as much as the rest do put together , and revives all the condemned p●opositions , and that with an imprudence and scandall so much the more deserving a seve●e censure , that it dares appear aft●r so many contemned censure● , and so much the more to be punish'd for that it is apparent , by the misca●riage of the remedies already used , what ●ec●ssity th●re i● to find out such as may prove more effectu●ll , to put ●t last a ●●nall period to so dangerou● and so insupport●ble a mischief . we come now to the particular reasons we have to prosecute the condemnation of this libell . they are indeed many and those very considerable , whereof the first is the extraordinary confidence wherewith the autho●● of that book maintain the most abominable propositio●s of th● casuist● . things are now carryed on simply without any pall●ation . the old way of vind●c●tion , which was , that such and such propositions were impos'd upon them , i● now thought shifting and ●●asive . no , they deal plainly as may be , they acknowledge and m●intain them at the same time as such a● may be followed with a safe conscience , nay such as are ●●safe , say they , as the contrary ●pinions . t is ve●y true , sayes the apology in a hundred severall places , tha●●he , casuist● hold these maxi●es , but it is as t●ue withall that they have much reason to hold them . nay , sometimes the author is so free hearted as to acknowledge somewhat more then they are reproached with . t is granted , sayes he , that we do maintain the proposition so muc● found fault with , and yet the casuist● stick not to go beyond that too . so that now all the dif●erence as to matter of fact is taken away ; he grants all , he acknowledges , that , according to their doctrine , there i● no usury in contracts though the most guilty of extortion , through the wayes he layes down whereby to avoid it , pag. 101 , 107 , 108 , &c. that such as trade in benefices are not chargeable with simony , what bargain soever they may drive , if there be a right direction of the intention ; if a man will trust to what he saye● , pag. 62. blasphemies , perjuries , impurities , in a word , all breaches of the decalogue are no sinnes at all when they are committed by any man out of ignorance , surprise , or passion ; pag. 26.28 . it is lawfull for servants to rob their masters to make their wages proportionabl● to their services , according to father bauny , maintain'd by the author of the apology pag. 81. women may take thei● husbands mony unknown to them to game withall , pag. 1●2 . iudges shall not be oblig●d to make restitution of what they may receive ●or giving an unjust judgement , pag. 1●3 . a man shall not be obliged to quit those occasions and propositions wherein he runs the hazard of damnation , if he cannot do it with ease and convenience , pag. 49. a man does deservedly receive absolution , and may be ● worthy communicant , though he be not otherwise troubled for his sinnes then out of a reflection on the temporall inconveniences occasioned thereby , pag. 162 , 163. a man may without any blame calumniate those who speak ill of him , by imposing such crimes upon them as he knowes th●y are innocent of ; pag. 127 , 128 , 129. in a word , any thing shall be lawfull , the law of god shall signifie nothing , and only naturall reason shall be our light and guide ●n all our actions , nay , shall enable u● to disc●rn wh●n i● i● law●ull , for a private man to kill his neighbour ; which cer●ainly is a thing so pernicious as defies all parallel ; and whereof the consequences must be dreadfull . let it be made apparent to me , sayes he pag. 87. &c. that we ought not to be guided by the dictates of naturall reason , to discern when it is lawfull for a man to kill his neighbour . and to confirm this proposition ; since that monarchs consult onely naturall reason to punish malefactors , in like m●nner we need no other director then the same naturall reason to judge whether ● private person may kill another that injures him , not onely in things that conc●rn his life , but also his reputation or estate . and to answer what may be press●d on the contrary , viz. that it is forbidden by the law of god , he sayes in the name and behalf of all the casuists , we believe that we have ground enough to exempt from ●he penalty of that commandment of god , thos● who kill others for the preservation of their honour , reputation , and estates . if this maxime be well consider'd , namely , that it is the proper faculty of naturall reason to discern when it i● lawfull or unlawfull for a man to kill his neighbour , and a man adde thereto the execrable maximes of some most grave doctors , who , by their naturall reason , have concluded it lawfull , upon certain occasions , to commit strange parricides against even the most sacred p●rsons , it might well be judg'd , that , all this done , if we should be silent , we were unworthy the ministery we professe ; that we were the destroyers , and not the pastors of the flocks committed to our charge , and that god might justly punish us for so criminall a silence . we therefore discharge our duty , by acquainting both the people and judges of these abomination● ; and we hope that both people and judges will do theirs , the former in avoyding them , the latter in punishing them according to the quality and importance of what shall be done . but what is yet a further motive of our earnest appe●rance in this manner , is , that we are not to consider these propositions as taken out of ● book that is anonymous and without authority , but as extracted out of one maintain'd and countenanced by a very considerable body . we speak it not without regrett . for though we have from the beginning known well enough who the first authors of these disorders were , yet have we thought fit to forbear the discovery of them , nor indeed should we yet do it , did they not betray themselves , as it were out of a set purpose to be known to all the world . but since they are so desirous it should be known , it were to no purpose for us to conceale it any longer ; since it is among them that this libell hath been expos'd to sale , that no other place then the colledge of clermont would serve as a ship to put off that scandalous piece ; that such as have brought in their money have carryed away as many apologies for the ●asuists as the summes amounted to ; that the fathers of that colledge have dispersed them among their friends in paris and the provinces ; that f. brisacier , rector of their colledge at rouen , hath with his own hands presented of them to some persons o● quality in that ci●ty ; that he caused it to be read in the refectory , while all were at table , as a piece of edification and piety ; that he desired the permission to reprint it of one of the principal magistrates ; that the jesuits of paris have been very earnest with two doctors of sorbonne for their approbation of it ; to be short , since they are resolved to pluck off the visard , and are willing so many wayes to discover themselves , it is high time we should bestir our selves ; and that since the iesuits publickly declare themselves the patrones of the apology for the casuists , the curez declare that they do publickly charge them therewith . 't is fit all the world knew , that , as the colledge of clermont is the exchange where these pernicious maximes are to be bought and sold , so is it in our parishes that the christian maximes opposite thereto are publickly taught , that so it may not happen , that the simple and unwary , hearing these errours so s●i●ly maintained by so celeb●ious a society , and not finding any opposing them , might take them for truth● , and be insensibly ensnared thereby , and that the judgement of god should fall upon both people and pastors according to the doctrin of the prophets , who declare , against these new opinions , that they shall both come to ruine , the former , for want of having received necessary instructions , and the latter , for their neglect in giving them . there is therefore an inevitable necessitie lies upon us to speak in this conjuncture , but what makes the obligation yet more pressing , i● , the injurious manner whereby the authors of the apology fall so bitterly on our ministery . for that book , to speak properly , is no more then a scandalous libel against the curez of paris and the provinces who have opposed their disorders . it is a ●trange thing to see how they speak of the extracts , which we presented to the clergy , of their most da●gerous propositions , and to consider withal the miracle of their confidence to treat us , upon no other account , as they do pag. ● . and 176. with the terms of ignorant , factious , heretical , wolves and false teachers . it is a thing which the society of the iesuits cannot but r●sent ( say they p. 176. ) to see that informatio●s are put up against ●hem by a sort of ignorants , who deserve not to be numbred among the dogs that wait on the flock of the church , whom yet some take for true pastors , nay , they are followed by the sheep that submit to the conduct of those wolves . now this is the consummation of insolence whereto the iesuits have raised the casuists . they thought it not enough to abuse the patience and moderation of the ministers of the church , to introduce their impious opinions , but are now come to that height , that they will needs force out of the ministery of the church those who refuse their consent thereto . this seditious and schismatical attempt , which aims at the raising of a spirit of division between the people and their lawful pastors , by inciting them to shun their teachers as false prophets and wolves , for no other reason then that they stand in the gap against a carnal and impure morality , is of such importance in the church● that we could not be any longer serviceable in our functions if this insolence were not repressed . for it were as much as to expect we should renounce our character , and forsake our churches , if , there being so many christian● tribunals established for the maintenance of evangelical rules , it were not lawful for us , without fear of being defamed as wolves and false proph●ts , to tell those whom we are obliged to instruct , that it is out of all question a crime for a man to traduce hi● neighbour ; that it is much more safe in conscience for a man tha● hath received a blow on the one cheek , to turn the other to the smiter , then to ki●l him , though he endeavour to run away for it ; that to fight a duel is an inevitable crime ; and that it is a ●orrid falshood to say , that it is the part of humane reason to discern when it is lawful or unlawful for a man to kill his neighbour . if we have not the freedome to speak after this man●er ; but there must immediately come abro●d books publickly maintained by the whole body of the iesuits , representing us as factious spirits , ignorants and false-prophets , it is impossible we should be f●ithful in the administration of our functions , and the government of the flockes committed to our charge . there is no place , though not civilized out of its original infidelity and barbarisme , where it may not be lawful to affirm calumny to be a crime , and that it is not lawful for a man to kill his neighbour purely to vindicate his honour . no , there are no places but those where jesuits are , in which a man dares not say so much . we must either permit homi●ides , calumnies , and the profanation of the sacraments , or stand exposed to the ●ad effects of their vengeance . we are appointed by god to be the messengers of his commandemen●s to his people , and we must not presume ●o obey him without falling under the fury of these carnal casuist● . what a strange posture are we at this day reduced to ? wo unto us , sayes the s●ripture , if we do not preach the gospel● and wo unto us , say these men , if we do preach it . we are on the one ●ide to fear the indignation of god , on the other we are threatned by the insolences of men , and so we are reduced to a nece●●ity o● either degenerating into false prophets and wolves , or being torn to pieces as such by thirty thousand tongues that can afford us no other character . this is the ground of our complaints . this was it that obliged us to demand justice for our selves and christian morality in whose cause we must needs be con●●rned . th●s also hath reinflamed our zeal to maintain the purity of manners proportionably to the attempts of those that would defile it . morality , the more powerfully it is opposed , becomes the more endeared to us , to which it addes some thing that we are alone to defend it . and therefore out of the satisfaction it is to us , that god is pleased to make our weakness contributory thereto , we presume to say with the man after his own heart , lord it is time for thee to arise , they have destroyed thy law ; but it raiseth in us a greater affection to thy precepts , and an aversion for all the wayes of iniquity . it is in the mean time a very deplorable case that we should be thus worryed and persecuted by those from whom we ought rather to have expected relief ; so that we are to engage with the passions of men , not only attended with all the impetuosity that is naturall thereto , but also puffed up and main●ained by the approbation and interest of so vast a body of religious men ; and that instead of any advantage we might make of their instructions in order to the reformation of popular extravagances , we are forced to make the best we can of that small remainder of pious sentiments there may be in the people , to work in them a horrour for the irregul●rities of those religious men . and this posture are our affairs in at the present ; but we hope god will incline the hearts of those , in whose power it is to do us justice , to take our cause into their consideration , and that they will be the more earnest to endeavour our vindication , by how much they are otherwise likely to be made complices of these corruptions in this number are comprehended the pope , the bishops , and the parliament , by that extravagant insinuation wherein the authors of the libel would have it believed as a thing most certain , that the bulls of the popes against the five propositions are a general approbation of the doctrine of the casuists ; then which there cannot be any thing more injurious to those bulls , nor more impertinent in it self , since there is not the least analogy between those two things . all that is common between those five propositions and those of the casuists , is that they are all equally heretical . for , as there are heresies in matters of faith , so are there also heresies in matter of mo●ality , according to the fathers and councels , and those such as are so much the more dangerous , in that they are made complyant with the passions of men and that unhappy leaven of concupiscence , which the greatest saints are not exempted from . we are therefore to be in some measure confident that those , who have expressed so much zeal against the condemned proposition● , will discover no less upon this occasion , since that the welfare of the church , which it may have been then their principal design to promote , is now so much the more conce●ned , in so much that whereas the heresie of the five propositions is understood only by divines , and that no body presumes to maintain them , it happens here , on the contrary , that the heresies of the casuists fall within the understanding of all the world , and are publickly maintained by the iesvits . the answer of the curez of paris , maintaining the factum presented by them to the reverend vicars generall , to demand the censure of the apology for the casvists ; against a piece intituled , a refvtation of the calumnies lately publish'd by the authors of the factvm , under the name of the reverend the curez of paris , &c. after the solemn indictment we have brought in with so much justice and reason before the ecclesiasticall tribunall , against the apology for the casuists , whereof we have discovered the most pernicious maximes and the strange extravagances which had fil'd with horror those whom god had inspired with any thing of love for his truths , there was some ground to hope , that those , who , out of an immoderate desire to maintain even the most dissolute of the authors ( whereof that book gives the world a faithful catalogue ) were engag'd in the defence of it , would by their humility and silence , have repaired the injury which they had done all just and indifferent persons by their temerity and blindnesse . and we find to our regret that nothing is able to abate their presumption . instead of sitting still , or not opening their mouths , unlesse it were to disclaim errours so unmaintainable , and so palpably opposite to the purity of the gospel , they have newly put forth a piece , wherein they maintain all those errours , and fall into the greatest virulence that may be against the factum we had made , to lay open the corruption of their doctrines . this is it that obliges us to reassume new courage , and to rise up against that excessive confidence of theirs , so to take away the reproach which must otherwise be put on our age , that the enemies of christian morality had been more earnest in their attempts against it , then the pastors of the church in the maintenance of it ; and that it happen not , that , while the people rely upon our vigilance , we our selves should fall into that sloathfull indifference , which the scripture does so severely condemn in the pastors . the writing newly publish'd against our factum is a meer stratagem of the iesuits , who are nam'd therein , and who , that they might with the greater liberty exercise their detraction upon the piece , without any apparent injury to our persons , say , that they do not look on it as a thing whereof we ●re really the authors , but as a piece imposed upon us . and though it had been made by us , examin'd and corrected by eight persons of our body appointed to that purpose , approved in the generall assembly of our compary , printed in our names , presented by us juridically to the reverend the vicars generall , dispers'd by us through our parishes , and own'd and acknowledged by all the wayes that could be , as it appear● by the orders of our assembly of ian. 7. february 4. and april 1. 1658. yet it is nothing with them to affirm , that we never had any hand in it , and upon that ridiculous supposition they treat the authors of the factum wi●h the most injurious terms that tru●h could be af●ronted by , and at the same time give us the most insinuating commendations that simplicity could be surprised by . so that all that is new , is that their language , as to us , is different from what it was . in the apologie for the casuis●s we were false prophets ; here we are true and worthy pastors . in the apology , they hated us a● ravenous wolves ; here they love us as person● venerable for their ver●ue and pie●y . in the apology they treated us as ignorant● ; here we are a sort of pe●sons illuminated and full of light . in the apology , they ●re●ted u● as heretick● and schismatick● ; here they have a reverence not only fo● our character , but also for our persons . but in both the one and the other there is this one thing common , that they maintain that corrupt morality as the true morality of the church . which kind of procedure discovering nothing so much as tha● it is their principal designe to introduce their own pernicious doctrine , they accordingly , to effect it , indifferently fasten on those courses which they imagine might contribute most thereto ; so that it matters not much whether they say of us that we are wolves or lawful pastors , since they do it as ●hey think it more or less advantagious for the authorization and maintenance of their errours . so that the change of their stile is no effect of the conversion of their hearts , but a piece of le●erdemaine common in their politicks , whereby they put on so many different shapes , yet still continue the same persons , that is to say , constant enemies to the truth and those that maintain it . for there is nothing so certain , as that they are not really changed in respect of us , and that we are not the persons they commend , but that on the contrary we are those whom they wreak their malice upon , since that they commend onely those curez who had not any ha●d in the factum , which ca● h●ve no relatio● to us who were all as deeply a● may he concern'd in it , and that they openly betray their indignation against the authors and approvers of i● , whic● we canno● be insen●ible of . and thus all the evill they seem● loath to speak of us as curez , they say of us as authors of the factum , and they do no● speak advant●g●ously of us in any sense , but to have the greater oppo●tunity to load us with injuries and repro●ches in another . this is a pittifull kind of ●rtifice , and a way to be injurious that is more base and more picquant then if it were free and open . and yet so irreclaimable is their presumption , that they make their advantages of it not onely ag●inst us , but also against those whom god hath r●i●'d into the ●os● eminent dignitie● of the church ; for they have no better ●re●tmen●●or the circular letter , directed by our lords the prela●●● of the assembly of the clergy , to all the bishop● of france , to preserve their dioceses from the corruption of these casuists . they say of that letter pag. 7. that it is a surreptitious piec● without their approba●ion , without order and wi●hout authori●y , though it were really publish'd by the order of the prelates of the assembly , dressed up by themselve● , approved by them , printed at their command , by vi●ré printe● to the clergy of france , with the instructions of saint charles , and an extract of the verb●l processe of the first of f●bru●ry 1657. wherein those prelate● condemned the dissolutions of the casuists , and make it a mat●er of very earnest complaint , that these times are so fertile in the production of m●ximes so pernicio●s , and so contrary to those of the gospel , and such as are likely to prove the bane and destruction of christian moraliti● . but what ? the letter mentioned approves not the doctrine of the casuists ; t is enough to give the i●suits occasion to treat it as a thing ●org'd and supposititious , how authentick soever it may be , and how venerable soever their dignity may be by whom it was sent . who so blind as not to see in this carriage of theirs● that , whatever it may cost them , they would be exempted from the corrections and superintendency of the ecclesiasticall ministery , and that they do not acknowledge it but in what makes for their advantage , as if the ministers were in the place of god when they are favourable to them , and are put out of that place when they oppose their extravagances ? this is an ordinary degree of presumption in them . because they find themselves grown so powerfull in the world , as to de●y those just chastisements , which would inevitably fall on any other beside● them , should he be guilty of far le●●er faults● thence do they take the liberty of not receiving any thing from the church but what they please themselves . for what else can be their meaning when they say ; we have a respect for our lords the prel●te● , and whatsoever comes from them , but for the circular letter sent by their order and under thei● names to all the prelates of france against our casuists , we honour it not , but on the contrary reject it as a piece that is forged , and hath neither their consent nor authority . and in like manner , we have a venera●●on for the reverend the curez of paris , but for the factum printed under their name , which they have presented to the reverend the vica●s general , we declare it to be a scandalous writing , and that the authors of them are men of seditious principles , hereticks and schismaticks . what should all this signifie , but that the world should take notice that they honour the ministers of the church when they disturb them not in their disorders ; but that when they offer to do any such thing , they make them know by their contempt , by their calumnies , and by their outrages , what is it to meddle with them ? thus it shall be lawfull for them to say any thing , and the prelates and pastors must not presume to contradict them , but they must withall be immediately treated as hereticks and factious spirits , either in their persons or their works . they shall have the priviledge to sell in their colledge , and to scatter into all our parishes the execrable apologie for the casuists ; and we must not presume to put ou● a writing that might in some measure be an antidote against so mortall a poison . they shall have put daggers and poyson into the hands of furious and vindicative men , by declaring expresly that it is in the power of private persons as well as soveraigns , to discern , onely by the assistance of the light of reason , when it shall be lawfull or unlawfull for a man to kill his neighbour ; and it shall be an excesse of presumption in us to put up our complaints to the ec●lesiasticall judges against these murthering maxime● , and to represent by a factum the monstrous effects of that bloody doctrine . it shall be in their hands to invest all men indifferently with all that power of life and death , which is the most illustrious prerogat●ve of soveraigns ; and we must not be permitted to give our people notice , that it is a horrid and diabolical falshood to say , that it is lawful for them to be their own carvers in matter of justice , especially when the lives of their adversaries comes to be concerned , and that it is so far from truth , that one man may , by his own private authority , and the discernment of natural reason , kill another , that , on the contrary , it can never be done but by a divine authority and light . they shall have infamously exposed to sale all the dignities of the church , and open a gap for all simonists to thrust into the house of god , by an imaginary distinction of motive and price ; and we dare not publish , that a man cannot without crime enter into the ministery of the church , but by the right doore which is iesus christ ; and that those who maintaine that mony given as a motive is another● do not make a true doore whereat the lawfull pastors may enter , but a reall breach fit only to let in wolves , not to feed , but to devoure the flock he is so tender of . they shall have freed detractors ●rom all crime , and declared it to be lawfull ( by the authority of dicastillus one of their fraternity , and above twenty eminent iesuits ) for a man to impose false crimes contrary to his owne conscience , to bring those into disparagement who would ruine him . they shall have permitted judges to detaine what they had receaved for doing an act of injustice ; women , to rob their husbands ; servants , to purloine from their masters ; mothers , to wish their daughters death when they are not in a condition to dispose of them in mar●iage ; the rich , not to give any thing out of their superflui●y ; the voluptuous , to eat and drink as much as they please , upon no other account then that of volup●uousnesse , and to pursue the enjoyments of the senses as things indifferent ; those who are insnared in the next occasions of falling into the most damnable sinnes , to continue therein when it may be any inconvenience to them to quit them ; those who are growne old in an habituall course of vicious living , to approach the sacraments , though they come with so weak a resolution of amendment of life , that they are confident it will not be long ere they fall into the same crimes againe , and without other remorse for what was passed , then what the temporall inconveniences occasioned thereby might have raised in them . lastly , they shall have permitted christi●ns to do what pagans , jewes , mahometans and barbarians would have had in execration , and shall have filled the church with the most palpable darknesse that ever came out of the bottomelesse pit ; and we shall not , to dispell it , ●hed forth the least ray of evangelicall light but the whole society take● alarme , and decl●res that they can be no other then men of seditious principles and h●reti●ks , who speak in that manner against their morality ; that their doctrine , being the true doctrine of faith , they are obliged in conscience , how willing so ever they may be to suffer and comply with the crosse , to speake against those factious spirits and schismaticks that quarrelled thereat ; that so saying they speak not against ●s , for we are persons of more piety then to be authors of a piece that should any way oppose them , and that i● it be otherwise we only are chargeable with the dist●rbance of the peace and tranquillity of the church by troubling them in the free publication of their doctrines . thus do they endeavour cra●tily to inveigh against us as the enemies o● publick tranquillity . who could have believed , say they , that the reverend the curez , who upon the account of their min●steriall functions are the mediators of peace between the seculars , should be the authors of a writing ●hat might raise a spirit of schisme and division be●ween them and religious men ? and immediately after , is the spirit of god and christian piety now so degenerated , as to engage the disciples of the lambe to be ravenous among themselves as if they were so many wolves ? and thus do they make a great deale of noise in discourses , to shew , that they are desirous of peace , and that we are the only disturbers thereof . what an uncontroleable thing is insolence when backed by impunity ! and what a strange progresse will ●emerity make in a small time , when it meets with nothing that can give its violence any check ! these casuists , after they had disturbed the peace of the church by their horrid doctrines which tend to the d●struc●ion of the precep●s of iesus christ , as our lords the bishops ●ay to their charge , have no other shi●t now then to accuse those who endeavour to reestablish the doctrine of jesus christ , as disturb●rs of the church's pea●e . after they had put things into disorder of ●ll sides by the publication of th●ir de●●stable morality , th●y treat a● breakers of the publick pea●e , those whose consci●nces will not suffer them to comply with their designes , and who cannot endure that these pharises of the new law , as they have called themselves , should establish their humane traditions upon the ruines of the divine . but they shall make no advantage of this artifice● we have made a sufficient d●scovery of our love to peace by our so long silence . we spoke not till ●uch time ●s that it would have been a crime in us to be any longer silent . they have abused that peace , to introduce their damnable opinions , and they would now endeavour the continuance of it , to give them further foot●ng . but the true children of the church know well enough how to distinguish between that true peace which our saviour only can give , and which the world is unacquainted with , and the deceitfull peace which the world may give , but which withall is hatefull to the saviour of the world . they know the true peace to be that which endeavours the settlement of ●ruth in the beliefe of men , and that the deceitfull peace is that which aimes at the propagation of errour in the cr●dulity of men . they know there is such a consonancy between truth and the true peace , that they are inseparable ; that there is no interposition raised between it and the eyes of god by the dispu●es which sometimes eclipse it from the eyes of men , when the providence of god thinks fit to engage men into a vindication of his truths from unjust attempts ; and that what were then a peace in the apprehensions of men , would be no other then a warre in ●he sight of god. they know fu●ther that these corrections are so far from being guilty of any breach of charity , that it were no les●● to forbeare them , for that it is the character of a counterfeit charity to suf●er the wicked to pursue the enjoyments of their vices , whereas it is the property of true charity to disturbe that wofull tranquillity , and consequently , that , instead of establishing the charity that is derived from god by that apparent mildnesse , it were , on the contrary , to destroy it by a criminall indulgence , as the holy fathers teach us in those words , h●c ch●ritas d●struit charitatem . this is also the meaning of what the scripture teaches us , that christ came into the world not only to bring peace , but also a sword and division , because all these things are necessary , every one in its proper time , for the advantage of truth , which is the ultimate end of the faithfull , whereas peace and warr● are only the means , and allowable proportionably to what they contribute to the advantages and establishment of truth . they know that it is upon this account the scripture saies , that there is a time of peace and a time of warre , whereas it cannot be said that there is a time for truth , and a time for falsehood ; and that it is better that scandalls should happen then that truth should be forsaken , as the holy fathers of the church maintaine . it is therefore apparent , that those persons , who are forced to make use of this pretence of charity and peace , to prevent men from speaking against such as destroy the truth , discover themselves to be friends only to the deceit●ull peace , and that they are professed ●nemies to ●ruth and the true peace . accordingly hath it been the constant practise of the persecutors of the church to make this pretence of peace the stalking-horse of their most insupportable violences ; th●s have the false friends of peace consented to the oppression of the truths of religion , and the saints by whom they were maintained . upo● these grounds was it , that st. a●hanasius , st● hilary , and other holy bishops in their times , were treated as rebellious , factiou● , obstinate men , and enemies to peace and union ; that they were deposed , banished and fo●saken in a manner by all the faithful , who misinterpreted for a breach of peace the zeal they had for the truth . hence came it that the holy and famous monk stephen was charged as a dis●urber of the church's tranquility by the 330. bishops who would needs have the images removed out of the churches , which certainly was a point not of the greatest consequence to salvation . and yet because men ought not to shrink from the least truths under pretence of peace , that holy religio●s man publickly opposed them , and it was upon that ground that he was at last condemned , as may be seen in the annals of baronius , ann. 754. thus also were the holy patriarchs and prophets charged , as eliah was , to be troublers of the tranquillity of israel , and that the apostles , nay , j. christ himself , were condemned as the authors of disturbance and dissention , because they declared a saving hostility against the corrupt passions and the fatal extravagances of the hypocritical pharisees and insolent priests of the synagogue . and lastly , all this is no more then the scripture gives ●s a general representation of , when entertaining u● with a character of these false teachers , who call by the name of divine those things that are diabolical , as these casui●ts do at this day in their morality , it sayes , wisdome chap. 14. that they also give the name of peace to the most deplorable desolation . the extravagance of men , saith the wise man , is come to ●●t height , that they give the incommunicable name of the divinity to that which hath not the essence thereof , to flat●er the inclinations of m●n , and to shew their complyance with the humours of kings and princes . and being not content to be so mistaken in things divine , and to live in that errour which is a true war , they give the name of peace to a condition full of trouble and disorder . in magno viventes inscientiae bello , tot & tanta mala pacem appellant . it is therefore a principal truth of our religion th●t there are certain time● wherein it is necessary to trouble the possession of errour , which the wicked call peace , and this is a thing no way to be doubted of after the confirmation of so many authorities . now if ever there was ●n indispensable occasion and necessity to do it , let us examine whether there could be a greater or more pressing then there is at this day . we finde the most numerous and most powerful b●dy of men ●n the whole church , that which hath the disposal of the consciences of all the greatest , bandying together and conspiring in the maintenance of the most horrid maximes that ever the church groaned under . we find them , notwithstanding all the charitable admonitions that have been given them , both privately and publickly , obstinately countenancing revenge , avarice , gluttony , vain glory , s●lf-love , and all the exorbitancies of co●●upt nature , the profanatio● of the sacraments , contempt of the ministeries of the church , and the dispar●gement of the antient fathers , that they might introduce into their stead such authors of their own as are most remarkable for their ignorance and temerity . and yet though we cannot but see the church ready to be o●ewhelmed with this deluge of corruption , we must not presume , for fear of disturbing the pea●e , to call out to those that ●re en●rusted with the conduct thereof , save us , we perish the most inconsiderable truths of religion have been maintained even to the death , and yet 't is expected we should quietly let go the most essential points of our religion and the maximes that are most important and o● greatest necessity in order to the salvation of men , because it is the pleasure , not of 300. bishops , nor indeed of so much as one , nor of the pope● but only of the society of the iesuits , to overturn them as th●y please . we desire , say they , to be at peace even with those wh● are unwilling to have any . strange preserve●s of peace who never yet suffered the least writing to come out against their morality , which they have not worried with their bloody answers , and yet still writing the last they will needs have us to sit quiet while they remain in possession of their unjust pretentions ! we thought it not amiss to be the more large in the re●utation of this reproach , because there is not any they seem so much to insist upon against us . for though there may be few persons whom they can p●rswade , that the casuists are holy authors , yet is it not impossible , but they may meet with some whom they may cajol into a belief , that we are nev●rtheless ve●y much to blame for disturbing the peace o● the church by our opposition . for the satisfaction therefore of such , have we thought fit to dr●ss up this discourse , to give them to understand that there are not two questions to be made upon this occasion , but only one , and that it is impossible it should at the same time be true , both , that the morality of the casuists is abhominable ● and th●t we are blame-wor●hy to disturb their deceitf●l peace in opposing it . let it not therefore be expected that we should ever forsake the cause of christian morality ; no , we have a greater tenderness for the truth then to be guilty of that baseness . but to let them know wi●hal how far we are also lovers of peace , we open them the gate of it as w●de as we can , and declare , that we are ready to e●tertain them into our very hearts , assoon as they shall have abjured the pern●cious maximes of their morality , cited by us in our factum and in our extracts , read in , and taken out of their authors in their own words , and assoon as they shall sincerely renounce the pernic●o●s apology for the casuists , and the mischievou● treatises of divinity of escobar , molin● , sanchez , lessius , hurtad● , bauny , amicus , mascaren●as , and all books of that nature , which out lords the bishops call the plague of consciences . and thus stands the case between us . for here is not any thing to do , as they would maliciously make the world believe , concerning the differences which the curez may have with the religious . the ques●ion now is not about any contestation concerning the priviledges of the iesuit● , or of opposing their continual usurpations upon the authority of the curez . though their books are ●ull of mischievous maximes as to that particular , yet did we purposely forbear all notice thereof in the extracts we pre●ented to the assembly of the clergy , because we would not bring in any thing into the general cause of the church that should concern us in particular . the matter therefore in agitation here is of the purity of christian morality , which we are resolved not to suffer to be corrupted ; and we are not the only men eng●ged in this de●ign . the curez of rouen , by the a●thority of their prelate are ready to second us with a zeal truly christian and pastoral . and besides , we have now in our hands no small number of deputations from the curez of other citties of fra●ce , who with the like permission of our lords their prelates , will earnes●ly oppose these new corruptions , until such time as those who are the maintainers thereo● shall renounce them . till then we shall continue to be their prosecutors , whether they speak well or ill of us it matters not , and we shall not disclaim the tru●hs which we have advanced ●n our fac●um ● to purchase at that price , the commendations they would then take occasion to give us● we shall not be diverted by either their curses or blessings , as the scripture saith . they have not been able to frighten us , as enemies , nor shall they corr●pt us , as flatterers . the have found us unmoved at their menices , they shall finde us inflexible at their care●●es , and we shall express our selves equally insensible o● their injuries , and their ins●nuations . we shall return the sa●e const●nt countenance to all their different lookes , and we shall oppose , to the duplici●y of the children of this world , the simplicity of the children of the gospell . done by the order of the company , r●ported in the generall assembly , of munday the first of ap●ill 1658. and reviewed by the depu●ies whose names are here under-mentioned . mazure , doctor of sorbonne and curè of s. paules ● rousse , doctor of the socie●y of sorbonne , curè of s● . roch , and syndic of the curez of paris . debreda , doctor of the society of sorbonne and curè of st. andrewes des arcs. marlin , doctor of the colledge of navarre , and curè of st. eustac●e . du puis , batchelor of divinity , curè of the sts. innocents , and syndic of the curez of paris . fortin , doctor of the faculty of paris , and curè of st. christopher●s . gargan , c●non regular of s. augustine , and curè of s. medardes . davole , doctor of the colledge o● navarre and curè of st. pe●ers aux bo●ufs , it was resolved also by the company the very same day , that ●n answer should be mad● to another pi●ce newly come abroad against the same factvm of ours , divided into two parts● and enti●uled ● a factum ; by way of answer to the pretended factum of the curez of paris , &c. the end . the names of some of the most eminent casuists ; and others with the places where they are cited . the letter a denotes the citation to be in the additionals . aegidius trullench● a. 19. a alby , i●suit ● 254 , 255. amicus , ies. 97 , 98.150.221 . a. 18.24 . angelus , ies. p. 60. annat , ies. 38.153 . anthony sirmond iesuit , 152 , 153.309 . a. 24. azorius , ies. 92.96.134 . a. 18. b baldellus , ies. 93. basilius pontius , ies. 58.61.147 . barry , ies. 120 , 121 , 122 , 123. bauny , ies. 37.46.58.62.71.73.76.79.80.105.106.109.127 , 131.132.134.140.143 , 144 , 145 , 146 , 147.258.260 . a. 18.21 , 22 , 23.55.57.97 , 98. becanus , ies. 93.97 . a. 18. bellarmine , ies. 307.310 . brisacier . ies 170 . 253.26●.262 . a. 29.44 . c ●●ramuel , 73.98 . a. 17 , 18 , 19.63.70.71.78 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 84.98 . castrus pala●s ies. 78 , 103 , 109.151 . a. 97. caussinus , ies. 145.258 . cello● . ies. 63.67.117.251 . comitolus , ies. 148. coninch . ies. 134.151 . crasset , ies. 254. d deza , 355. dian● , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65.69 , 70 , 71 , 72.88.149 . a. 52.98 , 99. dica●tillus , ies. 251 , 252. e emanuel sa. ies. 6● . 61 . e●adus billus , ies. 186. escobar , ies. 56 , 57.58 , 59.68.69.70.74.75.78.79.87.89.90.91 , 92 , 93.97.103 , 104 , 105 , 106 , 107 , 108 , 109 , 110.112.126.128 , 189 , 130.132 , 133 , 134.139 , 141.149.151.183.187 , 188.216 , 217.220.236 . a. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22.58 , 59 . 60.65● 66.91.92 . 93.94.95.96.97.98.99 . f. fagundez , ies. 107.141.149 . f●liutius , ies. 61.75.93.95 113.115.130.142.144.151.318 . a. 17.18.19.22 . flahaur , ies. 93. g. gaspar hurtado , ies. 88.134 . a. 97. garas●us , ies. 127.170 . granados , ies. 140.149 . a. 98. henriquez , ies. 151. heraeu , ies. 93.221 . hurtado de mendoz● , ies. 87.88.93.149.151 . a. 20. l. laym●n , ies. 61.89.97.104 . a. 17.18.19.20 . le court , ies. 93. le moine , ies. p. 38.124.125.133.135.153.168.169 . lessius , ies. 87.91.94.95.97.108.110.111.112.115.132.189.213.215.233.235.238 . a. 18.19.20.21 . m. mascarenhas , ies. 277. a. 87.88.89 . maphaeus , 355.259 . molina , ies. 91.96.97.103.111.112.114.235 . meynier , ies. 282● milhard . a. 2● . navarrus , ies. 60.90 . p. petavius , ies. 144.336 . petrus michael , ies. a. 99. petrus hur●ado , ies. 89. pintereau , ies. 148.153.258.260 . rebelli●s , a. 97. rebullos● , ies. 357. reginaldu● , ies. 77.86 87.91.95.97.114.141.218.222.235 . a. 19.20 . r. ribadeneira , ies. 357. s. sanchez , ies. 60.61.63.77.78.89.90.91.115.116.129.130.148 . a. 17.19.20.97.98 . sanctius . ies a. 23. sot●● , ies. 91.152 . suarez , ies. 63 . 143.14●.146.148.151.152 . t. tannerus , ies. 91.97.184.185.204.206 . a. 17.19 . thoma● sanchez , ies. a. 97.99 . turrianus , ies. 134. valderama , 354.356.358.359 . valentia , ies. 74.150.183.203 . a. 20● vasquez . ies. 61.63.69.109.134.149.151.176.177.178.180.194 , 195 . 196.199.200●202 227. a● 97. errata , in the mystery . pag. 10. l. 8. r. make use . p. 46. l. 30. r. to make an act . p. 50. l. 15. r. lesse safe p. 56. l. 10. exhorted . p. 63. l. 20. casuists . page 64. line penult . read fathers page 81. line 25. read chastelet . page 99. line 17. r. form● . page 107. line 16. dele it . p. 115. l. 16. r. your . p. 116. l. ult . dele that . p. 140. l. 27. for warrant , r. grant . p. 143. l. 23. r. whensoever . p. 144. l. 22. for the midle and r. not . p. 149. l. 21. r. was , p. 16● . l. 3. r. sallies● p. 196. l. 29● r. whole . p. 201. l. 1. r. any other . p. 202. l. 20. for will r. wit. p. 206. l. 19. r. it is not p. 234. l. 36. r. strike . p. 237. l. 32. r. this . p. 240. l. 6. r. dispense . p. 250. l. 9. r. possible . p. 254. l. 4. for is . r. as . p. 261. l. 11. r. there were . p. 274. l. 32. r. there , by . p. 275. l. 3. r. is of . p. 300● l● 10. r. loudly . p. 316. l. 7. dele i● . p. 328. l. 6. r● from the author . p. 331. l. 1. r. xvii . p. 336. l. 35. r. giving it . p. 339. l. ult . r. so much . p. 352. l. 28. r. expose . p. 357. l. 31. for closed . r. cloy'd . l. 35 r. revive . in the additionals . p. 1. l. 14. for and , r. of . p. 10. l. 11. r. intituled . p. 11. l. 1● . for some , r. sinne . p. 27. l. 18. r. our . ibid. l. 25. for the other , r. their . p. 31. l. 3. r. insisted . p 34. l. 12. r. for . p. 40. l. 14. r. di●solute . p. 52. l. 9. r. ut ib. l. 19. for in . r. with . l. ult . r. draught . p. 53. l. 19. r. revive . p. 55. l. 1. ●or of . r. to . l. ult . r. is it . p. 56. l. 18. r. a box . p. 57. l. 4. r. give . p. 59. l. 11. r. do not only . p. 64. l. 1. for a. r. o● . p. 65. l. 31. r. quae . p. 66. l. 35. r. revive . p. 72 l. 1. for or . r. as . p. 80. l. 13. r. may do p. 82. l. 23. r. laude● . p. 91. l. 31. r. lawfull . p. 103. l. 18. dele that . p. 106. l. 35. for of . r. by . p. 112. l. 2. for to . r. in . p. 116. l. 34. for them , r. then . p. 127. l. penult . r. shop . p. 134. l. 1●●or the , r. their . books written by d. hammond . a paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the new-testament by h. hamond , d. d. in fol. the second edition now in the presse . 2. the practicall cat●chisme , with all other english treatises in two volumes in 4. 3. dissertationes quatuor , quibus episcopa●us iura ex s. scripturis & prim●va antiquitate adstruuntur , con●ra sententiam d. blondelli & aliorum in 4. 4. a letter of resolution of six queries in 12. 5. o● schisme . a defence of the church of england against the exceptions of the romanists , in 12. 6. of fundamentals in a notion referring to practice , in 12. 7. paranesis , or a seasonable exhortation to all true sons of the church of england , in 12. 8. a collection of severall replies and vind●cation● published of late , most of them in defence of the church of england , now put together in three volumes . newly published , in 4. 9. a review or the paraphrase and annotations on all the books of the new-testament , with some additions and alterations , in 8. books and sermons written by jer. taylor . d. d. enla●●os , a course of sermon● for all the sundayes of the year ; together with a discourse of the divine institution , necessity , sacrednesse and separation of the office ministeriall , in fol. 2. the history of the life and death of the ever-blessed jesus christ , third edition in fol. 3. the rule and exercises of holy living , in 12. 4. the rule and exercises of holy dying , in 12. 5. the golden grove , or , a manuall of daily prayers fitted to the dayes of the week , together with a short method of peace and holiness , in 12. 6. the doctrine and practice of repentance rescued from popular errours , in a larg● 8. newly published . 7. a collection of polemicall and morall discourses , in fol. 8. a discourse of the nature , offices and measure of friendship , in 12. new. 9. a collection of offices or forms of prayer fitted to the need● of all christians , together with the psalter or psalms of ●●●id after the kings translations in a large octavo newly published . books written by mr. tho. pierce rector of brington . the sinner impleaded in his own court , wherein are represented the great discour●gements from sinning , which the sinner receiveth from sin it self . 2. correct copy of some notes concerning gods decrees , especiall● o● reprobation . the third edition with some additionals , in 4. 3. the divine philanthropie defended , i● answer to mr. barlee , in 4.2 edition . 4. the self revenger . to which is added an appendage touching the judgement of the late l. primate of armagh , in 4. new . 5. the divine purity , defended in answer to dr. reynolds , in 4. new . 6. the self-revenger exemplified by mr. william barlee . to which is added an appendage , touching the judgement of the right honourable and right reverend father in god , iames lord primate of armagh , and metropolitan of ireland , irrefragably attested by the certificates of dr. walton , mr. thorndicke , and mr. gunning , sent in a letter to doctor bernard . the law of laws , or , the excellency of the civil law , above all other humane laws whatsoever : shewing of how great use and necessity the civil law is to this nation . by robert wiseman , dr. of the civil law. sold by r. royston at the angel in ivy-lane . the grand conspiracy , by master iohn challington , in 12. the history of the church of scotl●nd by dr. sp●tishwood archbishop of s. andrews in fol. etymologicum parvum , in 8. by mr. gregory school-master of westminster . the contemplation of heaven with a descant on the prayer in the garden , in 12. the magistrates authority , a sermon by master lyford , in 4. the quakers wild questions objected against the ministers of the gospel by master richard sherlock , in 4. the communicants guide , by master grove , in 8. the plain mans sense exercised , by master william lyford , in 4. anglicisms sattiniz'd , by mr. willis in 8. the persecuted minister , written by master langly , in 4. lyfords legacy in 12. the catechism of the church of england , paraphrased , by richard sherlock 2. edition . an apology for the ministery by william lyford . the examination of tilenus before the triers in vtopia in 12. newly published . the end of the catalogue . the nevv art of lying couered by iesuites vnder the vaile of equiuocation, discouered and disproued by henry mason. mason, henry, 1573?-1647. 1624 approx. 274 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 65 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07210 stc 17610 estc s112437 99847691 99847691 12745 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07210) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 12745) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1577:9) the nevv art of lying couered by iesuites vnder the vaile of equiuocation, discouered and disproued by henry mason. mason, henry, 1573?-1647. goad, thomas, 1576-1638. featley, daniel, 1582-1645. [24], 106, [2] p. printed by george purslowe for iohn clarke, and are to be sold at his shop vnder saint peters church in cornehill, london : 1624. includes two poems in latin, one signed by thomas goad, the other by daniel featley. the first leaf and the last leaf are blank. reproduction of the original in eton college. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -controversial literature -early works to 1800. truthfulness and falsehood -early works to 1800. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-01 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the new art of lying , covered by iesvites vnder the vaile of eqvivocation , discovered and disproved by henry mason . london : printed by george purslowe for iohn clarke , and are to be sold at his shop vnder saint peters church in cornehill . 1624. to the most reverend father in god , the lord arch-bishop of canterburie his grace , primate of all england , and metropolitane . most reuerend father , the first newes that i heard of the equiuocating arte , was that which i learned out of your graces writings . and well might this be to mee the first newes . for , if i mistake not , you were the first writer , that published those trickes in print to the world : though ( as beginnings vse to be ) that discouery of this art was but briefe in comparison , either because that occasion did not admit of any long or full discourse , or because , but little of this mystery could then at the first be discouered ; the professors of that trade , as your selfe also signifie , labouring to hide their secrets from the knowledge of other men . and indeed it may be obserued , that in managing of the papacy , they haue certaine mysteries of state , which the more they vse , the more they coceale . one of which , is their power to murder kings , and blow vp parliaments , & kill all that stand in their way , like the assassini , who held it a point of great merit to murder all that were their aduersaries in religion : but yet they are not willing that the world should know that this is any part of their creede . another such policy may be that of their indices expurgatorij , by which they haue circucised the lips of such writers , as spoke any word against the roman church : but this they kept as a great mystery among some few of themselues , till misfortune brought it to light , full sore against their wils . and for a third such-like policy , i may reckon also this art of equitiocation , which the masters thereof did keepe secret as long , and as much as they could . and therefore it was no maruell , if your first discouery of this mystery were but briefe in comparison . but afterward a another reuerend & learned prelate , lighting vpon a more compleate treatise then formerly had appeared , penned by a popish priest in defence of this arte , and approued by the arch-priest , and the prouinciall of the iesuits : he pursued the point more fully according as that treatise gaue him iust occasion . the crye of which pursuit did vnkennell the olde equiuocating b foxe , and hunted him into the open field , there to display himselfe , and to shew what trickes he could vse , for sauing his new art from the infamy of lying . and here i finding him well chafed , did by the sent follow after him vnto his den , to espie if i might , what he and his cubs were deuising in the darke . and i found them very busie in hammering reseruations and mentall frauds , vpon euery occasion and in all kindes of dealing , thereby to catch vs at vnawares , who being plain and simple men our selues , could not suspect such frauds and impostures in others . and in case these things should come abroad , as in part themselues had discouered them against their wils : yet so confident and resolute did i finde them , to maintaine all for good and honest dealing , as that father a persons maketh a wonder of it , and thinketh that god should deale worse with men then hee had done with beasts , if hee should not grant them equiuocating trickes , and reserued wiles , as he hath granted to the hare and the foxe , their leapes and turnings , and windings , and going backe againe in the same trace they come , to deceiue the dogges that pursue them . and yet all this confidence i take to be but a copie of their countenance . for euen in their printed apologies of this arte , they seeke to cast mists before the readers eyes , that hee may not be able to see the depth of their meaning . these things when i had found , as i thought , ( though i know i am much short of finding all ) i was willing , according to my abilitie , to impart them vnto well-meaning christians , that they seeing the deepe frauds of these men , may learne to shun their company and acquaintance . in which indeuour of mine , what seruice i may haue done for the publique good , i cannot tell : but sure i am , if there be any good in it , i should in reason returne it thither , where i first found it . the consideration whereof , hath made mee to presume so far vpon your graces clemency , as to lay downe at your feete thi● poore treatise , the grounds whereof i first learned from your owne pen : desiring ( if therein i be not ouer-bold ) that it may , vinder your name and protection , be sent forth into the world . which being all , that at this time i haue to say , i humbly take my leaue , desiring the god of peace and truth , to preserue you from euery euill word and worke , that you may maintaine his truth in this world , and enioy his peace both in this world , and the world to come . your graces deuoted in all seruice , henrie mason to my loving and dearely beloued parishioners , the inhabitants of s. andrews vnder-shaft in london , grace and trvth in iesvs christ . in the ordinary exercise of my ministery among you , when i came to speak of the ninth cōmandement , the first thing that i met with to bee considered , was the matter of truth and lying . and considering hereof , i found two sorts of lyes frequent among men : the one , an open and professed lye ; and the other , a cunning and artificiall lye. the former was defended by the priscillianists , an old kinde of heretikes : & the latter is now defended by the romanists , a latter sort of false prophets . both of them are odious to god , who is honoured by truth ; and pernicious to the societie of men , which is vpheld by truth : but the latter is the more dangerous , because vnder a colour of truth it beguileth simple soules , who are otherwise enemies to lying . the consideration heereof , made me to enquire a little further into this arte ; which the fauourers therof haue sought to conceile , by calling it by a new name . for beeing ashamed of the name of lying , they haue christened it by the name of equiuocating : a name as vnknowne in this meaning , as the arte it selfe was vnheard of before these latter dayes . the mystery and iuggling tricks of which deuice , i did then and vpon that occasion , in part discouer vnto you : but briefely and plainely , the time , and place , and occasion not admitting of any long or schoole-like discourse . but since considering , that together with the increase of false prophets in this kingdome , this arte of falsehood hath abounded also : i thought it a part of my duty , ( god hauing pleased to place mee as a watch-man ouer your soules ) to giue you a fresh warning of this danger , and that in a more ample and large discourse , then formerly i had done , and in such a maner and sort , that you might haue something lying by you , that might aduertise you of this dangerous deceit , when i could not haue opportunity to speak vnto you our of the pulpit . and this i was moued to vnat this time the rather ; because i haue of late obserued , that these artificiall lyers ( among their other deuices and forgeries , which vpon confidence of this arte , they take liberty to vse without remorse ) doe instill into the minds of their credulous followers , an opinion ; and doe labour to spread abroad among others a suspition , that among our learned men , many in heart are of their church , howsoeuer for the worlds sake they dissemble their opinion : and that there are a good number among vs of the clergie , who are better perswaded of their religion , then of our own . doctor sheldon , a man well acquainted with their dealings , as hauing liued in their bosome , and taken the orders of priesthood in their church , doth write , that * whilest hee fed on romes huskes , hee often heard of many grieuous imputations laied vpon some of the greatest clerkes in the church of england , as though in heart they were theirs , which he then beleeued to be true , as others did ; but since hath found to be much otherwise . and my selfe haue met with some , ( which perswadeth me , that they abuse others in this kind , beside our greatest clerkes ) who haue more then intimated to my selfe , that i knew that which might iustifie their cause , if i would speake it . which might well put mee into a muse , what had euer slipped frō me , why they should be perswaded that i had such an opinion of their church : sauing that i considered , that this might well be one of the iesuires equiuocating deuices , to instill that opinion cōcerning vs , into their disciples minds , that so they might gaine more credit to their cause . vpon which occasion , entring a more serious cōsideration of the point , i perceiued , that besides this arte , they vse other deuices also , for this purpose , which i thought good , for your better caution and safety , briefely to relate in this place . first then , if they meete with any of our clergie , which are of weake braine , and vnsettled resolution , ( as it is possible , wee may haue some such as well as they ) they set vpon such weaklings , with plausible tales in commendation of their church ; whose open abominations practised at home among themselues , are not so well known to vs , who haue neuer trauelled into popish countreys . and if by this meanes they chance to peruert a weake and vnsettled man , then the cry goeth , that such a learned man , is become a catholike , because euidence of truth forced him to forkake his old profession . secondly , if they meete with men , who being either opinatiue of their own worth , think their good parts not sufficiently rewarded ; or being indeed of good parts , haue but slender meanes : they tempt such , as the deuill did our sauiour , with offers of gifts and preferments . and if by these allurements they can bribe any man to become their proselyte , for filthy lucre sake , then they blaze abroad the conuersion of such a great and learned scholar , who could not withstand the light of truth shining in the roman church . thirdly , if by these , and such like policies , they preuaile not : ( for these deuices fit them best , because then they bring men ouer to their side , with their own mouthes to publish their owne shame ; but if thus they preuaile not ) yet one shift they haue behind , which is , to deuise lyes , of such and such mens conuersion to their church , who euer hated it from their very soules . in which kind of forgerie , they haue so farre proceeded , that they haue spared neither liuing nor dead . for , as if they had cast off all feare of shame , which was sure in the end to be their reward , they haue in writing belyed in this maner , the chiefest doctors in our church , who haue suruiued to refute , and to detest their forgeries in print . but when men are dead , then they become more bold : and of the most constant and zealous professors of our religion , they giue it out to the world , that such and such men of chiefe esteeme in the protestant church , did recant vpon their death beds , it being then no time to dissemble any longer . and when themselues haue first deuised these tales on their fingers ends ; then they produce them in their serious bookes of controuersie , as graue argumēts to confirme the roman faith by . the discouery of which falsehood , i wish it may worke the like effect in your hearts , that it hath done in mine : which is , that whereas i vtterly disliked poperie before , i do now detest it more then euer . and for this purpose i was the rather moued to penne this small treatise , that you , of whose soules i knowe my selfe to haue vndertaken the charge , seeing these forgeries , may learne to beware of equiuocating spirits : who , though otherwise they professe strictnes of conscience , & according to the rules of the romane faith , are very deuout and religious ; yet can cozen you with an hundred lying deuices , and neuer feele the least grudge of conscience for it . for so father persons telleth vs , that * equiuocations are allowed principally to 〈◊〉 of scrupulous conscience , for auoiding of lying . by which he giueth vs a faire warning , ( and i desire you take notice of it ) that if there be any scrupulous and tender consciences amongst them ( as some no doubt there are ) though they would not tell a lye , if they knew it , for all the world , yet euen such men may without any scruple or feare , deceiue vs with equiuocating reseruations , and mentall deuices . and hauing thus giuen you this faire warning , now me thinketh i may speake vnto you , to the same purpose as our lord did to his disciples ; if they shall say vnto you , loe heere is christ , or loe there , beleeue it not ; for there are many false prophets arisen , and doe deceiue many . behold i haue told you before . and if after all this warning , any of you shall suffer himselfe to be deluded by lying equiuocators , his blood will bee vpon his owne head , but i haue deliuered mine owne soule . but i feare not this in you , of whose constancie and zeale i haue had good experience : so that i may rather take vp that saying of the apostle , i haue confidence in you through the lord , that ye will be no otherwise minded ; but that , if any man shall trouble you , ( or seeke to withdrawe you from your faith ) he shall beare his iudgement , whosoeuer he be . and in assurance hereof , i leaue you to gods grace , in the words of the same apostle ; brethren , the grace of our lord iesus christ be with your spirit . amen . yours , the vnworthy minister of iesus christ , and your seruant for iesus sake , henrie mason . to the reader . when the impression of this treatise was almost finished , i obtained the sight of two seuerall papers of latine verses , composed long since , in the yeere 1606. by two then students in the vniuersities , now doctors in diuinitie , and my worthy friends . which verses being ( according to the academicall custome ) made vpon questions then disputed in both the vniuersities , in publicis comitijs , and happily concurring with the subiect of this treatise , as i was glad that my selfe had gotten , so i was willing to impart them to the reader , presuming that my two friends , and much-respected brethren , will not be offended , that i send them their verses backe againe in print . aequivocationis tenebrae pugnant cum rationis lumine . ecloga . cui nomen pseudolus , siue aequiuocator . personae . simia . pseudolus . sim. hoc quoque docte pater , praeter narrata , petēti , pseudole , responde , quibus artibus invia re●●̄ essugiam , nostrae propriora pericula sectae . nonne vides quàm non satis est maria omnia circum romuleae quaesisse diu responsa cathedrae , vnctos , adrasos , iesu cognomen adeptos , i am revehi in patriam , româ duce , & auspice româ ! hinc crucis , hinc vrget malus horror carceris ; aut nos . explorat densus , capita heu damnata , satelles . pseud. a nos nil interea mis●ri , nil tendere contra , nos tantum lachrymas , & nulli auditae deorum vota damus : vel , si nostra hoc ecclesia poscat , idque b patri ( qui nos in sancta incepta remittit ) praecepisse lubet , bello , sicavè venenovè extinxisse nefas , & gentem abolere nefandam conamur ; vel , si zelus slagrantior adsit , forsan sulphureo disperdimus obvia statu . sim. cuncta piè ac rectè . pseud. quid rides ? sim. simia vester ille ego . nos inter quasi c nos non norimus . pseud. euge simia quandoquidem tam sanctè , tamque seuerè ista rogas , nostram missis ambagibus artem , artem , quam magnus docuit pater d arius , artem , cortinam quae phoebe tuam , quae te quoque proteu , vinciat , & vincat ( paucis adverte ) e docebo . putide tiresia . quicquid loquere aut erit , aut non : o quàm divinare tibi donavit apollo . lentū est . quicquid ego edixo simul ipsum erit , & non . aequiuocare mihi stygius dedit f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sim. est , & non semper sibi contradicere dixi , et didici à puero . si iam haec mutaverit aetas , ausa ratam violare fidem , & convellere prima fundamenta , quibus verorum innititur ordo , submetuo ne nos ( quotum venerabile nomen amsanctum populis , & formidabile sceptris nunc sedet ad primas ) g olim , volventibus annis , mutati in peius fastidia publica simus . sed tu perge loqui quorsum haec adeo ardua tendant . pseud. rectâ ad te , fili . si te , sub iudice ( qualis haereticae nimium est vigil indagatio turbae ) contigerit responsa peti , vel dicere causam , accipe quâ ratione queas nec prodere verum , nec male mentiri , nec te obiectare periclo , nec reticere tamen . captes astutus oportet lucifugam sermonem , & versicoloria dicta . sim. vt ne vireludam pueri de more sophistae ? praeterea , si quid perplexi subloquar , omnes , evolve , ingeminant . pseud. vah nil sapis : vtere verbis ex se perspicuis , sed mente interprete tortis , mente tua , non mente illa , quae consona voci . sim. me vero memini primo didicisse lyaeo sensa animi rerum , sensorum symbols v●ces . scilicet vtibilem linguae articulantis honorem naturam tribuisse patet mortalibus , vt sit in quo conueniant , & posint mutna fungi . quinetiam ratio . — pseud. h num tu rationibus audes iniussu certare meo ? meminisse decebat , me patre cum primum nostratū elementa scholarum imbiberes , in verba manus te nostra dedisse . imperio iam disce meo : ac , dum prosequor , audi . forsitan hoe de te quaeratur , tune sac●r●os ? non ●go respo le . sim. quid ? mentiar ? ha●d ita romae . pseud. ipse fui romae ; mentiti nefcio . num tu esse sacerdotem te credis apollinis , orci , isidos , aut cereris ? tu si● intellige . i fraus haec argento contra non chara est , aut ori●halco . sic itidem . tw● roman 〈◊〉 ? non ego romam v●quam adii ( capite incede s , aut compede vinctus , aut furcam ore gerens , humerove molatile saxum ) simia , ne risu te ruperis . haec ego trado sobrius , ac prudens . sim. k o te , pater alme , ce●ebri foelicem ! quàm dia doces ! haud talia dictant pythagoras , anytivè reus , vel dogma platonis . pseud. te praestas nobis l incudem simia : tecum , dum loquor , ipse novas videor producere t●chnas . si , cui consilii socium te adiunxeris , idem cum suerit patriae suffossor , petque-duellis , is coràm sistatur , & hunc norisne rogeris ? haud te nosse hominem , ptiùs aut vidisse , repone . non nosse ( ex auium cantu , ' boreave susurro , non ex aethiopum , histori●s , troiaeve ruinis , non ex notitiâ , quae demonstratio dicta est . ) non vidisse ( oculis palpebrae tegmine clausis , non oculis argùs , non alt● ▪ nostis in vmbris , non disiunctarum trans saxea septa domorum , non hoc , quem coelum dabit oli● patria , visu : denique non , vt rent tibi , iudex improbe , narren● . ) sic non lingua tibi mendax , sed dictio fallax . interea m duplicies condens in pectore sensus , viceris , & trbidos praedâ spoliaveris hostes . sim. o pater ; ô nulli quidquam mentite , quid autem , quid si iuratos recta ad responsa lacestant , si tangendae arae , si coelum in vota vocandum , fallemusne fidem ? pseud. fidei est sine corpore nomen haereticis concessa ●ides . periuria non sunt , quae varium sumunt ex vocum ambage colorem , aut iniuratae sunt dissona nuncia mentis . sim. haec super haeretici iurabunt protinus omnes , papicolis non esse deum : n iudibria coelo conceptis fieri , consultisque impia verbis : o non posse ( vt reliquae cessant hoc nomine lites ) his pietate malis obsisti . pseud simia , quicquid hic nob●s inimica cohors obganniat ( vt se ruperit inuidiâ ) tu sic , licet vndique crescat suspicio , corvum iudes p elapsus hiantem tortilis in morem anguillae , & nova slumina inibis . deprendi miserum est , vel apolline iudice vincam . me memini quondam bis tervè his artibus vsum : q periurum a●ebant . quid tum ? non hoc mihi bilem moverat . irascor , quòd non irasceris hosti arcius . sim. ipse quidem ( sic me rationis egentem dementisse modo fat●or ) vix ista putaram digna side ▪ iam me magnae reuerentia romae , iam tua me virtus , censuraque nescia falli imperiis egere suis , vt singula credam , et cupiam vt capiam tam sanctae imitamina fraudis : iam liqueo in laqueos , totusque interfluo rimis : iam me vtinam celebres romani nominis hostes exagitent . sic est . an mecum pseudolus vnquam verba habuit , quaerunt . nunquam , respondeo , quicquā verborum ( virides urentum flatibus ornos , aut animas erebo , scopulis , glacieve cientum . non per canalem sonuit , taurumve perilli . non arabum lingua chaldaeorumve loquutus , non lingua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pseud. quo tendis nnbila supra ? sim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pseud. satis ô satis . vnde sed ista ? sim. nomina sunt longè populorum vtroque sub indo , quos è barbarie nuper sub foedera christi , pontificisque iugum nostri misêre sodales . pseud. 1 o lepidū , charumque caput , quàm pseudolicissas ! simia non magis est imitatrix , simia , quàm tu . te mihi , te servet romae , ac sibi iupiter . sim. atqui pluris adhuc ego sum . siquando ( scilicet haud sunt semper in occulto nostrae mysteria sectae ) suspicio est caecos verbis me affingere sensus , iurabo me non hoc fingere : dumque ita iurem , interea me non quicquam finxisse , negantem fingere , iurabo . tum tertia , quarta secundis iuramenta superiiciam catus . omnia falsa , et falsura omnes . haec aequiuocatio nomen me tribuente , potest reflexa aut * orbica dici . pseud. s dapsile ob inventū hoc , nequeo , mi simia , quin te osculer , argutumque caput demulceam . abundè i am scio te nostris aurem adiecisse lubentem consiliis ; & , quae superaddis , facta daturum . sim. quî verò nosti num non , dum , pseudole , tecum haec loquor , aequivocè me iam tibi credere fingam , aequivocè tibi pollicear me strenuè in hostes vocibus aequivocis vsurum ? pseud. o improba virtus ! sim. dum t pullum doceas oculos transfigere , corve ipse tuis caveas . pseud. u metuo malè , ne malus iste , et nimiùm praecox patris anticipator , ab hoste protinùs in nostros obuertat cornua . sim. nam quid impedit , in caium qui sit periurus eundum in titiū quoque — pseud. sed nostris sermonibus eccùm nescioquis captator adest . discede . sim. valeto . quid ni igitur pseudolus aequivocare docens , & simia discens , verborum laqueos ambo luant laqueo● tho. goad magister artium . an societati humanae infestiores sinte vafr amphibologi , quam aperte periuri . * fauxerebi patriae fax , faex mundi , * vnū at habebis patrem flagitii , slagitio parem . herculeas ●mbo sceleri posuere columnas , n●l vltra , hic calamo pessimus , hic manu . nomine qui varius , qui vestibus , ore , colore es vectus trans mare tu ? non ( * mare mortuum ) curia papalis tibi visa est ? non ( sine scortis ) sacris papa caput ? non ( caput aneum ) num tu mendicans abraso crine sacerdos ? non ( ritu antipodum ; non ( apud inferos ) nonne a te binis grauidata est fuluia natis ? non , verum fateor ( bimula cum fores . ) heus laqueo nodos claudas hos ocyus vno , et nodo laqueos , in cruce carnifex . ignare aequiuocae fraudis constringito fauces , garnetto vniuocè guttura frangito . pendeat infoelix , membris truncetur , apertè periuro aequiuocus crimine dirior . pectore diffisso videas , quae mente reseruat ; evulsi latebras cordis et explices . ancipiti gladio iesuitica texta secentur : solvi nam nequeunt ancipites doli . dan . featly , magister artium . the new arte of lying , couered by iesuites vnder the vaile of equiuocation . the a apostle describing the state of antichrist , doth signifie , that à mysterie of iniquitie should appeare in the managing of it : and this doth implie , that in the kingdome of antichrist iniquity should reigne vnder a coue●t of holinesse . and the same apostle doth foretell , b that in the latter times ( which are the times of antichrists reigne ) men should speake lies in hypocrisie . and this , though it may bee extended farther , yet cannot bee more literally vnderstood , then of such as teach a practise of lying , vnder a pretence of preseruing trueth . now of these prophecies of the apostle i may speake in a like manner , and almost in the same words , as our c lord spake of the prophecie of isai ; this day are these scriptures fulfilled in our eyes ; for now wee see those who exercise a mystery of iniquity , and speake lies , pretending thereby to maintaine and preserue the trueth : as ( to omit all further instance ) may euidently be seene in a new-found arte of equiuocation . for the masters and maintainers thereof doe tell vs , d that by speaking according to this arte of dissembling , sinnes are auoided , which , without it , are commonly committed . and that e equiuocation altogether serueth , or is of good vse for auoiding of lyes and periuries . and f that for what end or reason soeuer a man sweare , that hee did not doe a thing , which indeed hee did doe , yet hauing his reseruation within himselfe , he in very deede telleth no lie . and g that by this singular doctrine wee may auoid innumerable sinnes , which through heedlesnesse diuers of vs doe euery foote commit , by denying or affirming things vsually , without a reseruation vnderstood , with which if they were ioyned , they would bee true . and to this purpose it is , that father h garnet , a master of this arte , when a booke was to be licenced by him , the title whereof was , a treatise of equiuocation , hee scored out that title , and put this in the place of it , a treatise against lying and fraudulent dissimulation . by all which it may appeare , that these men , while they teach the arte of equiuocation , do professe notwithstanding , that all which they doe , is with a religious obseruance and preseruation of the trueth . but now in the second place i offer to prooue in this short treatise , that whatsoeuer shewes they make to the contrary , yet this deuice of equiuocation is in truth , an arte of falshood and deceit , and such as the scriptures doe condemne vnder the name of lying . which point if it bee once cleared , then there can be no doubt , but that the church of rome , and her doctors , are they which exercise a mystery of iniquity , and speake lies in hypocrisie . now for the clearing hereof , and that the world may see more fully what to thinke of this mystery , there are fiue things , which i haue thought necessary to be considered of . 1 the name , or what is meant by the word equiuocation in this question . 2 the originall of it , or who be the authors and vpholders of it . 3 the obiect and matter , or in what cases they allow it to be lawfull . 4 the vse , or rather abuse of it , or for what turnes it may serue the patrons of it . 5 the grounds , or what the proofes or reasons are either for or against it . chap. 1. of the name , and what is meant by the word equiuocation in this question . that wee may the better vnderstand what is meant by this word , wee must note that there are two famous acceptions and vses of the word equiuocation among men . the first is a proper and ancient vse of it , frequent among all sorts of writers , but handled and spoken of , especially in logicke . the second is an improper and abusiue acception of it , which was of late yeeres deuised by some writers and doctors of the romane church . father parsons calleth the forme , verball , and the later , mentall equiuocation . and of these hee saith , a that the verball is proper equiuocation ; the mentall is so called , rather by a certaine similitude , then propriety of speach , and that a the verball is onely true and proper equiuocation , for that mentall in rigor is none . and againe , that b equiuocation hath of later yeeres onely been accustomed to bee vsed in this sense , that is , for mentall equiuocation . and heissius another iesuite , & patron of this art , saith , c that their mixt speach ( which they call mentall equiuocation ) is not properly equiuocation . by which speaches of these iesuites ( especially seeing the one of them is a man so well seene in this arte , and so much exercised in this argument of equiuocation ) i presume i haue sufficient warrant to say as i did , without the controll of any of our punie iesuites , that the one vse and acception is proper and ancient , the other vnproper , and of a later growth , that is , since the mystery of iniquity did open it selfe more fully to the world , and men did more apparantly speake lies in hypocrisie . but yet for the distinguishing of these two kindes , i will rather call the first logicall equiuocation , as being that which logicke doth onely acknowledge : and the later i will call iesuiticall equiuocation , as hauing , if not its first deuising , yet at least , its polishing from men of that order . the question in this place is onely concerning the later , which i call iesuiticall equiuocation . notwithstanding for the better clearing of the point in controuersie , somewhat is first to bee said concerning the former , which i call logicall . first then for the logicall equiuocation ; it is an ambiguous or doubtfull saying , when one word or speach hath mo● senses then one , and it hapeneth three wayes . 1. when a word by it selfe hath diuers significations and meanings ; as this word [ to know ] hath . for sometimes it signifieth to apprehend and vnderstand the certainety of some truth : as when s. iohn saith ; god is greater then our hearts , and knoweth all things . 2. [ to know ] is as much as to approue and allow of : as when dauid saith ; the lord knoweth the way of the righteous . and when christ saith to the foolish virgins ; verily i say vnto you , i know you not . the meaning is ; i doe not acknowledge you for any of mine . in this , and such like words as this , there is an equiuocation ; because the word hath diuers acceptions and vses . 2. when words , which haue but one signification of themselues , yet are so ioyned together in some sentence , as that they may , by reason of the composition , make and yeeld diuers meanings : or when by reason of their contexture , they may haue moe meanings than one : as when s. luke saith ; when they heard this , they were baptized in the name of the lord iesus : these words are diuersly construed by the learned . for some thinke them to bee the words of s. paul , and to haue reference to the speech of iohn baptist , immediately going before : and then the meaning must bee this ; that when those brethren , there spoken of , heard iohn so teaching concerning christ , they were baptized of iohn , in the name of the lord iesus . but others thinke them to be the words of s. luke , and to haue reference to the former speech of s. paul : and then the meaning must be ; that when those brethren had heard paul discoursing in this manner of iohn and his baptisme , then they were baptized of paul , in the name of christ. in this clause then , there are two senses giuen by the learned ; and that sheweth that there is an ambiguity ; but that ambiguitie riseth not from the diuersitie of significations in any of the words , but from the different consideration of the contexture or composition of the sentence . 3. when the circumstances of time , place , persons , &c. are such , as that in reason , and in the iudgement of sober men , being well and duely considered , they may limit or restraine the speech to some speciall matter or subiect ; or otherwise alter the meaning of it from that which it should haue , if it were in some other place , and vpon some other occasion . as for example : when s. paul saith ; i haue not shunned to declare vnto you all the counsell of god. these words considered by themselues , doe comprize all the secrets of god , and all the mysteries of his wisedome : but if we consider the circumstances of the persons , time , place , and occasion ; as that the speaker was paul , an apostle , whose office and imployment was to teach the mysteries of religion ; that the hearers were the church of ephesus , who expected information in matters of saluation ; and that the occasion of their meeting at this time , and in this place , was onely for teaching and learning the word of god , and the gospell of iesus christ : these circumstances , in reason , may teach vs , that in this place , those words [ all the counsell of god ] are not to bee extended to all the secrets and depth of gods wisedome ; a great part whereof , is neither reuealed , nor necessarie to bee knowne of any man ; and some part whereof , though it be reuealed , yet was not pertinent to this occasion ; but rather , that those words are to bee limited and restrained , according to the present occasion , to signifie and note , all necessary things for them to know for their soules health and saluation . or , to giue a more familiar example , and such as a iesuite hath giuen instance in● wee may suppose , that two men going together in a iourney ; the one of them ( his money sayling him ) desireth to borrow ten pound of his fellow ; who maketh answere , that he hath not so much : heere his meaning must be supposed to be , that he hath not so much in his purse , or so much in a readinesse about him , though he had foure times the like value in his chest at home . but if the same thing should be desired of him , when he were at home in his owne house , then the meaning would be , that he had not such a summe at home . and the same answere , which was true , beeing giuen to his fellow . traueller by the way ; would be a lye , if it were vttered to him in his house . thus there may arise an ambiguity in a speech , by reason of the circumstances of person , place , time , and occasion ; where otherwise there is no ambiguity either in the signification of any word , or in the composition of the sentence , considered in and by themselues . and in what kind soeuer , of these now specified , there happeneth an ambiguity ; that i call a logicall equiuocation ; concerning which our present question is not . for as the doctors of the romane church , so the learned of our side doe acknowledge , that there may bee a lawfull vse of equiuocall speeches in euery of these kinds , if they be not extended too farre , or mis-applyed to a wrong cause . for , to speake more particularly , it is granted . 1. that we may lawfully vse words , which may indifferently be taken in diuers acceptions and meanings , as they are then vsed . and this is plaine , partly because the scriptures are full of such speeches ; and partly , because our common conuersation and life cannot bee without them . 2. it is not vnlawfull , when some case of further good doth require it , to vse these ambiguous speeches in the lesse knowne and common signification , and in āother meaning then it is likely the hearers wil vnderstand them for the present . for so , when our lord said , lazarus our friend sleepeth : he meant that he was dead , which was the lesse common and knowne signification ; and therefore the disciples , according to the more vsuall meaning , vnderstood him of naturall sleepe . and he did this for good purpose , and for the profit of the hearers ; that they might heereby learne , either that death in generall is to gods children but as a sleepe , by which they are refreshed , and made the more liuely : or that this death of lazarus , was rather to bee called asleepe , then a death , because hee was so speedily raised from it againe . 3 it is not vnlawfull , if there be iust cause for concealing of a trueth , to vse an ambiguous speach in any of these kindes , that thereby we may hide some thing from the hearers , which they should not know . this assertion hath not so direct proofe from scripture , as the others haue ; & yet it is not without all proofe from the scriptures neither . for there wee finde , that a man may lawfully vtter one trueth , thereby to hide another trueth from the hearer . as for example , a god appointed samuel to goe to bethleem and anoint one of iesses sonnes to bee king ; and when samuel obiected , how can i goe ? if saul heare it , hee will kill mee . the lord said , take an heifer with thee , and say , i am come to sacrifice to the lord. and so samuel did , as it followeth in the same chapter ; and by this he cōcealed his purpose of anointing a new king ; which was the speciall intent of his going to that place . and if it be lawfull and warranted by gods own appointment to vtter one trueth , for the concealing of another : then in reason i thinke it cannot iustly be condemned for vnlawfull , if a man , vpon iust occasion , doe vse an ambiguous speech in a true sense , thereby to hide from the hearer , something which hee should not knowe . for if in so doing any thing bee faulty , it must be , as i take it , the one of the two ; either because an ambiguous speach is vsed in another meaning then it is likely the hearer will take it ; and that to be lawfull , is prooued in the former assertion : or because this true sense in the ambiguous speach , is vttered to conceale another thing from the hearer ; and that to be lawfull , is cleare by this example of samuel . and therfore i thinke the conclusion may hence be inferred , that it is not vnlawfull , if there be iust cause for concealing of a trueth , to vse an ambiguous speach , that thereby we may conceale some other thing , which is not fit to be vttered . and hereto agree our learned diuines also for one , speaking of equiuocatiō , as it cōsisteth in the ambiguitie of words vttered , addeth , a that this kind of equiuocation , especially in ordinary speach , no man doubteth but that it may lawfully be vsed . and , b this equiuocation may haue his due place for concealing of counfe●s , and hiding of secrets . and againe , speaking to his aduersary , c knowe ( saith he ) that those concealements , whether of confessions or counsels , whereof you speake , where they doe consist of ambiguities in the words , wee dislike not : onely if they be couered with a lie , that wee doe wholly condemne . and another learned writer in our church , speaking of one , that magnified the vse of equiuocation , adioineth , d if by the name of equiuocation he vnderstand a plaine and sober concealing and couering of secret counsels , which in this miserable life is oft times necessary , i am of his opinion too . this is the opinion and iudgement of our learned men , concerning the vse of logicall equiuocation ; and herein we agree with them of the church of rome : or if there bee any difference among the learned of both sides in these cases already mentioned , as perhaps about some circumstances in the vse of those ambiguous speaches there may be , it is nothing to the present question in hand , which is not concerning any of the kindes of these logicall equiuocations , which consist in the ambiguous acception and meaning of the words vttered . and therefore when the equiuocaters of our time doe labor to confirme their arte , by the authorized vse of such speaches , as are ambiguous by reason of the diuers meanings which the words may receiue , they misse the marke , beate the ayre , and spend their labour to no purpose . and this being briefly noted , concerning the true and logicall equiuocation , i come now to the improper and iesuiticall . and that what it is , i will set downe in their owne words , who professe to bee patrons of it . father persons a then , a man very laborious in the polishing of this arte , defineth it thus ; equiuocation or amphibologie in this our controuersie , is nothing else , but when a speach is partly vttered in words , and partly reserued in mind , by which reseruation the sense of the proposition may be diuers . and again , b mentall equiuocation ( saith he ) is , when any speach hath or may haue a double sense , not by any double signification or composition of the words themselues , but onely by some reseruation of minde in the speaker , whereby his meaning is made different from the sense which the words that are vttered , doe beare or yeeld without that reseruation . and sanchez giuing a rule concerning the words vsed in this their equiuocation , saith , c a man may without telling of a lye , vse those words , although they be not ambiguous by their signification , and doe not make a true sense , either by themselues , or by reason of the circumstano●s then occurring , but doe onely make a true sense by some addition , kept in the speakers minde , whatsoeuer that addition bee . thus they . by which descriptions it appeareth , that iesuiticall equiuocation , is a mixt proposition , ( as persons also diuers times calleth it ) part whereof is vttered in words , and so taken it hath one sense ; and another part of it is reserued and vnderstood in the speakers minde , which being added to the words spoken , maketh another sense ; as for example , a seminarie , or a iesuite-priest being asked by a magistrate , are you a priest ? he answereth , i am no priest , vnderstanding and reseruing in his minde this clause , so as i am bound to tell you , or any other which himselfe pleaseth to like purpose : here ( say they ) is but one mixt proposit●● part whereof is vttered in words , namely , i am no priest ; and that taken alone as it is vttered , breedeth a false s●tise , and in this sense they would haue the magistrate to conceiue it : & another part of that proposition is reserued and kept secret and close in the priests mind , & that is this , so as i am bound to tell you . and this secret & mentall reseruation , being added to the words , maketh this one entire proposition ; i am no priest , so as i am bound to tell you : and that being taken all together , maketh a true sence , and so the priest vnderstandeth it . and therefore , if he doe but keepe , or reserue , or vnderstand that or any such clause in his minde , though the words which he speaketh bee neuer so false , yet this man telleth no lye , nor speaketh no vntruth . such is the vertue of this new found arte ; and thus they describe it . but that it may yet appeare more fully and more distinctly , it will not be amisse to set downe the mysterie of this art in certaine distinct propositions , all gathered from their owne writings , and approued dealings . l. that this mixt proposition of theirs , or this equiuocation , as they call it , whether we consider that part of it which is vttered in words ; or the whole proposition , as it hath the reseruatiō added to it , which is kept in the speakers mind ; hath in neither respect or consideration , a as f. p. saith , any doubtful sense of speech or words , by their doubtfull or double signification ; but only that it vttereth not all the whole sense of the speaker ; & therfore cannot be properly called equiuocall , according to aristotles meaning & definition . and againe , these mixt propositions ( b saith he ) be not properly equiuocall in the sense that aristotle did define , &c. for that they doe not of themselues nor their own natures , signifie equally diuers things ; but being vnderstood wholly , haue a simple and single signification in the mind and vnderstanding of the speaker : yet , for that the hearer concerning but 〈…〉 thereof , apprehendeth a different sense from the speaker ; they may ab effectu , be called ambiguous ; for that they leaue a different sense in the hearer & speaker , albeit of themselues they be plaine , cle●re , and true , &c. out of which words , considered & ioyned with that which was formerly cited out of sanchez and parsons , we may note three things . 1. that there is no ambiguity or doubtfull sense , either in the words vttered , if they be taken alone ; nor in the whole proposition , as they compound it of the words vttered , & ●he reseruation vnderstood , taken together . 2. that therefore they call it equiuocation , or an equiuocall proposition or speech ; because they signifie or expresse one meaning to the hearer , which is false ; and retaine or vnderstand another sense within themselues , which is true . 3. that the taking of this word equiuocation in this meaning , is not proper , and such as aristotle did vnderstand and conceiue by it . hee might haue said , that it is not proper , nor such as either aristotle , or any man either learned or vnlearned , hauing but common sense in his head , and common honesty in his heart , did euer acknowledge before this last age. and the truth is , they therfore call it an equiuocatiō , though the word was neuer known to haue any such meaning or signification ▪ because they are ashamed to call it by its right name , which is , a lye. but as the couetous man , though he practiseth the thing , yet abhorres the name ; and therefore will be called a good husband , or a thrifty man : and as a thiefe is ashamed of his right name , and when he meeteth with a traueller to whom he would signifie his e●rand ; he saith , that he is a good-fellow which wanteth money : so the romanists teach an arte of lying ; and because they are ashamed of the infamous name of lyers , they call themselues equiuocators : and that which other men call lying , they call equiuocating . 2. that if a man will vse this benefit of equiuocating , he must be warie and carefull , that he reserue some secret clause in his mind , which being added to the words vttered , doe make a true speech ; or else all is marred , and he , for want of that clause , become a plaine lyer . to this purpose , father persons a saith , that the equiuocator speaketh a trueth in his owne meaning , and in the sight ef god ; which alwaies he must doe , when hee vseth this euasion ; for that otherwise he should lye , and commit sinne , if he had not some true sense reserued in his mind , &c. to declare this yet further : say that two priests were questioned by a magistrate , whether they were priests or no ; and the one should say , i am no priest : and should withall reserue in his mind this clause , so as i am bound to tell you : and the other should answere in the very same words , i am no priest : but should forget or neglect to frame or imagine in his mind that reseruation , or some such like : the former , who imagined that reseruation in his mind , should be an equiuocator , and speake the truth ; but the latter , who had omitted it , should be a lyer , and vtter a falshood and vntruth , though hee speake none but the very same words ; and they haue none but one signification and meaning . this they say , to shew vs , how an equiuocator doth differ very much from a lyer . the truth is ; this equiuocator and this lyer doe differ as much as two false knaues , the one of which is called a thiefe , and the other , a good-fellow that taketh a purse . 3. that whatsoeuer a man doe say or sweare , be it otherwise neuer so false and absurd ; yet if a man doe imagine a clause in his mind , which being added to the words spoken , would make a true meaning ; then the former speech or saying , how false soeuer otherwise becommeth true , and without all compasse of lying : because ( saith father a persons ) it is freed from the nature of a lye , by the due & iust reseruation in the speakers mind . by the due and iust reseruation , saith hee . but suppose the reseruation be not iust and due , but that a man vse this arte , when he ought not to equiuocate ? why , yet euen then , he is by this reseruation freed from telling of a lye , though not freed from all sinne . for though is should not be properly the sinne of lying , nor against the negatiue precept of truth : yet should it be another sinne , against the publike good of ciuill society , and consequently against the affirmatiue precept of truth , &c. thus speaketh father a persons . and to the like purpose valentia b . but sanchez more plainely and roundly : if a man ( c saith he ) either alone or before company , either being asked or of his owne accord , either for recreation sake , or for any other end , doe sweare that he did not doe something , which indeed he did do ; vnderstanding within himselfe some other thing then that he did doc ; or some other day then that in which he did doe it , or any other addition that is true ; this man , in very deed , doth neither lye nor forsweare . thus they speake , and so must all they that will maintaine this arte. for whereas father persons , speaking of the wife of ananias , saith ; d that shee beeing lawfully demanded by s. peter in a lawfull cause , touching her owne vow and promise , no clause of reseruation could saue her speech from lying : he doth herein not only contradict himselfe , as lyers vsually doe , but doth also thereby ouerthrow the very grounds of this fond arte. for if a reseruation in the mind doe free the equiuocator from lying ; because that beeing added to his words , both together do make a true proposition ; why should not a reseruation in this womans mind , saue her speech from lying , if it were such , as being added to her words , both together might yeeld a true meaning ; which , according to the rules of this arte , it had beene easie for this woman to frame ▪ 4 that in any case , in which equiuocation may bee vsed , a man may frame any reseruation , whatsoeuer himselfe pleaseth , so it be such , as being added to the words , doth make the whole compound to bee true . e persons somtimes seemeth to require , that the reseruatiō be conformable to the matter , time , and place ; & not fained at randome , as some fondly do imagine . but he doth but mocke his reader ; making shew of following the former schoole-doctors , whose words these are ; when he hath no such meaning as they had in them . for , when he speaketh plainely , and so as you may vnderstand his distinct meaning . them his a words are ; i doe truely and really meane , that i am no priest , in the sense that i speake it , which may be any that pleaseth me , or that i list to frame to my selfe : so as i may meane , that i am no priest , such as i should be , such as i desire to be , such as is worthy of so great an office , and sacred a function ; such as he ought to be , that occupieth the place of god in gouerning of soules ; i am no priest subiect to the demander , or obliged to answere his demands ; or the like . thus , and such like , whatsoeuer he pleaseth , he professeth may be his reseruations , when he denyeth himselfe to be a priest : and what conformity these haue , at least the most of them , with the circumstances , i leaue to bee declared by the patrons and masters of this arte. sure i am , if such large scope may be granted , and yet the reseruation bee conformable to the matter , &c. and not fained at randome , then it will be an easie matter to keepe within cōpasse , and to obserue the wise rule of this graue father . but , let persons goe with his doubling , and let vs heare what others say . sanchez alloweth any words , if they yeeld a true sense , b by any addition , reserued in the mind● of the speaker , whatsoeuer that addition bee . and iacob 〈◊〉 graffijs , proposing a case of one , who being taken by theeues , doth for feare promise them somwhat with an oath ; c if ( saith he ) he doe imagine some other thing in his minde , for example , i promise to giue this , or do that , if the iudgo shal compelme to it , or if the skie shall fall , or the like , then he shal be cleare from sinne . and sanchez , d that a man may lawfully answere , that he killed not peter , meaning another man of the same name , or that he killed him not , antequam nasceretur , before hee was borne . and strange the iesuite , to show what strange and vnlimited liberty they doe take in the framing of this fancie , affirme that he was in the company , reseruing and intending secretly as added , this word , not ; when hee was questioned before the lord chiefe iustice of england , and the kings attourney . these reseruations , and others not much better , doe they allow and practise in the arte of equiuocating , whereof there is frequent mention in their bookes and treatises of this argument . by all which it appeareth , that they approoue of any reseruatirn , which a man can fancie , if the case be such as they allow of , and the clause such , as may signifie a trueth . 5. that this equiuocation of theirs , is lawfull , not onely in ordinary speach , but in oathes also . this is plainely auouched by father persons , and vpon this reason , a because it is a most certaine principle , as well in reason , as in diuinitie , that what a man may truely say , hee may truely also sweare . and againe , b as all diuines held ( saith hee ) that which may lawfully be said , may also lawfully be sworne . and to this doe agree others of this crue , who commonly handle this question of equiuocation in their treatises of oathes , and allow it as a thing very lawfull , and of good vse . 6. that this arte was deuised , and so by them is vsed , that by it they may deceiue the vnderstanding of the hearer , and make him beleeue an vntrueth , when it may serue for their turne . to this purpose those words of father persons sound , c equiuocation must sometime be practised , when no other euasion can be found for defence of innocencie , iustice , secrecy , and other like vrgent occasions . and speaking of some cases of inconuenience , which hee would haue to bee auoided by equiuocation , he demandeth , d hath god and nature , and law of iustice left no lawfull euasion in such cases ? and againe , e wee delight not ( saith hee ) in this arte or maner of euasion by equiuocation . by this it appeareth , that equiuocation ( to vse the iesuites owne words ) is an art of euasion , which cannot bee vnderstood without a meaning and purpose to deceiue the hearers vnderstanding , and to make him beleeue an vntrueth . the same doctor of this arte goeth on , and teacheth vs , that this their equiuocation is , a when any speach hath , or may haue a double sense , not by any double signification or composition of the words themselues ; but onely by some reseruation of minde in the speaker , whereby his meaning is made different from that sense which the words that are vttered , de beare , or yeeld without that reseruation . and by this is implyed , that the purpose of this is , to imprint one sense in the speaker , which they acknowledge to bee false , and to keepe within themselues another , which they imagine to bee true . becanus also , another iesuite , hauing first proposed the question , an liceat vti aequiuocatione : whether it may be lawful to vse equiuocation : he explaineth the point thus ; b whether it bee lawfull to deceiue and beguile others by equiuocations . in the prosecution of which question , though he wrangle , & would gladly shift off from themselues the imputation of this equiuocating fraud ; yea , and flatly denieth it : yet by explaining the questiō in such sort , he acknowledgeth , that their meaning who defend it , is to beguile and deceiue men . and in like sort tolet saith . c it is sometimes lawfull to vse equiuocation , and to deceiue the hearer . and therefore when father persons d saith , that his intention is not to deceiue in this mentall proposition , but to defend himselfe , &c. and that the priest ( who denieth himselfe to bee a priest ) that his principall intent is not intentio fallendi , an intention of deceiuing ; but rather , euadendi desiderium , a desire to escape and defend himselfe : he doth either too boldly presume vpon his readers simplicitie , or too grossely bewray his owne . for first , when hee saith , that his principall intent is not to deceiue , but rather to escape , hee implieth , that an intention he hath to deceiue , though that be not his principall intention ; and that is enough to prooue ( which hee denieth ) that his equiuocation doth herein agree with the nature of a lye , that as a lye is said to bee , cum intentione fallendi , so his equiuocation cannot be denied to haue the same purpose and intention in it . and secondly , where he saith plainely that his intention is not to deceiue , but to defend , hee speaketh as wisely , and to as good purpose , as if a thiefe by the high way side should say , that hee intended not to take away the true mans purse , but to supplie himselfe with money for his owne spending . for as the thiefe intendeth to robbe , that thereby he may supply himselfe ; so the iesuite intendeth to deceiue , that thereby he may defend himselfe . 7 that to forbeare the vse of this equiuocation ( vnlesse where by duety a man is bound to vse it ) is better and more meritorious then to vse it . to this purpose speaketh the great master of this arte ; wee delight not ( saith hee ) in this arte or maner of euasion by equiuocation , though it be no lye at all ; but rather do allow and like far better of simple , plaine , and resolute speach in all catholikes , concerning aswel matters of ordinary conuersation , as of their conscience , &c. and presently he addeth ; yet for that perfection is one thing , and obligation is another , wee may not binde men to more then gods precept bindeth . by which speach hee plainely teacheth , that though it bee not vnlawfull to vse equiuocation , because it is not forbidden by any precept ; yet it is a worke of perfection , ( such as they vse to cal a worke of supererogation ) not to vse a mans lawfull libertie in this case . and yet f●rther , it is euident , that albeit good men desirous of perfection , and prepared to suffer iniuries , may liue without going to law , without swearing , without diuorcing their wiues , without equiuocation , &c. yet for all that , men are not bound to this exactnesse , &c. and yet againe , my wish is ( saith hee ) that catholike people , but especially priests , whose example must instruct the rest , should yeeld also of their right , for increase of their merit and crowne in heauen , and vse all plainnesse and synceritie in speach , and free discouering , not onely of their religion , but also of their state , where it is hurtfull to none but themselues . and in a word , plainnesse and syncerity of speach , he compareth with virginity , ( which in their esteeme , is a glorious worke of perfection or supererogation : ) and the practice of equiuocating to wedlocke , which is lawful , but not of such merit . now hence i inferre two conclusions . 1 that the practice of protestants in vsing plainnesse and syncerity in speach , according to their doctrine , is by the confession of the iesuite , better and more holy , then the practice of papists in vsing euasions and equiuocations , according to the doctrine of the equiuocators . 2 that according to the doctrine of popish equiuocators , iesus our sauiour was not so perfect , nor vsed not so much exactnesse in his speach , nor merited not so much , as the iesuites doe , many of them at least . for father persons saith , that albeit good men desirous of perfection , may liue without equiuocating , yet &c. hee meaneth that though it may bee seene in such men , yet others are not bound to that exactnesse : and he implieth , that men desirous of perfection , doe vse to doe so . and such , i trow , the holy order of iesuites is , who for desire of this perfection , haue by solemne vow abandoned the world , and all the glory , and profit belonging to it . besides , father persons graue aduice is , that not onely priests , but other catholikes too , should yeeld of their right , by forbearing to equiuocate , for the increase of their merit and crowne in heauen : and , i trowe , the followers of iesvs will not bee slacke to performe , what one of their owne fathers doth aduise to bee so behoofefull , not onely for seculars of the clergie , but for lay● catholikes also . but now iesvs our lord , see how farre off the iesuite maketh him to bee from this degree of perfection . for hee was so frequent in equiuocating , that father persons a findeth him to haue vsed the same in one onely chapter of s. iohns gospel , aboue seuen or eight times at the least . nay , and that b more then one equiuocation was vsed by our sauiour in one sentence : and that eight or nine equiuocall speaches at the least , are contained within a piece of one onely chapter of our sauiours talke with the iewes , scribes and pharisees . and indeede hee hath recited and alleadged nine seuerall examples out of our sauiours words , recorded in the latter part of the eighth chapter of s. iohn . and sure , hee that did equiuocate so often in so little compasse , cannot be imagined to haue forborne his right in this practice , for the increase of his merit and crowne in heauen . or if they will say , that notwithstanding this frequent vse of equiuocation in so short space , that yet hee did forbeare his right still , and so increased his merit thereby ; then they will giue vs occasion to thinke , that iesuites and priests , and other roman catholikes may attaine this height of perfection , vnto which father persons aduiseth them , and coozen and deceiue vs silly fellowes with their equiuocations seuen , or eight , or nine times in one houre . i leaue it then to bee considered by the wise reader , whether father persons doe cog with vs all this while , and make no small vse of this deceitfull arte , while hee laboureth to defend it : or , whether in good earnest hee thinketh that our lord and sauiour did not follow so exact a rule of perfection , as hee aduiseth all his catholikes vnto . these bee the most speciall properties belonging to iesuiticall equiuocation , as neere as i could gather and obserue them out of their bookes , which bee the abettors of this arte , among whom the principall , father persons , must needes bee acknowledged to bee . for hee hath laboured herein more then they all . out of all which obseruations layd together , i leaue it to the consideration of any vnderstanding man , to iudge , whether these two things doe not follow . 1 that the roman doctors haue such rare wits , as that they can by their deuised sleights , transforme the nature both of words and things , euen as well as alchymists can turne lead into gold . for as in matter of state , they a haue found out a mystery ; that a clergie-man of their church may moue rebellion against his prince , and yet be no traytor : so in conferences with men , they haue found a like mysterie ; that any man of the romane church , may speake , and say , and sweare whatsoeuer himselfe pleaseth , though it bee neuer so false , and yet be no lyer . the one they fetch from their doctrine of exemption ; and the other from their doctrine of equiuocation : both dangerous practices to all humane society . the one whereof should teach kings to be aware of their swords , and the other should teach all men to beware of their words . 2 that by their doctrine , a man is at liberty to lye , without anie grudge in his conscience ; and that the abettors of this arte , by a secret iuggling deuice , doe s●t open a schoole for deceit and periurie ; in which they teach an arte of lying ; by the helpe whereof , he that can lye & forsweare by the rule , shall be free either from lying or peri●rie : as b a reuerend and learned diuine hath noted . but hereof there will be fitter occasion giuen to say more hereafter . in the meane while , thus much shall serue to be said of the first point . chap. ii. of the originall of equiuocation ; and who they bee that vphold it , and giue life vnto it . concerning the originall of this arte , a some learned men referre 〈◊〉 to the priscillianists , or arius the arch-heretike , who are read to haue vsed fraudulent and deceitful speech . and such heretikes had not beene vnmeete fathers for such a deformed child . but this brat was not then borne , nor for many ages after those dayes . for mine owne part , vnlesse i shall hereafter meete vvith some thing more cleere then yet i haue seene , i must say with a iudicious and learned writer , b i cannot readily say who were the first founders of this arte. nor is it maruell , that a thing of this nature , though found out but yesterday , should appeare to the world without the name or notice of his author . for , as the head or spring of nilus hath beene long enquired after , and for ought i know , is yet scarce heard of ; and the reason may bee , because it is supposed that that riuer doth rise somewhere in montibus l●nae , in some place of those great mountaines , whose greatnes doth hide the place of the well-head or spring : so deuices of state , which neuer prosper after they are discouered , are commonly smoothered for a time , and doe vsually appeare without name ; themselues being vnwilling to owne them , and others being vnable to d●scrie them . and such is this arte of equiuocation , hatched by some rare wit , who yet had rather lose the glory of the inuention , then to lay open the mysterie of it : and smoothered by the romane state as long as was possible , till misfortune brought it to light against their wils and yet now , that the riuer appear●th with a full st●eame , notwithstanding , the spring will hardly bee found . and if any rom●nist shall hence inferre , that this doctrine is therfore an apostolicall i●radition , and came from christ himselfe ; because i cannot tell who was the first author , and at what time since it was first hatched ; as they vse to dispute in other cases against vs : i will send him to find me the head of nilus , and when he hath found that , i will goe about to enquire for the originall of this arte. and yet in the meane while , though i cannot precisely say who was the first father of this blacke arte , yet some things may bee said , not impertinent to this purpose . and those ( as i conceiue them for the present ) i will , lay downe in certaine propositions or assertions . and they be these . 1 it is certaine that it is a late deuice , and found out the other day . persons claimeth vniuersality , antiquity ▪ and consent , for the proofe of this arte , a his words are , that euery man may heare him speak in his own dialect ; let vs consider ( saith he ) how this absurd and impious opinion ( if such it be ) could come to bee receiued so generally , both in approbation & practice , doctrine & action , throughout the christian world , that is to say ; the doctrine in all schooles , pulpits , chaires , vniuersities , where teaching hath beene vsed , extant also in the bookes and workes of all learned men of what sort soeuer , before iesuites were borne or heard of : but especially those haue most treated thereof , who haue written most tenderly of matters belonging vnto conscience , whom we call casuists . lawiers in like maner , both canon and ciuill ; diuines , both scholasticall and posi●●ue , haue approued the same . and as for practice , it hath in due cases beene receiued in all courts , in all countries , in all tribunals , and s●ates of iudgement , both ecclesiasticall and temporall ; and neuer refused , condemned , or controled by any , so it were vsed with the due circumstances , &c. and alittle after ; was there no man to stand for truth and reason in any countrey , in any prouince or state ? in any place or time for this 400. yeeres , & c ? where it must be noted , that when he mentioneth 400 yeeres , his meaning is not to limit the approbation of this arte to the compasse of those yeeres ; but because he supposeth , but falsely , that his aduersarie had granted so much ; and so here he disputeth ex concessis vpon the confession of his aduersarie : but he intendeth and meaneth the consent of former times also ; as himselfe signifieth in the same chap. a whereof he there promiseth to speak afterward ; & so he doth . b for he bringeth the testimonies & practice of the patriarchs , prophets , and apostles , and iesus christ himselfe , and that frequently declared . where it may bee noted , that this father is as bold to alledge vniuersality , antiquity , and consent for the proofe of this arte , as the rest are for the proofe of their church . and sure the proofe is as good and sound in the one , as the other . onely , father persons affirmeth more boldly , and confirmeth what hee saith , more weakely . but the reason is alike good in both cases . but heere i haue onely to deale with persons , about his equiuocation . and against these great cryes , i oppose the confident and iust challenge of a reuerend man ; name me one man ( saith he ) out of all antiquity , heathenish , iewish , christian : name but one man , who euer approued these your reseruations , vnlesse perhaps some who were noted with infamy for their paines . i may adde ; nay , name me one , who defended this equiuocation , which iesuites call a mixt or mentall proposition , or by a secret reseruation , in all the time from adam to the trent councell . i will not say none such can bee named ; for who can say or presume , that hee knoweth the sayings and opinions of all former ages ? but this i will say , that wheras the abettors of equiuocation haue bin challenged by two learned doctors in our church , to shewe any who in former times haue allowed this diuelish arte ; hitherto i haue seene no one man produced , who doth giue any plaine or direct allowance heereof . for as for the many autorities , which persons doth alledge , they be conclusions of his own , spun out of other mens sayings , by such consequences as himselfe fancieth or pleaseth to frame . for where holy or learned men haue vsed speeches , that may admit diuers interpretations , either by reason of the words vsed , or some circumstance occurring , according to which only former ages were wont to expound them ; he presently runneth away with an out-cry of mentall reseruation , or mixt proposition : as euery man that considereth the allegations , may easily perceiue . in a word , persons claimeth very boldly , and to speake truth , impudently , vniuersality , antiquity , and consent , for this nouell , new-deuised , and vpstart fancie of their owne . where i wish the reader to consider , how farre he may credit such men , when they lay the like claime to all antiquity and consent of nations , either for the prouing of their church , or for maintaining of any other subordinate point of controuersie . for mine owne part , till they shew me one who approued a mentall equiuocation or reseruation , i will thinke and say there is none . and this is my first assertion ; whereof see further proofe in the next assertion . 2 my second is , that the latter sort of schoole-men and casuists gaue occasion , and laied grounds for this ensuing arte ; which at that time themselues , it seemeth , did not so much as thinke or dreame of . for , whereas some cases were then debated , how farre a priest might deny the things which hee had heard in confession ; and in what sort any man that was questioned by an vnlawfull iudge , or proceeded against in an vnlalwfull maner , &c. might deny the things which he knew to be true : they , considering the circumstances of the persons , place , and businesse , did allow some hard equiuocations , which the words would hardly beare in any true sense , yet such as they thought might be allowed and gathered out of those circumstances , and might well be vnderstood in those words , as there and then they were vttered . as for exāple ; if a priest were questioned , whether he knew or had heard any thing of such or such a matter ; he might say , no : if he did not know or heare it any other way , but onely by confession . and the reason of this answere is , because , a words ( saith dominicus a soto ) doe so signifie , as they are vnderstood or taken by the people . now christian people , when they heare a priest sweare , that he knoweth nothing of such or such a matter , they vnderstand him not to speake or meane any thing that he heard in confession . and therefore those words ( of the priest ) doe onely signifie or import , that ▪ hee knoweth nothing out of confession . and the like defence of this answer is giuen by sepulueda , de rat. dicendi test . cap. 3. againe , it is a further case , if the priest be asked concerning the same thing , whether he know or haue heard it in confession ; whether may he then say , no , i heard it not ? and the common opinion of the doctors was , that in this case , h● may sweare he did not heare it . b but soto , vpon better aduice , disliketh this answere , because in this sentence , nihil audiui in confessione ; i heard nothing of it in confession ; the restriction allowed in the former case , cannot fitly bee vnderstood , to say , i heard nothing in confession , to wit , out of confession . and therefore he concludeth , that that answere in this case cannot be excused from being a lye ; because the words cannot haue that construction . another case is proposed ; suppose a tyran should aske of a priest , whether peter ( for example ) did kill iohn ( which the priest knew in confession only ) may the priest say and sweare , that peter did not kill iohn ? adrian , who afterward was pope , and was called adrian the sixth , he resolued the question , that he might answere negatiuely , that ●e killed him not : but soto againe replyeth , that this which adrian said , had no shew of reason ; because the words admit no interpretation , that may excuse them from a lye. for , saith he ; a it were a most fond interpretation to say , he killed him not that i may tell you , or ( as our equiuocators vse now a dayes to speake ) he killed him not , so as i may tell you . and he giueth a further reasō hereof , b because deeds haue no immediate relation to this word , [ that i may tel it ] 〈◊〉 the wo●d [ i know ] and other such words of sense haue . and in his booke de iustit . & iure , disputing the like question , whether a man beeing questioned concerning his owne act , may by ambiguity elude the question ; hee resolueth , it c can no way be defended , that he may lawfully say , that he did not doe it : and hereof he giueth this reason ; d because this speech [ i did not doe it ] cannot receiue this sense ; i did not doe it , to tell it , or that i may tell it , &c. his meaning in more plaine words , is this ; that the priest might truely say in the case proposed , i know not that peter did kill iohn ; because hee might reasonably vnderstand it thus , or with this restriction , i know it not out of confession . and of such a knowledg the iudge is supposed to aske , and men do vsually vnderstand the priest to speake . but the priest might not say without telling a lye . peter did not kill iohn ; because , this restriction cannot without absurdity , bee applyed to those words , . and consequently , these words could not bee so vnderstood by the hearers . a fourth case may bee added , and with that i will end . suppose a guilty person be against order of law examined by a iudge , whether he haue committed such a crime , which indeede he hath done , but is not in this case bound to answere him : suppose ( i say ) he be inforced to answere , may he truely say , i did not doe it ? and adrian's resolution of the doubt , was ; that in such a case , a he may truely answere , according to the opinion of all schoole-doctors , that , he knoweth nothing of that fa●t , or at least , that hee did not 〈◊〉 it . and his reason is , because in this answere , he is supposed to speake b of such a knowledge of the fact , as he may lawfully discouer . but soto replyeth againe , c i know not who all those doctors are , that adrian speaketh of : i confesse , i haue read none of that opinion . and he addeth ; d that meaning , in which adrian interpreteth these words , is a most forced and violent sense . thus soto declareth his owne opinion , and the opinion of other schoole-doctors and casuists of that time , in these and other cases of like nature . and the like doth io. genesius sepulueda , another learned man of the same nation , and about the same time . for hauing heard some defend some such like equiuocations and ambiguities , he vndertaketh to proue , and that by the testimony of ancient diuines , that in witnesse-bearing ( for thereof hee doth in particular intreat ) a witnesse may not , arte vorborum , by cunning words , deceiue the iudge ; but that he is bound to speak plainely , and according to the meaning of the iudge , who asketh the question . and of the contrary opinion , hee saith , e none ancient and renowned diuine that i knowe , did affirme it to bee lawfull . and in the preface to that booke , hee saith , that while hee was in rome , hee met with one , who maintained this opinion , which he calleth f agreeable to the determinations of some yong or late diuines : and when he came backe againe into spaine , that praeter spem , contrary to his expectation , he found some of their learnedest diuines , maintaining , and instilling into their students hearts and eares , g that opinion which was condemned by the ancient and chiefe diuines . and , chap. 15. hee sheweth who they bee , whom he calleth ancient diuines ; and that is in his owne words , h those which liued before our and our fathers dayes , such for example sake , as thomas aquinas is . out of which testimonies and sayings of these two learned men ( the one of which was confessor to charles the fifth , and the other his historiographer ; and the one flourished about the yeere 1560. as possouin saith , and the other died in the yeere 1572. saith the same posseuin , out of these their sayings ) i gather and obserue these things . 1 that in the dayes of these two learned men , which was about some 60 yeeres agoe , there was little or no speach of any equiuocation by mentall reseruation , or of any such mixt propositions , as the romanists now fancie . this i gather , first , because soto , in oppugning these ambiguous answeres and speaches allowed by some schoole-doctors of that time , doth no where ( to my knowledge ) charge them with any such opinion , or euer labour to refute it . which ( considering the argument that hee had in hand , and the diligence that he vsed in handling of it , and cleering of all doubts that belonged vnto it ) no man may with reason imagine that hee would haue for borne to doe , if those times had giuen occasion of disputing such a question . secondly , the same learned man , in oppugning that liberty , which others did grant , doth still ouerthrowe or confute their opinion , because the interpretation and the meaning which they doe allow those answeres to be taken in by the speaker , are such as doe not agree to the vse and signification of the words spoken , nor cannot bee applied to them , without incongruity and absurditie . by which reason of his , hee implieth , that these diuines meant no other ambiguity , or interpretation , or meaning , in those answeres , then such as they thought , the words in that case in which they were vttered might beare . or els his reason had beene insufficient and foolish ; which yet he supposeth to be such , as that his aduersaries could not dislike as impertinent , if the thing which he vrged were true . thirdly , the same author doth still so set down his opinion , that in the cases proposed , and others of the like nature ; he alloweth any ambiguity or amphibologie , which the vse of the speach can beare without a lye , as in expresse words hee explaineth himselfe , but refuseth and condemneth all such , as is not noted and implied in the words . fourthly , sepulueda , he also disputeth against those , who think themselues not bound in the cases propounded to answere according to the common meaning , and acception of the words : and confuteth them , who hold it lawfull simply to denie the crime truely layed to their charge , although they purposely speake some other thing in their minde , which the iudge , taking their words in the common meaning , vnderstandeth not : cap. 17. & throughout the whole booke . but yet i haue not obserued in all that booke any speach , in which hee mentioneth a mixt proposition , a mentall equiuocation , or an ambiguitie made by a reseruation against which opinion , ( if there had then appeared any such to the world ) hee might haue disputed with more probabilitie and shewe of substantiall reason . but he no where ( as farre as i can obserue ) either refelleth or mentioneth any such opinion among these late and punie diuines . for wheras in the place last cited , he hath these words , though purposely he speaketh some other thing in his minde , that maketh nothing , as i thinke , for the mentall reseruation , which our equiuocators haue deuised . for he meaneth nothing else , as i take it , but that the speaker doth frame in his minde , another sense and meaning of his words , then they in the common vnderstanding of men doe make , or then the iudge according to the common vnderstauding doth take them in . and therefore those very schoole-diuines , whom hee and soto doe refute for going too farre , and allowing too much liberty , yet goe not so farre as our now iesuites doe , who build all vpon a fancied reseruation of their owne framing , no way included in the words spoken . fiftly , say that those diuines , whom these learned men doe refute , did maintaine such a mixt proposition , & mentall reseruation as our romanists doe striue for : yet soto saith , that he had read no schoole-doctor , who allowed such a fancie as adrain imagined , which yet by a reseruation of a iesuite , might easily bee solued . and sepulueda , when hee came out of italy into spaine , thought it strange , that hee found diuines , who contrary to the meaning of all the ancients , did allow that opinion , which he there refuteth . and therefore if we shall say , that the diuines against whom these men wrote , did hold this equiuocall reseruation , yet it was then a nouell opinion , lately sprung vp , such as soto had read in no schoole-doctor of former time , and such as sepulueda did maruell to finde set on foote in his owne countrey , where he liued . but , as i said , these learned men did not know of any such opinion risen vp at that time . and therefore in those dayes either this arte was not yet found , or if it were , it was rather whispered in corners , or taught obscurely , then published in schooles . secondly , i gather out of these learned mens writings alleadged before , that schoole-doctors about that time , allowed and gaue liberty for such ambiguities , as in opinion of these men , and in trueth the words could not beare : and therefore their interpretations were forced & violent , and such as could not free their speaches from being lyes . this without further deduction , is euident by the words before cited . thirdly , i obserue , that these hard and harsh equiuocations , by some diuines then allowed , and the violent constructions that they made of the words , were then newly taken vp , and were vnknowne to the elder and more iudicious schoole-men . and out of all this , i leaue it to the iudgement of the learned reader , whether i may not vpon good reason inferre ; that therefore in all probabilitie , the later sort of schoole-doctors , by the hard equiuocations , which they allowed , did giue occasion & layd grounds for this iesuiticall art of equiuocation , though at that time themselues did not thinke of it . for , may it not hence be reasonably conceiued , that the progresse and proceeding to the framing of this art , was on this manner ? that first of all , and in elder times , there was nothing , but simplicitie in their oathes and answers , or if any ambiguitie was allowed to be vsed , it was but in some such sense , as the circūstances of the persons , time , place , and occasion , did put vpon them , and that according to the intention of publique lawes , and the reasonable construction that the hearers might make of them : and that afterward they allowed violent constructions , and such as the words , together with the circumstances , could not beare , in any reasonable mans vnderstanding , but such as the speaker , in his minde did fancie to be agreeable to that businesse and occasion . and lastly , that this ouer-bold liberty in them , in framing such a sense , as the words in reason & cōgruitie could not beare , made way to fine wits following after , to adde something to the former inuention , and to frame a sense of words spoken , which they acknowledge not to be signified by them , but made vp by a reseruation in their owne breast , such as themselues would please to fancie , what euer it were , either pertinent to the businesse , or as farre different from it , as the falling of the skie is different from the paying of money . but this will appeare yet more plainely , if it be considered , that nauarre , a who liued at the same time with soto , & sepulueda , but wrote after them , and when they were dead , doth from the opinion of those diuines , and in speciall from the opinion of soto also , and from his sayings , labour to inferre and proue the lawfulnesse of the iesuiticall equiuocation ; because ( as hee saith ) there is the like reason of them both . how truely he inferreth his conclusion , from the sayings of soto and the rest , i dispute not ; i onely note in his course of disputation , that hee taketh their assertions for a ground to proue his owne by . and that sheweth that those former writers gaue occasion , &c. and thus i haue declared my second assertion concerning the originall of this new art. 3. the third is , that whosesoeuer wit deuised it , yet it seemeth to mee most probable , that it receiued the first life and credit from the see of rome , and the romane state . my reason is from these grounds . 1. doctor nauarre , who ( as persons saith , mitig. cap. 7. nu . 41. pag. 301. ) is held to be one of the most liberall and largest in admitting equiuocations both in words and oathes , was thought a fit man to be the popes reader of cases in rome . and if i mistake not , hee was the first that broached this new arte . for hee read at rome not long after the time of soto and sepulueda , who ( as before was noted ) had not yet heard any thing of this arte . and there he read & framed that a commentary , in which he teacheth this mysterie , for the instruction of the iesuits colledge and dedicated the same vnto gregorie 13. the present pope : which may breede suspition , that the pope was well pleased with this new deuice of nauarre , of whom he made choise to be his publique reader of cases ; and who , while he was imployed in this seruice , did perfect that arte , and from whose readings , the very iesuits themselues may seeme to haue borrowed the grounds of that doctrine , which afterward they polished with great dexteritie and care . secondly , in queene elizabeths time , there was a treatise found out , which before was in the secret keeping of iesuits or priests : in which , beside the resolutions of nauarre , were contayned sundry instructions and directions , giuen by sixtus quintus , for the practising of this mysterie of equiuocation . which , if the reader be desirous to know more fully , hee may reade a relation thereof set downe by a a most reuerend and learned prelate . thirdly , i finde that emm. sà in his aphorismes v. mendac . had giuen his opinion concerning this equiuocall reseruation , in this manner : that in a case , b where a man is not bound to reueale the truth according to the intention of the demander , some say , that a man may answere by vnderstanding or reseruing something in his minde , as that is not so , to wit so , as that hee is bound to tell him : or that hee hath not such a thing , meaning , that hee hath it not to giue it vnto him . but others admit not of this kinde of answere ; and perhaps , vpon better ground and reason . thus hee gaue his iudgement of this poynt ; and so the booke passed in the low countries , and with approbation and commendation of silu. pardo , the inquisitor and censor there , and was printed at antwerpe 1599. but when it came to be perused , and reuewed at rome , the censor there , io. maria , master of the sacred palace , he purged the booke , and put out the last words , which were , c and perhaps vpon better reason . in which words sà had signified , that hee inclined to their opinion , who disliked this equiuocating by reseruation . and hence it appeareth , how acceptable and welcome this doctrine of equiuocation is in the popes palace . for whereas f. d persons saith , that in the last edition of sàes booke at rome 1607. this whole last sentence was left out , as though hee had changed his opinion . and e that it seemeth that emm. sà did afterwards change his opinion ; it is but a tricke of iugling , such as this father often vseth to delude his reader with . for sà died , as f ribadeneira reporteth , in the yeare 1596. eleuen yeares before this edition of rome , and three yeares before the impression of antwerpe , being then aboue threescore and ten yeares olde . and if sà , after so many yeares deliberation , had changed his opinion , how came it about that that change was not seene in the antwerpe copy , which was printed 3. yeares after he was dea● ▪ besides , the edition of rome , re-printed also at 〈◊〉 , an. 1612. doth professe , that that book was purged by ioan. maria , the master of the palace , and not that it was corrected or amended by sà , the first author of it . further , persons giueth no one piece of a reason , by which the reader may imagine , that sà did euer change that point . and therefore , this is but one of persons vsuall trickes of fittening , with which his brethren of the secular clergy doe so often charge him . now these considerations layed together , make mee thinke it very probable , that this arte receiued its life from the state and see of rome . but if any man can shew mee , whence it might rather haue its first ground , i will willingly yeeld to him ; and be thankefull to him , that can and will discouer the spring , or well-head , whence first flushed forth this muddy nylus , so fertile of crocodiles , i meane of this sophistique crocodilites , whereby vnware men are ouer-reached and caught . 4. my fourth assertion is ; it is obserued by learned men , that whosoeuer was the author , yet the iesuites , especially those of our english nation , haue beene the chiefe abettors , defenders and polishers of this arte. for proofe of this , i will set downe the words of some learned men . the a learned gentleman , who wrote the relation of religion , speaking of false newes , frequent at rome , for aduantage of their sect , addeth , that he found by obseruation , and iudgement of some wise men , that the iesuites were the masters of that mint , and that all those coynes were of their stamp ; and , that the iesuites were noted by some of their owne friends , to be too hardie equiuocators , and their equiuocations too hard . and hospinian a hauing cited many testimonies of iesuites for this arte , concludeth that therby it is euident , that many iesuits with great care haue explained and defended it , b that not without cause they are commonly thought to be the authors and inuentors of it . adde hereto that which the learned casaubon obserued , who was well acquainted not onely with the writings of all sorts of iesuits , but with the proceedings and dealings of our english iesuits also . hee telleth front● 〈◊〉 , a learned iesuit , c it is a cleare case , that many diuines of your order haue explained and maintained that arte : but they which haue especially polished it , i finde to be english men . yea and their owne brethren , the secular priests , lay the ouer-bold vse of equiuocation in their dish . e for so famous ( say they ) and so notorious are their equiuocations , and so scandalous , that the very protestants take notice thereof , &c. and , such iugglings , and shiftings of late haue beene vsed by them , that not onely protestants , but also catholickes , yea priests can scarse tell when they speake sincerely , when otherwise . and a little after , howsoeuer this kinde of dealing may seeme excusable vnto them , vnder the name of honest equiuocation ; sure i am that few honest men will excuse it from dishonest lying . and master watson f calleth it the iesuits rule of swearing and forswearing in a contrary sense and meaning ; and g a shift , which they call a lawfull equiuocation . and againe , hee h calleth these equiuocations , their absurd paradoxes of equiuocation . and the like speeches may be found in diuers other places of the priests bookes . by all which it may appeare , that learned men on both sides , not onely among the protestants , but also among popish priests , haue noted this deuice especially in the iesuits : which may be reason enough , ( beside that which is to be found in their owne writings ) to make any sober man resolue , that the iesuites haue had their fingers chiefly in this new deuised arte. and reason may perswade the same to be most likely ; because the iesuites are an order consecrated and deuoted from their very first birth to the popes will , to doe what may serue his turne . for so the iesuites themselues , who published sanchez . morall worke , doe professe in the epistle dedicatorie to pope gregorie 15. a that their first founder b did make himselfe and his order or societie vassals to the popes commaund , in a new and vnheard of manner . and therefore if the see and state of rome , did ( as before i shewed ) giue life , and credit and authoritie to this arte ; then , in reason it must be conceiued that the iesuites , who by their first institution are created the popes vassals , to serue at his pleasure , and to doe his will , would be the most forward in the ranke , to vphold and maintaine with all their wit , this deare childe of the popes owne breeding . and yet when i conclude that the iesuits are the most forward , and the men that haue polished this arte , my meaning is not , either to include all of that order within this compasse , or to exclude all others not of that order from it . for first among the iesuites , becanus doth disclaime it , as c being not taught by the iesuites , and vnlawfull to be practised by any . wherein hee saith well , that it is vnlawfull ; but ill , that it is not taught by the iesuites . for their doctrine this way is so cleare , and so open to the view of all men , that becanus in denying it , must needes either vse the arte of equiuocation , which himselfe condemneth , or else tell a flat and downe-right lye , which is not much better . and the like may be noted in the writings of some other iesuites , who deny and renounce this deuice . but they had best keepe themselues from rome ; for if they come in the censors hands , it is to be feared hee will deale with them , as he hath done with their felow s● already ; that is , circūcise their lips , and teach their pens to speake the roman language more purely . secondly , among those that be no iesuites , wee haue experience and examples good store , of them who haue learned this arte , and maintained it as stiffely , as the best iesuite can . in which number , i may place doctor norrice , who beeing apprehended in oxford , denyed himselfe to bee a priest , and afterward in prison did defend it by this sleight of equiuocation , and that he maintained to be lawfull , by the example of our blessed sauiour ; mar. 13. 32. but of that day & houre knoweth no man , neither the son , &c. and ioh. 7. 8. ego non ascendam , &c. for so he then alledged the place , as father persons also doth , against both the greeke , and their owne approued latine . in expounding , and applying of which texts to his purpose , how weakely he behaued himselfe , he may now bee pleased to call to his remembrance : that as he braggeth of his victories ouer other men , so for his humiliation , hee may sometimes call to mind his owne infirmities . and that perhaps may stand his soule in as good stead , as the meritorious forbearing of equiuocation , when he might lawfully vse it : which ( as father persons saith ) may increase his crowne and merit in heauen . but in earnest , he shall doe well , if in the next edition of his antidote , he place this question of equiuocation among the rest of his controuersies , and tell vs in good sadnes , what , after so many yeeres more , he thinketh of this point . but in the meane while , the reader may vnderstand , that dr. norrice is not the only man that ioyneth with the iesuites in the practice and maintenance of this arte. for in this small treatise may be seene diuers testimonies for it , out of other writers . and the secular priests , though they charge & vpbraid the iesuites with a nimium , too often and too bold a practice of it , yet themselues doe allow it , euen when they shew greatest opposition against the iesuites . so master watson a speaking of equiuocation , as a shift which the iesuites vse ; saith , that though there bee no question to bee made of it , but that in some sense it may bee lawfull , &c. in which place , the sum of that , wherein he sheweth his dissent & dislike of the iesuites , ( for his owne words are too many to be set down in this place ) is in these two things ▪ first , that the iesuites doe allow equiuocation in a case , wherein he thinketh a man is bound to speake the plaine truth . and secondly , that they doe hold , that they may not onely to their aduersaries ( to protestants ) but euen also to any catholike magistrate , yea to the pope himselfe , answere one way , and meane another . and to like purpose , the author of the replie to persons apologie , beeing to answere for d. bagshaw , whom persons had reprooued , as denying the doctrine of equiuocation ; saith , that the doctor , b no doubt , knoweth in what cases doubtfull answeres and equiuocations are to be made to curious questions : neither is it to bee thought ( saith he ) that he dissallowed thereof , but onely of the liberty , which is in the iesuites and their adherenes , in all their dealings with other men . by which it may appeare , that the difference betweene the secular priests and the iesuites in this point , is not about the equitie & lawfulnes of this arte , but about the liberty and large scope that the iesuites take , to practise it among their owne brethren , and before their owne magistrates and superiours , and in all their dealings . and surely , for our owne experience , i cannot learne any thing to the contrarie , but that our tribunals and places of iudicature , our bishops , iustices , and other officers , who haue to deale in their examinations , yea and that our common sort of christians who conuerse with them , doe find in their experience , that secular priests , and ●ale papists of all sorts , doe iumpe with the iesuites in the practice of this arte. notwithstanding , if any among them , which call themselues catholikes , doe renounce and disclaime it , as well in deedes as in words ; i am so far from fastening any imputation of disgrace vpon them for this iniquitie of their brethren , as that i wish and pray they may goe on , to forsake and abandon all other the abominations and errors of the roman church . but ( to draw toward an end in this point ) all things considered , my conclusion commeth to this head ; that this mystery of iniqu●ty spreadeth farre and neere in the papall kingdome , hauing receiued authority and countenance from the very roman see , and finding entertainement and acceptance among all inferiour sorts : but yet the iesuites are they that haue chiefely polished it , and most boldly practised it ; and among the iesuites , our english-men ( be it spoken to the credite of our nation ) doe beare the bell away . and from hence the reader may see why our diuines doe vsually ascribe this doctrine to the iesuites : and consequently what wee haue to answere to becanus his question . for a i desire to know ( saith he ) why you call this arte of deceiuing , iesuiticall equiuocation : and our answere is ready ; we call it iesuiticall , because men of that order , haue beene the chiefe abettors and polishers of that arte. chap. iii. of the matter or obiect of equiuocation , or in what cases it is allowed by the patrons of it . for the matter or obiect , about which this arte may be exercised , f. persons a seemeth to except two cases , in which they hold it vnlawfull to equiuocate first , in matters of faith : and secondly , in buying and selling , in common conuersation and humane traffique , to the hurt or preiudice of any . but this is but another tricke of his iuggling , by which hee would bleare the eyes of his reader ; and make the world beleeue that they vse no fraud , either in matters of religion , or in businesses with their neighboures , so that any body should be hurt or beguiled by them . for first , where he saith , that they may not vse equiuocation in matters of faith , perhaps in this saying he doth equiuocate with vs ; and meaneth , that we may not so vse equiuocation , as to deny any point of faith . but that in handling & dealing about matters of faith , it may bee lawfull with them to vse this arte ; there are good proofes from their own writings , beside all the experience of their practice . for f. persons saith , that b in matters of religion , it belongeth to the faith of the hearer-to seeke out the speakers reseruation for his better assurance . which is but a sclender comfort to a poore christian , who had as good seeke a needle in a bottle of hay , as a reseruation locked vp in an equiuocators mind : but hence it followeth , that he alloweth equiuocation in matters of religion . a-againe , the same father persons telleth vs , that a no man can deny , but many facts and cases may fall out concerning matters of religion , not tending to confession ( especially in time of persecution ) wherein a man may , or perhaps also must by obligation vse equiuocall speeches . here he granteth , that by their principles , it is an vndoubted conclusion , that in cases concerning religion , a man may equiuocate , so the case be not such , as tendeth to confession ; 1. as i vnderstand it , if by equiuocating he doe not seeme to deny the roman faith , which at such times , they hold it necessarie for their children , without any tergiuersation to confesse . but elsewhere hee vnfoldeth himselfe a little more plainely , when he saith of equiuocation , b that it may not be vsed in matters of religion , where confession of our faith is required . for this implyeth , that where confession of faith is not required , there it may be lawfull enough to equiuocate . but euident and cleare it is , that the c iesuite maketh our blessed sauiour to equiuocate in sundry matters of religion , and thence would perswade vs , that by his example , they may doe the like . as for example , hee did equiuocate , when he said of the day of iudgement , d of that day and houre knoweth no man , nor the sonne , &c. and when hee said of himselfe , e i iudge no man : the iesuite saith , that this speech without a mentall reseruation is false , and cannot stand , for that it should be contrary to many other places of scripture : and should imply a deniall of christs office to be our iudge . he proceedeth to other examples , and telleth vs , that christ did equiuocate about the sacrament of baptisme , when he said , f hee that shall beleeue , and be baptized , shall be saued : and about eating of the flesh of christ , g if any man shall eate of this bread , hee shall liue for euer : and about prayer , when hee said , h if ye shall aske any thing of my father in my name , he will giue it you . now the points here spoken of , and others of like nature , in which the iesuite findeth equiuocation to haue beene vsed in scriptures , are , i trow , matters of faith and religion . and hence it followeth , that equiuocators must either confesse that they abuse the world in alledging these and such like texts , to proue and vphold iesuiticall equiuocation , which is not there meant ; or that they hold their equiuocations to be lawfull , and sufficiently warranted , euen in principall matters of religion , such as are christs office of iudging , the doctrine of the sacraments , and prayer in christs name . in the first place then , when persons excepteth matters of faith from the practice of equiuocation , hee mocketh his reader with generall speeches , when hee meaneth no such thing ; but onely that men may not equiuocate , by denying in words their beliefe of the roman faith , or some such like . secondly , where persons saith that they allow not equiuocation in common conuersation , in buying , &c. it may be obserued that nauarre , a the famous reader in rome , doth highly commend this equiuocation as a b singular point of doctrine , by which wee may auoid innumerable sinnes which wee commit by denying and affirming without this mentall reseruation , with which if the words spoken were ioyned , they would become true . this he explaineth and confirmeth thus : c we are asked & demanded euery foot , whither we goe , what we haue eaten , how much money we haue , or haue borrowed , or haue giuen , what letters and newes we haue receiued , what wee haue written and related ; what such or such a man said to vs , what wee know of such or such a one : and many hundred like . to all which ( saith hee ) wee might answere without sinne , d by vnderstanding somewhat in our mindes , which may make that true , which we affirme , and that false , which wee deny : as for example , when a man asketh of vs , money , or a booke , or newes , &c. if wee answere him , i haue them not , or i know them not ; vnderstanding , e so as i am bound , or , as it is conuenient to doe it , or giue it , or to speake and make is knowne . the like is affirmed by a emm. rodriquez , who alledging this determination of nauarre , and transcribing also some of his words , addeth in the end , to shew how hee esteemed this deuice , b which doctrine ought to be marked and obserued . and fernandes c in his examen saith , that if a man being requested to lend a thing to his neighbour , d haue a cause or reason , why hee will not grant or giue it , &c. hee may sweare by equiuocation , that he hath not such a thing . and sanchez , e in common talke ( saith hee ) if a man be asked of a thing which it behooueth him to keepe secret , it is lawfull for him to say , that hee knoweth not , vnderstanding so as that it is expedient to tell it . and father persons f also thinketh it most iust and necessary , if a man come to borrow mony , whom we may not deny without inconuenience , that we may then answere equiuocally that wee haue it not ; vnderstanding , with any minde to lend it : or that wee haue it not in our purse , &c. which instances and examples , if they be not matters of common life and conuersation , i know not where to finde any . but it may be said , that persons , when he excepteth matters of common conuersation in buying , &c. hee addeth , to the hurt or preiudice of any ; as if hee meant by that restriction , to leaue a libertie of equiuocating , euen in buying and selling , and humane traffique ; so it be without the hurt of any man : but then vtterly to forbid it . and i graunt , hee addeth those words : but i cannot tell , whether he meant the vulgar reader to conceiue that meaning in them . howsoeuer , there is a mysterie in those words , which g nauarre , ( who vseth to deale aboue-boord , and to speake more plainely ) hath vnfolded , when he calleth it , h a reall and vniust hurt or preiudice ; by which hee vnderstandeth such an hurt , as wee may not doe to another , without sinne and iniustice . and then , the meaning of this goodly exception of persons , will be this ; that in buying , and selling , and humane traffique , and common conuersation , wee may not equiuocate , if thereby wee doe hurt any man vniustly and vnlawfully : but else , if any of their catholiques should thinke that the hurt which redoundeth to one of vs , is lawfull and iust , that then they may freely delude vs with their amphibologies and reseruations , in what matter soeuer , and for what end they please , though it were for massacring of an assembly , or for murdering of a prince , or for blowing vp of a parliament , or for the inuasion of the kingdome by hostile and forraine forces . and so by this exception we are well freed from the feare of these deluding and equiuocating spirits . let vs then dismisse persons , with his shifting exceptions and enquire more particularly and directly what the cases be , wherein they doe in sober sadnesse allow their schollers to vse the benefit of this art. and for this purpose i finde two things said by them . first , that whensoeuer a man may lawfully keepe silence , and say nothing , or whensoeuer hee is not bound to reueale and lay open the truth , then hee may lawfully equiuocate , and vse this sleight of amphibologie : be it a matter of faith , or a businesse of commerce and traffique , or a poynt of state , or what else you will , it mattereth not to this purpose . for proofe of this , first take the resolution of father garnet . he being prisoner in the tower , and required to declare his opinion concerning this point , set downe his minde in writing , which is yet kept vpon record : and it was this , a concerning equiuocation this is mine ●●pinion . in morall matters and common vse of 〈◊〉 ; to haue among friends it is required of a man to speake truth , then hee may not vse equiuocation , &c. but as oft as there is occasion for necessary defence , or for auoyding of some iniury or damage , or for obtaining some good of weight or moment , withall the perill of any 〈…〉 equiuocation 〈…〉 . in which speech , master casaubon doth truely note by the way , that those words , without the perill of any man , are onely added for a colour , and to blind the simple with : as i noted the like before , in a like sentence of father pers●ns . but the thing that i now note for this purpose , is , that he saith ; in cōmon vse of life , when it is required of a man to speake truth , then it is not lawfull to equiuocate . by which words he implyeth , that where a man is not of duety bound to speake or reueile the truth , there he may obscure & hide it by this arte. the same father garnet , while hee stood at the barre , in fewer words , and plainer manner explaineth his meaning thus ; a no man may equiuocate when he ought to speake the truth , otherwise he may . to like purpose fernandes b a man may lawfully vse it also , when he is iustly or lawfully demanded , if hee haue a reasonable cause not to answere according to the meaning of the demander . and heissius the iesuite , c not onely ( saith hee ) when the question is vniust , but also when it is without fault ; we are many times not bound to answere him that asketh the question , according to his intention and meaning : and that is , whensoeuer the demander hath not right to command an answere ; and the demanded hath a sufficient and not idle reason to deny it . for he that , may lawfully hold his pe●ce , ●ay , passing by the things that are asked him , speake some other thing with god , the heauenly spirits , or with himselfe , either by vocall or mentall speech , or by a mixt , speech , which is partly vocall and partly mentall . in these two last testimonies , the instance is in a particular case , when a man is examined or questioned : but the ground on which they build their determination , is a generall rule , that whensoeuer a man may lawfully say nothing , then he may lawfully equiuocate , and speake by a mixt proposition ; as appeareth plainely in the reason of heissius , now set downe in his owne words . and in a word , equiuocators say , that if a a man vse equiuocation with mentall reseruation , he doth not offend against the negatiue precept , which for , b●ddeth a man to lye ; because , whatsoeuer he speaketh in that maner , is a truth : onely hee may offend against the affirmatiue precept , if he doe then equiuocate , when he is bound to vtter and reueile the truth . and hence i inferre , that whensoeuer a man may lawfully say nothing , as not being bound to reueile the truth ; then in these mens opinion , he may lawfully speake by equiuocation . and this is the first thing that they say for this purpose . the second thing is , that b there is iust cause for vsing of equiuocation , whensoeuer it is necessary or expedient for preseruing of bodily safety , honor , houshold goods , or for any other act of vertue ; so that the hiding of the truth may then be thought to bee expedient and honest . so speaketh sanchez , meaning this rule of such an equiuocation as is ioyned with an oath . for else , c if there be no oath vsed , then honest sport vsed for lawfull recreation , may make the vse of equiuocation lawfull . but if there were an oath added , then it is an euident fault , because of the vaine and indiscreet vsing of gods name . so speaketh the same author not long after . from which words of the iesuite we may gather two things . 1. that an easie cause may suffice for iustifying of equiuocall speeches , in a simple assertion without an oath . if there bee no other cause but onely for merriment and recreation , yet that is reason inough to make the vse of equiuocation lawfull and honest . 2. that when other equiuocators doe require some kind of necessity or vtility which may draw men to vse it ; they are to be vnderstood of equiuocation ioyned with an oath , and not when it is vsed in a bare and simple affirmation or negation : vnlesse wee may conceiue , that sport and merriment goeth with them for a matter of necessite or great moment . and indeed , this difference giuen by father sanchez , betweene equiuocation with an oath , and without it , hath reason in it , if we consider their grounds and principles . for in affirmations and negations , there are two things required . 1. that no lye be told : for this is required by the negatiue precept of truth , as they vse to speake . and this fault , as they thinke , they auoide by their arte of reseruation . and secondly , that men conceale not a truth , when they are bound to disclose it : for this is required by the affirmatiue precept of truth . but in an oath , besides truth in the speech , there is a third thing required , and that is , that it be vndertaken with iudgement , that is to say , aduisedly and with due discretion . else , by swearing a truth vnaduisedly , gods name may be prophaned . there is reason then for this difference which sanchez maketh . and now by all this , the reader may see , that an easie cause is thought sufficient for the vsing of this arte. if it be for ease of the body , safety of a mans goods , preseruing of his credite , &c. then by their doctrine , a man may equiuocate with an oath : but if it be for sport and merriment only , yet then it may bee lawfull in affirmations and negations without an oath : prouided that it be such a case , in which a man may lawfully hold his peace , and bee not bound then to disclose the truth . by this it appeareth in generall , in what cases they allow the vse of this arte. but for fuller satisfaction of the reader , and for more distinct conceiuing of their meaning in this point ; it will not bee amisse to point out some speciall and particular cases , in which they giue expresse leaue for the practising of this sleight . and they be these , and such like . 1 if a priest , that hath heard another mans confession , should be demanded , whether such a one had confessed such a sinne vnto him , or not ; — he may answere directly , that hee hath not confessed any such thing vnto him , albeit hee had done so : yea , he may sweare also this answere of his , vnderstanding and reseruing in his minde , that the penitent hath not confessed the same vnto him , so as he may vtter it . these be father persons a words . and hee saith , they be agreeable to the mind of all schoole-doctors . 2 b if a penitent be asked without a iust cause , whether he haue confessed such or such a sinne ( which he had confessed to the priest ) he may sweare he confessed it not , vnderstanding , so as that he is bound to tell him . so speaketh sanchez , and citeth others of the same opinion . 3 c if a iudge do against iustice question a defendant , and doe not question according to order of law ; the defendant may vse equiuocation , and sweare according to his owne meaning : that is , by a secret reseruation kept in his mind . so saith tolet. and sanchez saith the like , d when the iudge that questioneth , is not the lawfull iudge of him that is questioned , or is not his iudge in that peculiar case ; the defendant may vse equiuocation . and the like he saith , if the iudge bee an excommunicate person . and the like father persons doth largely confirme , e when the iudge is not lawfull , or not competent at least in that cause , or proceedeth not lawfully . in these cases , they thinke that a man questioned before a magistrate , may vpon his oath , by an equiuocall reseruation , deny that which he knoweth to be true . 4 f if one doe ignorantly kill a man , thinking him to be a wild beast , ( a deere for example ) or if he kill a man in his owne defence ; he may being questioned of the fact , denie it vpon his oath . 5 g when an vniust taxe is set vpon a commoditie , if a man sell it for more , or maketh light waight , and scant measure , so that he make himselfe satisfaction for the wrong of the taxe , and yet sell his commodities worth the moeny ; he being examined by a iudge , whether he sold the commodity for more , or came short in his waight or measure , hee may deny it , and say , that he sold it for the price that was set him , and that he gaue full waight and measure ; meaning so , as that selling for more , or comming short in his waight or measure , he did commit an offence . 6 a if a man be found slaine , with a sword lying by him ; and a guiltlesse person should be asked , whether that sword were his , or whether hee passed that way at such an houre , ( which things are true , and are inquired after as signes of that murder , which he committed not ) he may denie it . 7 b if a man haue borrowed money , and paied it againe , and be examined of the iudge , concerning the money that he borrowed ; he may sweare that he borrowed not that money ; vnderstanding so as that he is now bound to pay it . and so a man may sweare , that he had not such money , which hee did receiue ; if through pouerty he be excused from making payment , or if he should be vrged to pay it , before the day that it is due . 8 c if a creditor haue money owing him vpon bond , part whereof is p●yed vnto him , but as much is due vnto him some other way , for which hee hath no instrument to shew : if he be required before a iudge , to sweare whether part of that debt were payd him ; he may sweare that it was not paied , vnderstanding , so but that as much is now due to him , some other way . 9. d if a man be forced to promise marriage to a woman , whom otherwise he is not bound to marrie [ the meaning is , if he be vrged and pressed by a iudge against reason , to make that promise ] he may sweare , that hee will marry her , though hee meane it not , vnderstanding within himselfe , if i be bound to doe so , or , if afterward i shall like of it . 10 a if a woman , that hath played the whore , bee asked by her husband , whether she haue committed adultery , shee may sweare that she hath not done it , vnderstanding within her selfe , so as i may or meane to tell you of it . 11 b if a man haue contracted himselfe to a woman , and afterward make another contract with another , by words de praesenti : and being called before the bishop , and there asked , whether he made such a contract de praesenti with this later woman , he may sweare hee did not , vnderstanding , so as that it is a marriage . 12 c if a man bee requested to lend money , when hee is not bound to lend it , though he haue the money by him , yet he may sweare that he hath it not , vnderstanding within himselfe , so as that he will lend it him . 13 d if a man come from london in a time of infection , to couentrie , were he cannot be admitted to ledge , vnlesse he will sweare , that he came not lately from london ; hee may sweare that he came not from london , reseruing in his mind , so as that i am infected with the plague , if vpon good reason he thinke that he is not infected . 14 e if a man in common talke bee asked of any matter which it behooueth him to keepe secret , he may lawfully say , that he knoweth not , vnderstanding , so as it is behoouefull to tell it : or with any other reseruation that he will imagine . lastly , a if he that asketh the question , doe exclude the vse of equiuocation , and require a man vpon his oath not to vse any equiuocation , and that he meaneth what he speaketh without any equiuocation at all ( as it is in the oath of allegiance ) yet he may sweare it still , vnderstanding , so as he ought to speake plainely ; or framing some other reseruation in his mind , by which it may be made true . these and such like be the cases , in which they allow their equiuocating fraudes . i could adde more , but i feare i haue wearied the reader by too many already . surely , by this that hath beene said , we may learne two things , which it is requisite all plaine-meaning christians should take notice of . 1 that equiuocators , and such as are instructed in this arte , doe take vnto themselues a large liberty of vsing this fraudulent deuice . for out of the premises it may appeare , that whatsoeuer busines or occasiō be offered , be the matter sacred or ciuill , publike or priuate , in open courts of iustice , or in common practice of life ; yet if they can perswade themselues that they haue any serious cause to conceale the truth , whether it be for some good to their soules , or for safety of their bodies , or keeping of their goods , &c. they may freely sweare the contrary to that truth , by an equiuocall or mentall reseruation . and if they haue any light cause or reason , if it be but for sport or merriment to recreate themselues , then they may deceiue vs by an equiuocation , in a simple affirmation or negation , hauing no oath in it . and this being so , i desire euery christian , that would not be deceiued , to consider with himselfe , whether he can thinke of any busines that passeth between man and man , in which hee may promise to himselfe plaine dealing , or may presume that he shall not bee deceiued by some mortall deuice or other , if hee haue to doe with them , who doe professe this equouicating arte. secondly , we may learne , that there is no limitation , or exception , or explication , be it neuer so wise or wary , nor any thing which mans wit can deuise , that may restraine or keepe backe these equiuocators , from deluding vs by their equiuocall speeches ; but that say or doe what a man will or can , they will take libertie to equiuocate still : so that no oathes , how warily and carefully soeuer they be framed , can hold these men , further then themselues will. a pacenius discoursing of the oath of allegiance , laugheth at the simplicitie ( as hee calleth it ) of our king and state , who thought by that oath to prouide for their safetie : as hauing hedged it about with so many circumstances , as that , to their thinking , no man could winde himselfe out of it with a safe conscience . but they consider not ( saith hee ) that if the pope shall dissolue this oath , al the bands of it , either for performance of fidelitie to the king , or for not admitting a dispensation from rome , are shattered in pieces . nay , i will say one other thing ( saith hee ) that is more admirable . an vniust oath , when it is declared to be such , bindeth no man : but that this oath is vniust , hath beene sufficiently declared by the pastor of the church . hee meaneth the pope . and hereupon hee inferreth in an insulting manner ; b thou seest now ( saith hee ) that the band of that oath is v●nished into smoak , so that the 〈◊〉 which so many wise men thought to be as strong as iron , proueth weaker then straw . thus this man boasteth , that by the popes dispensation , or declaration of the vnlawfulnesse of it , no oath in the world is any thing worth . a great priuiledge sure for them , that can so easily winde themselues out of bands , euen the strongest that can be thought of , among men . and yet me thinketh , aliud admirabilius , the equiuocators haue found a more admirable deuice then this of pacenius is . for he sendeth a man to rome , to fetch a dispensation thence , or to get the popes declaration of the vnlawfulnesse of the oath , and then they may breake all . but our equiuocators haue that at home , and within their own brests , that may free them from all . for if themselues doe but thinke that the thing is vnlawfull , or that they haue some reasonable cause , to dissemble , they may take this or any other oath whatsoeuer , and by an equiuocall reseruation , breake the band of that oath , before they take it . and if such be the priuiledges of these men , how great is their danger , that liue and conuerse with them ? god preserue all well-meaning men from such deceitfull tongues . chap. iiii. of the vse , or rather abuse of equiuocation , and for what turnes it may serue . equiuocation , such as hath beene described before , may be beneficiall to them that vse it many wayes , and for diuers purposes . for in the generall it may serue them for all turnes , in which by mis-leading the hearer , they may make any aduantage to themselues : and more particularly it may serue them for these speciall ends and purposes . first , in state-businesses , and matters of policie , it may serue great men , to hide their plots , and to worke their ends by : and yet to make faire weather towards all men , and beate them in hand that they meane nothing but friendship and loue . in this kinde a nauarre telleth vs of a great monarch , who hee thought had vsed , and did then vse this good art ( as he calleth it ) by the benefit whereof , euery man was contented and pleased , that came to him , or had to deale with him about great affaires . b for ( saith he ) hee is thought so to entertaine and to heare those that come vnto him , and in answering , so to expresse and declare himselfe vnto them with whom hee hath to deale , as well by gesture , as by words and deedes , that the things being vnderstood according to their meaning , doe please and content them● , though in themselues they be false , but are true according to the reseruations vnderstood by the answerer . the same nauarre addeth further , c that he thinketh another great monarch meant to teach his sonne d this doctrine and good arte of equiuocating , when for some secret defect , hee drew him backe from the studie of learning , saying , i would not haue my sonne to haue any more latine , then onely that one apophe he giue , * qui deseit dissimulare , nescit regnare . doe they thus instruct their catholique princes , to dissemble and equiuocate ? and call they it a good arte , by which they may possesse men with a good opinion of them , when they meane quite otherwise ; that so they may worke their ends , and bring about their proiects and plots ? why , then i neede not feare to say , that one turne , for which the doctrine of equiuocation doth serue them , is in state businesses to hide their plots , and to worke their ends by it . which as it is aduantagious to themselues , so it is dangerous for those that haue to deale with them . secondly , it may serue them , for a meanes to hide their mischieuous plots against the state and religion , and yet to escape the hand of iustice after all . for when they haue plotted and acted treasons , or are about any vnlawfull businesse , forbidden by the wholesome lawes of the kingdome ; equiuocation serueth to hide both themselues and their associats , from the enquiry of the magistrate , be hee neuer so vigilant and carefull . for if one of them be examined or asked , whether hee haue reconciled such a man to the pope , or absolued such a subiect from his bond of allegiance , or haue conspired against the life of the king , or haue beene acquainted with a plot of blowing vp the parliament ; though all these things be most true , yet hee may without scruple deny them all vpon his oath . or in case one be detected otherwise , and examined , who were his associats , whether such a priest , or such a iesuite , or such a gentleman were priuy to the thing ; though these men were all of them as deepe in the villany , as himselfe ; yet he may sweare that none of them all did know the least iote of the matter . and by these trickes they can worke all mischiefe to kings , and nobles , and people , and parliaments ; and yet wind themselues and their complices out of the hands of iustice ; vnlesse god doe disclose them , as many times he doth beyond the prouidence or expectation of man. for rather then treasons should goe vnespied , god maketh a the bird of the ayre to carry the voyce , and that which hath wings to tell the matter ; saith salomon . this vse southwell the iesuite made of this arte. for , fearing to be detected , b hee instructed a woman-disciple of his , that if shee should be examined , whether himselfe were or had beene in that house , shee should vpon her oath vtterly deny it ; and so shee might safely doe , vsing but the helpe of this arte , though shee had often seene him there , and knew him to be in the house . and to like purpose c tresham , one of the gun-powder traitors , vpon examination did confesse that father garnet was priuy to the treason , and had talked with him about it : but afterward , hauing been better instructed or confirmed in this rare mystery , when he lay sicke on his death-bed , and not aboue three or foure houres before his death , hee protested , and tooke it vpon his saluation , and set it downe vnder his hand , that his former confession was false , and that hee had not seene garnet of sixteene yeeres space before , at the least . and thus hee died . which protestation of his , vpon his oath , was proued not long after , to be most vntrue . yea , and garnet himselfe confessed , that within that space hee had seene him many times . whereupon this graue father , and grand equiuocator being demanded what he then thought of treshams testamentall protestation , hee answered , a it may be hee meant to equiuocate . and this reuerend father himselfe , who was prouinciall of the iesuits , when after secret conference betweene him and hall , another iesuite in the tower , hee was asked before all the lords commissioners , whether hall and hee had any conference together , and was desired not to equiuocate ; hee stiffely denied it vpon his soule , reiterating it with so many detestable execrations , as wounded their hearts to heare him . and afterward , when he knew that the thing was knowne , and that hall his fellow-iesuite had confessed it ; hee cryed the lords mercie , and said hee had offended , if equiuocation did not helpe him . and though the priests accuse the iesuites for it , yet when they are examined before a magistrate , or officer , they also say and sweare and protest all maner of falshoods and vntruths , that so they may winde either their fellowes or themselues out of the danger of the law. and indeede this is the chiefe and principall turne , for which equiuocation is intended to serue them . thirdly , in matters of religion this good art may serue them to auoide arguments and euident reasons brought against them , which their owne consciences doe acknowledge to be true . for hereby they can glosse the fathers sayings against their meaning , and deny all sorts of authorities that are alledged against them . for so themselues professe to their friends in secret , a seeing ( say the belgicke censurers ) in other ancient catholiques , wee beare with very many errours , and doe lessen and excuse them , and very often by some deuised shift doe deny them , and feine vnto them some commodious meaning , when they be obiected against vs in disputations and conflicts with the aduersaries : wee see no reason why bertram may not deserue the like equitie or fauourable dealing , and diligent reuising . this they professe among their friends ( for their meaning was not that euer it should come to our sight : ) and being that they hold all lying to be so sinfull , that they may not tell a lye for the sauing of a soule , it were too hard a censure to thinke , that against the light of their owne consciences , they would so wilfully thrust themselues on that danger , and so boldly professe it in the eares of their friends . but by this fine arte they can quiet the murmuring of their consciences , because by it , they can say any thing , neuer so false , and yet by a reseruation , make it as true as the gospell . this consideration maketh mee not to maruell , when in men , that professe such religious strictnesse , ( as father persons b saith they doe , ) i finde such broad and vnreasonable expositions and glosses of fathers and other writers , as that no man of vnderstanding who readeth the places , but will see , that the glosse doth corrupt the text , and the expositions doe clearely depraue the authors meaning . for i know that an equiuocator hath an arte , by which hee can make all speeches to become true , if once they doe but come forth of his mouth . fourthly , it may serue them for deuising and counterfeiting of strange apparitions , and heauenly visions , and diuine miracles . this , how frequent it hath beene heretofore , the wisest and most learned among their owne writers doe confesse and bewaile . and of late yeeres their owne c brethren doe say , that the miracles and visions reported of d ignatius , and e iustinian and f xauier , and others of the iesuiticall straine and order , are not much better . and what should let vs to thinke , but they which presume so much in other things , in ordine ad deum , and pro bono societatis , in reference to god , and for the good of their order ; would not sticke to fitte● and faine and tell of glorious facts , and admirable wonders which were neuer done , and make faire shewes without substance , if these may helpe to aduance the papall dignitie , or the iesuiticall order , especially seeing they know how to say and write and sweare any thing for so great a good , without the least grudge of conscience ? fiftly , it may serue them for forging and diuulging of false , especially slanderous reports against their aduersaries and enemies of their profession . a thing so generally and so boldly practised by the men of this faction , especially by the fathers of ignatius his order , that g wise men haue much wondred , when in such politique persons as iesuites are , they haue seene and obserued such a strange liberty in coyning of forged tales , as that the vntruthes which they haue broached , might well be called splendida mendacia , transparent lyes , such as by their owne light bewray themselues , or such as within a few dayes might and haue appeared to the world to be loude and lewd lyes , that might shame their master . and wee might well wonder , if we knew not the iesuites new arte , that men of any either conscience or honest minde , could let passe out of their mouthes , or from their pens , such shamefull and yet shamelesse fictions . for example ( to giue the reader a taste of their forgeries and lying slanders ) luther was a great mawle , that battered their babel ; and of him they reported , and printed it too , that hee was dead and buried , which was no great wonder : but ( that which was worth the straining of their wits ) when hee lay a dying , hee tooke order , that his bodie should be layed on the altar , and adored as a god. and when hee was dead , and buried , that there was such a terrible noyse and tumult about his graue , as if heauen and earth had gone together . and the night after his buriall , that there was a much greater and more hideous noyse and shricking then before . and when , vpon the occasion of this fearefull noyse , which frighted all the citizens out of their sleepe , his graue was opened the next day , there was neither bodie , nor bones , nor graue-clothes to be seene ; but so hellish a stinke came out of his graue , as with the poyson of it , it had almost killed the standers by . and all this while luther was aliue , and did helpe to demolish their babel still ; and not long after the same time , published a book in print , & gaue it this title , contra papatū à diabolo institutum , against the papacie sounded by the deuill . this story if any man be desirous to see , he may read melch. adamus , in the booke which he wrote of the liues of german diuines . a where he may also reade the words of the lying relation , printed by them in italian , and afterward translated into latine . after this practice against luther , they fell vpon caluin , the wounds of whose pen were deepe in their sides ; and of him they scattered this newes in the courts of the german princes , and in a generall assembly in germany , that caluin now was weary of his religion , had reuolted , and was turned papist . and at this very time , was hee printing his booke of institutions : and in a b preface prefixed before this booke , doth make answere to this slander , and telleth these lying spirits , c the deuill and all his rowt of lying spirits are deceiued , if they thinke by lading me with base lyes , to discourage or hinder mee in my course . in like manner , but with more shamelesse impudency , they afterward traduced beza . of whom there were not onely false reports scattered through italie , germany , & other countries , but letters also were written & diuulged to this purpose ; that beza a a little before his death had recanted his religion in a ful assembly of the senators of geneua , beseeching them that if euer they would be saued , they should renounce caluins errours , and betake themselues to the profession of the romish faith ; that for more full testification of his vnfained conuersion , after his death hee desired them to send for and to be aduised and directed by the iesuites ; that hereupon the pope had appointed the bishop of geneua to absolue beza , and other learned men , such as could be had neere at hand , to goe to geneua , and consider of the businesse , and deale with the inhabitants , if any were more backeward , about points and articles of religion in question . after which relation , the reporter addeth , that this newes is most certaine and true ; as may appeare by the numberlesse company of letters written to this purpose , and will ( as hee saith ) appeare at the next franckford mart , by the store of bookes which would then flye abroad in the world , for the witnessing of this thing . hee yet goeth on further , and for more abundant proofe , telleth vs , that puteanus , the generall of the iesuites , who liued within twelue miles of geneua , had by writing related this newes , adding moreouer , that himselfe was one of those fathers , whom the pope had appointed to goe and instruct the citizens of geneua . yea , and moreouer , saith the relator , the landgraue of hessen , being scared with this newes , sent messengers to geneua , who after their returne confirmed all this to be true . this they reported of beza ; without either fear of god or reuerence of men . for all this while beza was aliue ; and continued preaching and writing against the superstitions and idolatries of the romane church , for diuers yeeres after . and for the clearer detection of this shamelesse lye , he wrote a booke , the title whereof is beza rediuiuus , beza returned to life againe : wherein he hath laid open the iesuites forgeries , to the shame of their order . i could bring more instances of their abominable forgeries of this kinde , but i am afraide to cloy the reader with such vnsauoury fictions . yet two examples there are , ( both within mine owne knowledge and experience ) which i cannot omit , without some short rehearsall . the one is , of the famous diuine , doctor rainolds , president of corpus christi colledge in oxford : and the other , of the worthy prelate doctor king , bishop of london , my euer-honoured lord. of the former , some well-willers to the romane-church , were discouered to haue diuulged reports , in the time of his long sicknesse , ( for hee died of a lingring consumption ) that hee voyded his owne ordure vpward by the mouth : ( of which lye what construction ill mindes would frame , any man may easily conceiue . ) this report was brought to him while he was yet aliue , which made him to send for the partie , who was said to be the author , or at least a reporter of this forgerie , and shewed him what the matter was , that hee vsed to spit out of his mouth , euen the very same that other such sicke men vse to doe . but these lyers might haue proceeded perhaps to fowler fictions , had they not beene preuented by the timely prouidence of some learned , and his louing and religious friends . for they remembring and considering the shamelesse practices of papists , in scattering false newes to disgrace the worthies of our church , came to him the day before his death , put him in minde of their false dealing , and desired him , that for the preuenting of such slanders after his death , hee would now make an open confession of his faith , and constant beliefe . which he being not able to doe with his owne mouth , his speech hauing fayled him some dayes before , left the composing of a forme of confession to them , to which hee would subscribe . and they considering his weakenesse , framed it in generall and few words , in this manner ▪ these are to witnesse vnto all the world , that now in this my weakenesse , wherein i looke for my dissolution , and hope shortly to be with my christ , i die in a constant beliefe , perswasion , and profession of that holy truth of god , in defence whereof i haue stood both by writing and speaking , against the church of rome , and what soeuer other enemies of gods truth . and for mine owne resolution touching mine owne state of saluation after this life , i assure my selfe thereof , by the merits of christ iesus onely , into whose hands i commend my spirit , as vnto my faithfull redeemer . to this he readily subscribed with his owne hand ; iohn rainolds . and his friends then present , who had beene eye-witnesses and eare-witnesses of the whole passage of this businesse , did by their hands witnesse the truth of the act to the world , in these words : that hee made this subscription with his owne hand , with such willingnesse and chearefulnesse , as ministred great comfort vnto vs , who were then present ; wee testifie by this subscription of our names also hereunto . may 20. 1607. henrie airay vice-chancelor . henrie wilkinson . edward rilston . richard taylor . henrie hindle . daniel faireclough . henrie mason . alexander how. iohn dewhurst . the originall hereof signed with doctor rainolds owne hand , and subscribed by the afore-named parties , i haue in my custodie : out of which this is a true and faithfull transcript here published . now blessed be his counsell , and blessed be hee of the lord , that gaue this aduise for the stopping of these slandrous mouthes . for had not this preuention beene vsed afore-hand , we may feare that such as belied him in his sicknesse , would not haue spared him after his death . and for want of some such prouidence and preuention it is , that that reuerend and learned prelate , ( whose memory is precious with all good men that knew him ) our late bishop of lo●don i meane , mine euer-honoured lord and patrone : for want , i say , of some such prouidence afore-hand , this glorious soule hath beene traduced by worthlesse pennes , and foule-mouthed fiends ( the indignitie of the thing maketh mee , against my nature and custome , to giue them that name whereof they are most worthy ) as if hee had made defection to the roman church ; to whose errours notwithstanding he shewed himselfe an enemy to his dying-day : as those that knew him inwardly , doe know very well , how in the very time of his sicknesse , hee spared not vpon occasion to expresse his zeale that way . but of all foule-mouthes , that haue slandered that blessed soule , hee that wrote the bishop of londons legacie , is the most shamelesse and impudent lier . the author of the protestants plea is but a milke-sop to this noble champion : and father persons himselfe must now be forced to resigne vp to him the whetstone , which his secular brethren bestowed vpon him for his excellency in the fittening trade . for they and other of their fellowes , haue played their prizes well : but this l●yer excelleth them all . he hath made two publications of one indiuiduall booke , qualifying , or rather destroying in the latter , some transparent lyes , which with an whores forehead , and without regard of the worlds censure , hee had auerred in the former . for , in the yeere 1622. when hee first diuulged this libell , he made the worthy bishop to speake those silly motiues , which his worthlesse selfe ●ad deuised . and so hee went masked vnder the bishops name : but with such difformitie and disproportion euery way , as made mee remember the asse in the fable ; which presuming to weare the lyons skinne , did by his long eares bewray himselfe to be an asse notwithstanding . he saith , that the bishop himselfe did penne those motiues , and deliuered them to this publisher , this publique lyer , to be committed to the presse . i would the world were worthy to vnderstand what rare man this is , that had such inward acquaintance with that learned and wise bishop , as to heare from him the secrets of his heart , and to receiue from him the studied reasons of his conuersion , which were neuer made knowne to any bodie else . and sure , it were a great honour to see that face , that could come and goe , and conuerse with the bishop about these weightie affaires , and in this serious manner , without being once seene of any other man ; as if by the vertue of some gyges his ring , he had bin transformed into an inuisible spirit . but he goeth on , and saith that the man is knowne that reconciled the bishop to the romane church . but it is to be feared , he will neuer make knowne the mans name to the world , lest if the reconciler should proue more shamefaste , then this publisher is , hee might returne the lye vpon the author that deuised it , and spit his shame in his owne face . and yet say , hee both can and will name the man , what great mastery is in this ? or what great credit might such a circumstance , comming from an equiuocator , gaine to his cause ? for did not puteanus the prouinciall of the iaesuites , name the man that reconciled beza to their church ? yes ▪ he said expressely ( not with ifs and and 's , as this publisher doth ) that the man was the bishop of geneua . and did hee not name beside , both the man that was sent to catechize the citizens of geneua in the romane faith ; and the man that sent messengers to enquire of this news in geneua , & found it to be true ? yes . for , for the one ▪ he nameth himselfe , who among others , was going to geneua to instruct them . and for the other , hee nameth the lantgraue of hessen , who was a prince not farre off , and knew the vndoubted truth of this newes . iesuites and equiuocators are ashamed of nothing . and yet , i would we might be so much beholding to this publisher , as to publish the reconcilers name , that performed so great a worke for this great man. to this purpose this publike lyer spake in the first publication of his booke ; which not long after was suppressed and kept from the view of the world . i suppose , some of his superiours more wary then himselfe , being ashamed of such shining lyes , did call in the booke , till some kinde of qualification might temper those shamelesse and hideons vntruths . and then in the yeere following 1623. hee made a new publication of the same worthy worke , changing onely the title-leafe , and the preface to the reader . and in this second publication , hee is contented to owne his owne abortiue brat , which in the former hee had without shame fathered vpon the worthy bishop : and wisheth that himselfe may be taken to haue written those motiues , as a precedent or patterne warranting any protestant in the change of his religion , though by a poeticall freedome peculiarly applyed to the bishop . and whereas throughout the whole booke , hee maketh the bishop speake what himselfe had forged ; hee now giueth his reader leaue with his full consent and allowance , to suppose all these passages to be fictiones personarum , and warranted by the figure prosopopeia , that is , a fiction of the person . it were some signe of grace , if he had acknowledged the whole fiction , as hee doth this part of it . but he goeth on still : and euen in the new altered preface , or aduertisement to the reader , hee accuseth the bishop of defection from his religion ; and by a figuratiue kinde of pre●er●tion , hee spareth pere●●p●orily to affirme , that the bishop did write and deliuer to others any reasons or motiues of his change in religion . in which speech , this slanderer would haue his reader to vnderstand that , which himselfe dareth not speake ; that when it shall appeare to be a shamelesse forgery , hee may wipe his mouth with the whore in the prouerbes , and say , that hee said it not . but , foule-mouth , if thou hast any thing to say , spit out : and labour to giue some satisfaction to the world , to auoid the euidence of coozening the liuing , and slandering the dead . for know , that the world already is possessed with this opinion , that thou must needes be some ignorant iesuite ▪ ( for none else can be imagined to be so bayardly bold . ) and if now thou forbeare to produce some proofe , or some probabilitie , or some possibility , how these things might be ; wee shall resolue vpon it , that persons his ghost is risen from the dead , and hath brought with him seuen other spirits worse and more lying then himselfe ▪ and that that is the reason , why such vast and shamelesse forgeries doe shew themselues in this man. but i leaue this lyer for this time : and humbly pray the worthies of our church , that they would take these things into their consideration : and as men that deale with thornes , doe fence their hands with thicke gloues ; so seeing they doe liue , and must die in the middest of such slanderous tongues , they would arme themselues against such malice , by an open profession of their faith , at such times especially as they are ready to leaue the world ; lest they may be slandered after their deaths , when they will want libertie to defend themselues . but heere i stay my course . for i perceiue i haue in part digressed already ; and yet not so , as that i am gone from the matter in hand . for i was saying , that equiuocation did serue the masters of it for this turne among others ; that by it they might without scruple of cons●lence , defame and belye the worthies of our church , that so they might gaine the more credit to their owne . now how they vse to defame our learned men , i haue declared fully by this digression , if the reader will so esteeme it : and what vse equiuocation may stand them in this practice , will not be hard for any man to conceiue . for a wonder it might seeme , that men of any religion or conscience , should endure themselues , while they broach such broad-faced lyes . but the arte of equiuocation will presently remoue all such scruple or grudge . for it teacheth how to speake all vntruths , without telling of the least lye : and so the equiuocator needeth not to haue any scruple in that respect . and this doubt being once remoued , there can be no further let to hinder their proceeding . for , what though the heretiques complaine of wrong and iniustice done to them in their good name ? that skilleth not . for , in ordine ad deum , and pro bono societatis , that is lawfull enough , or rather very meritorious . for the a seculars tell vs , that when a priest complained to the iesuites , or some one among them , of wrong done to master bennet by their defamation , reply was made , that it was necessary or conuenient hee should be disgraced , because hee was against their societie . where the author or authors of that booke adde further , that the iesuites hold such deuillish principles , whereby they may at pleasure defame whom they please . and if they take such libertie of conscience against their own catholique brethren ; they will out of question make no bones to slander and disgrace an heretique . this then is one turne among the rest , and it is a speciall one and of great vse for their purpose , that by this arte of equiuocating , they can defame and disgrace , and ( as we plaine-dealers doe call it ) belye whom they will , without any offence or grudge of conscience . sixtly , in ordinary dealings and course of life , equiuocation may serue them , for concealing of any truth , or perswading of any vntruth , if either of them may make for their aduantage . so a nauarre telleth vs , that if wee be asked what wee haue eaten , how much money wee haue , what wee haue heard , &c. in these and all such cases as these , if there be aduantage to be gotten by it , we may by this fine arte , conceale the truth , or speake an vntruth , so as by subintell●ction ▪ or a mentall reseruation , wee make vp the matter . and the b seculars tell vs , that the iesuites make equiuocation to serue their turnes so frequently in this kinde , as , that their owne catholique brethren ; nay , their fellow priests can scarce tell when they speake sincerely , when otherwise . they might haue added , no nor their holy father the pope neither . for , father standish coozened and deluded him also , by equiuocation , thereby to oppresse the secular priests ; as c they complaine in diuers places of their bookes . and if this arte can serue for this turne , when they deale with his holinesse himselfe ; no maruell if they make the same vse of it , whensoeuer they haue to deale with 〈…〉 enemies of their r●ligion : as father 〈…〉 who d giuing his faith , in verbo 〈…〉 prisoner to the knight-marshall , yet did 〈…〉 word and that oath . but the good father ( say his secular brethren ) had perhaps some mentall 〈◊〉 ▪ wherewith to rescue his soule , at least from remorse , though not from the deuill . as for example , as hee was in that minde hee would be true prisoner , or for any thing the keeper should know to the contrary , till hee were escaped ; or that hee meant not to runne away on his head , but on his feete ; or that hee would not breake away so long as the knight-marshall or his deputie stood by and looked on ; or that hee wo●ld not breake away as a priest , but is a iesuite ; or that hee would not 〈◊〉 with a minde euer to come againe with his will 〈◊〉 that null● fides s●uanda haereticis ; or , how many ors might i make vpon this point ? saith the author of that booke . but the point is plaine , and as well proued to be true , of all sorts , as heere it is affirmed of the iesuites ; though i will not denie these fathers the precedencie in this practice . equiuocation then serueth for many singular turnes , and for vses of great consequence and moment : and therefore it is no maruell that they doe so hugge and embrace it , as a dearling of great worth . chap. v. of the grounds and arguments , either for or against equiuocation . in setting down the reasons on either side , i shall not neede to be long ; because i haue beene large already in vn●olding the nature and conditions of this art , in the points hitherto spoken of : and the discouery of such a monstrous deuice is argumēt inough to disproue it . it may then be sufficient for this place , first , to answere the chiefe arguments , which are brought in defence of it ; and then in the second place , to set downe some fewe reasons , that may refute it . and first , for their arguments , they are many in particular ; for father persons findeth 8 or 9 at least , in one piece of a chapter : & how many then might he haue found , if he had sought all the chapters of the bible , in the like maner ? but the wren hath moe birds then the eagle : and errors doe more vsually abound with their rotten proofes , then truths doe with sound and substantiall reasons . and it is no maruell . for a false conclusion hath no direct or good proofe at all : and cauils and impertinent flourishes for euery thing , may bee infinite and without number . and so it is in this case . for such proofes , as the 8 or 9 are , which father persons findeth in one chapter , he might haue found 8 or 900 in the compasse of the bible . but howsoeuer the particular allegations be so many ; yet all of them may easily be reduced to some few heads : and so many of them together may be cut off at one blowe . the heads then , to which the substance of all that they say , may be reduced , are these three . 1. examples of holy men . 2. examples of god himselfe . and 3. examples of iesus christ our blessed 〈◊〉 . and first , for examples of holy men , they being in , the patriarches and prophets , and other saints of god. for abraham , say they , did equiuoca●e , when he said of sarah , that she was his sister : and 〈◊〉 , when hee said , i am thy first-borne esau● and moses , when he said to pharaoh , that they would 〈…〉 the wildernes , but meant to go to 〈◊〉 and samuel , when he said , he went to offer 〈◊〉 , but principally intēded to annoint dauid to be king of israel : and dauid , when he told ahimelech ▪ the king 〈…〉 a businesse , &c. and ieremie , when ●o question of the nobles , who demanded of him , what saidst thou to the king , &c. he answered , i presented my supplication to the king , that he would not cause me to returne to ionathans house , to 〈◊〉 there : whereas hee talked with 〈◊〉 , concerning his yeelding vp to the king of babylon . for answere to these and the like , i note 〈◊〉 things , by way of preamble . 1. that the old hereticks , th● priscillianists , who defended the lawfulnesse of 〈◊〉 , as now the papists doe of equi●●cating , did alledge 〈◊〉 same places and examples , at least m●ny of them , for proofe of their heresie ; which our iesuites doe for confirmation of their opinion . and they had better shew of reason then these men haue ; for diuers of those instances were either direct and culpable vntruthes , or seemed at least to border too neere vpon such obliquity : but as for this new found equiuocation by mentall reseruation , it hath no shew nor semblance of probability , to be gathered from them . 2. that neither s. augustin , who most diligently confuted those heretikes , nor any other ancient writer , for answering of these obiections , did euer flee to this arte of equiuocation ; or once say , that those fathers and holy men did not lye in any of those speeches , for that they spoke the truth by a mentall reseruation . which answere , if it had bin true , had beene most pertinent and easie ; as our late , equiuocators doe not only confesse , but bragge of it too . for a nauarre saith ; that from his doctrine of equiuocatiō , there ariseth , or may bee gathered , nouus modus excusandi à mendacio patriarchas , a new way to excuse the pa●riarches from lying . where , when he saith that it is a new way , he acknowledgeth that it was not knowne to st. augustin , or those other worthies , who in former times did beate downe these errours of the heretikes . and when he saith , that this way ariseth out of his doctrine , he intimateth , that if the fathers had knowne this , they might easily haue answered the priscillianists , by interpreting those texts after his new way . now from hence it followeth , that the ancients did not vnderstand these passages of scripture , as making any thing for equiuocation . and therefore , when equiuocators alledge s. augustin , and some others of the fathers , for their interpretation , they abuse both their readers , and the ancient fathers . these things being first noted , i come to giue a more direct answere to the obiections ; and it is this ; as they affirme , so i deny , that these or any of these sayings alledged , were meant , or are to bee vnderstood and construed with any equiuocall reseruation . yes , say they , that they are . for if they bee not so construed , they are apparent lyes , which may not be supposed of those holy men . answ. 1. if they be not vnderstood and made true by mentall reseruation , they are apparent lyes , say they . if this doe not follow , then our equiuocators doe great wrong to those ancient worthies . and plaine it is , for diuers of them , that they doe so . for when abraham said of sarah , she is my sister ; and when moses said to pharaoh , we must goe three dayes &c. and when samuel said to the elders of bethleem , i am come to sacrifice vnto the lord — ; and when ieremie said , i presented my supplication &c. these speeches were all of them true , in the words as they lye , and according to the common acception and meaning of them . and therefore there is in them no iesuiticall equiuocation , in which the words are false , till a secret thought doth make them true . and in this sence , and to this purpose , abraham doth interpret his owne meaning , and explaine his words . for when abimelech challenged him for concealing his wife , and asked , what sawest thou , that thou hast done this thing ? he answered for himselfe , because i thought , surely , the feare of god is not its this place , &c. and yet indeed she is my sister ; she is the daughter of my father , but not the daughter of my mother . in which answere we may note three things . 1. he sheweth the reason which moued him to conceale her to be his wife ; because i thought the feare of god , &c. 2 he defendeth his speech to be true as the words doe sound ; and yet indeed she is my sister . q. d. that which i said is very true . and hereby it appeareth , that abraham did not equiuocate ; because abrahams words in their vsuall signification , and as they were vttered by him , were true : but the words of an equiuocator , as they are vttered , are false , till an inward reseruation do patch them vp , and make a truth of them . and it further hereby appeareth also , that f. persons did not only belye abraham , but almighty god himselfe , when he saith , that a both abraham and sarah said , that shee was not his wife , but his sister : and that this was one among diuers sayings and speeches in scripture allowed by the holy ghost . thirdly , abraham explaineth his words , or rather sheweth how they were true and vnfaigned , and that is , because she b was his neere kinswoman on the fathers side , and such women in the vsuall language of those countries , were called their sisters . abraham then sheweth that his speech was true , because the thing was so , as his words did sound ; and not because he had some secret reseruation in his minde , by additiō wherof they became true ▪ and this sheweth againe , that in these words of abraham , there was no equiuocation , such as our new doctros doe imagine . and abrahams example in interpreting his owne words , may serue vs for a patterne to interpret the rest by . and so ; as he said , indeed she is my sister , as i said : so we may say of them , indeed , and intruth the things were so , as they said . only in these examples , though all that was said , was true : yet something that was true , was concealed ; which we grant to bee lawfull : nor doth it any way helpe the iesuites , or fauour their imaginary fiction . answ. 2. when they say , if the speeches be not vnderstood with mentall reseruation , then those men told a lye : i answere , that that may be granted of some of them , without any absurdity , or wrong of those worthy men . for if we be forced to confesse , that dauid did commit murder , why should we bee afrayd to confesse that he told a lye , if he vttered any such words as had not a true meaning , as our equiuocators say that he did ? and if we grant it in dauid , what harme is there , to acknowledge it in others of gods best seruants , if by the text and their owne speeches , any such thing doe appeare ? if then any of these holy men did speake words which were vntrue , wee may without inconuenience grant , that as they did sinne in other things , so they might in this : and therefore herein we must not take example by them , to doe as they haue done before vs. this answere s. augustin maketh to the priscillianists , when they alledged the example of ancient men and women , to prooue that lying was lawfull . for a when we reade of these things in the scriptures ( saith he ) we must not therefore thinke that wee may doe them , because we know that they did doe them ; lest we violate commandements , while without choice wee follow examples . say then , that the words of some of those holy men cannot haue a good meaning or true construction , in themselues considered ; it will be no inconuenience , to grant that such good men did therein doe amisse , and made a lye. and ( to speake more particularly to the point ) so i thinke iacob did , when hee said , i am thy first-borne esa● : and dauid , when hee said , that hee had made a rode against the south of iudah , &c. 1. sam. 27. 10. and so wee may say of rahab , and the mid-wiues of aegypt , and some others . obiect . but s. augustin b doth excuse those words of iacob , from being a lye . answ. 1. be it so . yet s. augustin doth not interpret them to be vnderstood and made true by any reseruation in the mind . and this doth no way helpe our equiuocators at all . 2. say that s. augustin doe giue vnto those words a more fauourable construction ; yet cornelius à lapide disliketh that , and preferreth the other opinion , which granteth that iacob did lye , before this of s. augustin . and for that interpretation , he citeth s. chrysostome , lyra , caietan , lippoman , pererius , and others . 3. dominicus soto , a learned frier , doth defend or excuse both saint augustine & iacob in this manner ; it may be ( quod puto sentit augustinus , which i thinke was augustines meaning ) that those words of iacob , were vsed in that countrey , in that signification and meaning that they might be vttered by him , without telling a lye . but howsoeuer it be , iacob was so plaine a man , ( saith à lapide ) that it is not to be supposed that hee did vse equiuocation in his speech : nor doth any of former time so vnderstand his words . 2. the second head of arguments , containeth the example of almightie god , the god of truth . but what hath this iust god , this god of truth done or said , for which hee should be thought to equiuocate , that is , to keepe one meaning to himselfe , and to deliuer another to his people , and by a double-sensed proposition to deceiue them , whom he professeth to teach ? yes , say these men , he said to niniueh , yet forty daies and niniueh shall be ouerthrowne , ion. 3. 4. and he said to ezekias , set thine house in order : for thou shalt die and not liue . i● . 38. 1. and yet neither of these came to passe , according to these words spoken . and therefore they are not true , vnlesse they be helped by some inward reseruation , seeing in the sence that the words yeeld , they were not fulfilled . answ. these and other such speeches of god , are words of commination and threatning . now words of commination in scripture , are meant by almightie god that spoke them , and are vnderstood by men that heare them , with exception of repentance and amendment , or some such conditions in the persons against whom they are vttered , as may moue god to reuoke the sentence . for god himselfe hath declared his owne meaning to be so , in such like sentences and speeches . a at what instant ( saith he ) i shall speake concerning a nation , and concerning a kingdome , to pluck vp and to pull downe , and to destroy it : if that nation against whom i haue pronounced , turne from their euill , i will repent of the euill , that i thought to doe vnto them . and b when i shall say to the righteous , &c. and when i say to the wicked , thou shalt surely die : if he turne from his sinne , &c. none of his sinnes , that he hath committed , shall be mentioned vnto him ▪ &c. and according to this plaine rule giuen by god himselfe concerning his own words , we are to vnderstand gods threatnings , with some such exception . as for example , yet fortie daies , and 〈◊〉 , &c. that is , vnlesse nineu●h repent , and obtaine gods fauour for their preseruation . and , thou shalt die , &c. that is , vnlesse thou by prayer and humiliation obtaine gods fauour , to lengthen thy life beyond the ordinary course , or such like . and these exceptions are not secret reseruations , kept in gods owne brest , and concealed from the hearers , as the iesuites reseruations are ; but they are conceiued and euer haue beene vnderstood by men acquainted with gods language , to be meant by the very words . and therefore when god had threatned the iewes , yet the prophet exhorteth them to repentance , that so they might moue god to stay his iudgements , c who knoweth ( saith hee ) if hee will returne and repent , and leaue a blessing behinde him ? and daniel , when he had told nebuchaduezzar of gods decree against him , yet hee giueth him counsell d to breake off his sinnes by righteousnesse , and his iniquitie by shewing mercy to the poore , that this might be a meanes to lengthen his tranquillitie . yea , and in the very examples alledged to the contrarie , when ionas pronounced , yet fortie dayes , &c. the men of nineu●h , as either hauing had some aduertisement thereof by scriptures , or by some of gods people , or conceiuing so much by the common light of reason , they did vnderstand these words of the prophet as a threatning , that implyed an exception of repentance . and therefore the king with his nobles proclaimeth a decree , a let man and beast be couered with sackcloth , and cry mightily vnto god , &c. for , who can tell if god will turne and repent , and turne away from his fierce anger , that wee perish not ? and when god had threatned ezekiah , set thine house , &c. yet ezekiah b turned his face to the wall , and prayed to the lord , &c. where his prayer for freedome , sheweth that hee vnderstood not gods threatning to be meant without exception . and thus the people of god haue euer beene wont to vnderstand such like speeches , till our late doctors of rome haue made god to be an equiuocator , that they might alledge him for a patrone of their sinne . the third head of arguments , containeth the example of our blessed sauiour ; who though hee were the truth it selfe , and that there was neuer any guile found in his mouth , yet these men will needes draw him in , to be a fauourer and ring-leader of their falshoods and vntruthes . and so did their predecessors , the priscillianists doe before them . for they ( as c saint augustine saith of them ) for defence of their doctrine of lying , brought testimonies out of scriptures , and encouraged their schollers by the examples of patriarchs , and prophets , and apostles , and angels , non dubitantes addere etiam ipsum dominum christum , making no scruple to adioyne also our lord iesus christ , as a patterne of their lyes . and right so for all the world , doe our equiuocators deale now-a-dayes . they bring examples of patriarchs , and prophets , and apostles , and blessed angels , not fearing to draw in god himselfe , and iesus christ his blessed sonne , to be abettors of their frauds . but of god wee haue heard what they say already : let vs now heare what they say of iesus christ : and how , and when , and wherein hee vsed this arte of equiuocation . yes , say they , he did equiuocate , when being with two of his disciples , d hee made as though hee would goe further : and when speaking of the day of iudgement , he said , a but of that day and that houre knoweth no man — , nor the son , but the father onely : and when hee said to his brethren , b ego non ascendam , &c. i will not goe vp to ierusalem to this feast , and yet hee meant to goe vp , and so went ; and diuers other times . ans. neither in these , nor in any other place , was our lord , the spotlesse lambe of god , euer found to equiuocate , according to the rules of this new arte. not in the first place , luke 24. 28. for first , there our lord is said to doe something ; hee made as though hee would goe further : but he is not said there to haue said any thing in which this supposed reseruation might be vnderstood . ob. yes , but deedes also may signifie as well as words . ans. deedes sometimes are equiualent to words , and doe signifie as well as words doe : and that is , when as words , so they doe declare our meaning , ex instituto , or by some kinde of compact and agreement among men . and that may be done two wayes . first , expressely , when some words ioyned with the deedes , doe declare that to be the meaning and purpose of him that vseth them . as when iudas kissed his master : this signified that hee was iesus , whom they came to apprehend , because before hee had giuen them this signe , c whomsoeuer i shall kisse , that same is hee . and when iesus gaue a sop to iudas , that signified that hee was the traitor , because hee had told them before , d hee it is , to whom i shall giue a sop , when i haue dipped it . and so , when an oath is ministred or tendred vnto vs , if wee lay the hand vpon the booke , and kisse it , this signifieth that wee consent to the taking of the oath , because that is appointed and required for this purpose . secondly , deedes may bee equiualent to words , when by some outward circumstances wee doe declare , that we intend them as signes of our meaning , and doe referre and vse them to that purpose . in this kinde , wee may see a man , who is borne deafe and dumbe , to talke and conferre with his neighbours . and in this kinde a shrugge of the shoulder , ( if as persons saith , it be so meant and taken in italie ) may be a signe , and haue the signification of a negation or deniall . and when a man openeth his mouth , and sheweth a defect in his tongue , and maketh a gabbling noyse and vndistinct sound , this is a signifying deede , and doth import that that man is dumbe . in either of these kindes , deedes and gestures are equiualent to words , and may containe truth or falshood in them , as well as words doe . but else , deedes and gestures , if in some such manner , ex instituto , by appointment and agreement among men , a they be not referred and intended for signification of our minde , though they may carry shew , and men may gather some meaning from them , yet they are not equiualent to words ; neither is there any lye contained in it , though the shew be not answerable to the thing . and such a deede as this , was that of our sauiour , when hee shewed by his gesture , a purpose of going further : and therefore this needeth no reseruation to make it true ; seeing without any reseruation it hath no false or lying signification , such as words haue . and thus lucas brugensis , a learned diuine of the roman church , doth vnderstand and interpret this place . his words ( that the reader may iudge of his meaning the better ) are these , b i see ●o more shew of a lye in this fact of christ , then when before he seemed to be a stranger or a way-faring man. and he giueth his reason , why hee thinketh there is no vntruth in this deed and gesture , c for there is a great difference betweene words and deedes . for words by their first institution haue the power or vse of signifying ; but so haue not deedes . and hence he inferreth that deedes , actions , and gestures , though oftentimes they be , yet they are not alwaies signes either of some ensuing action to follow , or of our present purpose and meaning ; nor haue they the nature of a lye in them , etiamsi ad decipiendum aliquando siunt , though they be sometimes done , to deceiue the vnderstanding of the beholder , and to make him beleeue that which is not true . so that if our lord did make shew of going further , and intended it not , as father persons saith ; yet in this learned mans iudgement , there was no lye in it : and consequently there needeth no mentall reseruation to saue it from being a lye . secondly , and more agreeably to our sauiours mind , wee may answere and say , that our lord made as if he would goe further : yea , and meant it too , if their intreaties and importunitie had not stayed him . therefore the text saith , they constrained him ; that is , they importuned him to stay ; and he , ouercome by their intreatie , stayed with them . the clearer meaning of which words , we may the better conceiue and vnderstand by a like speech , luke 9. 53. for there it is said , the samaritans receiued him not , because his face was as though hee would goe to ierusalem ; that is , by his behauiour it seemed that hee meant to goe thither : and so hee did meane it indeed . and so in this place , when it is said , that hee made as though hee would goe fur●●●r ; the meaning is , that hee tooke his leaue , and bad them farewell , or vsed some other such like behauiour , which made it seeme , that hee meant to goe further . yea , and so hee meant indeede , sauing that at their request hee was contented to abide with them . and thus barradius , and ribera , two famous iesuites , doe interpret this place . wee may answere saith the one of them , a dominū voluisse vlteriùs progredi , si non retineretur à discipulis , &c. that our lord indeed would haue gone further , had hee not beene detained by his disciples , and that there was no vntruth in this shew . and the other , a nihil veritas fingii , christ who is the truth doth not feine any thing . but the common sort might thinke that hee did feine , but it was no fiction or counterfeiting ; b for if they had not detayned him , he out of doubt had passed by , and had gone on further . thus not onely the euidence of truth , but the authoritie of romish doctors and iesuites doe vindicate this place from that false glosse that persons putteth vpon it ; and doe free our lord iesus from that slanderous imputation , which the iesuite doth lay vpon him , when c he saith that christ in this place did equiuocate : and when d hee calleth this dealing of his , the dissimulation and fiction of our sauiour . the second place mentioned , and produced for equiuocation , is that speech of our sauiour , mar. 13. of that day , and that houre , &c. this pr●position ( saith e persons ) had some reseruation of mind , for that otherwise it had beene false . ans. not so ▪ nay this inference of the iesuite is false and foolish too : for our sauiour , according to his wonted manner elsewhere , speaketh of himselfe , as he was reputed and knowne to be , that is , as he was man. and in that sense , the words haue an vsuall and cleare construction and signification ; which is , that as he was man , he knew not of that day . this interpretation ( as f persons doth acknowledge ) is giuen by ancient fathers in great number . nor is this a mentall reseruation , as persons would haue his ignorant reader to beleeue : but an interpretation vsually meant and vnderstood by christians , in these and such like speeches as these . and therefore our sauiour in this sētence did not keepe one secret sence to himselfe in his inward minde , and signifie another to his disciples in the words vttered . but if it be an equiuocation , such as they fancy , what then shall the reseruation be ? persons , knowing that no man before the late inuention of this new art , did euer thinke of secret reseruations , or mentall imaginations in our sauiours words ; calleth euery exposition that any good author giueth , by the name of reseruation , and reckoneth that author , for a fauourer of his , like the mad man in athenaeus , who when any ship came to the hauē , put it in his tables as one of his owne . but that which carrieth most shew of a reseruation , is this ; the sonne doth not know the day of iudgement , meaning that hee knew it not so , as hee would discouer it vnto them . for this explicatiō is giuen by saint augustine , and other fathers , saith persons ; and hee addeth , ( as triumphing in so plaine a proofe ) that this exposition expresseth the very same reseruation in christs words , which they talke of in their mixt and equiuocall propositions . ans. to this i answere two things : first , that the exposition giuen by those fathers , doth not imply any equiuocall reseruation . secondly , that it doth not giue the true sence or meaning of the place . first , it containeth not any iesuiticall reseruation . for those fathers which giue that interpretation , the sonne knoweth not ; that is , not to make you know it : or rather , the sonne knoweth it not ; that is , hee doth not make you to know it ; doe fetch and gather this exposition , not from any secret conceit reserued in our sauiours minde , but from the vse and acception and signification of the word , as it is vsed in scripture . for so , say they , this word , scio or noui , is often vsed . as when god said to abraham , now i know that thou feare●● god : and to the israelites , the lord your god proueth you , that hee may know , whether yee loue the lord , &c. the meaning is , that hee may make you to know . and from this vse of the word scio , to know , frequent , as they say , in scriptures ; they thinke they may be the like reason , keeping the same proportion of speech , interpret the word nescit , knoweth not the day ; that is , hee doth not make you to know it . concerning which meaning of the fathers exposition , if the learned reader desire any further proofe , he may haue enough to satisfie his minde , in that reuerend and learned bishop who wrote against eudaemon-ioannes . now this interpretation of the word , being drawne from the vsuall acception of it in scripture , is nothing at all to the iesuites purpose , who fancieth a secret clause kept in the minde , but no way included in the vse of the word . secondly , this interpretation , the sonne knoweth no● ; that is , hee doth not reueale or make it knowne to you , as it maketh nothing for the iesuites equiuocation , so it is not greatly to our sauiours meaning . my reasons are two . first , if that were the meaning , then it would follow , that the father did so know the day of iudgement , as that hee did reueale it vnto them . for that which this sentence doth deny of the sonne , it doth by vertue of the exceptiue particle adioyned , affirme of the father ; no man , no nor the sonne doth know it , but the father . where , if wee fill vp the construction , and make the sentence perfect , the whole speech must be this ; no man , nor angell , neither the sonne , doth know it , but the father hee doth know it . now in this speech take the word [ know ] in the sense of those fathers , hee knoweth ; that is , hee maketh to know , and then the sentence thus expounded , in plaine words will be this , no man , nor the angels , neither the sonne , doth make you to know the day of iudgement : but the father hee doth make you to know it . but this is not true of the father ; and therefore that is not the true interpretation or meaning of the word . my second reason is , our sauiour in these words , no man — knoweth ; meant to shew how secret and vnknowne the day and houre of gods iudgement was ; but take the word in this sence , hee knoweth not ; that is , hee reuealeth not , or doth not make you to know : and then this sentence doth not imply or inferre or signifie any secrecie of that day . for , if thousands knew it , yet it might be said of them all , they know it not ; that is , they doe not reueale it , or make you to know it . and consequently , this interpretation doth crosse our sauiours meaning , and ouerthrow that , for which hee intended it . now , lay these together , and then there is lesse then nothing in our sauiours speech for the iesuites purpose : both because the word cannot beare that sense in this place , which onely might seeme to fauour them ; and because , that sense , as it was vnderstood by the fathers , was not meant to include any such reseruation . and so i haue done with this second place , which is the one of the places , that doctor norrice did defend his equiuocation by . onely , lest some popish cauiller , according to their vsuall manner , should raise clamours after mee , that i doe deny and gain-say the exposition of the fathers : let the reader remember , that the other interpretation , which i follow , is confessed by father persons to be giuen by other fathers in great number . and againe , if any shall quarrell with mee for leauing an exposition of some fathers , where i haue so good reason for it ; let him know , that i can produce diuers of their owne writers , who doe reiect as great a number , and perhaps vpon lesser reason . thirdly , the third testimony is from the words of our sauiour , iohn 7. 8. which father persons and other equiuocators recite thus , ego non ascendam ad diem festū istum , i will not goe vp to ierusalem to this feast ; and yet ( say they ) he meant to go● vp , and so he went. and therefore here he had a secret reseruation . asw. they corrupt the text two waies , 1 by altering the words . 2 by peruerting the sense . 1. by altering the words . for the originall greeke is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , i doe not yet goe vp . and their authentick latin , ego non ascendo , i doe not goe vp . and whereas some copies had corruptly read it , non ascendam , i will not goe ; a lucas bragensis , lest any man might afterward mistake , hath giuen admonition , that according to the roman correction of their bible , set forth by the popes authority , they may not change ascendo into ascendam . yea , and their rhemists reade it in their english translation , i goe not vp to this festiuall day . which was true in the very letter , & meant by our sauiour according to the expresse words . for he did not meane then to goe vp , but afterward when time serued . and yet our equiuocators , to gaine some shew from our sauiours words , doe corrupt not onely the originall and truely authentic● greeke , but their owne latine text too . but it is no maruell : for such a false arte could neuer be vpheld by true dealing . 2. by peruerting the sence . for say the words had beene , i will not goe vp , as persons and doctor norice , and others would fame haue it : yet the circumstances of the text doe shew , that that could not be meant of the whole time during the feast , or that hee would not go vp at all ; because it followeth in the next words by way of reason , because my time is not yet accōplished , as the rhemists trāslate it ; or because my time is not yet fully come , as it is more plainly in our translation . which words doe plainely shew his meaning to be this , that he would not then goe , when they would haue him : but would goe when he saw his owne time . and this he might both doe and meane , according to the plaine sense of the words spoken . by which it may appeare , that it is want of proofe , and weakenes of their cause , that made them to drawe in this text , which is so cleere against them . and so , it is the very same reason also , that forceth them ( for necessity hath no law ) to produce the many other speeches of our sauiour , which haue as much affinitie with popish equiuocation , as there is agreement betweene christ and belial , or betweene christ and antichrist : as i could easily shew , if it were conueniēt to stand vpon all their friuolous & idle allegations . but i thinke it not worth the while , either to tire the reader , or to trouble my selfe with such fond cauils . only for a generall answere to them all , let this be remembred ; that there is neuer a text produced by them for this purpose , but that learned expositers , both ancient and moderne , as well of their church , as of ours , do interpret and expound it in some determinate sense , which they gather or obserue either from the signification of the words , or the vse & application of them in the scriptures , or from some circumstances or considerations in the text it selfe . and therfore such texts , in the iudgement of all such interpreters , are not to be expounded or vnderstood of any popish reseruations , kept secret in the speakers minde . for such reseruation as i shewed before , may be any that themselues will fancie . insomuch , that the priests do frame seuen seuerall and distinct reseruations , all alike fit for father listers equiuocation , when he deceiued his keeper ; and doe intimate that they might haue framed many moe , and all to as good purpose . and no doubt , as they imagined those seuen , they might haue inuented seuentie moe , that would haue serued the turne . in all which it is not possible , for the hearer or reader of such a speech , to imagine , what the speakers reseruation is ; it beeing not such as the signification of the words , or any circumstances of the businesse doe yeeld , but as the minde of the equiuocator will fancie within his deceitfull heart . nor do they in their equiuocations meane , that the hearer should know● their reseruations . for their intent is , to reserue one sense in their owne breast , and to imprint another in the hearers minde . this only short note being obserued , it will be easie for euery christian , that will open his eyes , to see that no place produced by them out of the bible , doth include their secret and hidden reseruations . or if any equiuocator will cauill , or can say , that there is any testimony of theirs , which may not receiue satisfaction by this generall rule , and is in his opinion worth the standing vpon ; let him produce it : and i will promise him either a solution of his reason , or a recantation of mine opinion . and thus much shal serue to be said concerning the grounds and reasons which equiuocators doe build vpon . now i proceede to set downe some few reasons against this new-found arte , and fond deuice of equiuocation . and those for this time shall be these fiue . 1. because this late doctrine of equiuocation destroyeth the true nature of equiuocation , whose name it beareth . 2. because it maintaineth a practice of lying , vnder a colour of truth . 3. because it disturbeth humane society , and hindereth mutuall commerce . 4. because it impeacheth god of folly , in making his lawes against lying . 5. because it freeth the deuill from all iust imputation of being a lyer . arg. 1. the iesuiticall doctrine of equiuocation , doth destroy the true nature of equiuocation , which hitherto hath beene receiued of all men , and now ( for ought i know ) is not reiected of any . this i prooue thus ; equiuocation , in the true nature thereof , is , when a word or speech hath moe senses than one . this the word doth import . for aequiuocum , by the very notation of the name , is vox aequi plura significans , a word indifferently betokening moe things . and in some such manner as this , doe writers of all sorts explaine and describe equiuocation . but in this new-deuised equiuocation , there is no word , nor no sentence , or saying , that hath moe significatious or senses than one . for in their mentall equiuocall proposition , which they fancie , neither the words taken by themselues , nor the whole saying and sentence intended by the speaker , haue any ambiguity or doubtfulnes of signification , or any moe senses then one ; as i haue shewed a before , out of the equiuocators own rules . and hence i may inferre , that either their reserued proposition , is not an equiuocall and double-sensed proposition , as they call it without reason , and consequently , that they doe not by equiuocation speake truth in one sense , and mis-leade the hearer with another sence : or else , if notwithstanding this , that proposition bee equiuocall and double-sensed still , then we must say , that there may bee an equiuocation , where there is but one single sense and meaning . and that destroyeth the true nature of equiuocation . to this reason , first their confession is , that b verball equiuocation , which is , when a word or speech signifieth diuers things equally , c indeed is onely true and proper equiuocation , and agreeth onely to the defiuition of equiuocation , deliuered not onely by philosophers , but orators also : and that d it is properly called equiuocation , when a speech or word signifieth diuers things equally , if we consider the proper nature of equiuocation : and , e that mentall equiuocation in rigor is none . 2. their answere is notwithstanding , that their mixt proposition may be f called eq●●uocation , in a more large and ample signification , as equiuocall may signifie an amphibologicall , doubtfull or double-sensed proposition , in respect of the speaker and hearer , whereof the one vnderstandeth the same in one sense , and the other in another . and the cause why it is so called , is rather by a certaine similitude , then propriety of speech : to wit , that euen as equiuocation properly by communitie of name in things of different natures , by variety of significations in the selfe-same words or speech , by custome of phrase and composition of sundry sorts , doth make different and doubtfull senses and meaning to the hearer : so in this case , by mentall reseruation of some part of the foresaid mixt proposition , the like effect of doubtfulnes is bred in the hearers vnderstanding . for more ready vnderstanding of which perplexed speech , i note that there are three things said by this doubling equiuocator . 1. that it is onely true and proper equiuocation , & such as is comprised in the definitions giuen both by philosophers & orators , when there are diuers senses and significations in the words . 2. that equiuocation as they meane it in this question , hath no such propertie in it , nor is comprised in the definition , that philosophers and orators haue described equiuocation by . 3. that notwithstanding all this , yet it may rightly be called equiuocation , because as true equiuocation breedeth diuers senses to the hearer , by the ambiguity that is in the words ; so this new-deuised equiuocatiō may breed diuers senses , one in the hearer , and another in the speaker , by reason of the secret reseruatiō that the speaker imagineth in his own mind . and this may seeme not so vnreasonable , because words doe signifie ad placitum , and may be changed euery day . and therefore it is no such fault , to frame a new meaning and another signification in this word , then euer any body did thinke of heretofore . rep. this answere doth not weaken mine argument , it confirmeth and strengtheneth it rather . for first , i doe not except so much against their new signification of the word , as against the new explication and description of it . for they say , that they call it equiuocall , because it is a double-sensed proposition ; and a double-sensed proposition there fore they call it , because by it they signifie one sense to the hearer , and imagine another to themselues . but this doth vtterly destroy the very essence & entity of true equiuocation . for true equiuocation cannot be conceiued to be without a diuersitie of meanings in the speech : nor was it euer heard of , that a proposition could be double-sensed , which had none but one single meaning : nor is it imaginable that that saying should be ambiguous , which the hearet can take or construe but one way . secondly , their change and alteration of the word , to another different meaning , as it is by them here vsed ▪ doth conuince them of false and naughty dealing ; such as we may obserue thieues to vse , when they haue purloyned other mens goods . for thieues ( saith tullie ) when they haue taken away other mens goods , doe change the markes of them , that it may not be knowne whose they are , or to whom they belong . and right so doe our equiuocators deale in this case . for they change the names , which are true markes of things ; that hereby they may conceile and hide the nature and propertie of the things themselues . i grant then , that names may change with times ; nor is it any fault to alter the vse of a word , so there bee no wrong done to the thing , by the misse-applying of the word : as likewise it is no fault neither , to change the markes of goods , when there is no fraud intended by it . but if the markes of goods be changed , that the propertie of them may be conceiled , that is a plaine tricke of thieuerie . and so , if names be changed , that the nature of the things may be peruerted or obscured , that is a trick of iugling , not inferior to that cousonage of the thiefe . and so it appeareth to be in this case . for this mungrill proposition of theirs , if it should be censured by philosophers , orators , or other learned men , no man but would iudge it at the first sight to be a lye : and so hither to all men haue euer called such speeches . but now our new artificers haue found another name for their new arte : they call it , equiuocation . and this they doe for a colourable shew , that it may be thought that there is no vntruth , but onely an ambiguity in the speech : and that they in deceiuing men by mentall reseruations , doe nothing but what honest men are wont to doe , when they vtter sentences , that may haue diuers meanings . thus , while they change the names , they doe also confound the things , and destroy their true nature , which wise men , and aristotle among the rest , haue euer acknowledged to agree vnto them . obiect . nay , saith father a persoons , but if aristotle did not comprize this our reserued proposition vnder 〈◊〉 of the three sorts of logicall equiuocation , mentioned by him in his elenchs , then he erred grossely in making an insufficient diuision , which comprehendeth not all the parts of the thing deuided . for if the said mixt proposition ( saith he ) be an equiuocation , ( as iesuites say it is , in spite of all reason , and against the doctrine of all ages ) then must it haue place among some of these three kindes ; or else the diuision should be insufficient . rep. a ridiculous conce it : whereto i know no example , that may be paralell ; but i will imagine one as neere as i can . suppose then , a father deuideth his lands among his owne children , and a conie catcher there by steppeth in , and layeth claime to a share among them : and when the matter commeth to be debated , in the court , the iudge parteth the lands among the brethren , to whom onely they belonged , and shutteth out the conie-catcher for a wrangler , that layeth claime where he hath no right . what if in this case , the conie-catcher should complaine of the iudge , for partiall dealing , and reason against him , as persons doth against aristotle , that if this conie-catcher haue a right , and a share in those lands , as himselfe saith he hath , then the iudge erred grossely , that had excluded him ? would not euery boy kicke such a wrangling foole or knaue shall i call him ? out of the court ? and such a ridiculous wrangler , is father persons , who accuseth aristotle of a grosse errour , for not rancking among his kinds of equiuocation , this of the iesuites , neuer heard of in the world before ; and which the wrangler himselfe doth else-where acknowledge not to be true equiuocation . arg. 2. this doctrine of equiuocation doth maintaine a practice of lying , because hee whom they call an equiuocator , is in truth a lyer , and that which they call an equiuocall proposition , is a lying assertion . i proue it thus . he that speaketh to another that which himselfe knoweth to be false , is a lyer , and a lye it is , whensoeuer there is a falsa significatio cum voluntate fallendi , a false signification with a mind to deceiue the hearer . or , to speake in a iesuites words , b a lye is verbum falsum , cum intentione fallendi , a false speech , with an intention to deceiue . which description of a lye , so far as concerneth this purpose , he explaineth thus . a false speech is heere ment , when a c man speaketh otherwise , then himselfe thinketh : and it is said to be with intention to deceiue , because d hee that speaketh otherwise then himselfe thinketh , doth deceiue another , and intendeth to deceiue him . for he would not so speake , but that thereby he may engender a contrarie opinion in another mans mind : and this is to deceiue . thus the iesuite describeth a lye , and that agreeably to the receiued doctrine of the schooles . but this which is said to containe the nature of a lye , is all of it found in the new-deuised equiuocall proposition . for first , that which the equiuocator vttereth , is false , and so he knoweth it to be : for e it may seeme ( saith persons ) to haue salsitie in it ; and sometimes also hath indeed , in respe●t of the words onely , or vnderstanding of the hearer . and the case is cleere , that the words vttered by the equinocator , containe an vntruth and a falshood : for else they could not serue him for euasion . but the words vttered are all that the equiuocator speaketh : and therefore that which hee speaketh , is verbum falsum , a false word or speech . and secondly , that he vttereth this falshood with minde and purpose to deceiue the hearer , in the sence that tolet here explaineth it , i haue a shewed and proued out of their owne writings : nor can it stand with common sence , to conceiue it otherwise . and hence it followeth that the equiuocator is a plaine lyer . ans. their answere is , that though the words considered by themselues , and as they are vnderstood by the hearer , be false : yet as they are meant by the equiuocator , and as they are ioyned with the reseruation kept in his minde , they are true . the summe is , they are false of themselues , but they are made true by the imagined reseruation . re. this is a weak answer , & an impertinent shift ; because their mentall reseruation hath nothing to doe either with truth or lying ; as may appeare by this reason . truth as it is heere meant , and lying which is the contrary to it , are morall acts contained in the second table of the decalogue or tenne commandements : and therefore doe include a respect to our neighbours , nor can they be vnderstood without reference and relation vnto other men : so that lying consisteth in a signification of falshood vnto others , and truth in signifying or vttering of that which is true ; and without such signification , either performed by outward signes , or meant and intended to be performed , if occasion should be offered , lying and truth morally taken , can haue no place . vpon this ground , which hath cleare euidence in it , bannes a learned schoole-man doth refute their opinion , who thinke that there may be a lye , where there is no purpose to deceiue . b i thinke ( saith he that a minde to deceiue , is so necessary in a lye , as that without it , a lye cannot exist . this hee declareth thus : if peter , no man being within hearing , should vtter a speech , which hee knoweth to be false , yet hee should not lye , though hee should speake an vntruth in the words . in like sort , if peter should say to iohn , thou art not iohn , doubtlesse hee should not lye , though hee spake an vntruth , because hee cannot speake that with purpose to deceiue iohn himselfe . and hereof hee giueth this reason , because a lye is a kinde of fiction or faining , which is in the will , with reference to another , by which a man intendeth that another man may beleeue otherwise than himselfe , who telleth the lye , doth thinke . and that a lye doth include such respect and refirence to another , is plaine ( saith hee ) because that veracirie , or the vertue of speaking truth , which is opposite to lying , doth consist also in relation to another , because it is a part of iustice . thus reasoneth this learned frier . in this discourse of his wee may note two things . first , his conclusion , which is , that both lying and truth morally taken , which hee calleth veracitie , doe consist in a relation and reference to others ; so that no words vttered , without respect of signifying somewhat to some other by them , can be either the sinne of lying , or the vertue of true-speaking . secondly , wee may note his reason for proofe of this conclusion ; which is , that veracitie , or the vertue of speaking truth , is a part of iustice : and iustice hath a respect to some other , to whom it giueth that which is his due . this reason i take to be vnanswerable ; and then his conclusion must needs be vndeniable . it is proued then that truth morally meant , for a vertue or act of speaking truth , which is a part of iustice , and a dutie which wee owe to our neighbours ; doth include a reference and respect to others , which respect consisteth in signifying or declaring our meaning to them , truely and sincerely . but now in the mentall reseruation , shut vp in the equiuocators breast , there is no such reference or relation , nor doth it admit of any intendment , to signifie or declare his meaning to others . nay , it is therefore suppressed , and broken off from the speech which is vttered in words , that nothing thereby may be signified to the hearer . it followeth then , that this reseruation hath no point nor piece of morall truth in it . and therefore , if that part of the equiuocators proposition , which hee vttereth in words , were a false and lying speech before ; it must needes remaine a lye still , for any helpe that this reseruation can yeeld it . arg. 3. the doctrine of equmocation doth disturbe humane societie , and destroyeth that mutuall commerce that one man should haue with another . i proue it thus . this societie and commerce must needs be disturbed , when men in wisedome may not beleeue one another , vpon their words or oathes : but if this doctrine of equiuocation be receiued , men may not beleeue one another , either vpon their words or oaths . this is prooued thus . the equiuocator professeth to equiuocate , whensoeuer hee may lawfully hold his peace ; and if it be for any aduantage of weight , vpon his oath too . which how farre it may extend , i haue declared in part already , and euery man may easily conceiue by himselfe : but sure in what businesse soeuer i haue to deale with such a man , i cannot tell , but that he may thinke it lawfull to conceale the truth , and consequently to equiuocate with mee . and in case his conscience will permit him to equiuocate with mee , ( as in what case it will not permit him , i know not ) then am i as sure to be deceiued , and ouerreached by him , if i doe beleeue him , as if i beleeued a plaine and downe-right lyer . for , my credence or beleefe can reach no futher then to the words vttered ; nor can i learne any thing from the equiuocator , but that which i can gather from his words : but all that is false and lying ; as hath beene shewed by their owne confession . and therefore if i beleeue a man , when hee doth equiuocate , i am sure to be deceiued . i declare this yet further by a familiar example . say , two priests haue layed a plot of inuasion for the kingdome , and being questioned vpon their oaths concerning the plot , they both deny it . and the one , hee saith , i neuer meant or intended any such thing , vnderstanding within himself , so as i meane to tell you of it : and the other , hee answereth in the very same words , but hath forgotten to frame a reseruation in his minde : the one of these by their doctrine is a lyer , and the other an equiuocator ▪ but in respect of being deceiued by them , what difference is there betweene them ? shall i not as soone be deceiued by the equiuocator , as by the lyer ? yes certainely , it is no more safe to beleeue an equiuocating iesuite , then a lying deuill . and if this be so ; then where men teach and professe the arte of equiuocation , there in wisdome men may not beleeue one another : and consequently , they cannot haue that commerce and societie that men should haue among themselues . i conclude this argument against equiuocators , in the very same manner , as saint augustine did against lyers , onely putting the name of equiuocator , where he did the name of lyer . a either ( saith hee ) wee must not beleeue honest men ; or wee must beleeue them , who wee thinke ought sometimes to tell a lye ; or else , wee must beleeue that honest men will not at any time tell a lye . the first of these three is pernicious , ( and ouerthroweth societie . ) the second is folish , ( and exposeth a man to the mercy of euery cheating companion . ) it remayneth therefore to say , that an honest man will neuer tell a lye . thus that learned father : by whose example i may reason against equiuocators in the very same manner . either wee must not beleeue honest men on their words or oathes : or wee must beleeue them , who wee thinke may equiuocate with vs both in words and in oathes : or else , wee must beleeue that an honest man will not equiuocate . the first is pernicious , the second is foolish : and therefore wee must resolue vpon the third , which is , that an honest man will not equiuocate . arg. 4. this doctrine of equiuocation defeateth all lawes made against lying ▪ and doth by consequence impeach god of folly for making any such lawes . i proue it thus . it is a folly to make such lawes , as are vnauaileable , and cannot reach to the ends , for which they were made . but if equiuocation be admitted , lawes against lying cannot serue for the purpose , to which they are intended . this appeareth by two things . first , gods lawes and precepts against lying were made for this purpose , to restraine mens tongues from speaking of falshoods and vntruthes . but by the arte of equiuocation a man may speake any and all falshoods that hee will , and yet these precepts against lying shall neuer take hold of him : because by a mentall reseruation warranted by this doctrine , hee may make any falshood to become true . and therefore the equiuocator , notwithstanding all lawes of god and men against lying , yet is at his libertie to vtter what vntruths hee will , without the least transgression of any of those lawes . secondly , lawes against lying doe intend preuention of hurt and deceit to be vsed against our neighbour . but admit once of this new doctrine of equiuocation , and no deceit toward our neighbour can be preuented by any lawes against lying . for if this doctrine be warrantable , then all lawes against lying must be meant onely against such as doe not keepe a reseruation in their mindes , to make true the falshoods that they vtter in their words . and so , for example , when moses saith , a yee shall not lye one to another : and when saint paul saith , b put away lying , and speake truth euery man with his neighbour ; the meaning of these precepts must be to this purpose ▪ speake no vntruth , nor vtter no falshoods to your neighbours , vnlesse yee haue some secret reseruation kept in your minde , which if it be added , will make them to become true . for , by the equiuocators doctrine , if such reseruations be kept in the minde , then all their words become true : and therefore they are no way included within these precepts against lying . but if this interpretation of such lawes may be admitted , and such libertie of speech may be granted , without any breach of these lawes : then these lawes doe no way preuent the least danger of deceit and dammage that may come to our neighbour by vntrue and false speeches ; because i can deceiue him as much by this equiuocall reseruation , as by a formall lye : as hath been proued already . and from these considerations it followeth , that precepts against lying are vaine , if the practice of equiuocation be lawfull . arg. 5. if the doctrine of equiuocation be true , then neither men nor deuils can be conuinced of lying . first , men cannot . for though they speake neuer so vast and apparent falshoods , yet who can say but that they haue some reseruation in their minde , that may free their words from being lyes ? and yet all sorts of men , when they heare euident vntruthes vttered , doe without controll of any , charge the speakers with falshoods and lying . which sheweth that all men iudge of lying and truth , by the words vttered , and not by fancies reserued in the minde . as for example , the secular priests doe charge father persons with a continuall practice of lying , so that c they giue him the whetstone , and leaue it with him too , as if they thought there were no such a bold and impudent lyer in the world , that could winne it from him . but how did the priests know , but that persons spake with some equiuocall reseruations ? and if so , then they broke the rule of charitie , in censuring him for a lyer , when hee was but an equiuocator . and againe , father persons chargeth the seculars with a infinite number of vntruthes , lyes , slanders , and open falshoods vttered without scruple of conscience ; so that the vse of equiuocations was little needfull for them ; because they could take libertie enough without it . but how doth father persons know , that his secular brethren did not vse equiuocation in all these vntrue speeches : and so made them true by some reseruation ? thus all men , when they finde apparent vntruthes vttered , sticke not to charge the speakers with lying . but if the doctrine of equiuocation be true , no man can be conuinced of the least lye , vnlesse himselfe will confesse it . secondly , the deuill himselfe , if this doctrine be true , cannot be conuinced to be a lyer . for who can say , but when he telleth vs most palpable vntruthes , yet hee may reserue within himselfe some clause to helpe all ? nay , if this doctrine be true , it cannot be supposed with any reason , that the deuill euer would or euer did tell any lye at all . for , whatsoeuer he hath spoken at any time , be it otherwise neuer so false and lying ; yet it might be made true by a reseruation : and hee neither wanted wit to deuise such reseruations , nor will , by such or any other meanes to free himselfe from the imputation of lying . first , hee wanteth not wit. i shall not neede to proue this ; because , as i suppose , it will be confessed , that hee is as quicke and nimble at such deuices , as the finest witted iesuite in the packe . but , if any man shall question it , i will engage my selfe to proue it . secondly , hee wanteth not will , by this or any other tricke to saue his credit , and to auoid the imputation of lying . for , hee knoweth that the greatest hinderance to his proceedings , is , because the world esteemeth him for a lyer , and the father of lyes : and if he could once but gaine to be accounted a true and honest dealer , ( as by vsing equiuocation , he might as well proue himselfe to be no lyer , as any iesuite can : ) then hee might finde more credit in the world. for which cause , a the apostle saith that hee transformeth himselfe into an angell of light . and an ancient writer telleth of a monke , who was a strict and religious liuer , that the deuill , b purposing by a custome of visions to winne him to the beliefe of a futur● illusion which hee intended for him , did for a lo●g time , as a messenger of truth , shew him all true visions . and when by this meanes ▪ hee had gained credit to be beleeued ▪ then by another vision , hee perswaded him to renounce christ , and to become a iew. and it is an vsuall obseruation among christians , that the deuill will tell some truthes , that hee may gaine afterward the more credit to his lyes . and therefore it can be no doubt , but that the deuill desireth not to be reputed a lyer ; and would gladly put off from him all such imputation , if by any trickes hee could deuise how to effect it . now lay these two positions together : first , that the deuill wanteth no wit to deuise reseruations ; and secondly , that hee wanteth no will , by this or any other such deuice , to auoid the discredit of a lyer : and then it will follow , that in reason wee cannot imagine , that the deuill euer would or did tell a lye , if by an equiuocall reseruation hee could cleare himselfe . and hence againe it may be deduced , that as our equiuocators doe challenge vs for slandering them ; because wee call them lyers , when they sweare falshoods by imagined reseruations : so the deuill himselfe might challenge god ( be it spoken with reuerence to his maiestie ) for iniustice and slander , because hee hath branded him with the note of a lyer , and calleth him the father of lyes . but these consequents are most absurd : and therefore the doctrine of equiuocation , from whence they follow , is most false . thus , by gods grace , i haue declared , and i trust , in some measure also cleared the poynts propounded in the beginning . now , for conclusion , i will onely commend one caueat to the well-meaning christian ; and that is , to beware of trusting them , whose profession is to equiuocate . for such men are both more impious and more dangerous than any other sort of lyers , that i know beside . first , they are more impious , because among men of other religions , though there may be vicious persons , that make too common a practice of lying deceits ; yet that is the fault of the men , and not of their doctrine . but in the church of rome , their great doctors doe not onely practise this deceit , but praise it too : and commend it to their disciples , as a good arte ; very fit fo● scrupulous consciences . which doctrine cannot be conceiued to be without great dishonour to god , and much disgrace to religion . secondly , they are more dangerous then any other sort of lyers , because they come masked vnder a vizard of truth , & armed with resolution to protest , and sweare , and pawn their soules and saluations , vpon the truth of that which they say , notwithstanding that for so much as they vtter , and for all that you can heare or gather by them , all is most false , which they speake . from the consideration whereof , i inferred before , that it was not safe to beleeue a iesuite , or any of his fellowes or schollers ; for that a man may as soone be deceiued by an equiuocating iesuite , as by a lying deuill . now i adde , therefore wise christians must beware of them ; and if wee will not be decei●ed , wee must not beleeue either their words or oathes , in what businesse soeuer wee haue to doe with them . this caueat , that it may the b●tter appeare how farre it is to be extended ; i will , for example sake , set downe some speciall cases of ordinarie vse , in which it will 〈…〉 to beleeue them . 1. ●irst then we may not safely beleeue them , when they are disputing ▪ and arguing for their religion , and deliuering points of their faith . for they tell vs , that iesus our lord did equiuocate , when hee preached of prayer and sacraments , and of his office of iudging the world , &c. and i trow , iesuites will be ready to imitate the example of iesus , whose name they beare . but we need not doubt of their meaning in this case ; for they therefore alledge the example of christ ; that they may defend and make good their owne practice . and therefore when i heare a priest or a iesuite telling of popes pardons , and preaching of s. patricks purgat●rie , &c. and when for these , he telleth me , of the consent of the ancient church , and alledgeth many fathers to confirme his assertion ; how can i be sure , that hee doth not equiuocate with mee in that case ? or what reason haue i to thinke , but that he speaketh against his knowledge , and conscience ? or how can i , without a note of rashnes and temeritie , beleeue that he● doth not wilfully belye the fathers , and other authors to serue his owne turne ? and when he hath done all , make vp all with a secret reseruation , that i neuer dreamed on ? secondly , wee may not beleeue them , when they giue answers , or beare witnesse in a court of iustice , or before a magistrate ; no , not though they sweare what they say , and take it vpon their soules and saluations . for they professe to equiuocate in such cases , if either the iudge be incompetent , or if he proceed incompetently . and when i heare one of them speake and sweare before any of our gouernors or rulers , either ecclesiasticall or ciuill , what can i tell , but hee may thinke either the iudge , or his proceedings to bee incompetent , and vniust ? nay sure , in most cases , in which they haue to doe before our gouernors , they are knowne to hold , either the iudge , or the proceeding , or both , to bee incompetent ▪ and therefore i cannot see how wee may safely beleeue them , when they make answere , or giue euidence vpon their oath . thirdly , wee may not beleeue them , when they tell of great wonders and miracles , done by men of their order and profussion ; and by saints and images of their owne making . for they professe to equiuocate , when it may bee for some good to themselues , and therefore much more when it may proue so great a good to their order , to their church , and to their religion . and therefore , when they tell mee of many great miracles don● by their men in the indies , and by the ladies of lauretto and hall ; how can i tell , that they doe not fitten and deuise all that vpon their fingers end , to gaine credite to their profession ? fourthly , we may not beleeue them , when they publish and disperse disgracefull tales and reports against the professors and doctors of our church . for the disgracing of these men , may breede great aduantage to their religion : and beside , it is an axiom of theirs , he must bee disgraced , because he is an enemy to their order . and therefore , when they tell mee of luther , and caluin and beza and bucer and such others , that they either despaired , or recanted , or renounced their religion ; how may i beleeue them , that they doe not equiuocate ? nay it is certaine , that in the forging of these reports , they did either lye , or equiuocate , or both . and therefore when they now tell vs , that many of our reuerend bishops , and learned preachers and schollers , are of their opinion , and thinke them to be in the right , but that for the worlds sake , they dissemble their iudgement ; how can i giue credit to their words , or to their writings ? and when they tell vs , that such a doctor , vpon his death-bed ; and such a bishop toward his latter end , turned papist , and renounced in their eare , what he had taught in the pulpit , and was reconciled to the church of rome , by one that came and went inuisibly ; shall wee beleeue them to speake as they thinke ? nay , wee should rather spit in the lyers faces , that presume vs to bee so simple , as to beleeue an equiuocator in a case so auaileable for his order , and in a thing so vnlikely and absurde in it selfe ; that the narration of such a thing , might call in question the truth of a knowne honest man. fiftly , we may not beleeue equiuocators in matters of common life , and ciuill conuersation . for they professe to equiuocate in most cases of common practice , and in all cases in which they are not bound to reueile the truth , if the thing may be for their aduantage . and therefore if one of them should contract to marry a mans daughter amongst vs , how can any of vs tell , that th● equiuocator thinketh himselfe bound to lay op●n his heart , and to speake the truth in this case ; and that therefore in his opinion he may not equiuo●ate and deceiue vs ? and if he promise to pay me a summe of money , how can i tell that he keepeth not a reseruation behind , that may disanull his promise aforehand ; as that he will pay it , if himselfe shall thinke it necessary , or if he shall haue so much to spare , or if hee haue nothing else to doe with his money ? &c. and so , if he vndertake to be my sollicitor for my law-businesses , or my physitian for my body , or my counsellor in any doubtfull case , &c. how shall i be assured that i may beleeue his word , and that he doth not for some secret reasō kept to himselfe , think it lawfull to cheate me by a mental reseruation ? surely , for mine own part , if i may know him that professeth the art of equiuocation , i wil trust him no further then i would doe a common and noted lyer , that is no further then i do see him . ( ⸫ ) finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a07210-e100 a pr●efa● praefixâ sex pre●lection . cap. 1. & cap. 1. de mendac . num . 12 , 13 , 14. a d. morton b. of lichfield and couentry , confutat , of equiuccation . b persons , who by occasion of the bishopps booke wrote a large treatise in defence of equiuoca●on . a mitigat . cap. 9. nu . 81. p. 403. notes for div a07210-e410 * sheldon of the mira●les of antichrist , ca. 4. pag. 52. * apologie of eccles. subordinat . cap. 12. in the very end . matt. 24. 5 , 23 , 24. ez●k . 33. 4 , 9. gal. 5. 10. gal. 6. 18. notes for div a07210-e940 quaestio philosophica in comitis cantabr . vide passi● horatij satyram quintam , & plauti pseudolum , cui●ste supp●r . a sic blackwellus archipresbyter in sua ad cathol●cos epistola . dat . 7. nouemb. 1605. b v●nculo cucae obedicnlpe obstringi omnes iesuitas & no●itios seminariorum pullos abunde noluin est ; quo tenentur , quidquid superior imperaverit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exequi , c i●upus iupus nouit , &c. d arij haeresiarchae sophiticuns & acquivoc atorium coram imperatore constantino iusiurandum recole apud s●cratem hist eccles . lib. 1. c. 25. e plautus in pseudolo act. ● . scen. 4. pseud. onerab●meis praeceptis simians quid agat , ne quid titube● , doctè vt hanc sera● sallaciam . f apocal. 9. 11. g quod olim femplarijs , quid ●i tandem iesititis accidat ! aristot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. cap. 1. h act. 2. sc. 2. pseud. tu inventus verò meam qui 〈◊〉 fidem ? i act. 2. sc. 3. pseud. dy immortales 〈◊〉 contra non 〈…〉 k act. ● . sc. 8. nimis 〈◊〉 mortalis d●●tus , n●mis 〈◊〉 , nimis m●bes superavit do●●m troianum at●●● 〈◊〉 pseudolus . l act. 2. sc. 2. pseud. hic mihi incusest , procudam ego hodie hine multes delos . to mule reseruatio●un mentali● ies●ui● vsitatae . non no●i i.e. 〈◊〉 . non vidi . 〈◊〉 c. visione b●ati●ic●i . velnon vt dicom tibi . m act. 2. sc. 1. pseud. ego in m●o pectore ita param c●pias dupli●ts triplicis dolos posidies , vt vbiet●nque 〈◊〉 hostibus congrediar malorum mcor● fr●tus virtute dicam mea indust●a & maltitia fraudulent●a facil● vt vin●●l , facile vt ●pelicm mcos perducllis me● persidijs . n act. 1. sc. 3. quid ais quanti● terra tegit hominum 〈…〉 &c. bal. fat●or . cal. nempe conceptis verbis . bal. ●tiā consultis quoque . cal. periurauisti o ibidem . pseud. non potest pietate obsisti ●uic , vt res sunt 〈◊〉 , deos quidē , quos maximè aequum est metuere , cos minimini facit . p act. 5. sc. 4. pseud. quid 〈…〉 ch. anguilla est , el●bitur . q act. 4. sc. 6. bal. malum & s●clestum , peri●●rum arebant esse me . s. p●l haud mentitu● st . bal. 〈◊〉 iratus fui . 1 act. 4. sc. 1. pseud. o heminem lepidum ! it quoque etiam dolis atque etiā menda●●s . iupiter te mihi seruet . * aequiuocatio circularis . s act. 4. sc. 1. vt ego ob tuam , simia , perfidiam te amo , et metuo , & magnifacio . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u act. 4. sc. 3. pseud. peiorem ego hominem , magisque versutè malum , nunquā aedipol quenquam vidi quàm hic est simia , nimisque ego illum hominem metuo , & formido male , ne malus item ergame sit , vt ergaillum fuit ; ne in resecunda mihi obuertat cornua . notes for div a07210-e3950 quaestio philosophico ptoposita in 〈…〉 . affirm● . * guido faux . * garnet les . * parenthesis includit mentalem iesuitae rescruationem . notes for div a07210-e4350 a thes. 2. 7. b 1. tim. 4. 1 , 2. c luke 4●1 . d lequendo cum arte dissimulationis vitatur peccata , quae comuuiter , committuntur , &c. rodrique● sumâ , v. menda● . nu . 4. e acquiuocatio , quam ●citam 〈◊〉 omnino ad mendacia 〈◊〉 , vitanda consert . heissias re●ut . aphoris . cap. 4. aphor. 4. nu . 130. f siue recreationis gratiâ , siue quocunque al●o fine , iuret se non fecisse aliquid quod reuera fecit , intell●gendo intra se aliquid aliud &c. reuera non mentitur . san●ho● oper . moral . to 1. l. 3. c. 6. nu . 15. pag. 25. g per 〈◊〉 doctrinam singularem , postumus euitare innumera peccata , 〈◊〉 passim aliquot neg●gentiores admittimus negando vel assumando passim sine aliqua subintellectione , cum qua coniuncta essent vera . nauar. commen●●n c. humanae aur . q. 3. nu . 13. h proceeding against traitors . 〈◊〉 l. 1. a mitigat . cap. 8 nu . 10. pa. 314. a ibid. nu . 15. b ibid. nu . 10. c refut . apho●r . cap. 4. ap●ons . 3. nu . 129. ● . ioh. 3. 20. psal. 1. 6. math. 25. 12. acts 19. 5. acts 20. 27. ioh. 11. 11. a 1. sam. 16. 1 , 2. a 〈…〉 maximè in liber● s●rmone , hoc quidem sensu vti licere nemo dubitat . abbot antilog . aduersus eudaemono loan . cap. 2 fol. 18. b sit per illam ce●ndus consiligs , tegend isque arca●● suuo locus . ibidem . c tuscias taciturnitates illas , quas narra● , confessionum & consi●●orum , vbi amphibologijs , & ambiguitatibus consistunt , noble non improbari : damn●ri prors●s à nohis , vt mendacio tegantur : d si appellatione acquiuocationis , simplicem quandam & modest● reticent●am signisicet , aut dissimulationem consiliorium in hac miscra vita saepe necessariam ; planè cum ipso sentio . casaubon . epi. ad fronton . duc. pag. 110. a mitigat . cap. 9. nu . 53. pa. 382 b mitigat . ca. 12. nu . 3 p. 484. c posium absque mendico 〈◊〉 verba vsurpari , etiams● exs●● significatione non suit ambigua , nec eum seasum verum admittant exse , nec ex circumstantijs occurrentibus , sed tantum verum serisum reddant ex aliqo addito mente proferentis retento , q●●●elique illud sit . sanch. oper . moral . l. 3 c. 6. nu . 15. a mitigat . cap. 8. nu . 10. pag. 313. b mitig. cap. 11. nu . 14. pag. 447. a mitig. cap. 10. nu . 22. pag. 424 risum teneatis , amici ? a mitigat . cap. 10. nu . 14. pag. 418. a mitigat . cap. 10. num . 23. pag. 424 b tom. 3. disp . 5. q. 13. punct . 2. pag. 1136. c 〈…〉 sine propria sponte ; sine recreationes gratiâ sitie quocum● alio sine iurets● non secisse aliqurd quod reuera fecit , intelligendo ●●tra se aliquid al●●d , quod nonfecit , velal am diem ab eain qua fecit , vel quodius aliud add●●um verum , reuera non mentitur , &c. sanchez op . moral . l. 3. cap. 6. num . 15. p. 25. d mitigat . cap. 11. nu . 29. pag. 459. e mitig c. 10. nu . 22. p. 424. a mitig. cap. 8. nu . 55. p. 344. b 〈…〉 dito , mente proferentis retento quodcunque illud sit . sanch. op . moral . l. 3 c. 6. nu . 15. pa. 25. c siiste aliud mente cogitauerit , verbi gratia , promitto dare aut sacere , si à iudiac ●oactus fuero , vel si coelum ruat , aut quid simile , tune à peccato erit immunis . decis . aur. par . 1. l. 2. ca. 17. nu . 12. d oper. mor. l. 3. c. 6. nu . 26. pag. 28. proceeding against traitors . litt . l. 1. a mitigat . ca. 11. nu . 17. pag. 449. b mitig. c. 11. nu . 43. pa. 468. c mitig. c. 7. nu . 14. pag. 284 d cap. 7. nu . 22. pa. 289. e cap. 7. nu . 2. pag. 274. a mitig c. 12. nu 3. pag. 484. b sensus est , an licea● alios fallere , decipere aut cludere per aequiuocationes . manual controu . l. 5. c. 21. pag. 530. c aliquando licet vti aquiuocatione , & fallere audientem . tolet. instruct. sacerd. l. 4. c. 21. nu . 9. d mitig. cap. 8 nu . 58. pag. 346 & 347. see also , sober reckon . c. 4. nu . 89. pag. 285 mitig. c. 7. nu . 2 pag. 274. cap. 7. nu . 5. pag. 276. cap. 13. nu . 3. pag. 548. see persons also in his sober reck. ca. 7. nu . 22 , & 23. pag. 484 , 485. a sober reck. append. nu . 16 pag. 682. b sober reck. in append . nu . 24. pag. 687. a clerici rebellio in regem non est 〈…〉 s● . aphor. v. [ clericus ] printed at antwerp , 1599. and allowed and commended by silu. pardo , the inquisitor . cuius●cne ficio , qui ad normam men●iatur aut peicret , baud ille periurio aut mend●cioreus c●nsendus sit . b abbot . ant●log . adu . eudeaemon-ioann . c. a. in prine . fol. 11. fac . 1. a hospinian . histor. iesuit . l. 4. c. 2. p. 228. b quos autores habuerit , non 〈…〉 casaub. epist. ad ●●ont . du●●um . pag. 108. a mitigat . c. 7. nu . 12. & 13. p. 281. & 282. a nu. 16. p. 285. b cap 9. nu . 17 , &c. and repeateth it again● in his sober reckon . cap. 7. nu . 26 , &c. da mihi vnum exemni homiuii antiquitate , ethnica , luda●●a , christiana ; davci vnum , cut reseruatien●s istae tuae probat● su●t , misi siq●i forte in infamni●● not al● , &c. abbot anti. cap. 2. fol. 25. a voces co modo significant , quo 〈◊〉 à populo : populus autem christianus , ●um audit sacerdotem iurantem se nii●l scire , nihil intelligit de 〈◊〉 quae noiut in confessione : qua●e verba illa solum significant nihils● sciire extra confessionem . soto relect. de secreto , mem . 3. q. 3. concl. 2. § hi●reto . b relect. de secreto memb . 3. q 3. cond . 4. § hactenus opinionem . pa. 312. a ineptisima interpretatio 〈◊〉 , non occidit , ut dicam . b quia facta non habent or dinem immediatum ad hoc quod est , dicere ; sicut scire & alia verba sensationum . soto ibid. pag. 314. c quod liceat ei diceu se nō fecisse , nullatenus est sustentabile . soto de ius●it . & iure , l. 5. q. 6. art . 2. prope finem . d quoniam , non feci , nullo modo amplecti potest sensum , non seci , ut dica . [ facere ] enim non habet 〈…〉 cum eo , quod est , ut dicam , quaem habet [ scire . ] a potest secundi● omnes doctores respondere quòd nihil de sacto ille 〈◊〉 , velcertè , quod non 〈◊〉 . adrian . in 4. de sacr. cons. ●esp . ad 2. prin . pag. 143. col . 4. b descientia , en quatil●● eat reuolare . c nescio qui s●nt ill● omnes de●tores : fateor me nullum legisse . de secreto , mem . 3● q. 3. concl. 4. p. 316 v. etiam de lustit et iute , l. 5. q. 6. art . 2. d se●sus ille violent●ssimu● est &c. e nemo veterum & nobilium theologorum , quod equidem sciam , affirmauit . sepulu . de rat . dicend . testi● . cap. 17. f quorundam iuniorum theologorum decretis consentan●am . g ●llam veterum 〈◊〉 summorum theologorum consensu damnatam opinionem . h nastrâ & patrii memori● superiores , qual● est aqui. thomas . quam vsita●us sermo citra mend●cium ferre possit . soto de lustit , & lure l. 5. q. 6. art . 2. 〈◊〉 ex industria aliud praeter ea mente liquatur . a nauar. com. in c. humanae aures , q. 1. nu . 4. & nu . 8. & 9. a praefat. ante initium commentar . in c. human. aures ▪ a g. abbot in the preface to his sixe questions . cap. 1. pag. 7. 8. &c. b quidam dicunt , — posse respondere aliquid subintelligendo , vt non esse , s●z ●ta vt e● dieere teneatur ; ve●se non habere , scilicet vt ei d●t . at alij id non admill●nt , & sortè potiori ratione . c et sortè potiori ratione . d sober reckon . cap. 4. nu 76. pa. 276. e ibid. nu 80. pag. 279. f ribaden . catalogo scriptotum soc. iesu. in ●man . sa. a relation . nu . 33. fol. 36. a histor. iesuit . l. 4. cap. 2. pag. 228. b 〈◊〉 non immeritò autores & inuentores eius esse vulgò dicantur . c constat multos vestri 〈◊〉 theologos — ●am 〈◊〉 magna cura , & expli●uisse & asseruisse . sed qui p●aecipnè acqui●oc catione● ex●o●uerint , ●os video fuisse anglos . cas●ub . epist. ad front. ducaeum , pag. 108. e reply to father persons libell , fol. 22. &c 23. f quodl . 2. art 6. pag. 39. g quodl . 3. art . 4. pag. 66. h quodl . 2. art . 4. pag. 31. a prefixed before the second tome . b se suamque societatem pontisieijs imperijs more pro●sus nouo mancipauit . c manual . controu . l. 5. cap. 21. & opusc . theolog. tom . 1. opusc. 17. in respons . ad aphoris . 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. & tom . 2. opusc . 1. in append de fide haer. seruandâ in exam . 4. propositionis . a quod lib. 3. art . 4. p. 66 , 67. b cap. 17. in the very end pag. 331. a quaro eur h●nc fallendi artem appelles aequiuocationem iesuiticam . to● . 2. opusc. 1. in append. in examinatione ● . propos . a mitigat . cap. 7. nu . 7. pa. 277. & cap. 10. nu . 23. pa. 424. & cap. 11. nu . 31. p. 460. & cap. 13. nu . 2. p. 547. b mitig. c● . 11. nu . 23. p. 454. a mitig. cap. 13. nu . 3. p. 548. b sober reckon . in append . nu . 25. pag. 687. c mitigat . cap. 9. num . 25. & seqq . d mar. 13. 32. e ioh. 8. 15. f mar. 16. 16. g ioh. 6. 51. h ioh. 16. 23. a comm. in c. human. aures . q. 3. nu . 1● . b per hanc doctrinam singularem possunius euitare innumera pe●cata , &c. c passim enim interrogamur , quò vadimus , quid comedimu● , &c. d subintelligendo aliqua , quibus fient vera quae annuimu● , vel falsa quae negamus . e ita vt tenear vel conueniat illi praestare , tradere , dicere , &c. a summa v. mendac nu . 4. pag. 385. b quae doctrina deb●t notari . c de praecept . 2. §. 1. nu . 8. p. 49. d causam habeat non illam dandi . e in comm●●n loquutione interrogato de re , quam secretò seruare exp . dit , licitum est dicere , se nescire , intelligendo , ita vt expediat dicere . sanchez o. per moral l. 3. c. 6. num . 25. f mitigat . c. 9. nu . 81. & 83. pag. 403 , 404. g in c. human. ●ures . q. 2. nu . 12. h verum & iniustum damnum . a de aequinocatione ita censio . in rebus moralib . & cōmuni vsa vitae , quando veritas inter amicos requiritur , vti aequ●ocatione haut licet : id enim societati hominum magno mala cedere● . quare hoc remedio in istis null●● loc●● . quoties verò de necessari● defensione agitur , dequs , iniuria aliqua euitanda , aut damno , aut de consequando aliquo non parui . momenti hon● , sine vll● cuiusqua●r periculo , tum luita est . aequinocati● . casaub. ep. ad fronton , du● . pag. 1. 1. a proceeding against traytors , lit . u. 4. b ea etiam vti licet , quum iustè quis interrogatur , si datur rationabilis causa non responderdi ad metem interrogantu . fernand. exam. de praec . 2. cap. 5. § 1. nu . 8. p. 49. c non solum qu●● iniuriosa est interrogatio , sed etiam absque culpa interroganti , saepe non tenemur ad mentem eius respondere , quandocunque scilicet interrogans non habet ius impe●a●● responsionem , & interrogato id●nea miniineq , leuis illius dene gandae causa suppe●t . nam cui tacere licet , 〈◊〉 praeter quaesita , aliud quid cum deo coelitibus , aut sec●●n loqui po●si , seu ●ocall , seu 〈…〉 se● mixta , ●i . partim vocali , partim mentali . heiss. refut . aph. c. 4. aph. 2. nu . 117. p. 191. a persons mit . c. 10. nu . 23. pa. 424. greg. de valent. tom . 3. disp. 5. q. 13. punct . 2. §. ad. 2 arg. sanchez moral● . 3. c. 6. nu . 16. p. 26. b causa iusta vtendi his amphibologiis est , quoties id necessarium aut vtile est ad salutem corporis , honore , res samil●ares tuenda , vel ad quemlibet alium virtutis actum : ita vt veritatis occultatio censeatur , tunc expediens ac studiosa . sanchez op . moral . l. 3. c. 6. num . 19. c dum sotus ait non esse culpam amphibologus uti joco , & in ridiculis , intelligo quando absque iuramento id fieret . tunc enim honestus ille ludus , recreationis iusta causa exereitus , honc stum redderet amphibologiae vsum . at si iuramentum adesset , est manifesta culpa , propter vanamet indiscretā diuini nominis vsurpationem . sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. nu . 22. a mitig. cap. 10. nu . 2. pag. 407 , 408. b vltimò , deducitur poenitentem temerè rogatum , an hoc vel illud peccatū fassus sit , posse iurare se non confessum , intelligendo ita vt teneatur illi explicare . sanchez mor. l. 3. c. 6. nu . 44. c si contra iustitiam petit , et iuridice eum non interrogas , potest vti aequiuocatione , et iurare secundum propriam mentem . tolet . de instruct. sa. l. 4. c. 21. num . 10. d iisdem amphibologijs potest vti reus , quando iudex interrogans non est legitimus interrogati iudex , aut in hoc casu peculiari , sanchez l. 3. c. 6. nu . 27. e mitig. cap. 10. nu . 11. and in the rest following . f si quis hominē ignorāter , putans esse feram , occidat , aut in propriam defensionem-potest de eo facto rogatus in iudicio , id negare . sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. nu . 29. g quando taxa alicutus rei est iniusta , si pluris vendens , aut defraudans in pondere & mensura , ita vt sibi satisfaciat propretij injustitia , & reddat correspondentes merces pretio date ; potest hic interrogatus à iudice , an pluris vendiderit vel desecent in pōdere aut mensura id negare , assacreque se pretio taxato vendidisse & integre pondus & mensura●● tradi ●isse , intelligendo haec , ita ut pluris vendens aut deficiens in pondere aut mensura deliquerit . sanehez moral . l. 3. c. 6. nu . 29. a si reperto cadanere , quis interrogatur , an gladius ibi repertus fit suus , vel tali ho●● illaec transierit , quae vera sunt , & petuntur ab eo , tanquam illiu● homi●idiji indi ●ia quod verè no commisa potest negare . sanch l. c. nu 30. b ratione optima docent cum , qui nummos mutuò acceptos soluit , posse a iudice rogatum de mutuo , iucarese illud non accepisse , intelligendo ita ut teneatur id soluere . — atque idem credo si tunc non teneretur soluere , eò quod terminus , ad quem matuum datum fuit non est impletus ; vel prae paupertate excusatur debit or a tunc soluendo . sanch l. c. nu . 31. c nonò , deducitur creditorem virtute instrumenti publici exigeteur eoram iudice debitum , — et si pars illius sunun●● debita s●luta sibi sit . &c. si debitor reconcentat eoram iudice creditorem , vt iuret an pars illius debiti soluta sit sibi , potest iuarare solutam non esse , intelligendo vt modò non sit tantundem sibi debitum . sanch. l. c. num 36. d vndecimo deducitur , co●ctam aliquam actipere in sponsam , quam ducere non tenetur , posse iurare se accepturum , intelligendo in●●a se , si teneor vel si postea placuent mihi . sanchez ibid. num . 39. tolet. de instruct sacerd. l. 4. 21. nu . 11. a si vir ab vxore petat an sit●dultera , ista potest dicere , non sum , squam●is verum fuerit eam adulterium cōmississe ) intelligendo , vt tibi reuelem tolet . instruct. l. 4. c. 21. nu . 11. sanch. moral . l. 3. ●6 . nu . 41. persons , mitig . c. 10. nu . 37. pa. 436. b contraxit quit matrimonium per verba de praesenti , qua de re postulatus corum episcopo , potest ad●ibito iuramento respondere , non se contraxisse per verba de praesenti ; seruata sibi clausula , ita ut matrimonium fuerit . treatiso of equiuocation , allowed by blackwell and garnet , cited by d. abbot antilog . cap. 2. fol. 13. and casaub. epist. ad front. pag. 115. c decimo quintò deducitur , eum ti quo mutuò pecunia petitur , quam reuera habet , posse iureiurando affirmare se eam non habere , intelligendo intra se , ut det . sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. num . 43. & nauart . com●n c. human. aures , q. 3. num 13. persons mitigall . cap. 9. num . 81. pa. 401 , 403. d iondino quis , sauten●e ibi peste , proficiscitur countriam , qu●m magistratus de vebis suae imolumitate soilicu● , diuersai ìibi non pert●untur , misi prius iuret se londiat nuper non fuisse , non ende venisse , turare poterit non se venisse londino , cum hac reseruatien● mentis , ita ut insectus po●le venerim . treatise of equiuocation , apud d. abbot antilog . c. 2. fol. 13. the like is said by sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. nu . 35. by tolet. de instruct. l. 4. c. 21. num . 12. by nauarre enchirid. cap. 12. nu . 19. e in communi loqtuitione interrogato de re quam secre●ò seruare expedit ●citum est dicere se nescire , intelligenda , ita vt expediat dicere . — potest estam — uti quauis alia amphibologia &c. sanchez moral . l. 3. c. 6. num . 25. a obseruandum quoties ●icitum est ad se tuendum vti aliqua aequiuocatione , id quoque erit licitum , etsi interrogans vrgeat excludens illam aequiuocationem . and , quatum cunque reduplicet iniquus interrogator , vt inret se nulla aequiuocatione vti , & absque omni prorsus aequiuocaione id intelligere : adhuc id iutare potest intelligendo its vt planè debe at loqui et explicare vel aliquid aliud mente concipiendo , quo verum id reddatur . sanchez moral . l. 3. c. ● num . 45. and the same is said in the treatise of equiuocation apud d. abbot antilog . fol. 13. fac . 2. a vide intanta astutia quanta sit simplicitat , quii omnem sec●●ritatem in eo i●●amento sibi statuisset , talam se m●dum iuramenti , tot circumstantijs conne●●●isse existim●bat , qui , saluâ conscientiâ , nulla ratione à quoquā dissolui posset . sed videre non potuit , si pontifex iuramentum dissoluerit , omnes illius nexus , siue de sidelitate regi praestanda , siue de dispensatione non admittenda , peritor dissolutos fore . immo aliud dicam admirabilius . nosti , credo , iuramentū iniustum , si tale esse euidenter s●tatur , vel aperte declaretur , neminem obligare ; reg● iura mentum iniustū esse , ab ipso ecclesie pastore sufficienter declaretam est barthol . pacenius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epistol . monit . iacob . regis lit . ● . 2. & 3. b vades igitur tam in sumum ab●●sse illius obs●gatione ; vt vnculii quod à tot sapientibus ferreum putabat●● , manus fit quam stramilie● . a in c. human. aur . q. 3. nu . 14. pag. 353. monarcha ●um prim● maximu● . b creditur enim ita excipere & audire ad se vementes , & sic ijsdem respondendo , significare tam gestu , quàm verbis & factis , vt placeaut eis , cum quibus rem gerit , intellecta secundum intentionem illorum , licet sint in se falsa , &c. c ibid. nu . 15. d hanc doctrinam & artem bonam . * he that knoweth not to dissemble , knoweth not to raigne . a eccles. 10. 20. b g. abbot praelect . de mendacio . pa. 50. nu . 13. & r. abbot antilog . cap. 2. fol 13. fac . 2. c proceeding against traitors . c● . 2. a proceeding against traitors . y. 3. a quum in catholicis veteribus alij● , plurim●s feramus c●r●res , & extenuemus , excusemus , excogitato commento persaepe negemus , & commodum ijs sensum offingamus , dum opponuntur in disputationibus aut in constictionibus cū aduersarijs : non videmus cur non eandem aequit item & diligentem recognitione mereatur be●tramus . index belgic . lit . b. in bertramo . pag. 12. in 8● . b mitigat . ca. 7. num . 34. & seqq . c the author and the publishers of the iesuites catechisme . d l. 1. c. 18. fol. 64. e l. 1. c. 17. fol. 62. f ibid. g relation of religion , num . 33. beza red●●● . epist. ad gul. stuck . a in vita luther● pag. 152. b directed to the reader . c fallitur cum tota sua caterna diebolus , &c. see the iesuits cate chisme , l. 1. cap. 17. f. 62. a vise morti vicinum sensit , ●oram pleno sena●u geneuensi palinodiam 〈◊〉 . beza red●●● . epist. coloniâ misaâ , pag. 9. 〈…〉 . a reply to persons libel . pag. 18. a comment . in c. human. aur . q. 3. nu . 13. b reply to persons libel . pag. 23. c reply to persons libel . cap. 3. pag. 57. true relation pag. 55 , 56. quod● . 3. art . 4. pag. 66. in the margin . d answere to a letter of a iesuited gentleman , p. 104. gen. 20. ● . gen. 27. 19. exod. 5. 1. & 8. 27. 1. sam. 16. 1 , 2. 1. sam. 21. 2. ier. 38. 25 , &c. a comm●n c. human. aures q. 3. nu . 7. gen. 20. 11 , 12. a apologie for eccles. subo●d . c. 12. in the end fol. 202. b so s. aug. interpreteth this place , lib. contra mendac . cap. 10. a haec quando in scripturis sancti● legimus , non ideo quia facta credimus , etiam faciend● cred●mus , ne violem●● praecepta , dum passim s●ctamur exempla . aug. contra menda● . c. 9. p. 18. a. b contra mendac . cap. 10. in gen. 27. 19. relect. de secreto memb . 3. q. 3. conclus . 7. pag. 3●1 . a ier. 18. 7 , 8. b ezek. 33. 13. c ioel 2. 14. d dan. 4. 27. a ionah 3. 8 , 9. b isai. 38. 2. c contra mēdac . cap. 2. pag. 14. a. d luk. 24. 28. a mar. 13. 3● . b ioh. 7. 8. persons mitig. c. 7. num . 29. pag. 293. c matt. 26. 48. d ioh. 13. 26. a facta nihil huc auin●● , nisi certam & expectatam 〈◊〉 altera parte sine siga● ficat●onem si●e quasi respension● contra 〈◊〉 de●●●u . abbat . antilog . c. 2. pag. 26. and againe , otio●è totum hoc de shategemets vs●●satcy quia nulla ibi consiliorum communicatio , nulla signorum intercessio , quae mentibus nostris inui●em aperiendis constituta sunt . ibid. pag. 26. b non magis in ●oc facto video inendacij specie , quam in eo quod simulauit se peregrinum seu ●●ator●m . lucas b●ugens . in hunc locum . c magaum discrimen est inter voba & opera● verba exp●●ma iustitutione , significandi vim habent ; non item opera . a barrad . to . 4. l. 8. c. 1● . pag. 356. 2. a ribera in amos 2. nu . 21. pag. 344. b si enim eum non 〈◊〉 , tra●●●sset sine dubio , & iss●t lo●gi●s . c mitig. cap. 9. nu . 58. pa. 386. d mitig. cap. 9. nu . 72. pa. 397. e mitig ca. 9. nu . 45. pa. 378. f mitig. cap. 9. num 48. i. c. nu . 49. gen. 22. 12. deut. 13. 3. rob. abbot an●●l . cap. 2. pag. 22 , & 23. a roman . correct . ioh. 7. 8. a cap. 1. p. 1● . b pers. mitig . cap. 8. num . 8. c pers. ibid. num . 15. d pers. ibid. num 8. e ibid. num . 15 f pers. mitig . cap. 8. num . 10. pag. 313. vt reliqui ●ures , carum rerum quas cepericat , signa commutan● : sic illi — nomina , tanquam rerum notas , mutaucrunt , cic. de finib . bon . & mal . l. 5. nu . 74. pag. 111. a mitig. cap. 8. num . 16. pag. 310. a aug. conta mendac . c. 12. b tolet instr. l. 8. c. 54. c non est mendacium , dicere quod nou ita est , sed dicere aliter quàm homo putat . tolet. ibid. d qui aliter qu●● sentit proloquitur , alterū fallit , et fallere intendit . non etenim sic profert , nisi vt diuersam opinionem in animo alterius generet . hoc autem est fallere . tolet. ibid. e pers. mitig . c. 12. num . 2. pag. 484. & cap. 10. num . 22. p. 424. a cap. 1. pag. 16. num . 6. b mihi vsque ad●o videtur ille animus fallendi necessarius ad rationem mendacij ; quòd sine illo mendacium esse non possit . vt v. g. fi petrus absque aliqu● teste proferat propositionem , qu● scit esse falsam ; ille non mentitur , quamuis dicat folsum in voce . similit●r si petrus dicat ●oann● ; tu 〈◊〉 es ioctnes : 〈◊〉 non mentitur , quamuis dicat falsum , quia illud non potest dicere animo fallendi ipsum ioannem . huius ratio esse potest , quia mendacium est fiotio quaeda , quae est in voluntate , propterca quòd est ad alteris per quam intendit homo , vt alius credat aliter , quam sentit ille , qui fiugit , & mentitur . quòd autem menda●●ū sit ad alterum , patet . nam 〈◊〉 veracitas , quae est virtus oppofila , est ad àtterum , quum sit pa●s iustiti● ; vt ai● s. tho. dominic . baunes to . 3. in 2. 2. q. 1. art . 3. dub. 1. § pro decisione . pag. 16. a aut non est credendum bonis ; aut credendum est ijs , quos credimus debere aliquando mentiri ; aut non est credendum bonos aliquando 〈◊〉 . horum trium primum pernici●sum est secund●● stultum . restat ●rgo , vt nunquam ment●antur boni . augustin . de mendac . cap. 8. pag. 6. f. a leuitie . 19. 11. b ephes. 4. 25. c d ely in his notes vpon the apologie . cap. 9. pag. 311. d. bagshaw in his answ. to persons apologie , pag. 42. reply to a briefe apologie , cap. 2. pag. 11. a apologie for subord . cap. 12. in the latter end . a 2 corin. 11. 14. b quum volens eum consuetudine visionum , ad credulitatem futurae deceptionis illicere , verissima quaque multo tempore , diabolu● , velut veritatatis nuncius , reuclasset : ad ●x●●emum , &c. cassian . collat . 2. cap. 8. the jesuits loyalty, manifested in three several treatises lately written by them against the oath of allegeance with a preface shewing the pernicious consequence of their principles as to civil government. 1677 approx. 405 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 100 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61561 wing s5599 estc r232544 12131586 ocm 12131586 54736 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61561) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54736) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 880:3) the jesuits loyalty, manifested in three several treatises lately written by them against the oath of allegeance with a preface shewing the pernicious consequence of their principles as to civil government. stillingfleet, edward, 1635-1699. [2], 48, [2], xiv, 132 p. printed by e. flesher, for r. royston ..., london : 1677. reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed (in part) to bp. e. stillingfleet. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -great britain. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the jesuits loyalty , manifested in three several treatises lately written by them against the oath of allegeance : with a preface , shewing the pernicious consequence of their principles as to civil government . london , printed by e. flesher , for r. royston , bookseller to his most sacred majesty , 1677. to the authours of the following treatises . gentlemen , i hope you will forgive me the not setting your names before this address , although i am not wholly a stranger to them : for however it be against the usual custome , yet you have reason to take it more kindly from me . i assure you , my design is , not to doe any injury to your persons , but onely to let you and the world know , we are not altogether unacquainted with your present principles , or practices . and although , like the plague , you walk in darkness , and doe mischief ; yet i intend onely to set such marks and characters upon you , that when others see them , they may take the wind of you , and avoid the infection . it may be , men of your retirement and modesty may be somewhat surprised , to see themselves in print against their wills : but i hope you will pardon this presumption , and absolve me as soon as i have confessed my fault . for it is very agreeable to your casuistical theology so to doe , without staying for the performance of penance ; and the contrary doctrine is accounted one of the heresies of iansenism , which i know you love as little as the oath of allegeance . i find in a supplication to the late pope clement x. that to assert the necessity of penance before absolution , is to charge the church with a dangerous errour for four or five of the last ages , and to revive an opinion condemned by the head of the church . ( which are the very same arguments used in the first treatise , for the pope's power of deposing princes . ) you need not therefore wonder , if it be with me as it is with thousands of others , that when absolution may be had at so easy a rate , i presume to offend . if i may be said to offend , in obtaining that for you , which you sometimes sadly complain of the want of , viz. a liberty of printing your books . you may by this see how frankly we deal with you , in that we do not onely suffer , but procure the coming abroad of your most mischievous treatises . it may be you will be ready to ask me , if i account these treatises such , why i venture to publish them . because some poisons lose their force when they are exposed to the open air : and it may doe good to others , to let them understand what doses you give in private to your patients . we are to hear of nothing from you , but professions of the utmost loyalty and obedience to government ; and that it is nothing but a little squeamish scrupulosity of conscience which makes any of your stomachs check at the oath of allegeance : the ingredients are a little too gross and fulsome for you to get it down ; but if they were neatly done up in pills and gilded over , to prevent the nauseousness of them , you could swallow them all , and they would work kindly with you . we have been told over and over , that you onely stick at some inconvenient phrases and modes of expression ; but for what concerned any real security to the government , you would be as forward and ready to give it , as any of his majestie 's subjects . if this really were the case , you deserved both to be pitied and considered . but we thank you , gentlemen , for the pains you have taken in these treatises , to make us understand that this is not your case . for it is easy to discern by them , what lies at the bottom of all , viz. the unwillingness to renounce the pope's power of deposing princes . which the authour of the first treatise , like an open plain-hearted man , avows and maintains : and the other two more craftily insinuate . i shall therefore deal freely with you in this matter , by endeavouring to prove these two things . 1. that if you do not renounce the pope's power of deposing princes , and absolving subjects from their allegeance , you can give no real security to the government . 2. that if you do renounce it , you have no reason to stick at the oath of allegeance . 1. that if you do not renounce the pope's power of deposing princes , and absolving subjects from their allegeance , you can give no real security to the government . i shall not insist on any of the beaten topicks to prove this ; but onely make use of this argument , that it is allowed by all friends to our king and his government , that the commonwealth-principles are destructive to it , and that none who do own them can give sufficient security for their allegeance . if i therefore prove , that all the mischievous consequences of the republican principles do follow upon the owning the pope's power of deposing princes , i suppose you will grant i sufficiently prove what i intend . now the mischief of the commonwealth-principles lay in these things : 1. setting up a court of judicature over sovereign princes ; 2. breaking the oaths and bonds of allegeance men had entred into ; 3. justifying rebellion on the account of religion . every one of these i shall prove doth naturally follow from the pope's power of deposing princes . 1. setting up a court of iudicature over sovereign princes ; or , if you please , a spiritual high court of iustice at rome ; where princes are often condemned without being heard , because they have no reason to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court. it is no satisfaction , in this case , to distinguish of a direct and indirect power : for however the power comes , the effect and consequence of it is the same : as a man may be as certainly killed by a back blow , as by a thrust or downright stroke . but the question is not , how the pope came by this power , which , i easily grant , was indirectly enough ; but whether he hath any such sovereignty over princes , as to be able by virtue thereof to depose them . and the commonwealths-men do herein agree with you . for they do not say , that the people have a direct power over their princes ; ( which were a contradiction in it self , for subjects to command their sovereigns ; ) but onely , that in case of breach of trust , the people have an indirect power to call their princes to an account , and to deprive them of their authority . but are the commonwealth-principles the less mischievous to government , because they onely assert an indirect power in the people ? why then should the same distinction be of less pernicious consequence in this case ? the main thing to be debated is , that which doth immediately concern the just rights of sovereignty , whether sovereign princes have a supreme and independent authority inherent in their persons or no : or whether they are so accountable to others , that upon male-administration they may be deprived of their government . this is the first and chief point : and the republicans and asserters of the pope's deposing power are perfectly agreed in the affirmative of the latter question , and onely differ as to the persons in whom the power of calling princes to an account doth lie ; whether it be in the pope , or the people . and even as to this , they do not differ so much as men may at first imagine . for , however the primitive christians thought it no flattery to princes , to derive their power immediately from god , and to make them accountable to him alone , as being superiour to all below him , ( as might be easily proved by multitudes of testimonies : ) yet , after the pope's deposing power came into request , the commonwealth-principles did so too , and the power of princes was said to be of another original , and therefore they were accountable to the people . thus gregory vii . that holy and meek-spirited pope , not onely took upon him to depose the emperour , and absolve his subjects from their allegeance ; but he makes the first constitution of monarchical government to be a meer vsurpation upon the just rights and liberties of the people . for he saith , that kings and princes had their beginning from those , who , being ignorant of god , got the power into their hands over their equals , ( through the instigation of the devil , ) and by their pride , rapine , perfidiousness , murther , ambition , intolerable presumption , and all manner of wickedness . this excellent account of the original of monarchical government we have from that famous leveller gregory vii . that most holy and learned pope , who , for his sanctity and miracles , was canonized for a saint ; as the authour of the first treatise notably observes . did ever any remonstrance , declaration of the army , or agreement of the people , give a worse account of the beginning of monarchy then this infallible head of the church doth ? what follows from hence , but the justifying all rebellion against princes , which , upon these principles , would be nothing else , but the people's recovering their just rights against intolerable usurpations ? for shame , gentlemen , never upbraid us more with the pernicious doctrines of the late times as to civil government . the very worst of our fanaticks never talked so reproachfully of it , as your canonized saint doth . their principles and practices we of the church of england profess to detest and abhorre : but i do not see how those can doe it , who have that self-denying saint gregory vii . in such mighty veneration . i pray , gentlemen , tell me what divine assistence this good pope had , when he gave this admirable account of the original of civil government : and whether it be not very possible , upon his principles , for men to be saints and rebells at the same time . i have had the curiosity to enquire into the principles of civil government among the fierce contenders for the pope's deposing power ; and i have found those hypotheses avowed and maintained , which justifie all the practices of our late regicides , who when they wanted materials , and examples of former ages , when they had a mind to seem learned in rebellion , they found no smith in israel , but went down to the philistins , to sharpen their fatal axe . else , how came the book of succession to the crown of england to be shred into so many speeches , and licensed then by such authority as they had , to justify their proceedings against our late sovereign of glorious memory ? wherein the main design is , to prove , that commonwealths have sometimes lawfully chastised their lawfull princes , though never so lawfully descended , or otherwise lawfully put in possession of their crowns : and that this hath fallen out ever , or for the most part , commodious to the weal-publick ; and that it may seem that god approved and prospered the same , by the good success and successours that ensued thereof . these were the principles of the most considerable men of that party here in england at that time . for it is a great and common mistake in those that think the book of succession to have been written by f. parsons alone . for he tells us , that card. allen , sir francis inglefield , and other principal persons of our nation , are known to have concurred to the laying together of that book , as by their own hands is yet extant ; and this to the publick benefit of our catholick cause . first , that english catholicks might understand what special and precise obligation they have to respect religion , in admitting any new prince , above all other respects humane under heaven . and this is handled largely , clearly , and with great variety of learning , reasons , doctrine , and examples , throughout the first book . this was purposely intended for the exclusion of his majestie 's royall family , k. iames being then known to be a firm protestant : and therefore two breves were obtained from the pope to exclude him from the succession ; which were sent to garnet , provincial of the iesuits . one began , dilectis filiis , principibus , & nobilibus catholicis ; the other , dilecto filio , archipresbytero , & reliquo clero anglicano . in both which the pope exhorts them , not to suffer any person to succeed in the crown of england , how near soever in bloud , unless he would , not barely tolerate the catholick faith , but promote it to the utmost , and swear to maintain it . by virtue of which apostolical sentence catesby justified himself in the gun-powder-treason : for , saith he , if it were lawfull to exclude the king from the succession , it is lawfull to cast him out of possession ; and that is my work , and shall be my care . thus we see the pope's deposing power was maintained here in england , by such who saw how necessary it was for their purpose to defend the power of commonwealths over their princes , either to exclude them from succession to the crown , or to deprive them of the possession of it . the same we shall find in france , in the time of the solemn league and covenant there , in the reigns of henry iii. and iv. for those who were engaged so deep in rebellion against their lawfull princes , found it necessary for them to insist on the pope's power to depose , and the people's to deprive their sovereigns . both these are joyned together in the book written about the just reasons of casting off henry iii. by one who was then a doctour of the sorbon : wherein the authour begins with the power of the church ; but he passes from that , to the power of the people . he asserts * the fundamental and radical power to be so in them , that they may call princes to account for treason against the people ; which he endeavours at large to prove by reason , by scripture , by examples of all sorts , forrein and domestick . and he adds , that in such cases they are not to stand upon the niceties and forms of law ; but that the necessities of state do supersede all those things . if this man had been of counsel for the late regicides , he could not more effectually have pleaded their cause . the next year after the murther of henry iii. by a monk , acted and inspired by these rebellious principles , came forth another virulent book against henry iv. under the name of rossaeus ; but written by w. reynolds , a furious english papist , who , with his brethren , contributed their utmost assistence to the rebellious leaguers in france ; as appears by the books then written . this man proceeds upon the same two fundamental principles of rebellion , the power of the people , and the deposing power of the pope . he makes all obedience to princes to be so far conditional , that if they doe not their duty , their subjects are free from their obligation to obey them : and saith , that the contrary opinion is against the law of nations , and the common reason of mankind . and with great vehemency he pleads for the supreme power over princes to lie in the body of the people , or their representative : which he endeavours to prove by the consent of nations . and it is observable , that he makes the right of succession by nearness of bloud to be a calvinistical doctrine . for , he saith , those pretended catholicks who pleaded for the right of the king of navarre , though of a different religion , had onely the name of catholicks , but were in truth impudent calvinists . the good catholick doctrine which he asserts , is , that no obedience is due to an heretical prince : which he goes about to prove with more then fanatick zeal . but whereas the fanaticks had onely the power of the people to justify themselves by ; he calls in the deposing power of the pope too ; upon which he largely insists . yet this is the book so highly commended in france by clement viii 5 nuncio , the cardinal of placentia . by which we see , how well the republican principles do agree with the pope's deposing power . which may be better understood , when we consider , that these were the common principles of the whole party of the league ; as might be proved from several authentick testimonies , if it were needfull . and he is a mighty stranger in history , that doth not know how that party was encouraged and abetted by the court of rome ; and how sixtus v. made a fanatick oration in the consistory at rome , upon the murther of henry iii. by a iacobin frier , after eight days fasting and prayer to prepare himself for so holy an act , and celebrating masse , and commending himself to the prayers of others ; as one tells us who well knew all the circumstances of that horrid murther . this oration is now stoutly denied by persons of greater zeal then knowledge ; but will. warmington , a romish priest , not onely assures us that he had seen the copy printed at paris 1589. the year of the king's death , with the approbation of 3 doctours of the faculty of paris , ( whereof one , viz. boucher , was the authour of the book of the just abdication of henry iii. ) but he saith , that being then at rome , he sent it to william reynolds , ( the authour of the other treatise , ) who looked on it as an approbation of the frier's fact ; and said , he could not have been gratified by any thing more , then by sending him the approbation of the see apostolick , because he was then writing his book . this speech was published from the notes of card. allen , as warmington saith , who was then one of his chaplains , imploy'd by him in transcribing it ; and the pope himself acknowledged it to be his own oration . let the world then judge , whether the regicides doctrine doth not very well agree with the maxims of the roman court. so true is that saying of spalatensis , that the popes and their followers make it their business to lessen the authority of princes , and to make it as mean and contemptible as they can . and the countenancing the proceedings of the covenanters in france against henry iv. by the successive popes was so open and notorious , that the necessity of his affairs drove him to the change of his religion : but because he was not a persecuter of hereticks to that degree they desired , after several attempts upon his person , by men of these principles , we all know it cost him his life at last . and i have it from a very good hand , that ravilliac himself confessed , that the reason which induced him to murther his sovereign was , because he did not think him obedient enough to the pope . thus we find the most mischievous commonwealth-principles have been very well entertained at rome , as long as they are subservient to the pope's deposing power . but if we enquire farther into the reason of these pretences , we shall find them alike on both sides . the commonwealths-men , when they are asked , how the people , having once parted with their power , come to resume it ; they presently run to an implicit contract between the prince and the people , by virtue whereof the people have a fundamental power left in themselves , which they are not to exercise but upon princes violation of the trust committed to them . the very same ground is made the foundation of the pope's deposing power , viz. an implicit contract that all princes made when they were christians , to submit their scepters to the pope's authority . which is so implicit , that very few princes in the world ever heard of it , unless they were such who took their crowns from the popes hands , after they had resigned them to them ; which few besides our king iohn were ever so mean-spirited to doe . i reade indeed that albertus , archduke of austria , in late times accepted the government of flanders with isabella clara eugenia , upon these terms , that if any of their posterity were declared hereticks by the pope , they should lose all their right to those provinces ; and that the people should be no longer bound to obey them , but to take the next successour . this is a very unusual condition , and i leave it to the politicians to dispute how far such a condition can oblige a sovereign prince ; since it is declared in the case of king iohn , that the resignation of the crown to the pope is a void act : and so consequently will the imposing any such condition be as inconsistent with the rights of sovereignty . but in the general case of princes , nothing is pleaded but an implicit contract , where by princes being excommunicated by the pope , must lose all that just authority over the people which they had before . but who made such conditional settlements of civil power upon princes ? who keeps the ancient deeds and records of them ? for all the first ages of the christian church , this conditional power and obedience was never heard of . not when emperours were open and declared infidels or hereticks . what reason can be supposed more now , then was in the times of constantius and valens , that were arian hereticks ? yet the most learned , zealous and orthodox bishops of that time never once thought of their losing their authority by it : as i could easily prove , if the design of this preface would permit me . suppose there were an escheat of power made , how comes it to fall into the pope's hands ? if it be by virtue of excommunication , every bishop that hath power to excommunicate , will likewise have power to depose princes : and what a fine case are princes in , if their power lies at the mercy of every insolent or peevish bishop ? if it be not by the power of excommunication , by what power is it that the prince is deposed by the pope ? is it by virtue of pasce oves , and dabo tibi claves ? that prince's case is extremely to be pitied , that hath no better security for his power , then what the pope hath for his from those places , in the judgment of the most ingenuous persons of the roman communion . and it seems a very hard case , that princes should lose their unquestionable rights for the sake of so doubtfull an authority , at best , as that of the popes , especially over princes , is . and it is so much the more hard with them , because no private person loses his estate by excommunication ; and yet princes must lose their kingdoms by it . this is indeed no court holy-water , nor a design to flatter princes ; but such horrible injustice and partiality , that it is a wonder to me , the princes of christendom have not long since combined together to dethrone him , who thinks it in his power to depose them , thereby making himself the caliph of the western babylon . and so , no doubt , they would have done , had it not been for the difference of interests among christian princes , that have made some therefore side with and uphold the papal monarchy , because others opposed it ; and every one hopes , at one time or other , to make use of it for his own turn . but yet methinks it is their common interest , to secure themselves against the prevalency of this dangerous doctrine on their own subjects : for all those who believe it , are but conditional subjects to their princes , for their obedience depends on the will and pleasure of another , whom they think themselves bound absolutely to obey , and yet not bound to believe he did right in excommunicating and deposing their prince . for they dare not say he is infallible in his proceedings against princes : so that right or wrong they must obey the pope , and disobey their lawfull sovereign . if the pope through pride , or passion , or interest , or misinformation , thunder out excommunication against a christian prince , ( all which , they say , he is capable of in pronouncing this dreadfull sentence , ) then all his subjects are presently free from their allegeance , and they may doe what they please against him . and what a miserable condition were sovereign princes in , if all christians were such fools , to think themselves bound to obey an unjust sentence of the bishop of rome against their just and lawfull prince ? for upon these principles , though the popes be never so much parties , they must be the onely iudges in this case . and what redress is to be expected there , where it is so much the interest of the person concerned , to have it believed he cannot erre ? if these were really the terms of princes being admitted to christianity , it would make the most considerable argument to perswade them to infidelity . for what have they to doe to judge them that are without ? but princes have no cause to be afraid of being christians for the sake of this doctrine : for if christ and his apostles were the best teachers of christianity , this is certainly no part of it . for the religion they taught never meddled with crowns and scepters , but left to caesar the things that were caesar's , and never gave the least intimation to princes of any forfeiture of their authority , if they did not render to god the things that are god's . the christian religion left mankind under those forms and rules of civil government in which it found them : it onely requires all men , of what rank or order soever , to be subject to the higher powers , because they are the ordinance of god ; and bids all christians pray for them in authority , that under them they may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty . thus far the christian religion goes in these matters , and thus the primitive christians believed and practised , when their religion was pure , and free from the corruptions and usurpations which the interests and passions of men introduced in the following ages . and how then come princes in these latter times to be christians upon worse and harder terms then in the best ages of it ? but how doth it appear that princes do become christians upon such conditions , that if the pope excommunicate them , they lose their crowns ? what office of baptism is this contained in ? did their godfathers and godmothers undertake this for them ? no , that is not said , but that it is implied in the nature of the thing . how so ? is it because dominion is founded in grace ? no , not that neither . but in my mind there is very little difference , between dominion being founded in grace , and being forfeited for want of it . and so we are come about to the fanatick principles of government again ; which this deposing power in the pope doth naturally lead men to . but this is not all the mischief of this doctrine ; for , 2. it breaks all bonds and oaths of obedience , how sacred and solemn soever they have been . that we may the better apprehend the pernicious consequence of this doctrine , we are to consider , ( 1. ) that there is a mutual duty owing between princes and subjects , on the account of the relation between them , such as doth naturally arise from it , and antecedently to their embracing the christian religion . for without an obligation to obedience on the subjects part , the authority of a prince is an insignificant thing , and the publick good of the society cannot be obtained . ( 2. ) that when subjects are absolved from their oaths of allegeance by the pope , they are thereby declared free from that natural duty they were obliged to before . for allegeance to princes doth not flow from the relation between them and the people as christians , but as members of a civil society ; and therefore the absolving subjects from that , is in plain terms nulling the obligation to a natural duty , and taking away the force of oaths and promises . ( 3. ) that all mankind are agreed , that it is a sin to break a lawfull oath ; and the more solemn and weighty the oath is , the greater the perjury : but in case of the pope's absolving subjects from their oath of allegeance , it must be said , that that which otherwise would be a sin , becomes none ; and a notorious crime becomes a duty , because done by virtue of the pope's authority . this is that now we are to understand , if possible , what authority that is in the pope which can turn evil into good , and good into evil ; that can make civil obedience to princes to be a crime , and perjury to be none . this is an admirable power , and greater then the schoolmen will allow to god himself , where there is intrinsick goodness in the nature of the thing , and inseparable evil from the contrary to it . for , say they , divine providence being supposed , god cannot but forbid those evil actions which natural reason discovers to be evil : for how can the hatred of god , or a wilfull lie , be any other then evil ? the same i say of disobedience to parents , and violation of oaths lawfully made ; which are things evil in their own nature . the question now is , whether the pope can doe that which they say god himself cannot , viz. make perjury not to be a sin. for an oath of allegeance cannot be denied to be a lawfull oath , and a lawfull oath lays an obligation on conscience to the performance of it , and gives another a just right to challenge that allegeance as a duty by virtue of his oath ; and where-ever there is a necessary duty , god himself , saith aquinas , cannot dispense : for then ▪ he would act contrary to the rule of eternal righteousness ; which he can never doe . it is true , they grant , that god , in regard of his supreme dominion , can alter the matter or circumstances of things ; as in abraham's sacrificing his son upon god's particular command , which in those circumstances was not murther : but this , they say well , is no dispensation with the law , nor any act of iurisdiction as a legislator ; but onely an act of supreme power . but our question is onely , about dispensing with the force and obligation of a law of nature , such as keeping our oaths undoubtedly is . and since god himself is not allowed the power of dispensing , it seems very strange how the pope should come by it ; unless it were out of a desire to exalt himself above all that is called god. thomas aquinas saith , that there can be no dispensation to make a man doe any thing against his oath ; for , saith he , keeping an oath is an indispensable divine precept : but all the force of a dispensation lies in altering the matter of an oath , which being variable may be done . to clear this , in every oath are three things to be considered : ( 1. ) the obligation upon the person to perform what he swears to ; ( 2. ) the right which the person hath to challenge that performance to whom the oath is made ; ( 3. ) the interest which god hath , as supreme judge , to see to the performance , and to punish the breakers of it . now which of these is it the pope's dispensation in a promissory oath doth fall upon ? surely the pope doth not challenge to himself god's supreme power of punishing or not punishing offenders ; so that if men do break their oaths , if they have the pope's dispensation , they do not fear the punishment of perjured persons . i am willing to believe this is not their meaning . it must therefore be one of the former . but then how comes the pope to have power to give away another man 's natural right ? a man swears allegeance to his prince , by virtue of which oath the prince challenges his allegeance as a sworn duty : and so it is according to all rules of common reason and justice . the pope he dispenseth with this oath , and absolveth the person from this allegeance ; i. e. the pope gives away the prince's right whether he will or no. is not this great justice , and infinitely becoming god's vicar upon earth ? but how came the pope by that right of the prince which he gives away ? the right was a just and natural right , belonging to him on a meer civil account : what authority then hath the pope to dispose of it ? may he not as well give away all the just rights of men to their estates , as those of princes to their crowns ? the very plain truth is , the defenders of the pope's indirect power are forced to shuffle and cut , and make unintelligible distinctions , and in effect to talk non-sense about this matter . the onely men that speak sense are those who assert the pope in plain terms to have a direct temporal monarchy , and that all kings are their subjects and vasalls ; and therefore they may dispose of their crowns , and doe what they please with them . we know what these men would have ; and if princes be tame enough to submit to this power , they own the pope as their true sovereign lord , and must rule , or not rule , at his pleasure . but it is impossible for those who contend onely for spiritual jurisdiction in the pope , to defend his power of absolving subjects from their allegeance to princes , since this power of altering the matter is not an act of iurisdiction , but of meer power , as was said before as to god himself in the case of abraham . therefore those who contend onely for the pope's dispensing with oaths of allegeance on the account of his spiritual jurisdiction , can never justify the giving away the natural rights of princes ; for that is an act of power , and not of iurisdiction . and cajetan well observes , that the relaxation of an oath by altering the matter , is an act of direct power , because the thing it self is immediately under the power of the person ; as in a father over his son , or a lord over his vassall : and therefore the dispensing with the oath of allegeance cannot be by the alteration of the matter , unless a direct power over princes be asserted . cajetan laies down a good rule about dispensing with oaths , that in them we ought to see that no prejudice be done to the person to whom and for whose sake they are made : and therefore , he saith , the pope himself hath not that power over oaths , which he hath over vows . and yet maldonat saith , that neither the pope , nor the whole church , can dispense in a solemn vow : and that a dispensation in such cases is no less then an abrogation of the law of god and nature . dominicus à soto saith , that although the pope may dispense in a vow , yet he cannot in an oath . for , saith he , the pope cannot relax an oath which one man hath made to another of paying to him what he owes him ▪ which ariseth from the nature of the contract which is confirmed by an oath . the pope having not the power to take away from another man that which doth belong to him ▪ cannot doe him so much injury as to relax the oath which is made to him . and in the loosing of oaths , care ought to be taken that there be no injury to a third person . afterwards he puts this case , whether if the pope dispenseth with an oath without just cause , that dispensation will free a man from perjury . which he denies , for this reason , because a dispensation cannot hold in the law of god or nature . therefore since it is a law of god , that a man should perform what he swears , although that bond doth arise from the will and consent of the party , yet it cannot be dissolved without sufficient reason . but what reason can be sufficient , he determines not . however , we have gained thus much , that the pope cannot take away the right of a third person ; which he must doe , if he can absolve subjects from their allegeance to their prince , which is as much due to him , as a summe of money is to a creditor . i grant , after all this , that cajetan and soto both yield to the common doctrine of their church , about dispensing with oaths made to excommunicated persons , by way of punishment to them : but they do not answer their own arguments . and cajetan saith , that caution is to be used , lest prejudice be done to another by it : i. e. they durst not oppose the common opinion , although they saw sufficient reason against it . cardinal tolet seems to speak home to our case , when he saith , that an oath made to the benefit of a third person cannot be dispensed with , no not by the pope himself , without the consent of that person ; as the pope cannot take away another man's goods . one would have thought this had been as full to our purpose as possible ; and so it is as to the reason of the thing . but he brings in after it a scurvy exception of the case of excommunicated persons , without offering the least shew of reason why the common rules of iustice and honesty ought not to be observed towards persons censured by the church : nor doth he attempt to shew , how the pope comes by that power of dispensing with oaths in that case , which he freely declares he hath not in any other . gregory sayr thinks he hath nicked the matter , when with wonderfull subtilty he distinguisheth between the free act of the will in obliging it self by an oath , and the obligation following upon it , to perform what is sworn . now , saith he , the pope in dispensing doth not take away the second , viz. the obligation to perform the oath , the bond remaining , for that were to go against the law of god and nature ; but because every oath doth suppose a consent of the will , the dispensation falls upon that , and takes away the force of the oath from it . if this subtilty will hold , for all that i can see , the pope may dispense with all the oaths in the world , and justify himself upon this distinction : for , as azorius well observes , if the reason of dispensing be drawn from the consent of the will , which is said to be subject to the pope , he may at his pleasure dispense with any oath whatsoever . sayr takes notice of azorius his dissatisfaction at this answer , but he tells him to his teeth , that he could bring no better ; yea , that he could find out no answer at all . azorius indeed acknowledges the great difficulty of explaining this dispensing power of the pope as to oaths ; and concludes at last , that the bond of an oath cannot be loosed by the pope , but for some reason drawn from the law of nature ; which is in effect to deny his authority : for if there be a reason from the law of nature against the obligation of an oath , the bond is loosed of it self . others therefore go the plainest way to work , who say , that all oaths have that tacit condition in them , if the pope please . but sayr thinks this a little too broad ; because then it follows evidently , that the pope may dispense as he pleases without cause ; which , he saith , is false . others again have found out a notable device of distinguishing between the obligation of iustice ▪ and of religion , in an oath ; and say , that the pope can take away the religious obligation of an oath , though not that of iustice. this widdrington saith was the opinion of several grave and learned catholicks in england ; and therefore they said they could not renounce the pope's power of absolving persons from the oath of allegeance . but he well shews this to be a vain and impertinent distinction , because the intention of the oath of allegeance is , to secure the obligation of iustice ; and the intention of the pope in absolving from that oath is , to take it away : as he proves from the famous canons , nos sanctorum , and iuratos . so that this subtilty helps not the matter at all . paul layman confesseth , that a promissory oath made to a man cannot ordinarily be relaxed without the consent of the person to whom it is made : because by such an oath a man , to whom it is made , doth acquire as just a right to the performance , as he hath to any of his goods , of which he cannot be deprived . but from this plain and just rule he excepts , as the rest do , the publick good of the church ; as though evil might be done for the good of the church , although not for the good of any private person : whereas the churche's honour ought more to be preserved by the ways of iustice and honesty . wo be to them that make good evil , and evil good , when it serves their turn ; for this is plainly setting up a particular interest under the name of the good of the church , and violating the laws of righteousness to advance it . if men break through oaths , and the most solemn engagements and promises , and regard no bonds of iustice and honesty , to compass their ends , let them call them by what specious names they please , the good old cause , or the good of the church , ( it matters not which , ) there can be no greater sign of hypocrisy and real wickedness then this . for the main part of true religion doth not lie in canting phrases , or mystical notions , neither in specious shews of devotion , nor in zeal for the true church : but in faith , as it implies the performance of our promises , as well as belief of the christian doctrine ; and in obedience , or a carefull observance of the laws of christ , among which , obedience to the king as supreme is one : which they can never pretend to be an inviolable duty , who make it in the power of another person to absolve them from the most solemn oaths of allegeance ; and consequently suppose , that to keep their oaths in such case , would be a sin , and to violate them may become a duty : which is in effect to overturn the natural differences of good and evil , to set up a controlling sovereign power above that of their prince , and to lay a perpetual foundation for faction and rebellion ; which nothing can keep men from , if conscience and their solemn oaths cannot . 3. therefore the third mischief common to this deposing power of the pope and commonwealth-principles , is , the justifying rebellion on the account of religion . this is done to purpose in boucher and reynolds , the fierce disputers for the pope's and the people's power . boucher saith , that it is not onely lawfull to resist authority on the account of religion ; but that it is folly and impiety not to doe it , when there is any probability of success . and the martyrs were onely to be commended for suffering , because they wanted power to resist . most catholick and primitive doctrine ! and that the life of a wicked prince ought not to be valued at that rate as the service of god ought to be : that when christ paid tribute to caesar , he did it as a private man , and not meddling with the rights of the people : that , if the people had not exercised their power over the lives of bad princes , there had been no religion left in many countries . and he finds great fault with the catholicks in england , that they suffered heretical princes to live ; and saith , that they deserved to endure the miseries they did undergo , because of it : that there is no juster cause of war , then religion is : that the prince and people make a solemn league and covenant together to serve god , and if the prince fail of his part , the people ought to compell him to it . and he accounts this a sufficient answer to all objections out of scripture , if he will not hear the church , ( how much more if he persecutes it ? ) let him be to thee as a heathen or a publican . and he brings all the examples he could think of to justify rebellion on the account of religion . rossaeus proves , that hereticks , being excommunicated , lose all right and authority of government ; and therefore it is lawfull for their subjects to rise up against them ; and that no war is more just or holy then this . which he endeavours at large to defend , and to answer all objections against it . and the contrary opinion , he saith , was first broached by the calvinists in france , when they had the expectation of the succession of henry iv. which doctrine he calls punick divinity , and atheism , and the new gospel . the truth is , he doth sufficiently prove the lawfulness of resisting princes on the account of religion to have obtained together with the pope's power of deposing princes . and there can be no other way to justifie the wars and rebellions against henry iv. of germany , and france , and other princes , after their excommunications by the pope , but by stifly maintaining this principle , of the lawfulness of resisting authority on the account of religion . and therefore this cannot be looked on as the opinion of a few factious spirits , but as the just consequence of the other opinion . for the pope's deposing power would signifie very little , unless the people were to follow home the blow , and to make the pope's thunder effectual , by actual rebellion . and the popes understand this so well , that they seldom denounce their sentence of excommunication against princes , but when all things are in readiness to pursue the design ; as might be made appear by a particular history of the several excommunications of princes , from the emperour henry iv. to our own times . if they do forbear doing the same things in our age , we are not to impute it to any alteration of their minds , or greater kindness to princes then formerly , but onely to the not finding a fit opportunity , or a party strong and great enough to compass their ends . for they have learnt by experience , that it is onely loss of powder and ammunition , to give fire at too great a distance ; and that the noise onely awakens others to look to themselves : but when they meet with a people ready prepared for so good a work , as the nuntio in ireland did , then they will set up again for this good old cause of rebellion on the account of religion . and it is observable , that cardinal bellarmin , among other notable reasons to prove the pope's deposing power , brings this for one ; because it is not lawfull for christians to suffer an heretical prince , if he seeks to draw his subjects to his belief . and what prince that believes his own religion doth it not ? and what then is this , but to raise rebellion against a prince , whenever he and they happen to be of different religions ? but that which i bring this for , is to shew , that the pope's deposing power doth carry along with it that mischievous principle to government , of the lawfulness of resisting authority on the account of religion . and from this discourse i infer , that there can be no real security given to the government , without renouncing this deposing power in the pope . but that which is the present pretence among them , is , that it is not this they stick at ; but the quarrel they have at the oath of allegeance , as it is now framed . i shall therefore proceed to the second thing , viz. ii. that if they do renounce the pope's deposing power in good earnest , they have no reason to refuse the oath of allegeance . and now , gentlemen , i must again make my address to you , with great thanks for the satisfaction you have given me in this particular . i have seriously read and considered your treatises ; and i find by them all , that if you durst heartily renounce this doctrine , all the other parts of the oath might go down well enough . the authour of the first treatise is so ingenuous , as to make the following proposition the whole foundation of his discourse ; viz. that it is not lawfull to take any oath or protestation renouncing the pope's power , in any case whatsoever to depose a christian prince , or absolve his subjects from their allegeance . and in my mind he gives a very substantial reason for it , because the holding that he hath no such power is erroneous in faith , temerarious , and impious . what would a man wish for more against any doctrine ? whatever p. w. and his brethren think of this deposing power , this piece doth charge them home , and tells them their own ; and that they are so far from being sound catholicks that deny it , that , in one word , they are hereticks , damnable henrician hereticks . what ? would they be thought catholicks that charge the church , for so many ages ▪ with holding a damnable errour , and practising mortal sin ? as their church hath done , if the pope hath no deposing power . for this honest gentleman confesseth , that it is a doctrine enormously injurious to the rights of princes , and the cause of much deadly feud betwixt the church and secular states , of many bloudy wars of princes one against another , and wicked rebellions of subjects against their princes . o the irresistible power of truth ! how vain is it for men to go about to masquerade the sun ! his light will break through , and discover all . it is very true , this hath been the effect of this blessed doctrine in the christian world ; seditions , wars , bloudshed , rebellions , what not ? but how do you prove this to have been the doctrine of the church of rome ? how ? say you ; by all the ways we can prove any doctrine catholick popes have taught it from scripture and tradition , and condemned the contrary as erroneous in faith , pernicious to salvation , wicked folly and madness , and inflicted censures on them that held it . have they so in good sooth ? nay then , it must be as good catholick doctrine as transubstantiation its own self ; if it hath been declared in councils , and received by the church . yes , say you , that i prove by the very same popes , the same councils , the same church , and in the same manner that transubstantiation was . and for my part i think you have done it , and i thank you for it . i am very well satisfied with your proofs , they are very solid , and much to the purpose . but above all i commend your conclusion , that if this doctrine be an errour , the church of rome for several ages was a wicked and blind church , and a synagogue of satan : and if it were no errour , they that now call it an errour are wicked catholicks , and in damnable errour . nor though all the doctours of sorbon , all the parliaments and vniversities of france , all the friers or blackloists in england or ireland , all the libertines , politicians and atheists in the world , should declare for it , could it ever be an authority to make it a probable opinion . bravely spoken , and like a true disciple of hildebrand ! hear this , o ye writers of controversial letters , and beware how ye fall into these mens hands . you may cry out upon these opinions as long as you please , and make us believe your church is not concerned in them : but if this good man may be credited , you can never find authority enough to make your opinion so much as probable . a very hard case for princes , when it will not be allowed so much as probable , that princes should keep their crowns on their heads , if the pope thinks fit to take them away ; or that subjects should still owe allegeance to princes , when the pope absolves them from it ! very hard , indeed , in such an age of probable doctrines , when so small authority goes to make an opinion probable , that this against the pope's deposing power should not come within the large sphere of probability . hear this , ye writers of apologies for papists loyalty , who would perswade us , silly people of the church of england , that this doctrine of the pope's power of deposing princes is onely the opinion of some doctours , and not the doctrine of your church ; when this learned authour proves , you have as much reason and authority to believe it , as that transubstantiation is the doctrine of it ; and father caron's 250 authours cannot make the contrary opinion so much as probable ; this having been for some ages ( one at least ) the common belief , sense and doctrine of the church , as our authour saith . from whence it follows , it must have been always so ; or else oral tradition and infallibility are both gone . for how could that be the doctrine of one age which was not of the precedent ? what ? did fathers conspire to deceive their children then ? is it possible to suppose such an alteration to happen in the doctrine of the church , and yet the church declare to adhere to tradition at that time ? if this be possible in this case , then , for all that we know , that great bugbear of transubstantiation might steal in in the dark too . and so farewell oral tradition . but how can infallibility stand after it , when the church was so enormously deceived for so long together , as this authour proves it must have been , if this doctrine be false ? if the blackloists in england and irish remonstrants do not all vanish at the appearance of this treatise , and yield themselves captives to this smart and pithy authour , i expect to see some of them concerned for their own vindication , so far , as to answer this short treatise : but i beseech them then , to shew us the difference between the coming in of transubstantiation and this deposing doctrine , since the same popes , the same councils , and the same approbation of the church , are produced for both . this is all i have to say of this first treatise , whose authour i do highly commend for his plain dealing ; for he speaks out what he really thinks and believes of this doctrine of the pope's power of deposing princes . but i am no sooner entred upon the second treatise , but i fansy my self in fairy-land , where i meet with nothing but phantastick shows and apparitions : when i go about to fasten upon any thing , it is immediately gone ; the little fairy leaps up and down , and holds to nothing , intending onely to scare and affright his party from the oath of allegeance ; and when he hath done this , he disappears . the substance of the oath ( saith the authour of the questions , whom he pretends to answer , ) is , the denying and abjuring the pope's power of deposing princes . this is plain , and home to the purpose ; what say you to this ? is this doctrine true , or false ? may it be renounced or not ? hold , say you ; for my part , it is as far from my thoughts , as forein to my present purpose , to speak any thing in favour of this deposing power . is it indeed forein to your purpose , to speak to the substance of the oath ? no , say you , the substance of the oath is contained in this question , whether a catholick may deny by oath , and universally abjure , the pope's power to depose princes : not , whether he may deny it , but , whether he may deny it by oath . and the great argument to prove the negative is , that it hath been a question debated for 500 years , and no clear and authoritative decision of the point yet appeareth , to which both sides think themselves obliged to stand and acquiesce . where are we now ? methinks we are sailing to find o brasil . we thought our selves as sure as if we had got the point , in the first treatise , a good firm , solid , substantial point of faith ; and now , all of a sudden , it is vanished into clouds and vapours , and armies fighting in the air against each other . is it possible for the sense , belief and doctrine of the church , as the first authour assures us it was , to become such a moot-point , always disputed , never decided ? this hath been the common received doctrine of all school-divines , casuists , canonists , from first to last , ( afore calvin 's time , ) in all the several nations of christendom , yea even in france it self ; and neither barclay , nor widdrington , nor caron , nor any other champion for the contrary tenet , hath been able yet to produce so much as one catholick authour , ( afore calvin 's time , ) that denied this power to the pope absolutely , or in any case whatsoever . thus the authour of the first treatise . since it is but more undeniably evident then all good men have cause to wish , and that experience , the easiest and clearest of arguments , puts it too sadly beyond dispute , that this grand controversie , whether the pope hath any power or authority to depose princes , for any cause , pretence or exigency whatsoever , hath been for divers ages , from time to time , disputed in the schools by speculative men , and is to this day , among catholick controvertists , and catholick princes too ; as the authour of the second treatise confesseth . what shall i say to you , gentlemen , when you thus flatly contradict each other ? how come you to be so little agreed upon your premisses , when you joyn in the same conclusion ? there is some mysterie in this , which we are not to understand . this i suppose it is . among those who may be trusted , this is an article of faith , and for such the first treatise was written . but for the sake of such who would see too far into these things , we must not own it , for fear we lose some residences , and patrons of the nobility and gentry : therefore among these we must not own it as an article of faith , but as a controverted point . how then , say some of the fathers of the society , shall we keep them from taking the oath of allegeance ? and if we do suffer them to doe that , farewell to our interest in england ; p. w. and the blackloists will prevail . come , come , saith father w. never fear , i have a topick will scare them all , though we own it as a controverted point . what is that ? say they with great joy. let me alone , saith he to them , i will prove them all guilty of perjury , if they take the oath , because it is a controverted point . excellent ! they all cry , this will doe our business in spite of them . let us now come near , and handle this mighty argument , that we may discern whether it be a mere spectre , or hath any flesh and bones . the oath of allegeance is a mixt oath , partly assertory , and partly promissory . in an assertory oath it is essentially requisite , that what we do swear be undoubtedly and unquestionably true . very well ; but suppose a person doth in his conscience believe that the pope cannot depose princes , nor absolve subjects from their allegeance ; may not such a man swear it without perjury ? no , says our good father ; a man may swear against his conscience , not onely when he doubts , but when he hath just cause to doubt . how is that ? good sir ; when other men see that he hath cause to doubt , or when himself sees it ? if he sees himself that he hath cause to doubt , he doth not believe in his conscience that to be so as he swears it is ; for how can a man firmly believe that , which he sees cause to doubt ? if he sees none himself , what is that to his conscience , if others think they do ; if he does not think his conscience bound to be swayed by their authority ? but the mysterie of this iesuitism is , that no gentlemen ought to have judgments of their own in these matters , but to be swayed by the extrinsick authority of their teachers . and therefore if they say , they have cause to doubt , they must doubt , whether they do or no. if gentlemen of freer understandings and education allow themselves the liberty to enquire into these matters , they presently see through all this tiffany sophistry , and find the thing still carried on is meer blind obedience ; although in following the conduct of such self-interested leaders they run themselves into continual difficulties . if a man be satisfied in his conscience , the pope hath no deposing power , according to the rules of their own best casuists , he may lawfully abjure it . the truth required in an oath , saith cardinal tolet , is , that by which a man speaks that which he thinks in his heart ; and to swear falsly is , to swear otherwise then one thinks . and to swear otherwise then a thing really is , provided he think it to be so , is neither mortal nor venial sin ; but ( 1. ) in case a man hath not used diligence to enquire ; and to this he doth not require the utmost , but onely some and convenient diligence : ( 2. ) if he be doubtfull in his mind when he swears , and yet swears it as certain : ( 3. ) when he is ready to swear , although he knew the thing to be otherwise . suarez saith , that in an assertory oath , the truth confirmed by it lies in the conformity of the assertion to the mind of the speaker , rather then to the thing it self ; so that if a man thinks it false which he swears , although it be really true , he is guilty of perjury : and so on the contrary , if a man swears a thing really false , which he invincibly thinks to be true , he is not guilty of perjury , but swears a lawfull oath , according to the doctrine of s. augustine and s. thomas . by invincibly , suarez means no more then tolet doth by thinking so after convenient diligence . for suarez lays down this rule afterwards , that , when a man swears what is really false , but he thinks it true , if his thinking be joyned with sufficient care , and a probable opinion of the truth , ( mark that ) he is free from the guilt of perjury . this he saith is the common and express doctrine , and built upon this ground , because the truth and falshood of an oath doth not so much relate to the matter sworn , as to the mind and conscience of him that swears . dominicus soto determines this case very plainly : if a man swears that to be true , which he thinks so , after due enquiry , though it be false , he doth not sin at all . and the measure of diligence he proportions to the nature and quality of the thing , which is therefore left to prudence and discretion . iacobus de graffiis hath this assertion ; he that swears a thing to be true , which he thinks so , although it be really false , sins not , unless he neglected to use that diligence which he was bound to use : and according to the greatness of that neglect , the measure of his sin is to be taken . greg. sayr saith , that to a lawfull assertory oath no more is required , then the agreement of what a man saith with the inward sense of his mind , according to the reasonable judgment a man passes upon what he swears . which words are taken out of gregory de valentia . qui non videt , vel dubitat esse falsum quod jurat , perjurus non est , saith vasquez ; he that doth not see , or doubt that to be false which he swears , is not guilty of perjury . which words are quoted and approved by layman ; because all perjury must have its foundation in a lie. and , saith he , he that swears in an assertory oath , doth not affirm the certainty of his own knowledge , but directly the very thing which he swears . nay he farther saith , that where the matter sworn is capable of no more then probability , a man may lawfully swear the truth according to that degree of certainty which the thing will bear ; although it should happen to be otherwise then he thinks . so that , according to the common and received doctrine of their own casuists , the foundation of this second treatise is false , ( as might be shewed by many more testimonies , if these were not sufficient , ) which is , that since this doctrine about the pope's deposing power hath no infallible certainty in it , a man cannot attest the truth or falshood of it by an oath . which was the more surprising to me , considering how usual it is among your selves , to swear to such opinions of which you cannot pretend to infallible certainty by any evidence of faith , or authoritative decision of the church . what think you of the doctrine of thomas aquinas ? are there no mere opinions , undecided by the church , in his works ? is there infallible certainty in of all them ? i do not think any iesuit in the world will say so , for a reason every own knows ; because his order holds the direct contrary in some points . and yet the dominicans swear to maintain s. thomas his doctrine . what think you of the immaculate conception , which so many vniversities have sworn to maintain , as luc. wadding hath shewed at large ? and yet all these oaths were made before any authoritative decision of the church . one of you hath found out an evasion for this , by saying , that it is one thing to swear to maintain a doctrine as true , and another to swear to it as true . i cry you mercy , gentlemen : i had thought no persons would have sworn to maintain a falshood ; or to defend that as true , which at the same time they believed or suspected not to be true . why may not you then swear that you will maintain , the pope hath no power to depose princes , when your prince requires it , as well as swear to maintain the immaculate conception , when the vniversity requires it , whatever your private opinion be ? but to prevent this subterfuge , wadding saith from surius , that the vniversity of mentz would admit none to any degree in divinity , without swearing that he would neither approve nor hold in his mind any other opinion . what think you now of swearing to the truth of an opinion not decided by the church , upon the best probable reasons that can be given for it ? and therefore all this outcry about perjury , was onely to frighten and amuse , and not to convince , or satisfy . the rest of that treatise consists of impertinent cavills against several expressions in the oath of allegeance ; which ought to be understood according to the intention of the law-givers , the reason and design of the law , and the natural sense of the words : and if they will but allow these as the most reasonable ways of interpreting laws , all those exceptions will be found too light to weigh down the balance of any tolerable judgment , and have been answered over and over from the days of widdrington to the authour of the questions ; and therefore i pass them over , and leave them to any who shall think it worth their pains to make a just answer to them . the third treatise is written by a very considering man , as any one may find in every page of it . he bids his readers consider so much , as though he had a mind to have them spend their days in considering the oath , without ever taking it . as he had , that desired time to consider the solemn league and covenant ; and when he was asked , how long time he would take for it , he told them , but a little time ; for he was an old man , and not likely to live long . but what is it which this person offers , which is so considerable ? his main argument is , from the pope's authority prohibiting the taking this oath expressly , at several and distant times , and after the most ample information , and the writings on both sides : it being a thing belonging to the pope's authority , as spiritual governour , and not to the civil power , to determine . this is an argument i must leave to those to answer , who think themselves obliged to justify the pope's authority , and to disobey it at the same time . to this some answer , that the pope's prohibition proceeding on a false supposition , and a private opinion of his own , viz. that there are some things in the oath repugnant to faith , they are not bound to obey it ; because it belongs not to the pope , without a council , to determine matters of faith : that the popes have sometimes required very unjust and unreasonable things , of which warmington gives some notable instances of his own knowledge : that obedience to all superiours is limited within certain bounds , which if they exceed , men are not bound to obey them : that the very canonists and schoolmen do set bounds to the pope's authority : as ( 1. ) when great mischief is like to ensue by his commands ; so francisc. zabarell , panormitan , sylvester , and others : ( 2. ) when injury comes to a third person by it ; so card. tolet , panormitan , soto , &c. ( 3. ) when there is just cause to doubt the lawfulness of the thing commanded ; so pope adrian , vasquez , navarr , and others cited by widdrington : ( 4. ) when he commands about those things wherein he is not superiour ; so tolet determins , a man is onely obliged in those things to obey his superiour , wherein he hath authority over him . now , say they , we having just cause to doubt , whether the pope may command us in things relating to our allegeance , and apparent injury coming to princes by owning this doctrine , and much mischief having been done by it , and more designed , as the gunpowder-treason , the true occasion of this oath : it is no culpable disobedience to take the oath of allegeance , notwithstanding the pope's prohibition . and upon the very same grounds and reasons which made the king's royal ancestours , with their parliaments , to limit the pope's authority in england , in the ancient statutes of provisors and praemunire , his majestie 's grandfather might , with his parliament , enact that law which requires the taking of the oath of allegeance : and how comes such disobedience in temporals , say they , to be now more repugnant to catholick religion , then it was in those days ? nay , in those times it was good doctrine , that when a dispute arose , whether a thing did belong to the civil or ecclesiastical power to judge , the civil power hath made laws , and determined it , and the subjects did submit to the civil authority . this and much more might be said to shew the inconsequence of this argument , upon which the stress of the third treatise lies : but i leave the full answer to those that are concerned . the plainest , shortest and truest answer is , that the pope hath no jurisdiction over us , either in spirituals or temporals . but this is sufficient to my purpose , to shew , that if they would renounce the pope's deposing power , there is nothing else , according to the principles of their own religion , could hinder them from taking the oath of allegeance . which is in effect acknowledged at last by this authour of the third treatise , when he offers a new form of an oath , rather more expressive of civil obedience then the oath of allegeance . are not princes mightily obliged to you , gentlemen , that take such wonderfull care to have a more express oath then this already required by law ? how comes this extraordinary fit of kindness upon you ? do you really think the oath of allegeance defective in this point ? no , no. we know what you would have : if we can get but this oath out of the way , the same interest which can remove this , will prevent another ; as some argue about other matters at this time . well , but what security is this which you do so freely offer ? first , you are ready to swear , without any mental reservation , that you acknowledge our sovereign lord charles the second to be lawfull king of this realm , and of all other his majestie 's dominions . a wonderfull kindness ! while the old gentleman at rome pleases , you will doe this : but suppose he should declare otherwise , what think you then ? will you then own him to be lawfull king , in spite of the pope's excommunication , and sentence of deposing ? speak out , gentlemen ; why do you draw in your breath , and mutter to your selves ? will you ? or will you not ? if you will , why do ye stick at the oath of allegeance ? if you will not , is not his majesty much obliged to you , that you will own him to be lawfull king as long as the pope pleases ? but you go on , that you renounce all power whatsoever , ecclesiastical or civil , domestick or forein , repugnant to the same . what doth this same relate to ? to his being lawfull king , or to your acknowledgment of it ? if you meant honestly without reservation , why could ye not speak plainly , in saying , that ye renounce all power of the pope as to the deposing the king , and absolving his subjects from their allegeance ? if this be not your meaning , it is a falsity to say , you swear without any mental reservation , when in the mean time you reserve the pope's power to depose the king , and then he is no longer a lawfull king to you . so that till you in plain terms renounce this power of the pope , all other forms are mere shuffling , and full of tricks and equivocations , on purpose to amuse the unwary reader . but you would have us think you come home to the point in the last clause , wherein you declare that doctrine to be impious , seditious and abominable , which maintains , that any private subject may lawfully kill or murther the anointed of god , his prince . now , say you , let any one judge , protestant or catholick , whether these foremention'd clauses are not more , at least as expressive of civil allegeance , as the ordinary oath is . not too fast , good sir ; the world is not so easily cheated as it hath been . would you indeed have us believe this to be as good security as the oath of allegeance , when some of the greatest defenders of the deposing power would say as much as this comes to , that it is impious and abominable for a private subject to kill or murther his prince ? but when the pope hath deposed a prince , those that were subjects before , according to your opinion , cease to be so : and the same person may lawfully kill or murther his prince , although not the same subject , because the relation is alter'd , by virtue of the pope's sentence . besides , this reaches onely to the case of a private subject , and not to the power of the people or the pope . that may be thought unlawfull to be done by a private person , without power and commission , which may be thought lawfull when he doth it by authority derived from others . so that this form can give satisfaction to none but such as will be satisfied with any thing . for it doth not at all touch upon the main business ; but is in truth an equivocal , deceitfull and sophistical form. for , as the authour of the reflections saith very well , princes are little advantaged by such an oath , wherein the swearers say , princes may not be murthered or killed by their subjects , unless they say withall , they may not be deposed ( by the pope : ) for whosoever hath a supreme just right upon any pretence whatsoever to depose princes , hath thereby right to cause them to be killed , in case they by arms oppose the execution of the sentence . and can it be imagined , that any prince , judged an heretick or otherwise guilty by the pope , and by him sentenced to be deposed , will thereupon quietly descend out of his throne , and yield up his scepter to one of a contrary religion ? or rather , is it not most certain , that they will not , but , on the contrary , bring with them many thousands of their armed subjects , to resist the execution of such a sentence , all which together with them must be killed or murthered , before it can have its full effect ? but this is not the onely thing wherein you design to put tricks upon your readers ; it would take up too much time for a preface to lay them all open ; yet some of them are too gross to be passed by . as when the authour of the first treatise would have his reader believe the publisher of the fasciculus rerum expetendarum & fugiendarum to have been a protestant ; when any one that looks into the book may find , it was set forth by ortwinus gratius , a known and fierce papist : and when the authours of the two other treatises both assert , that sanctarellus his book was condemned at rome before it was condemned at paris . i stood amazed at the impudence of this assertion , when i read it in the second treatise ; but much more when i saw it confirmed in the third . i looked once and again on the roman index expurgatorius , and examined the decrees of the congregation ; but i could find no sanctarellus ever condemned there . but looking into sanctarellus himself , i found the book so far from being condemned , that it came forth with the approbation and special licence of mutius vittelescus , then general of the iesuits order , bearing date at rome may 25. 1624. i pray mark it , gentlemen ; the general of the iesuits at that time gave this licence to a book written by one of that order , wherein he shews , that princes may be deposed , not onely for heresie , but for other faults , for negligence , if it be expedient , if they be thought insufficient , if vnusefull , or the like . and yet you would bear us down , that your order , many years before , was prohibited writing or teaching any thing about this matter . some such temporary order is talked of in the time of claudius aquaviva , when the clamours were so great against the iesuits for asserting this doctrine . yet that prohibition extended no farther , then to teaching it to be lawfull for any person to kill princes under a pretence of tyranny . what is this but meer artifice and collusion ? it is not to be taught ; but they may think as they please : not lawfull for any person ; but it doth not deny it to be lawfull to persons authorized by the pope , after he hath deposed them . so that there never was any prohibition of teaching the pope's deposing power as to princes . but suppose there were , you very well know of how little force such an order is , when that general is dead , and another succeeds ; as appears by this very licence of mutius vittelescus . have a little pity upon us , gentlemen , and tell somewhat more probable untruths then this , that your order is forbidden to meddle with these points . so it seems indeed by the authour of the first treatise , who was under some very strict prohibition , without doubt , which made him , out of the crosseness of humane nature , so free to vent his opinion . but to give you a little more satisfaction about this book of sanctarellus : it was not onely approved by the general of the iesuits , but by alexander victricius and vincentius candidus , and printed by order of the master of the pope's palace . call you this the condemning of it at rome ? but for all this , the authour of the third treatise quotes spondanus for it . the plain truth of the story is this : sanctarellus his book coming to paris , met with so ill reception there , that it was condemned by the sorbon , burnt by order of the parliament , and the iesuits hard put to it upon very strict examinations , wherein they shuffled and shewed all the tricks they had : but these would not serve their turn , they are commanded to disown and confute this doctrine . pierre coton , upon whom the main business lay , being too hard set , made a shift to escape the difficulty of his province by dying . notwithstanding this , the doctours of sorbon would not let the business die with him , but renewed it the beginning of the next year : upon which the king sent the bishop of nantes to them , to let them know they had done enough in that matter , the book being condemned , and the pope having forbidden the sale of the book at rome . a very wonderfull condemnation of it , that a book should be forbidden to be sold , and at rome too , and that so long after the publishing of it , and when all that had a mind to it were provided already ; without any censure upon the authour or doctrine ! who dares talk of the severity of the court of rome ? could any thing be done with greater deliberation , and more in the spirit of meekness , and to less purpose , then this was ? but after all , this doth not to me look any ways like the condemning of it at rome , before it was burnt at paris ; and i suppose upon second thoughts you will be of my mind . but you will tell me , you did not expect to hear of these things in print . that may be , for we live in an age wherein many things come to pass we little thought of . for i dare say , you never thought these papers would have come into my hands : but since they did so , i could not envy the publick the benefit i receiv'd by reading of them ; hoping that they will contribute much to the satisfaction of others , at least in this one point , that you hold the very same principles about the pope's power of deposing princes , and absolving subjects from their allegeance , that ever you did . and therefore i conclude , it would be great weakness to recede from our legal tests against the men of such principles , for any new devices whatsoever . feb. 13. 1676 / 7 ▪ the jesuits loyalty . the first treatise against the oath of allegeance . the conclusion to be proved . it is not lawfull to take any oath or protestation , renouncing the pope's power , in any case whatsoever to depose a christian prince , or absolve his subjects from their allegeance . the proof . my reason is , because the opinion that the pope hath no such power is erroneous in faith , temerarious , and impious . which i prove thus . that opinion which must suppose that the church hath at some time been in a damnable errour of belief , and sin of practice , is erroneous in faith , temerarious , and impious . but this opinion is such . ergo. the major , i suppose , will not be denied by any catholick : because that were to suppose that the church hath at some time ceased to be a catholick and holy church : which were heresy to suppose possible . the minor is proved . if the church at some time hath believed , and supposed as certain , that the pope hath such a power in some case , and upon that belief and supposall hath exercised it in her supremest tribunals ; and if her errour ( supposing she erred in it ) was a damnable errour , and her practice ( if unlawfull ) a mortal sin : then this opinion must suppose , that the church hath , &c. but the church hath at some time so believed and practised , and ( if amiss ) it was a damnable errour and practice . ergo. the sequele of the major is evident in terminis . the second part of the minor is likewise evident : because it was a doctrine enormously injurious to the right of princes , ( to withstand which is a damnable sin , rom. 13. ) and cause of much deadly feud betwixt the church and secular states , of many bloudy wars of princes one against another , and wicked rebellions of subjects against their princes . for the first part of the minor , if i shew , 1. that popes have taught it as sound doctrine , proving it from scripture , and tradition ; and condemned the contrary , as erroneous in faith , pernicious to salvation , wicked folly and madness , and inflicted censures on them that held it : 2. that popes have , in the highest tribunals of the church , deposed sovereign princes , and absolved subjects from their allegeance ; and this with the advice and assent of their councils , and not onely patriarchal , but sometimes even general : 3. that popes , and general councils by them confirmed , have denounced excommunication to such as should obey their princes after such sentence of deposition , and absolution of their subjects from their allegeance : 4. that a general council , confirmed by the pope , hath made a canon-law , regulating the manner of deposing princes in some case , and absolving their subjects from their allegeance : 5. that all catholick divines and casuists that have treated of it , from the first to the last , ( afore calvin's time ) in all the severall nations of christendom , have asserted this power of the pope , without so much as one contradicting it in all that time : 6. that all catholick emperours , kings , ( yea even they that were deposed , ) states , magistrates , and lawyers , and finally all the catholicks in the world for the time being , have ( by tacit consent at least ) approved and received this doctrine of popes , divines , and casuists , and these censures , canons , and practices of popes and general councils : i say , if i shew all this , i hope it will be granted a sufficient proof , that the church hath at some time so believed , taught , and practised . now to shew this , among a multitude of instances , i shall name some few of the principal . as , 1. in anno 1074. s. gregory vii . ( a most holy and learned pope , who , for his sanctity and miracles was canonized for a saint b , ) threatned philip the french king , that unless he abstained from his simoniacall selling of bishopricks , he would excommunicate him , and all his subjects that should obey him as king ; which he counted none would , after such sentence , but apostates from christianity c . and that king hereupon submitted to the pope , and amended his fault d . 2. in anno 1076. the same holy pope , in a patriarchal council of rome , wherein were present 110 bishops , with the advice , and upon the importunity , of the whole synod , deposed henry iv. king of the germans , and absolved his subjects from their oath of allegeance to him b . and did it ex cathedra , as vicar of christ , and successour of s. peter , in virtue of the power of binding which christ gave to him in s. peter c . and this sentence he published in a breve , to all the princes , prelates , and people of the empire a . and it was published by his legates in several nations of christendom b ; and confirmed afterward in divers national councils c . and after his death , was confirmed by the three popes that succeeded him , during that king's life d . and the catholick subjects of that king obeyed it ; and such as denied the pope's jurisdiction to depose the king , were by the catholicks called hereticks and schismaticks , and had the name of henriciani * . yea , even the king himself , in his letter to the pope , wherein he complained of the sentence , denied not the pope's jurisdiction to depose him if he had been an heretick ; but pleaded he was no heretick , in which case alone the tradition of holy fathers ( as he said ) allowed the deposition of kings by the pope f . nay , and even that cardinal villain , beno , ( ring-leader of the schismaticks ) in that libell against the pope , wherein he raked together all the matters he could to make him odious , and particularly accused his deposing the king , yet accused it not for being done without jurisdiction , but onely that he did it contra ordinem juris g . finally , in a diet of the empire , called on purpose to decide , by the canons of the church , which had the juster cause , the pope or the king , where met the wisest of the princes and prelates of the german nation , of both parties , the archbishop of saltzburg ( prolocutor of the pope's party ) alledged , and shewed by the canons , that the deposition was just . to which was answered by the archbishop of mentz , ( prolocutor of the king's party ) that the pope and princes had done the king injury , in that he being at rome , performing his penance injoyn'd him by the pope , they had set up another king ( rodulph ) against him . and he added , that by the canons , the king being spoliatus , could not be condemned , or cited , till he were restored to possession h . so here was no plea then against the pope's jurisdiction , no not by the king 's own advocates . 3. the same holy pope did not onely believe , and suppose this doctrine to be most certainly true and sound , ( as he shewed by his practice of it ; ) but did formally teach it to the church , by canons published in a patriarchal council at rome a , and to the german prelates that consulted him of it , and prove it to them from scripture and tradition b ; and by s. peter's authority , exhorted and required all subjects of the empire , to obey and execute the sentence , by resisting the deposed king : putting them in mind , that it is a sin as bad as idolatry , to disobey s. peter's see c : and termed it no less then wicked and damnable folly and madness , to deny that power to be in the pope . 4. in anno 1215. the council of lateran ( an undoubted general council , and the greatest for number of prelates that ever was ) settled a rule to be observed in the deposing of princes , and absolving their subjects from their allegeance , in case they be negligent in purging their land from hereticks a . and the canon was made in the presence , and with the consent of both the emperours , ( greek and roman ) and the greatest part of the kings and princes of christendome , and of the embassadours of the rest . answ. 1. those that goe under the name of the canons of this council , were not decreed by the council , but onely published for canons of it by gregory ix . repl. it is against reason to imagine , that holy and learned pope would commit so gross a forgery , and in matters of that high concern , and at a time so soon after the council , as the greatest part of the prelates that assisted at it were living , to confute it , and protest against it ; the decretals of that pope being published within twelve years after that council . answ. 2. all historians of those times testify , no canons were made in that council , except one or two about the recovery of the holy land , and the subjection of the greek church to the roman . repl. not one historian testifies any such negative . answ. 3. this decree was not found among the other acts of the council for 300 years . repl. it was always among the other canons in the decretals of gregory ix . published within twelve years after the council : and in the first copy that was printed of the canons of that council , this was one ; and cochleus , that sent the copy of it to the printer , said , it had been long agoe written out of an ancient book . answ. 4. this canon names not sovereign princes , but lords onely . repl. it names lords , qui non habent dominos principales , which can be none but sovereign princes . 5. in anno 1245. pope innocent iv. in a general council at lyons , by a formal definitive sentence , published in the council , and approved by all the prelates , deposed the emperour frederick ii d. and absolved all his subjects from their oath of allegeance : and not onely that , but by his apostolick authority , inhibited them to obey him as emperour or king , and not to advise or aid him as such , under pain of excommunicatio latae sententiae . and he grounded his authority for it upon that text , quodcunque solveris , &c . and it was afterward inserted into the canons of the church . and it was not given precipitately , or in passion , but upon consult first had with divers of the most able divines , that were at the council , and after mature debate in divers consistories , in which some of the cardinals pleaded as advocates for the emperour , and others answered them ; insomuch as the pope could not remember that ever any cause was discussed with more exactness and longer deliberation . and they proceeded to the sentence with much unwillingness , and forced by necessity , ( because they saw no other way , without offending god , the church , and their own consciences , ) and condoling his misery that was sentenced . all which the pope himself wrote in a letter to the cistertian abbots here in england b . and when the pope objected in council to the emperour the crimes for which he proceeded against him ; the emperour's advocate ( a wise and eloquent man , doctour of both laws , and judge in the emperour's court ) pleaded to it , ( not that the pope had no jurisdiction to depose the emperour , but , which acknowledged the jurisdiction ) that the emperour was not guilty of the crimes objected , and namely , not of heresie : and prayed respite for the emperour , to make his defence in person . and the embassadours of the kings of france and england seconded his petition , ( which also was an acknowledging by them of the pope's jurisdiction to depose the emperour : ) and thereupon two weeks respite was granted . and when the emperour heard of it , he refused to appear , ( not because they had no jurisdiction in the cause , but ) because they appeared to be his adversaries c . and upon that and other pretexts , appeal'd from that , to the next more general council d . and this sentence was ( as i said ) published with approbation of all the prelates present in the council , ( which were to the number of 140 archbishops and bishops . ) and in token of their concurring thereunto , after it was pronounced , all the prelates lighting their tapers , held them downward , and so put them out , and threw them on the ground . and every one of them set his hand to the bull of the sentence * . and there were present at it , the other emperour ( of constantinople , ) the embassadours of france and england , and of most other christian states : and not one of them , no not the emperour 's own advocate , opened his mouth against the jurisdiction of the court ; onely he put in his appeal from it , to the next more general council ; which is an acknowledging the jurisdiction . yea , and the emperour himself , when the sentence was reported to him , though he slighted it as unjust and frivolous f , yet he never excepted to it as given à non iudice . and the king of england , and the french king ( lewis ix . afterwards canonized for a saint , ) and their nobles , justified the sentence g ; and the french king took upon him the protecting of the pope's cause against the emperour h . 6. in the same general council of lyons was made a canon i , that whatever prince should cause any christian to be murthered by an assasin , he should ipso facto incurre the sentence of excommunication , and deposition . 7. in anno 1606. pope paul v. by a breve written to the english catholicks , declared , and taught them as pastor of their souls , that the oath of allegeance establish'd by parliament 3. iac. salvâ fide catholicâ , & salute animarum suarum , praestari non potest , cùm multa contineat quae fidei ac saluti apertè adversantur . now there are not in it multa to which this censure is possibly applicable , unless this be one , that the pope hath no power to depose the king , or absolve his subjects from their oath of allegeance . therefore this proposition was condemned by that pope , as contra fidem & salutem animae . 8. in anno 1648. pope innocent x. censured the subscribers negatively to these propositions . 1. the pope , or church , hath power to absolve any persons from their obedience to the civil government established , or to be established , in this nation , in civil affairs . 2. by the command or dispensation of the pope , or church , it is lawfull to kill , or doe any injury to , persons condemned or excommunicated for heresy or schism . 3. it is lawfull , by dispensation at least from the pope , to break promise or oath made to hereticks , to have done unlawfully , and incurred the censures contained in the holy canons and apostolick constitutions , contra negantes pontificiam authoritatem in causis fidei . now there is none of these propositions to which this censure can reasonably be fastened , but the first onely ; therefore that was thus censured . 9. this very last year , the now pope , being consulted touching the lawfulness of taking the late irish protestation , in which is renounced this power of the pope , declared , that , instar repullulantis hydrae , it did contain , propositiones convenientes cum aliis à sede apostolica olim reprobatis , signanter à fel. mem . paulo v. per constitutionem in forma brevis , & nuper anno 1648. in congregatione specialiter commissa ab innocentio x. &c. se graviter indoluisse , quòd per exemplum ecclesiasticorum , tracti sint in eundem errorem nobiles seculares ejusdem regni hiberniae ; quorum protestationem ac subscriptiones pariter reprobat ; idque ad eximendas catholicorum conscientias à dolo & errore quo circumveniuntur . 10. that this hath been the common received doctrine of all school-divines , casuists , and canonists , from first to last , ( afore calvin's time ) in all the several nations of christendome , yea even in france it self , yea even of those french divines that were most eager for their temporal princes against the pope , ( as occam , almain , ioann . parisiens . gerson , &c. ) you may see abundantly proved by that admirable man cardinal peron , in his oration made in the name of all the bishops of france to the third estate of parliament . and it is convinced by this , that neither barclay , nor widdrington , nor caron , nor any other champion for the contrary tenet , hath been yet able to produce so much as one catholick authour , ( afore calvin's time ) that denied this power to the pope absolutely , ( or in any case whatsoever : ) as will appear by examining their quotations . to conclude then . this having been for some ages ( one , at least ) the common belief , sense and doctrine of the church , according to which she hath frequently and avowedly practised and proceeded in her highest courts , and inflicted her highest censures upon the opponents of it : if it be an errour , the church was at that time a wicked and blind church , a synagogue of satan ; the pillar and ground of truth , and with it the whole fabrick of faith and religion , shook and tottered . if it were no errour , they that now call it an errour , are wicked catholicks , and in damnable errour . nor , though all the doctours of sorbon , all the parliaments and vniversities of france , all the fryars or blackloists in england or ireland , all the libertines , politicians and atheists in the world , should declare for it , could it ever be an authority to make it a probable opinion . the second treatise against the oath of allegeance . some few questions concerning the oath of allegeance , which have now been publick for divers years , reduced to one principall question , concerning the substance of the said oath . chap. i. the occasion and state of the present question . in the year 1661. was published a small treatise under this title , [ some few questions concerning the oath of allegeance , which were proposed by a catholick gentleman in a letter to a person of learning and honour . ] a late officious hand hath now in the year 1674. * thought it seasonable to re-publish this short and judicious treatise , for the satisfaction of such as are at present either concerned , or curious . the authour 's professed design in these questions concerning the oath was , to propose his sense by way of quaere's ; wherein he hopes not to be accused of presumption , whilst he onely seeks what he professeth not to know : and yet is so knowing , that though he could heartily wish for a more condescending form of oath , he † sticks not to affirm , and he is positive in it , that if the manner of expression were a little changed , every syllable of the substance might be intirely retained . now if you ask him what he means by the substance of the oath , he expresly tells you , that * the substance of the oath is , the denying and abjuring the pope's power to depose princes . for my part , 't is as far from my thoughts , as forrein to my present purpose , to speak any thing in favour of this deposing power : nor shall i at all play the criticall interpreter of the oath , nor concern my self with raising any artificiall and learned obscurities , such as the publisher hints at , about any inconvenient phrase , nor boggle at the form and dress ; but closely apply my reason to the substance of the oath , taking for the measure of its notion the rule and standard the authour of the questions hath already given us , saying that the substance of the oath is the denying and abjuring the pope's power to depose princes . here then lies the grand case , here is the principal question , whether a catholick may ( i do not say barely deny , but ) deny by oath , and universally abjure , the pope's power to depose princes . concerning which question , first , as i meet with nothing either in the authour or publisher of the questions which in my judgement does in the least evince the affirmative : so , secondly , i think enough is said by both to conclude manifestly for the negative , to wit , that no catholick can safely admit of and take the substance of the oath , even as the case is understood , and stated in the authour 's own terms . this i shall endeavour with all possible clearness and brevity to make out in the first place ; and afterwards set down and answer the grounds the authour of the questions proceeds on , which are principally three . 1. the censure of many famous french universities , denying , rejecting and condemning the doctrine of the pope's deposing power , as new , false , erroneous , contrary to the word of god , pernicious , seditious , and detestable . 2. the subscription of the french iesuits to two of the most remarkable of these censures . 3. the practice of the clergy , the religious and the wiser sort of the laiety in other countries , when the pope makes war , or any other way contends with their sovereign princes or states . all which being put together , to the end it may appear how far the argument even in its full and united strength is from reaching our case , let it be once more remembred , that the state of our question is not , whether a catholick may deny , reject , censure and condemn the pope's power to depose princes , ( which yet is the utmost that can be proved by warrant of these forrein precedents ; ) but , whether he may safely deny , reject , censure , and condemn by his oath , and universally abjure , this deposing doctrine : this is that which the authour of the questions affirms ; that which he calls the very substance of the oath ; and that for which i am sure no french university , quoted by him , no subscription of the iesuits , no practice of the clergy , the religious and the wiser sort of the laiety in other countries , afford us so much as any single instance . chap. ii. why it cannot be safe either to swear to the deposing doctrine as true , or to abjure it as false . since it is but even more undeniably evident then all good men have cause to wish , and that experience , the easiest and clearest of arguments , puts it but too sadly beyond dispute , that this grand controversy , ( whether the pope hath any power and authority to depose princes for any cause pretence , or exigency whatsoever , ) hath been for divers ages from time to time disputed in the schools by speculative men in their subtile and notionall way of reasoning : and what * trithemius recorded to posterity above 500 years agoe , ( that scholastici certant , & adhuc sub iudice lis est , utrùm papa posset imperatorem deponere , ) may , for ought we know , 500 years hence be as much a question , and as far from ending , as now it is ; whereas even in our days the controversy finds but too many stirr champions and abettors to maintain the quarrell , and keep life in the debate by their warm and smart contests ▪ no clear and authoritative decision of the point yet appearing to which both sides think themselves obliged to stand and acquiesce : since likewise , when a point is thus in dispute amongst catholick princes , ( some of them peremptorily denying and hotly opposing what others as positively assert and vigorously maintain , and this openly , avowedly , and in the face of the world , ) no one can determinately swear to either side of the point in dispute as true , nor warrantably abjure the other as false ; for this were to swear a thing as true , or to abjure it as false , which is confessedly in dispute whether it be so or no , which is never lawfull : from hence i conceive , that for the deciding of our question , ( whether a catholick may lawfully abjure the pope's deposing power and authority , ) there needs no more then barely to suppose , that it is a question whether the pope hath any such power and authority or no. for here one question resolves the other : grant this second to be a question , the first will be none . for if it be a question whether the pope hath any such power and authority or no , no man can safely swear , that without all question he hath none ; i say , without all question , because what we swear as true ought to be unquestionably such , otherwise we fall under the guilt and sacrilege of perjury . for a more full evidence and farther clearing of this so important a truth , ( namely , that the swearing or abjuring a controverted doctrinall point unavoidably draws upon us the execrable guilt of perjury , ) let us consider the difference of oaths in generall , and the different parts of the oath of allegeance in particular . of oaths some are assertory , others promissory . an assertory oath is , when we positively say such or such a thing is true or false , and then bind this saying of ours with an oath : a promissory oath is that whereby we engage to doe what we promise , or to leave undone what we promise not to doe , and thereupon give our oath as a bond of performance . the oath of allegeance is a mixt oath , partly assertory , ( as where it is affirmed that the pope hath not any power or authority to depose the king , or to authorize any forrein prince to invade or annoy him or his countries , or to discharge any of his subjects from their allegeance , &c. ) partly promissory , ( as namely , where the swearer engages that , notwithstanding any declaration , or sentence of excommunication , or deprivation , made or to be made against the king , his heirs or successours , he will bear faith and true allegeance to them , he will defend them to the utmost of his power against all conspiracies or attempts whatsoever . ) that which here principally falls under consideration is the nature of an assertory oath : in which oath it is essentially requisite , that what we do swear be undoubtedly and unquestionably true ; and all little enough for the securing us against god's and truth 's sworn enemy , perjury , which abominable sin is defined by the * schools to be a lie confirmed by oath : and to lie , saith † st. austin , is to speak against that which a man thinks in his mind or conscience , or , as we usually express it , when a man speaks not as he thinks ; viz. when there lies a secret check and contradiction in the breast to what is uttered by the mouth . put these two together , and the case stands thus : to speak contrary to what a man thinks in his conscience , is , according to true morals , the definition of a lie ▪ and , to swear contrary to the inward dictates of his conscience , is that wherein consists the formall notion and malice of perjury . now this swearing contrary to what a man thinks in his conscience may happen two ways : not onely when he is conscious to himself , and knows that what he swears is not true ; but also when he knows not , and therefore doubts , or hath just cause to doubt , whether it be true or no : in which case if he chance to swear , it is at the perill of his soul , and contrary to the secret information of his conscience , which must needs check at the act , and inwardly protest against it . for it is a folly beyond dotage , and carries with it the prejudice of the highest self-condemnation imaginable , for a man to say , i will swear such a thing is true , and yet i know not , i doubt , or have just cause to doubt , whether it be so or no. chap. iii. an objection answered ; with a farther display of the former evidence . if any one shall here pretend , that he for his part is so far from doubting , that he is already fully perswaded , and thinks verily in his conscience , the pope hath not any power or authority to depose kings ; and why then may not he safely swear as he thinks , because no more is required of him then onely to swear according to the best of his knowledge ? let him who pretends this please to remember , that neither is less required of him then to swear according to a true knowledge ; that is , that he be sure or certain , and have no just cause to doubt of the truth of what he swears . let knowledge then signify knowledge ; let it not be a meer term , or the abuse of a term : let not , i think , but , i know ; not , i am perswaded , but , i am certain , be the ground of his oath , and he is secure . but if his knowledge signify no more then his uncertain perswasion and judgment that the thing is so or so , then the best of his knowledge is to him no better then ignorance ; and to swear according to the best of his knowledge , will be the same as to swear according to the best of his no-knowledge : and it is this want of knowledge will arraign , convict and condemn him at the bar of his own heart for a forsworn man. thus if a witness in any publick court of justice should offer to swear a thing as true , and yet , being ask'd if he were sure of it , should answer , no ; though we should suppose that he verily thinks it true , yet if he be not certain of it , 't is manifest it may be as well false , as true , for any thing he knows ; for thinking is one thing , and knowing another . and therefore if upon no better ground then his thinking it to be true , he should offer to swear it is so , no honest man would stick to say , this witness owes a forfeiture to the pillory , and satisfaction to god and man for so foul a scandal , in offering to swear a thing to be true , which he knows not whether it be so or no. true it is , where an oath is tendered requiring no more but onely to swear a man's perswasion and judgment , ( not absolutely what is or is not true , but onely what he thinks is or is not true , ) there indeed a man may swear according to true knowledge , in regard the familiar converse and intimacy with his own thoughts may give him a sufficient assurance and certainty of the truth of what he is to swear ; because in this supposition he is to swear no more then what he thinks : but if any one should goe about to transfer this qualifying gloss and milder exposition to the oath of allegeance , as an expedient to prevent the sad danger and heavy charge of perjury , in abjuring the controverted doctrine of the deposing power , as if no such abjuring was intended by the oath ; ( which yet the authour of the questions terms the very substance of the oath ; ) let him who either makes or values this gloss but cast an eye upon the first , the middle and the last branches of the oath , and he will plainly perceive , this is onely an exchange of one perjury for another : it alters indeed the mode , but shuns not the guilt ; and by striving to weather out one rock , splits upon another . for first , in the beginning of the oath the swearer solemnly calls god and the world to witness the truth of what he is about to acknowledge , profess , testify , and declare in his conscience ; and then , having uttered all he has to say , ( and particularly , in one of the middle clauses , having not onely abjur'd the pope's deposing power , but also abjur'd it as hereticall , ) in the end concludes thus , [ and all these things i do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear according to these express words by me spoken , and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words , without any equivocation or mental evasion or secret reservation whatsoever . ] by which last clause he again ratifies and binds afresh all his former asseverations and already-sworn engagements , by a repeated and reflex oath looking universally back upon the premisses : and all these things ( says he ) i do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear . now amongst all these things which he doth thus plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear , the chief and principal of all others was , that the pope hath not any such power and authority as we speak of . and he farther adds , that he swears this according to the express words by him spoken , without any equivocation , mental evasion , or secret reservation ; that is , without any farther gloss or comment upon his own thoughts or words whatsoever . whereas on the contrary , if we should suppose , that , whilst he expresly abjures the deposing doctrine , and absolutely swears that the pope has not any such power and authority , he yet reserves in his mind a mental evasion and secret meaning of his words , ( viz. that he onely thinks and is perswaded he hath no such power and authority ; ) then directly he forswears himself in swearing otherways then what he professes to swear , that is , in swearing not according to his express words , but according to an unexprest meaning of his words , which thing he utterly disavowed and renounced by his oath . and is not this a remedy as bad as the disease , and a rare expedient to prevent the danger of perjury , to make a man forswear himself for fear of being forsworn ? let us make the best hand of it we can ; here is onely choice of perjuries for the comfort and relief of the swearer , whether he do or do not abjure the deposing power . for if he pretend not to abjure it , this is contrary to his express words , according to which he professeth to swear , and by which he doth expresly swear that the pope hath not any deposing power ; and so he is perjur'd , by pretending to swear one thing , and actually swearing another ; which is as much as to swear two oaths in one , the one directly cross and contradictory to the other . but if he do abjure , ( as absolutely he doth , if he takes the oath , ) this same abjuring is the very charge of perjury which is now under my pen , and , as i conceive , inevitable , by reason that the necessary knowledge , certainty and assurance of the truth of what he swears , or of the falsehood of what he abjures , ( without which every such assertory oath necessarily ends in perjury , ) is not to be had nor expected , whilst this speculative point remains under dispute ; a dispute ( as experience too clearly testifies ) not yet effectually determined by any publick , nor , i am sure , determinable by any private authority , as shall appear yet more fully in the next chapter . chap. iv. a continuation of the former discourse , shewing the manifest unlawfulness , as of swearing , so of abjuring the deposing power . a duty we owe to the pope , ( saith the * authour of the questions , ) a duty to the king ; both commanded by god , both obliging under sin , yet both confined to their proper limits : too much of the temporal may be ascribed to popes , too much of the spiritual to kings , too much may be challenged by both . all which is most true ; but the difficulty is , when these two supreme powers contest ( as actually they do ) concerning power in temporalls , who shall then be judge ? the pope claims a deposing power , the king denies it : if the pope be judge , the deposing power will carry it ; if the king , it will be cast . if we consult or appeal to the authority of the learned , and bring the cause to their bar , there is nothing but noise , censures , and loud disagreements . bellarmin and suarez write for the deposing power , and are condemned at paris : barkly and withrington appear against it , and are condemned at rome : the censurers all this while on both sides professing a previous , mature and impartial examination of the books and doctrines they condemn . caron , the laborious defender of the first remonstrance , in his loyalty asserted what betwixt canonists and divines , schoolmen and fathers , popes , councils , universities and kingdomes , is said to have made a catalogue of more then 250 opposers of the deposing doctrine . on the contrary , what number of favourers and abettors there are for it , may appear by this , that even the authour of the 8 th controversial letter tells us , ( pag. 5. ) that the face of authority is on that side ; and again , ( pag. 7. ) that of learned men , those who write of this subject , write generally in favour of it : as likewise the authour of the questions , in his preface , acknowledgeth the maintainers of the deposing power to be the more numerous party , and that he himself sides with the few against the many ; and withall granteth , ( pag. 24. ) that this act of deposing kings hath not onely been done by popes , but approved by councils . if we step over into france , there we are strangely surprized with instances on both sides . behold in the year 1626. eight universities of that realm declare smartly against the deposing power : and yet but a few years before , viz. in the year 1614. in the general assembly of the three estates , ( in which were present 5 cardinals , 7 archbishops , and 47 bishops , besides many other learned ecclesiasticks and dignitaries of the gallican church , ) two parts of three of this great representative of that kingdome were of another mind , and so far from hearkening to or countenancing the hot proposalls that were made against the deposing doctrine , that they left it in possession , as they found it , of whatsoever right or title it could pretend to . what now shall the private christian and loyal subject doe , who passionately desireth to share himself in all humble duty between god and caesar ? what , i say , shall he doe in this unfortunate competition of the two grand powers ? shall he by his single sufficiency dare to assume to himself the right of judicature , and boldly swear either for or against the deposing power , and to pass a decisive sentence under oath , that the pope hath , or hath not , the power in contest ? were i worthy to offer my advice in this particular , i should conceive it much more pertinent and proper for him seriously to consider with himself , whether an act of this nature be not the same , or rather indeed much worse then if a stander by , upon hearing an assembly of grave divines or counsellours learned in the law , all of them much above his size and abilities in their respective professions , warmly debating a perplext law-case , or sturdy knot in divinity , should by a rash and unlicensed confidence take upon him the umpirage of the cause , and without any more adoe bluntly swear these men are in the right , and the other in the wrong , or the others are in the right , and these in the wrong : and whether he proceed not upon as meer a blind peradventure , whatever part of the contradiction he swears in this last case , and that it be not as slippery a piece of pure contingency in him , whether he hit or miss ; as if upon the sight of an handfull of guinnies , he should all at a venture swear odde or even for a wager ; since that he hath no true knowledge for his guidance , nor the least degree of certainty to steer by or fix him . chap. v. a farther confirmation of the premisses . all this which i have hitherto discoursed is no more then what is evidently deducible from and throughly grounded in the principles and concessions of those learned persons who utterly deny the pope hath any power to depose princes ; who yet neither do , nor can , make out a title and claim for their doctrine to any higher pretence or degree then that of opinion : and in this , i presume , i shall speak the sense of all , if i say , it is never lawfull , nor justifiably safe , to swear to an opinion as true , nor to abjure an opinion as false , ( speaking , as here i do , of such free and debatable tenets as are openly and avowedly held and taught by catholick divines , divided amongst themselves in their private sentiments and school-disputes , ) because no one of these opinions can sufficiently answer for its own truth , nor secure the officious swearer , who lends it his oath , that he goes christianly and groundedly to work , whether side soever of the opinion he makes choice of to be sworn or abjur'd . for it is not in opinions as in things which we know by clear and certain evidence , as it happens in those early and fair notions implanted in us by nature from the first glimmering of reason , called first principles , as , that every whole is greater then a part of the whole ; it is impossible for the same thing to be and not to be at the same time , &c. which great maxims of nature sufficiently speak for and evidence themselves , without the help of syllogisms , moods , or figure ; and are no sooner understood , then readily and necessarily assented unto . nor is it in opinions as in certain scientifical deductions and demonstrative conclusions , partly flowing connaturally by a train of immediate consequences , partly drawn and hammered out with much pains , study and speculations from the abovesaid principles : which deductions ▪ and conclusions are called sciences , whose chiefest property and richest piece of satisfaction , whereby they gratifie the understanding of man , is their clear and convincing evidence , placed beyond all contradiction from sense or reason . nor , lastly , is it in opinions as in those supernaturall truths made known unto us by divine revelation , and are of faith ▪ where there is absolute certainty , though without evidence : for faith wears a scarf before her eyes , and believes what she sees not . both which , to wit faith and science , as they justly command and challenge , so withall they fully secure our assent from all danger , and suspicion of errour , the one by its evidence , the other by its certainty ; the one interessing the light and patronage of the first principles , the other engaging a divine and infallible authority for the truth of their proposalls . but in opinions it fares quite otherwise : for an opinion having neither the evidence of science , nor the certainty of faith , nor indeed any other inferiour degree of certainty , physicall or morall , ( as the schools speak , ) but onely the slippery knot of probability to hold by , leaves the considering opiner in a state of suspence and indetermination , not daring , nor indeed knowing how , to yield any more then a faint and timorous assent to either side of the tenet , seeing that neither side is any more then onely probably true , or probably false . and because true , and onely probably true , false , and onely probably false , are not the same , but two very different things , and at so great a distance , that no art or law of consequence can ever bring them together , or convincingly argue from the one to the other ; hence it is , that what is onely probably true , is not therefore true , and what is onely probably false , is not therefore false : from whence it is finally and manifestly concluded , that neither side of an opinion is lawfully attestable by oath as simply true , nor safely abjurable as simply false . to come now to the particular tenet which denies the pope's deposing power in all cases , circumstances and emergencies whatsoever . if we address our selves to the maintainers and abettors of this tenet , if we consult the authour and publisher of the questions , if we propose the case to the sorbon doctours and the faculty of paris , we shall find all their answers concurring in this , that their negative tenet is no more then an opinion . for , first , the publisher of the questions coming to speak of the difference between the deniers and abettors of this power , and the nature and quality thereof , plainly professeth , that this difference is no difference of faith , but onely of opinions : and the authour of the questions calls it an opinion ; a safe opinion indeed , but no more or other thing then an opinion : an opinion also the sorbon doctours take it for ▪ nor is their own censure or doctrine any more then their opinion . neither do they , nor indeed could they with any shew of reason , or coherence to their own principles , discourse at any other rate , or ever intend to screw it up any higher then an opinion . for it is not to be imagined , that those grave , learned and prudent divines , who in their publick articles concerning papal and regal authority ( in the year 1663. ) do not own or look upon any censures , decrees or definitions of rome , ( antecedent to , and abstracting from , the joynt consent or acceptation of the church as inerrable , ) would ever goe about to set up an independent or infallible chair in the sorbon , and deliver their doctrine either as a point or article of faith in it self , or as a rule of faith to others , but onely as a rule of opinion , ( if you please ) and a judgment whereby such as were under their charge might remember to frame and regulate ( not their faith , but ) their opinions : which are the express words of the decree it self . since then the deniall of the pope's deposing power neither doth nor can pretend any higher then an opinion , admit that its being the opinion of so many learned divines might render it safe to hold and embrace it ; yet it s being but an opinion , though of learned divines , renders it unsafe to swear it , and no less unsafe to abjure what is contrary to it . the reason i have already given , because nothing can lawfully be sworn as true which is not more then meerly probable or probably true , that is , which is not either certain or infallible : now all the learned know , that a certain or infallible opinion is as great a bull as an uncertain fallible article of faith ; so that to swear to an opinion as certainly true , is as much as to swear an opinion is no opinion , and the swearer doth thereby at one breath intangle himself in his own words , his reason in a contradiction , and his soul in perjury . chap. vi. a particular danger of abjuring the pope's deposing power according to the form set down in the oath of allegeance . i shall here annex a particular consideration of the wofull snare those souls run themselves into , and apparent danger of swearing they know not what , who venture to abjure the deposing power as it lies expressed in its several branches in the oath of allegeance ; whereas those learned persons who undertook to defend and explain the oath render it not onely difficult , but next to impossible , to understand what it is that is to be abjured . i think i may take it for granted , that no person of integrity and candour can ever conceive it lawfull for him to swear , without first endeavouring to gain a right understanding of what he is to swear : for to swear what a man understands not , is blindly to rove at a venture , and to swear he knows not what , wilfully abandoning the conduct , and slighting the inward upbraidings and reproofs of his reason : and , which is worse , it bewraies a feared soul , a wretched and sinfull preparednesse of mind to prostitute an oath to the attesting of any thing that comes next to hand , where self-indemnity or other secular ends and advantages are proposed as the accursed purchace or reward of perjury . in the oath of allegeance it is required of us to abjure the pope's deposing power in all and every its respective branches therein expressed : one of which branches is , that the pope hath not any power to authorize any forrein prince to invade or annoy the king or his countries . which branch ( by the way ) the authour and publisher of the questions in the form of the oath set down by them have wholly omitted in both editions , as well that of the year 61. as the other of this present year 74. through what mistake or how occasioned i know not . it is not easily to be conceived what subtle obscurities and learned intricacies roger withrington , one of the greatest champions that ever appeared for the oath , and his friend c. i. ( who confesseth to have compiled his * book out of withrington's expresse grounds and doctrine , ) plunge themselves and their reader into , in descanting upon this one point of the oath . † they tell us , that by this clause is not denied the pope's authority to command ( but onely his power to authorize ) in temporals , in order to a spirituall good ; or , to declare that they who have authority to depose , or to make war , are bound to use their temporal authority , and to draw the temporal sword , when the necessity of the church and spiritual good of souls shall require the same : for that this authority to declare and command doth not exceed the limits of a spiritual power . thus these learned persons . let me here intreat the courteous reader to lend me his eyes and attention to help me out . for if temporal princes , as is here supposed , have power and authority to invade or annoy forrein princes or their countries , nay to depose them , when the good of souls and necessity of the church shall require it ; if the pope is to be judge of this necessity , and to declare when , against whom , and upon what occasion the temporal sword is to act its part by invading or annoying the delinquent prince his person or state ; if , i say , the pope hath power ( though not to authorize , yet ) to declare , and not onely to declare , but to command the doing of all this , as being in the line of spirituality , and within the vierge of an ecclesiasticall jurisdiction : truly my opinion is , ( and i think every sober and disinteressed judgment will upon due reflexion subscribe to the same , ) that this doctrine , as it contributes little to the security of princes , and as little to the satisfaction of intelligent readers ; so it is not every one can easily understand , or be able to reconcile it to truth and its self : for , if i mistake not , it foully clashes with both . for , ( since we are here treating of the legality or illegality of an oath , and what we may or may not safely swear or abjure , ) what can seemingly have more of the riddle , or less to the purpose in it , then to be gravely told for our instruction , and the quieting of our consciences , that we may lawfully abjure the pope's power of authorizing , but not in any wise abjure his power of commanding a forrein prince to invade or annoy his majesty or his kingdoms ? again , that we may safely swear the pope hath no power to depose princes , but that we must not abjure his power of commanding others to depose them ? alas ! and is not this a much mistaken favour , a mere mock-pretence of security to crowned heads , and of ease and relief to troubled consciences , wholly built upon this nice and ambiguous distinction , of authorizing , and commanding ? a distinction in this case so subtile , that it is impossible to find where the difference lies , and is therefore in very deed no distinction at all ; either in respect of the king , to whom it is all one , ( and his perill or ruine undistinguishably the same , ) whether he be invaded and deposed by the pope's authority , or onely by his command . neither is it any distinction in respect of the swearer , who cannot securely , nor without a self-contradiction , ( from which this distinction can never clear him , ) swear that the pope hath not any power and authority to depose princes , if he have power and authority to command others to depose them : because this authoritative injunction of his is enough to intitle him to the fact ; and his very commanding others to depose , both makes and denominates him the deposer . besides all this , if it be true what these authours assume , that temporall princes have ( when the good of souls and the necessity of the church requires it ) power to depose one another , how can any man , being of this opinion , lawfully swear the pope hath not any such power , who , as we all know , is a mixt person , and as well a temporal prince as a spiritual pastour ? and therefore it would argue great partiality in this doctrine , wholly to exclude him , at least as he is a temporal prince , from his share in the deposing power : from whence it would finally follow , that the oath could not be taken without a distinction of different formalities in the same person , that is , without distinguishing the pope as pope from himself as he is a temporal prince ; and then also the two formalities being at odds , the temporal prince would be the more powerfull pope of the two . these and the like entangled positions i take to be clearly consequential , and absolutely necessary inferences from the aforesaid dark and perplexed discourse of these authours . now the use and advantage the reader may please to make hereof is this sober and wholesome reflexion , that since withrington , who bestowed much pains , and since large and learned comments , upon the oath , since he , i say , whilst he pretends to explain one of the branches of that very point wherein the substance of the oath consists , ( according to the authour of the questions , ) leads us into such a labyrinth of thorny and insignificant distinctions , cross and thwarting niceties of words , as that a more then ordinary clue of reason and attention is necessary to wind us out ; what consciencious and considerate person of less leisure , industry , learning , and other abilities , then withrington was , seriously pondering this oath , shall hope he understands what he is to abjure , or dare to abjure what he understands not ? chap. vii . the just plea of conscience in refusing to abjure the deposing doctrine consider'd with the like reference to the depositions of popes as of kings . i am much taken with the seasonable advice and wholesome caution i find in the fourth of the controversial letters , which i shall elsewhere have occasion to quote more at large : princes and bishops , saith this gentleman , ( pag. 8. ) are both sacred ; let what belongs to them be so too , and not touched without the excuse of necessity , or obligation of duty . it was under the warrant of this apology to my own thoughts , and the confidence of my reader 's candour , that i first engaged in this discourse ; and that now , for his farther satisfaction , ( to shew that there is nothing of any popishly-affected partiality in the refusing this abjuring oath , but that our recusancy is wholly grounded upon sound reason and upright conscience , ) i shall compare the unlawfulness of abjuring the pope's deposing power , with the like unlawfulness of abjuring the power of deposing popes ; both these powers· being alike controvertible amongst some of the learned , whereof divers do freely and openly teach that popes may be deposed as well as kings , and for the like cause . for which end i shall here advance and confront in their severall instances two propositions of a more large and comprehensive nature in relation to the deposing power : as first , that there is absolutely no power or authority upon earth , either spiritual or temporal , to depose kings , let the cause or pretence be what it will ; secondly , that there is absolutely no such power or authority upon earth , spiritual or temporal , to depose the pope . the first of these propositions is that which in the year of our lord 1614. the house of commons in france , in the general assembly of the three estates , would have been at , and offered not onely to own and swear to it themselves , as a fundamental and holy law , but also passionately endeavoured that others should be compelled by rigorous penalties to doe the like . but the project was stifled in the birth , and the abortive bill laid aside by the lords spiritual and temporal , who , well weighing the controverted nature of the case , were more considerate , and tender of their oaths , then to venture them upon a foundation which , take whether side they pleased , must needs fail , and betray the swearer to an active sin and shame . but what shall we say to the second proposition ? may we not strain a little farther for the pope then the king ? will not religion bear us out , if we adventure to swear , that there is not any power upon earth , spiritual or temporal , to depose the pope ? to which i answer , it is neither religion , veneration , duty , or awe to the see of rome , which ought either to perswade or extort , any more then it can legitimate , such an oath ; which it can never do , in regard of the publick and unreproved disputableness of the case . for whether we consider matter of fact or right , it is no news amongst catholick divines , that if the pope should become an heretick , ( and they grant the [ if ] to be no impossible supposition , ) he then forfeits his right to the apostolical chair , and thereupon may lawfully be judged and deposed by the spiritual power of the church . and this is a doctrine which hath been long publick to the world ; a doctrine pretending a canonical constitution and a conciliary act for its ground and support ; a doctrine not unknown to italy , yet uncensured at rome , nay , held and taught by some who lived and wrote even at the pope's feet . where , by the way , our impartiall school-men seem at least to clear themselves from all sinister prejudices of favour and flattery , and the stale imputation of framing and modelling their doctrines to the humour and interest of the court of rome ; whereas we here see that some of them , and those of eminent note , make as bold with the common father of the church , the pope himself , and even run him down with their speculations as confidently , and with as much show of zeal , as at other times they set themselves to unthrone the meanest prince in christendome , upon the same pretence . and though his holiness knows that popes sit not so fast , nor are so firmly rivetted to their thrones , but that divers of them have been deposed ; and sees withall this particular deposing doctrine , threatning popes no less then princes , taught under his very eyes , and for the same cause , and that cause heresy , and that heresy hath even by catholicks been charged more then once against some of his predecessours : yet ( notwithstanding this concurrence and complicated pretence of fears and jealousies ) he never goes about to establish his rights , person and authority , by any such assertory oath as ours is ; but chuseth rather to trust providence with his concerns , then that the triple crown should owe any part of its security to an illegal and unnecessary oath , or his people be compell'd needlesly to swear away the peace of their conscience , for securing that of the common-wealth . but to draw the case yet to a nearer parallel , and to close more particularly with the oath of allegeance , wherein we are commanded to swear , that the pope neither of himself , nor by any authority of the church or see of rome , nor by any other means , with any other , hath any power or authority to depose the king ; ( and this to be understood as to comprehend all causes , cases or pretences possible . ) let us spell the oath backwards , and reade pope for king , and king for pope ; and then suppose we were injoyned to swear , that no king or prince , either of himself or by any authority of the church or see of rome , or by any other means , with any other , hath in any possible case any power or authority to depose the pope ; let us see what the schools and the publick and currently-allowed tenets of divinity will award as to the taking or refusing this oath . it is acknowledged on all hands , there are divers instances from history of depositions of popes by temporal princes , as well as of temporall princes by popes , which yet our divines seem to restrain to the common case of heresy : and therefore the otherwise-pious and godly emperour otho incurred at least the mild censure and reprehension of such pens as record the fact , for deposing pope iohn the xii . because ( though he was one of the worst of popes , yet ) by the crime of heresy he was wanting in the black list of his offences to fill up the measure of his crying misdemeanours , and justify the sentence and severity of his deposition ; though even taking the case as it was , not onely the pious emperour ( saith bellarmine ) conceived this pope might be deposed , but many doctours thought so as well as he . but however , nothing is more certain , then that it is a common and allowed opinion of divers divines , that in case of heresy the pope may be judged and deposed by the church . some of which carry it yet a step farther , adding [ ought ] to [ may , ] that is , that he not onely may , but ought to be deposed : and that this may and ought is not onely the churche's right , but her obligation , and she thereby bound to proceed to due execution thereof , to the utmost of her power : and if the pope , who is to be deposed , should chance to resist , oppose and stand in defiance of the churche's judgment , and she not in a condition to call his obstinacy to an account , and to turn him out of his chair by virtue of her spiritual arms alone , and yet her duty still supposed incumbent and pressing upon her , to discharge and free her self and her children from the thraldome of an usurper ; then these authours will tell us , that the law of nature , or that which is a law to it self , necessity , ( which even in causes ecclesiastical takes upon her to justify force , when nothing but force will serve , for the compassing a just and necessary end , ) will prompt the church , as is usual in some other cases , to have recourse to the temporal power , and call in the assistence of the secular arm to her succour . in which juncture , no doubt , any king , prince , or zealous otho , who would please to interest himself in and espouse the churche's quarrel , might both deserve and receive her commission and thanks , to act with authority , as a welcome auxiliary in the holy war , even to the deposing of the pope , and placing another in his throne , in order to the good of souls , and the just recovery of the ecclesiastical liberties and spiritual rights . here then being a case confessedly possible , and an opinion which authority renders probable , in which case , and according to which opinion , kings and princes have , at least by authority of the church , and with others , power and authority to depose the pope , i see no objection offer it self , but the way open and fairly smoothed to this resolution of the case , that no catholick can safely take this counter-oath , nor securely swear , that no king or prince , either of himself , or by any authority of the church or see of rome , or by any other means , with any other , hath ( in any possible case ) any power or authority to depose the pope . and therefore comparing the two oaths together , this and the oath of allegeance , i think that , as no man could rightly be accounted a bad catholick at rome , for denying to take this , so neither can he justly be reputed a bad subject in england , for refusing the other ; because this recusancy is equally blamable in either of the two cases , or absolutely unreprovable in both , the ground of both being one and the same , which indeed is neither favour nor fear of man , but rather a just fear of incurring god's disfavour , and the inviolable duty we owe to truth , and an upright conscience , which lays an indispensable tie of recusancy upon us , so far as never to take any assertory oath , requiring of us to swear or abjure any speculative controverted doctrines , though we suppose the oath to be as much in favour of the pope , as our oath of allegeance is conceived to be of the king. chap. viii . abjuring the deposing doctrine neither is , nor can be any part of the oath , as it is an oath of allegeance ▪ and therefore not at all necessary to a true oath of allegeance . more allegeance may be sworn , and better security given to princes , by abjuring all discourses and disputes in favour of the deposing doctrine , then by abjuring the doctrine it self . i have seen , and taken some pains to peruse , a * book of oaths , and the several terms thereof , ( above two hundred in all , ) both ancient and modern , forrein and domestick , out of sundry authentick books and records , wherein , amongst so many oaths of fealty , service and duty , as are mentioned there , ( which generally run in the promissory strain , ) i find not one that injoyns the swearing or abjuring of any controverted doctrine , save onely our two oaths of allegeance and supremacy ; which upon that account lie under the just exception ( as i think ) of being singular and without precedent in their kind : wherefore what the authour of the questions so expresly assumes , ( my self also , for his and the argument's sake , having been willing hitherto to goe along with him in his own supposition , ) viz. that the abjuring the pope's deposing power is the substance of the oath , cannot be strictly made out without the help and allowance of a distinction , nor regularly understood but onely of the assertory part : for otherwise , if we speak properly , it is so far from being the substance , that it is not so much as a part of the oath , as it is an oath of allegeance , and a bond of duty from the subject to his supreme lord. and of this there will need little proof , when it is considered , that the bond of an oath is in reference to something which is to be performed for the future ; and therefore cannot appertain to an assertory oath , ( which is a thing present or past , ) but belongs onely to a promissory oath . wherefore since it is plain , that this abjuring the pope's deposing power is an assertory oath , there can be no doubt , that it being in it self , and in the nature of the thing , no bond at all , it can be no bond of allegeance , and therefore also no part of the oath as it is an oath of allegeance . and if the forbearing all disputes and discourses any ways favouring the deposing power may be ( as i think it is ) look'd upon as part of our allegeance ; then it follows likewise , that more allegeance may be sworn by the promissory oath , in abjuring all such disputes and discourses in favour and defence of the deposing doctrine , then by abjuring the doctrine it self ; because this last oath of abjuring the doctrine it self , being purely assertory , contains no promise , bond , or tie at all : so that in fine it is the promissory oath alone that is the true oath of allegeance , and the sole bond of duty from the subject to his prince . this i take to be the reason why some learned catholicks , who understood both themselves , the difference of oaths , and the nature of allegeance , full well , having upon sundry emergent occasions exhibited to the publick several oaths of fidelity for the quieting of all state-jealousies and fears from the pope's deposing power , have wholly confined themselves to the promissory form . thus 13 catholick priests made a solemn protestation of their allegeance to queen elizabeth by a publick instrument the last day of ianuary , and the last year of her majestie 's reign , wherein , after having acknowledged the queen ( though divided from the church of rome in communion ) for their true and lawfull sovereign , they promised that they would yield to her majesty all obedience in temporal causes , notwithstanding any authority or any excommunication whatsoever denounced , or to be denounced , against her majesty or her subjects . the like declaration and acknowledgment mr. iames haughton , ( aliàs mr. thomas green , ) professour of divinity of the holy order of saint benedict , gave under his hand to the then lord bishop of durham , the 5. november an. 1619. and did promise and vow to be a true and faithfull subject to his majesty and his successours during his life , notwithstanding any sentence from the pope whatsoever of excommunication , deposition , or absolution of his majestie 's subjects from their natural obedience to him or his heirs . there hath of late years been often reprinted a brief explanation of the roman catholick belief concerning their church-worship , justification , and civil government , in the last clause whereof are these express words : we are ( say they ) most strictly and absolutely bound to the exact and entire performance of our promises made to any person of what religion soever , much more to the magistrates and civil powers under whose protection we live , whom we are taught to obey by the word of god , not onely for fear , but conscience sake , and to whom we will most faithfully observe our promises of duty and obedience , notwithstanding any dispensation , absolution , or other proceedings of any forrein power or authority whatsoever . and this they sincerely and solemnly professed in the sight of god , the searcher of all hearts , without any equivocation or mentall reservation whatsoever . the objection which some offer against the sufficiency of these or the like forms , grounded upon the difference which the objectours make between [ will not ] and [ cannot , ] is , in my opinion , wholly groundless : what they pretend with so much solicitude in behalf of the state being onely this , that it is not enough for a man to swear he will not , unless he swear also he cannot be dispensed with or absolved from his allegeance . which to me seems no reason at all , why will not may not be as good a subject , and give as full security for his allegeance , as cannot : his oath by which he swears he will not ever accept or make use of any dispensation or absolution from his allegeance , being to him as indispensably binding , and tying him as fast to his prince and his interest , as any oath can possibly do . for if it be replied , that he who now swears he will not ever accept or make use of any such dispensation or absolution , may come hereafter to alter his mind ; and then what is become of his cobweb-oath , and the security he gave for his fidelity ? it may with as much reason and truth be retorted , that he who now swears he cannot be dispensed with , nor absolved from his allegeance , may come hereafter to alter his opinion ; and then where is his cobweb-oath , and the security he gave for his fidelity ? i answer then for both , that though wills and opinions are flippery things , yet an oath may fix both the one and the other ; yet with this difference and advantage against the foresaid opinion , that wills may be fixed immediately , opinions onely mediately , and indeed by no other means then by first fixing of wills. first then , that an oath may immediately fix and restrain the will , i take to be a clear case : for he that swears ( for example ) he will not doe such or such a thing tending to the prejudice of a third person , is without more adoe under as streight and indispensable a ty as any oath can bring upon him ; that is , he cannot so much as change his will , nor goe back with his promise , without perjury , and proving false to god , his own heart , and his oath . as for opinions , since it hath been already proved , that it can never be safe to swear or abjure an opinion ; and then , ( secondly , ) though it were , yet such an oath , being an assertory oath , could bring no bond or obligation upon the swearer , so much as of not changing his opinion for the future : hence it plainly follows , that the way of fixing and restraining opinions is onely mediately , and by first fixing and restraining the will , either by a promissory oath , or by the severity of the law , or by both jointly . for instance , take in king henry the viii . his daies ; upon occasion of the then six famed articles of religion , it was ordained and enacted by authority of parliament , that if any person or persons within this realm of england , or in any other of the king's dominions , did by word , or writing , printing , cyphering , or any otherwise , publish , preach , teach , say , affirm , declare , dispute , argue , or hold any opinion contrary to the foresaid articles , that then such person or persons so offending should be liable to such and such particular penalties as are expressed in the statute . were this pattern copied out by our age , and that there were a law now in force , that if any person or persons within this realm , or in any other of the king's dominions , did by word , writing , printing , cyphering , or any other waies , publish , preach , teach , say , affirm , declare , dispute , argue , or hold any opinion in favour of the pope's power of deposing princes , that then such person or persons so offending should be liable to such and such penal severities , as the legislative power of this nation had in their grave wisedom thought fit to appoint ; were there , i say , such an act as this in force , he who would swear to a strict observance thereof , would have no more to answer for his opinions in this particular . but yet again , though there be no such law extant , let but the good subject be admitted to swear , that he will never by word , deed , or any otherwise , countenance , abett , defend , maintain , preach , teach , or publish any opinion in favour of the pope's direct or indirect deposing power , and for the rest , that he will inviolably bear faith and true allegeance to the king , notwithstanding any dispensation or whatever other proceeding to the contrary , and not onely never act against him , but also assist , to the best of his power and skill , and side with him against any power whatsoever , that shall at any time act against him , or attempt against his sacred person , crown , or dignity : questionless , no security imaginable can be greater then this ; forasmuch as no one can be more faithfully true to his king , or more securely incapable of proving disloyal to him , whilst this oath is kept . and for security that he will keep it , i conceive , no good subject will refuse to swear that he will be content , if ever he fail in the performance hereof , to be deemed and adjudged a disturber of the peace , and an enemy to his king and country , a man forsworn before god and the world ; and will therefore freely offer to be punished as in case of perjury and rebellion , that is , to forfeit his body to the law , his soul to the doom and wrath of the last day , and his name to scorn and reproach . were this throughly weighed and duly sworn , i know no expedient that could more effectually contribute to the perfect quieting of all just fears of the state , nor more securely answer for the peaceable disposition and opinions of the swearer ; whenas even the most hidden thoughts and abstracted notions of the speculative man , being under unjust restraint , and having for guaranty such an oath and sacred engagement , are sufficiently bound to their good behaviour , and secured from all sacrilegious attempts of breaking inclosure , and shewing themselves abroad , though onely by way of publick and open discourse . wherefore i shall conclude with the fourth controversial letter , in behalf of the silencing and abjuring all disputes in reference to the deposing doctrine , heartily wishing , as * he doth , that we may all preserve the majesty of supreme powers in an awfull distance , and submit to them with the reverence of a quiet obedience , and not make them cheap by unreasonable disputes . princes and bishops are both sacred ; let what belongs to them be so too , and not touched , without the excuse of necessity , or obligation of duty : let every quiet and peaceable spirit say , obedience is the duty which god and my condition require from me ; and in the performance of that i will endeavour to be found unblamable , and leave disputing to those who value the praise of a witty and subtle man , above that of a faithfull and quiet subject . chap. ix . an answer to the authour of the questions as far as concerns our present question . in the first place i shall speak to matter of fact , relating to the sorbon censures , and the subscription of the french iesuits ; the clearing of both which particulars from some unwary misrepresentations and disguises of our authour shall be the chief subject of this chapter . the first and leading censure was that of the sacred faculty of theology , which , upon occasion and mature examination of a certain latine book printed at rome 1625. having in the 30. and 31. chapters found these propositions , that the pope may with temporal punishments chastise kings and princes , depose and deprive them of their estates and kingdoms , for the crime of heresy , and exempt their subjects from the obedience due to them ; and that this custome hath been alwaies practised in the church , &c. and on the 4. of april 1626. censured these propositions of that pernicious book , and condemned the doctrine therein contained as new , false , erroneous , contrary to the word of god , rendring odious the papal dignity , opening a gap to schism , derogative of the sovereign authority of kings , which depends on god alone , retarding the conversion of infidels and heretical princes , disturbing the publick peace , tending to the ruine of kingdoms and republicks , diverting subjects from the obedience due to their sovereigns , precipitating them into faction , rebellion , sedition , and even to commit parricides on the sacred persons of their princes : the university of paris in their general assembly on the 20. of april 1626. decreed , that this censure should be publickly read every year ; and that if any doctour , professour , master of arts , or scholar , should resist , disobey , or make any the least opposition against the said censure , he should immediately be expell'd , and deprived of his degree , faculty and rank , without hopes of re-admittance . the like decrees on the same occasion , the same year , against the same doctrine , were made by seven other universities of france . likewise the french iesuits subscribed the sorbon censures , as the authour of the questions tells us . and that this was actually done , he is confident will not be denied : that it was commanded , we need no farther evidence ( says he ) then the arrest it self of the parliament of paris , dated the 17. of march 1626. wherein it is ordered , that the priests and scholars of clairmont , and of the other two houses which the iesuits have in paris , should within three daies subscribe the censure made by the faculty of sorbon . this the authour of the questions ; who needed not have been so confident of this last evidence drawn from the arrest of the parliament , which doubtless must needs be a mistake : for otherwise , ( unless we be resolved to rob the year 1626. of some more daies then were thrown out of the year 1582. for the reformation of the calendar , ) it will be a little hard to understand , how the iesuits should be commanded , by an arrest of parliament dated the 17. of march 1626. to subscribe the sorbon censures within three daies , whereas the first of these censures was not made before the 4. of april 1626. and the other not before the 20. day of the same month and year , even according to his own computation . the occasion and ground of the mistake , i conceive , was this ; in the month of december 1625. the sorbon issued out a censure against another book , entituled admonitio ad regem ; and it was the single censure against this book , and not the two other censures against santarellus his book , ( as our authour mistakingly supposed , ) which the iesuits were commanded to subscribe within three daies by an arrest of parliament dated the 17. of march 1626. and looking back to december 1625. this very quotation and copy of the censure of the 4. of april is not free from its mistake , or at least of begetting a mistake in others , and making them think the censure more clear and home to the point then possibly it is . for amongst the propositions and doctrines which the faculty of theology had found in the 30. and 31. chapters of santarellus his book , the authour of the questions having onely set down these , that the pope may with temporal punishments chastise kings and princes , depose and deprive them of their estates and kingdoms , for the crime of heresy , and exempt their subjects from the obedience due to them , and that this custome has been alwaies practised in the church — here he cuts off what follows , and defeats his reader of his full information with an unreasonable [ &c. ] as if these propositions were the onely , or at least the principal , object of the censure : which yet may justly be doubted , for the faculty goes on in the charge against santarellus , as teaching in the foresaid chapters , that princes may be punished and deposed , not onely for heresy , but for other causes ; ( 1. ) for their faults , ( 2. ) if it be expedient , ( 3. ) if they be negligent , ( 4. ) if their persons be insufficient , ( 5. ) if unusefull , and the like ; and then follows the censure it self , not singly and separately upon each proposition by it self , ( which yet is the usual method of the faculty , ) but upon the whole taken in gross : which puts a quite different face upon the matter from what our authour had given it , and renders it doubtfull whether the faculty would have pronounced so severe a judgment against the first part of the doctrine , had not those last propositions proved to be the aggravating circumstance ( or rather cause ) that deservedly occasioned and sharpened the censure . as to the subscription of the iesuits , the true account of that action stands thus : santarellus his book had been condemned at rome , which it was not for our authour's purpose to take notice of , and his doctrine generally cried down , and disavowed by all good men , before ever it fell under the brand of the sorbon censures : all which notwithstanding , such and so eminently singular was the caution and zeal of france against this ( though already sufficiently supprest ) mischief , that upon the 14. of march 1626. the principal of the french iesuits , with three superiours , and three other ancient fathers , being summoned to appear before the parliament of paris , and being asked what they held as to the points noted in santarellus ; father cotton , the then provincial , ( having in the name of the rest of his order disclaim'd all singularity of opinions different from other divines , ) answered , that the doctrine of the sorbon should be theirs , and what the faculty of paris should determine and subscribe , they were ready to subscribe also . and this indeed may pass for a subscription to the sorbon censures , even before they were made . but from this subscription of the french iesuits our authour runs into another mistake , seeming to wonder why the english iesuits should scruple a downright oath , which is exacted of us , any more then the french iesuits did a simple subscription , which was onely required of them : and then taking upon him a sober and grave style to open the mystery of ( this particular ) iesuitism , he attempts it in these very terms . now were i demanded a reason , ( says he ) why so circumspect and wise a body should act so differently in the same cause , but different countries , i could onely return this conjectural answer , that , being wary and prudent persons , they could not but see the concerns they hazarded in france , by refusing to subscribe , far more important then what they ventured at rome , by subscribing ▪ whenas in england all they can forfeit by declining the oath of allegeance ( being themselves but few , and without the engagements of colledges and foundations , ) is perhaps of less esteem with them , then the interest of their universall body at rome , whence so many advantages are continually derived to the rest of their society . this is to a tittle his full discourse upon this subject . and now were i demanded a reason , why this gentleman should thus freely let loose to a weak and meer conjecturall descant upon the very thoughts and secret intentions of religious men , ( as if any temporal interest were or could be more dear to , or sway more with them then loyalty to their king and country , ) my charity would prompt me to ascribe it to something of a too precipitate and mistaken zeal , or sinister preoccupation of judgement , which is too easily taken up at unawares in this age of ours , and oftentimes fostered to the great prejudice of the innocent , even by persons otherwise of a sober and no immoderate temper ; who might doe a great deal of right , no less to themselves then others , would they be pleased to consider , that this is a great breach of christian charity , and is one day sadly to be reckoned for , when an impartial and all-knowing justice shall sit upon the bench to judge between man and man. neither is the strength of the gentleman's discourse , nor the depth of his politicks , such , but that a very common reason and an easy reflexion ( bating passion and prejudice ) may be machiavil enough both to fathome and answer him . for if the cause of the french and english iesuits were the same , ( as he pretends it is , ) and withall they supposed to be those circumspect , wise , wary , prudent persons , as he is pleased to character them in this place ; then the english iesuits must needs see , that by writing after the copy which the french iesuits have set them , they could not in any likelihood hazard any of their publick concerns at rome , nor justly fear the endangering the interest of their universal body there , by acting no more then the french had done in the same cause without any known check or censure from the see apostolick to this day . and the authour of the questions affords me a convincing proof of this in his second question , from whose mouth i take the words , and argue thus ; that if there be reasons enough to turn the eye of authority quite away from seeing what the french ( iesuits ) so openly avowed in the face of the world , are there not enough to connive at the english ( iesuits , ) who are but a few , and act privately , and not without the excusing plea of extreme necessity ? the argument cannot be disliked , because it is perfectly his own . wherefore if ( as he saith ) the cause of the english and french iesuits be the same , i conceive our authour was much mistaken in his conjectural answer , as to the reason he assigns of their different actings in the same cause . for if the cause be not the same , ( as plainly it is not , ) then this mistake is much the greater , and his charity the less . had he produced a censure against the pope's deposing power ( equal to that of the sorbon ) drawn up , signed and assented to by the generality of seculars and regulars here in england , ( for the satisfaction of the state , demanding as a test of our allegeance the subscription of such a censure , ) and the iesuits alone should stand out , and refuse to subscribe and set their hands to it ; or if he had given us an oath of allegeance , exactly parallel to ours , taken by the french iesuits , and declined by the english ; then indeed the cause of both had been the same , and their actings different : but these two conditions both failing , that is , the french iesuits having no such oath of allegeance to take as ours , nor the english any such censure to subscribe as the french ; evidently the cause of the one and the other is not the same , and so it will be no wonder to an impartial . considerer they should act differently in different causes : though i shall shew afterwards , that nothing can difference either their principles or practices , where the cause will bear it . another mistake of the authour of the questions is , the very reason given by him why he conceiveth the distinction between a simple subscription and a down-right oath to be a meer unnecessary scruple ; because ( saith he ) no sincere and generous honesty will solemnly and deliberately attest under his hand , what he will not in due circumstances swear to be true . how ? swear to be true ? and yet this gentleman knew full well ( had he but reflected on it ) that the onely question here is , of swearing or abjuring opinions . wherefore had this reason of his faln under montalt's hands , and that he had catcht it dropping from a iesuit's pen , how he would have answered it i know not : but i am sure , the daily practice of the church , in a free and unoffensive subscribing of opinions , abundantly confutes it : for what more usuall amongst our greatest divines , in resolving cases of weight and concern , then to deliver and attest their opinion under their hand ? and was it not thus that the faculty of theologie delivered and subscribed their censure , as a judgment for others to remember to frame and regulate their opinions by ? again , doth not our authour himself , in his preface , reason the case in this very manner , that if three or four doctours , nay perhaps one , who hath well studied the point , can make an opinion safe , how much more where a greater number and whole universities engage their judgment ? and if then the french iesuits , submitting their own , subscribed to the judgment of the university of paris , and by it were willing to frame and regulate their own opinions ; let any friend of our authour , or his principles , speak wherein or what was their trespass . for if , as he argues , the authority of so many catholick doctours rendered their opinion safe ; sure it could not be unsafe in the iesuits to subscribe it as such . but now , to draw a generall consequence from a simple subscription to a down-right oath , as our authour doth , and to conclude , that a sincere and generous honesty will oblige a man , in due circumstances , to swear every thing he attests under his hand to be true ; this , in other terms , is to conclude , that a sincere and generous honesty will oblige a man in some circumstances to act against reason and conscience , by swearing an opinion to be true : which kind of oath is a gross offence both against logick and divinity , and no less then sacrilege and self-contradiction , as hath been already proved in the fifth chapter . the last mistake ( waving many others ) i shall concern my self with at present is found in the authour's fourth question , where he informs his reader , that the iesuits are the strictest of all religious in maintaining and extending the pope's prerogatives . this he gives and attests under his hand in print : but i hope his sincere and generous honesty would have been loth deliberately to swear it to be true : for as i question not but he was too good a christian deliberately to swear an untruth ▪ so i think he was too much a scholar deliberately to take this for a truth . for let any learned and unprejudiced person but compare bellarmine , suarez , or any other writer of the society , not onely with the loose and exorbitant fantasies of carerius , musconius , or zecchius , but with other grave religious men , with panormitanus , alvares pelagius , augustinus triumphas , bosius , and too many others to be listed here ; and then let him freely judge and speak as he sees cause , which of these religious are the strictest in maintaining and extending the pope's prerogatives . i am sure io. barkley , one of bellarmine's greatest adversaries , was yet so just to him , as to let the world know , that sixtus quintus expressed his great displeasure ( and it was near passing to a censure ) against the learned cardinall , not for extending , but rather for clipping the pope's prerogatives , by disputing and writing so much as he did against the direct power , and so giving less to the pope then the pope himself claimed , and other religious men asserted as his due . besides , how can it be averred with truth , that the iesuits are the strictest religious in maintaining and extending the prerogative of the deposing power , who of all religious are the onely persons that , by especiall precept and decree , ( which was first made by themselves , and afterwards renewed at the instance of the parliament of paris , ) have silenced this doctrine in their pulpits , shut their school-doors against it , banished it from their publick disputes , and suffer not so much as the mention of it to pass under their pens , unless where necessity or duty make it a crime to be wholly silent ? lastly , how far the iesuits are from being the strictest in maintaining and extending the pope's prerogatives by any particular doctrine of their own , and how ready they are to disavow and renounce all singularity in this kind , both england and france afford us a fair instance , in a very observable ( and , i think , unexceptionable ) harmony of professions and acting between the english and french iesuits in point of allegeance . for as father cotton , the mouth and speaker of the rest of his order in france , freely offered , that the doctrine of the sorbon should be theirs , and that what the faculty of paris should determine and subscribe , they were ready to subscribe also : so in the year 1661. ( the very year wherein these questions concerning the oath of allegeance first came to light ) an english iesuit , in the behalf of the rest of his brethren , offered in print , that what oath of allegeance the english clergy and other religious should agree upon , that they would most readily take themselves , and willingly invite all others to take it . an evidence then which i think a greater cannot easily be given , how far they are from any particular kindness to any less allowable doctrine of their own , who shew so much of submission and deference to others judgments , as best suiting with the modesty and humility of religious men . chap. x. the rest of the answer to the authour of the questions . after a carefull survey , and a no less impartial then particular and due examination , of his small treatise , i find the main question throughout the whole so generally mis-stated by him , even contrary to his own expresse assertions , and the very terms wherein he first proposed , and thereby engaged to dispute it , ( which i set down in the first chapter , and purposely stated the principall controversy out of him , with this previous and particular observation , that our present question was not , whether a catholick may safely deny , but , deny by oath , ( that deniall also being the very substance of the oath , ) and universally abjure the pope's power of deposing princes : ) which point he hath treated so cursorily , and spoken so little directly to it , that the onely application of my former discourse by way of answer to his few proofs , will be all the answer which the rest of his book can justly claim , and the discovery of his mistakes will be the refutation of his arguments . as first , where he endeavours to fetch the parallel over from france to england , arguing from the censures and judgment of the french divines , and pressing the question home , why we may not safely and uncensurably profess as much as they . to which is answered from the foresaid grounds , that though we might safely and uncensurably profess as much as they , yet 't is one thing to profess as much as they , and another to swear as much as they profess ; and that though the first might , yet the second cannot be safely and uncensurably done : and this for the same reason which by repeated instances i have often inculcated , that where catholick divines teach differently , some one way , some another , there can be no safe ground for an assertory oath in either way , because , chuse which of the two ways you please , it will still be a question amongst the learned , whether truth lies in that way or no ; and it is this questionableness of the point ( till the church interpose for the decision of the case ) will rise up in judgment against the swearer , and make out the charge of perjury against him . and truly , were there no more in taking the oath of allegeance , then in subscribing the sorbon censures , i would gladly ask this question of the authour or publisher of the questions , that whereas the said oath hath been long since translated , and hath now travelled abroad in the latine tongue for some more then one or two scores of years , how it comes to pass that so many famous french universities , which so unanimously and solemnly and deeply condemn this position of the pope's deposing power , ( and all this , as the authour of the questions observes , without constraint , voluntarily delivering their free judgment , unmenaced by their king , unconcerned in self-preservation , ) should not ( at least out of a common concern for religion , whose credit is at stake , or out of a sense of compassion to us their suffering brethren in england , where our laws so threatningly command , and our all is so near concern'd ) voluntarily deliver their free judgment , and unanimously subscribe our oath , and by their subscribing encourage us to the taking of it ; if it were really true , that the taking of the said oath amounted to no more then the denying or condemning of this position of the pope's deposing power , or that a simple denying and denying by oath , or condemning and abjuring , were all one . then for his next argument , ( that however the deposing power may by some be held speculatively probable ; yet , as to any execution , it is practically no power at all against one in possession , and consequently may be abjured as such ; ) this , i say , seems too plainly to beg the question , and to take that for an uncontrovertible truth , which hath been already shewn ( and is necessarily implied in the very state of the question ) to be the chief , or rather the onely point in controversie , between the deniers and assertors of the deposing power . for , that this deposing doctrine hath been held by popes and other learned divines , not onely as speculatively probable , but also as safely practicable , even against one in possession , appears manifestly , not onely by their open pretence and claim , but also by their frequent and publick sentence of deposition against severall sovereign powers , ( all of them actually in possession , ) even from the time of the emperour hen. iv. to the days of king hen. iv. of france , the first and last of christian princes who stand as instances upon record , and sad testimonialls , of papal deposition ; the one having had the sentence of deprivation passed against him by pope gregory vii . the other by sixtus v. england in particular hath cause to remember and deplore the lamentable effects of the like sentence pronounced by paulus tertius against king hen. viii . and of pius quintus against queen elizabeth . likewise i have already , in the fourth chapter , quoted the testimony and free acknowledgment of the authour of the questions , that this act of deposing kings hath not onely been done by popes , but approved by councills . all which i do not produce ( any more then he himself doth ) with the least intention or design to interest my self in the decision of that question , or to prove that the doctrine is in it self practically probable ; but onely that it was held so by popes , councils , and learned divines ; and therefore , as being a controverted point of doctrine , can be no due and immediate object of an assertory oath , nor safely abjurable ( even by those who otherwaies hold it safely deniable ) as practically no power at all . there followeth another argument , which the authour of the questions , in pursuance of his usual way of arguing , and conformably to the title of his work , proposeth by way of quere . let them tell me , ( saith he , pag. 25. ) are they not ready to swear they will faithfully serve their king whiles they live , and that notwithstanding any papall dispensation , or whatever other proceeding to the contrary ? what signifies this but an express renouncing all obedience to the pope in these points ? true , say they , we renounce obedience , but not the acknowledgment of his power : we will adhere to the king , though the pope should depose him ; but will not say he cannot depose him . what wise and reall difference ( as to government and the practicall part of humane life ) can we imagine between these two , i 'll swear never to obey my commander , and , i 'll swear he has no power to command me ? the summe of the first part of this discourse ( which is quite besides the question ) in a short word is this , either deny the pope's authority , or obey it : so that if those good subjects , who are ready to swear they will adhere to the king , though the pope should depose him , will but say ( though not swear ) he cannot depose him , ( which is no more then with the french divines to deny the deposing power , ) then the gentleman and the first part of his argument are satisfied . now to his question that follows , ( which is the second , and indeed the onely pertinent part of his argument ; ) what wise and real difference ( as to government and the practicall part of humane life ) there is between these two , i 'll swear never to obey my commander , and , i 'll swear he hath no power to command me ; they will easily answer , that the last of these two oaths is an assertory oath , and swears to a disputable piece of doctrine as to an absolute truth , which is down-right perjury , as hath been proved already in the 2.3.4 . and 5. chapters : the other ( i 'll swear never to obey my commander , to wit , the pope , in this particular case of deposing the king , ) being a promissory oath , and tending wholly to practice , engages not for the absolute truth of any doctrine , but onely for the swearer's allegeance and loyalty , and therefore requires no absolute certainty to build on , but onely a safe and practically-probable opinion , as a sufficiently-strong principle of action , such as the authour of the questions every-where designedly maintains the deniall of the pope's deposing power to be ; from whence they will lastly conclude , that there is as much difference between these two oaths as between perjury and loyalty : and sure that is difference enough , even as to government and the practical part of humane life . in the last place comes his conjectural proof , or rather his meer affirmative presumption , that our glorious ancestours , who refused , and suffered for refusing , the oath of allegeance , would certainly have changed their judgment , had they but seen , read , perused , examined , and throughly considered , all those many particulars which he dilates upon in a large flourish of words . to all which my fifth chapter may serve for a reply , and a sufficient evidence , that had these worthy predecessours of ours seen the unanimous judgment of so many universities , and the publick subscriptions of so many eminent regulars , ( they are the words of the authour of the questions ; ) had they examined the sense of antiquity towards sovereign princes , which acknowledge them supreme in temporals , and accountable to none but god ; had they read the learned treatises composed by catholick writers , both of our own and other nations , where this king-dethroning power is absolutely disavowed ; had they perused the declarations of the kings in france , and arrests of parliaments there ; had they , i say , done all this , and more then this ; yet after all , they could have found the opinion denying the deposing power to be no more then an opinion . neither the judgment of the french universities , nor the learned treatises of both the barkleys , father and son , nor withrington's gloss and exposition , together with the apologetical answer , his theological disputation , and whatever else he wrote against suarez , lessius , fitzherbert and skulkenius , can prove it to be any more then an opinion , in the opinion of the authour and publisher of the questions . and since that enough hath already been said to prove , that an opinionative assent cannot safely ground a consciencious oath , asserting the truth or abjuring the falsehood of the thing that is sworn , i shall now pass to this final conclusion of my discourse , that whereas it is the voice and law of nature , that protection claims allegeance , and that perfect subjection to civil powers under which we live is the strict injunction no less then dictate of reason , whereby it comes to pass that nothing is or ought to be more inviolably dear to a loyal heart , nor more highly and justly valuable in it self , then to be and to bear the name of a good subject ; ( life and fortunes are nothing to it : ) yet since that to take the oath as it lies , were to over-buy that precious title , by making perjury the price of it , and laying out our very souls upon the purchace , whenas it is to be had at a much cheaper rate , and as with more ease to the conscience of the subject , so with no less security to the prince ; we must conclude upon the whole , that it can never be lawfull thus to rob god of the things that are god's , under pretence of rendring unto caesar the things that are caesar's , nor to ground our allegeance to the king upon the forfeiture of our loyalty to the king of kings . the third treatise against the oath of allegeance . several considerations proposed for the satisfaction of such catholicks as desire to be informed concerning the oath of allegeance , enacted tertio iacobi , capite quarto . 1. concerning the lawfulness of an oath in general ; consider , first , that ( as all do confesse ) three conditions are requisite for the lawfulness of an oath , viz. truth , iustice , and necessity . so that an oath wherein any thing whatsoever contained , though never so little , is either unjust , false , or doubtfull , or if the taking of it be not necessary and effectual to some good end , is unlawfull , and ought to be refused . secondly , consider , that any oath whatsoever , wherein any of the forementioned conditions is wanting , is , according to the constant sentiment of divines , intrinsecally evill , and such as cannot be justified in any case possible , though never so great good be hoped for by taking it , or never so great evill be feared by refusing it . thirdly , consider , that whoever takes any oath , though in it self never so just , without a due previous consideration , swears rashly , and commits a grievous sin. to this all do agree . whence i conclude , that to the end one may lawfully take this oath , it is necessary that , after a serious consideration , he finds nothing therein unjust , nothing false , nothing doubtfull , and that he judges the taking thereof to be requisite and effectuall for some good intent . 2. concerning the unlawfulness of this oath , deduced from the briefs of popes issued forth against it , consider , first , that the unlawfulness of this oath has been declared by * three several briefs of popes . the first was issued forth by paul the v. september 21. 1606. the second by the same pope september 21. 1607. the third by pope vrban the viii . may 30. 1626. this neither protestants nor catholicks deny . secondly , consider , that several things are contained or involved in this oath , the decision whereof appertains onely to the spirituall and ecclesiasticall court ; viz. how far the spirituall power extends it self , what authority christ left to the supreme spirituall pastour as such , what are the effects of an excommunication , what propositions are hereticall : and the main debate about this oath is , whether it be sinfull or not . the decision of all which things , ( wherein consists the chief difficulty of this oath , ) according to the unanimous consent of both catholicks and protestants , belongs onely to the ecclesiasticall court. withrington , the great stickler for the oath , made his † humble address to the pope concerning this matter , representing unto him his reasons for the lawfulness thereof , and earnestly beseeching him , that , laying aside the misinformation of others , he would be pleased to give his judgment therein according to his own knowledge . which certainly he would never have done , had he not been perswaded that there was something contained in this oath , the judgment whereof did appertain to the pope and to the ecclesiasticall court. moreover , the same authour , with other catholicks who have written in defence of the oath , do plainly professe , that , were the unlawfulness thereof declared by a general council , they would think themselves bound to submit . and yet neither in that case would they be bound to submit , were not the cause ecclesiasticall ; for such causes onely appertain to councills . 3. consider , thirdly , that the pope is supreme governour in all spirituall and ecclesiasticall affairs : which no true catholick can question . fourthly , that an exteriour * obedience at least is due to the sentence or judgment of all supreme governours , in all matters appertaining unto them , and so far as they do appertain unto them ; which all do grant who grant any government : and consequently , that an exteriour obedience at least is due to the orders or prohibition of the pope in all ecclesiasticall matters . and this all must confess , who confess him to be supreme governour in such matters . fifthly , consider , that it is unlawfull to deny any obedience or compliance that is due , as is manifest ; and by consequence , that it is unlawfull to deny an exteriour obedience to the orders or prohibition of the pope in all matters appertaining unto him , and no farther then they appertain unto him , or in all spirituall and ecclesiasticall matters . sixthly , that the popes have prohibited this oath , by reason of the clauses it contains relating to the ecclesiasticall court , and for spirituall and ecclesiasticall respects onely : viz. for † containing things contrary to faith and salvation ; or , for being noxious and sinfull . for such motives , and no other , are exprest in the forementioned briefs . and consequently , that they have prohibited this oath upon the account of matters appertaining unto them , and no farther then they do appertain unto them . lastly , consider , that whoever takes this oath denies an exteriour obedience to the pope's prohibition contained in the briefs . for he exteriourly takes an oath , which the pope in such briefs prohibits to be taken ; as is evident . 4. hence i frame this argument , to conclude the unlawfulness of the aforesaid oath : whoever takes this oath , denies an exteriour obedience to the pope's prohibition in matters appertaining unto him , and no farther then they appertain unto him . but it is unlawfull to deny an exteriour obedience to the pope's prohibitions in matters appertaining unto him , and no farther then they appertain unto him . therefore it is unlawfull to take this oath . 5. if it be objected , first , that the pope's briefs are of no force here in england without the king's approbation , ( which these briefs have not , ) according to the statutes 25. of edward the third , and 16. of richard the second , made in catholick times ; and that it cannot be unlawfull to deny obedience to a brief where it is of no force ; neither is there any reason why the present catholicks of england should not have the same liberty to refuse the pope's brief , not approved by the king , as the ancient catholicks had : 6. in answer to this objection , consider , first , that what is alledged out of the forementioned statutes , does not prove that briefs brought into england without the king's licence are void and of no force ; but onely that those who procure them and bring them hither without the king's approbation , are liable to a praemunire , and other penalties : which is very different . for though it be punishable to doe a thing , yet the thing once done may be valid . those who contract a clandestine marriage here in england are liable to the penalties enacted by the canons in such cases : yet the marriage so contracted is valid and obligatory . 7. consider , secondly , that should we grant ( as we do not ) that such statutes render the briefs they speak of void and of no force ; they are to be understood either of briefs which import an absolute power in the pope to defeat and avoid at his will the laws and statutes of this realm , and consequently touch the king's regalities , as the statute expresses it , and destroy his sovereignty in temporals ; which the briefs we produce do not ; for they onely enjoyn a meer forbearance of this oath , which certainly does not dethrone his majesty of his sovereignty in temporalls ; as will appear by what hereafter shall be added : or else of briefs enactive , ( as in other kingdoms the like statutes are understood , ) whereby some new law is enacted , or some new thing ordained , relating to the external government of the church ; as the presentments to churches or benefices , or the translation of bishops or bishopricks , and such like things which are mentioned in the statutes : but not of briefs declarative , whereby such a doctrine is declared erroneous or hereticall , such an action sinfull and destructive to salvation . as , for instance , the declarative part of the councill of trent , though never admitted in england by publick authority , does oblige all english catholicks ; but not the enactive part thereof . now the briefs we speak of are not enactive , as is manifest , but declarative : for they do not make this oath unlawfull , but onely declare it to be so . 8. consider , thirdly , whether , should it be admitted , that these statutes in their primary institution did extend to all briefs whatsoever , it can prudently be thought , that they were ever intended by the catholicks that made them for the condition wherein we now are in england ; viz. of an open rebellion against the pope and the church of rome ; when no brief , though never so just , nor nothing else that comes from rome in order to our spirituall direction , is admitted by publick authority . suppose that before the late civil wars it had been enacted by the king and parliament , ( perhaps there is some such act , ) that no commission sent by his majesty to any particular person should be of force , unless it were delivered unto him by the lieutenant of the county where he resided : could we prudently think , that such an act was ever intended by loyal subjects , that voted it , for the case of a publick rebellion , when all the lieutenants were manifest rebells against the king , and resolved to pass nothing in his favour , and , consequently , to deprive thereby his majesty of all power to send orders to his loyall subjects remaining in england , in a time when he had most need of their assistence ; or that whoever should refuse to obey his majestie 's expresse commands , under such a pretence , could be esteemed a faithfull subject ? 9. consider , fourthly , whether , should these statutes be taken in the latitude the opponent pretends , all intercourse between the pope and the english catholicks , and all direction from him in order to their spiritual conduct , would not be quite cut off in a time when they had greatest need thereof , ( such is the time of persecution ; ) and all dispensations , indulgences and faculties , and all powers or prohibitions whatsoever , that come from rome , ( for they all come in bulls , briefs , and such like instruments , ) would not be rendered void and of no force . 10. consider , fifthly , whether this be not against the common perswasion and practice of the english catholicks , not excepting even those who defend the lawfulness of this oath ; who , without any scruple , use their faculties sent to them from rome ; who procure thence , as occasion requires , dispensations , indulgences , and other powers ; who make their application to rome in severall emergencies , ready to submit to the pope's judgment : and whether it would not be very ridiculous , both for them to procure such things , and for the pope to grant them , were it true what this objection pretends , viz. that no brief or grant brought from rome without the king's approbation ( which in this conjuncture of affairs cannot be hoped for ) is here of any force . 11. consider , sixthly , whether it be reasonable that there should be the same liberty to treat with , ( as the opponent pretends ) or the same obligation to depend of princes who are out of the church , as of those who are in the church , in order to ecclesiasticall affairs : such is the admission or refusall of the pope's bulls or briefs : and consequently , whether the present catholicks of england ought to have the same dependence of their prince ( who is no catholick ) in order to ecclesiastical matters , as the ancient english catholicks had of their princes , who were catholicks . certainly no body will say , that we have the same obligation to depend of governours who are rebells in order to civill concerns , as of those that are faithfull ; or that there ought to be the same liberty to treat with persons infected , as with persons who are not infected . it was no absurdity for the ancient catholicks of england , to make their application to their catholick princes , for leave to get such a grant from the pope ; whereas now it would seem very absurd , should they make any such application to his majesty . for though we do acknowledge our selves to be as much bound to obey his majesty in all civill and temporall concerns as the ancient catholicks were bound to obey their respective catholick princes ; yet hence it does not follow , that we are so much bound to depend of his majesty that now is ( so long as he is of a different religion from us ) in order to ecclesiasticall discipline , as the ancient english catholicks did depend of their princes . 12. consider , lastly , that in the above-mentioned statute of richard the second express mention is made of the sentence of excommunication ; yet all catholicks , even those who deny the pope to have any power to depose kings , do unanimously grant him a power to excommunicate kings , if they become hereticks , and remain obstinate : nay , king iames refused to oblige his catholick subjects to renounce such a power in the pope . now , according to this objection , no sentence of excommunication fulminated against any english king ( the same is of any of his subjects ) is of any force here , unless approved and submitted unto by himself : and if he submits unto it , he is not obstinate , and by consequence does not deserve to be excommunicated . so that if what this objection pretends be true ▪ the pope has no power to excommunicate any hereticall king of england , unless in a case wherein he deserves it not : which is , to have no power at all to excommunicate him . 13. if it be objected , secondly , that the pope with a generall councill is above the pope without it ; that with it he is infallible , without it fallible ▪ and that therefore we are not bound , with our own prejudice , to stand to his decrees which are issued out without a generall councill , as these briefs are , nor to forbear taking this oath , till the unlawfulness thereof be declared by a generall councill , the supreme judge of controversies , which hitherto has not been done : that the pope may be , and was mistaken and misinformed concerning this oath , thinking that therein are contained severall things repugnant to faith and salvation , though he specifies none of them ; and that thereby is abjur'd implicitly a power in the pope to excommunicate princes , and his supremacy in spiritualls ; all which is false ; and we are not bound to submit to briefs grounded upon mistakes and misinformations : that the pope is a party in this debate , and by consequence ought not to be judge in his own cause : that he must give sentence according to the canons or rules prescribed him by the church ; which he does not observe in the prohibition of this oath : finally , that we ought not to take notice of the prohibitions or commands of the pope , when the compliance with them may be a cause of great disturbance in the church , or is prejudiciall to the right of others , especially of sovereign princes , and to the duty due unto them , to which god and the law of nations obliges us ; all which inconveniences intervene in the prohibition of this oath : 14. concerning the superiority of a general councill over the pope , contained in the objection ; consider , first , that though the king and parliament be above the king out of parliament ▪ yet we are bound to submit , even against our own interest , to the orders of the king and his councill in civill matters , till the contrary be decreed by parliament ; which at least is enjoyned us by such parliaments as command us to bear due allegeance to his majesty as our sovereign in all civill matters : and that , in like manner , we are bound to submit to the pope's ordinances in ecclesiasticall matters , even against our interests , notwithstanding the superiority of a general councill over the pope , till the contrary be defined by such a councill ; which at least is asserted in such councills , and by such fathers , as recommend unto us due obedience to the pope , as our supreme pastour in spiritualls . for the pope is as supreme in spiritualls out of a councill , as the king is in temporalls out of a parliament ; and consequently requires the like submission to his ordinances . 15. consider , secondly , that the reasons one may seem to have either against the pope's decrees out of a councill , or the king's ordinances out of a parliament , cannot justify the refusing an exteriour compliance with them ; but onely may give one ground to make his addresses to the councill or parliament when assembled , to have such decrees or ordinances repealed : and that what we require in our present case , is onely , that we should forbear the taking this oath till the lawfulness thereof be declared by a general council , to which we may apply our selves , when convened , to have this matter declared . 16. concerning the fallibility of the pope , and the infallibility of a general council ; consider , first , that if it be warrantable to refuse an exteriour obedience to the pope's decrees in ecclesiastical matters , because fallible ; upon the same account it will be lawfull to refuse an exteriour obedience to the orders of kings and princes in civill affairs ; for doubtless they are all fallible , and may be mistaken and misinformed : and so farewell all government . secondly , consider , that even those catholicks who affirm the pope to be fallible out of a general council , do notwithstanding confess that an exteriour obedience is due to his commands in ecclesiastical matters : as the like obedience is due to the ordinances of sovereign princes in civil affairs , though fallible . and in this present case no more is required , then a meer exteriour compliance with the pope's prohibition . thirdly , consider , that even protestants also , who confesse their whole church , and not onely the particular pastours thereof separately , to be fallible , do yet affirm , that an exteriour obedience is due to their ordinances . and it seems somewhat odde , that catholicks should deny the pope that obedience under pretence of fallibility , which protestants assert to be due to the pastours of their church though fallible . 17. lastly , consider , that the difference between a general council and the pope , supposing the infallibility of the one , and the fallibility of the other , is , that the decrees and declarations of the pope do oblige onely to an exteriour obedience , but those of a general council to an interiour assent also . 18. concerning the capacity of the pope of being misinformed , and the pretended mistakes in this present matter ; consider , first , that between the publishing of the first and the last brief against the oath , there past twenty years : that in this time the present question concerning the lawfulness thereof was canvased on both sides by learned men , both english and forreiners : that withrington ; the chief defender of the oath , and who brings all that is material for it , represented in this interim to paul the fifth his reasons for the lawfulness of it , and his answers to what had been objected against him : that the popes , in the forementioned briefs , use as significant terms to remove all just suspicion of misinformation , mistakes and inconsiderateness , [ as , motu proprio , ex certa nostra scientia , — post longam gravémque deliberationem de omnibus quae in illis continentur adhibitam — haec mera , pura , integráque voluntas nostra est , &c. ] as are used in any briefs or instruments whatsoever , in order to that intent . and if this be so , as certainly it is , then consider , secondly , that if all these diligences and preventions be not thought sufficient to remove all just suspicion of misinformation , mistakes , and inconsiderateness , what brief , or what decree , ecclesiastical or civil , is there that the party therein condemned may not ( under pretence of the like flaws ) reject and disobey ? such liberty as this , to reject the ordinances of our sovereigns , both spirituall and temporall , must needs induce a perfect anarchy . 19. consider , thirdly , that it belongs to the pope to determine , whether this oath does contain any thing contrary to faith and salvation , or destructive to his sovereignty in spiritualls , or no. for the determination of such questions belongs to the spiritual court , as has been above insinuated ; as it belongs to the king , and the civil court , to determine whether such a thing be contrary to the civil laws , and publick welfare of the kingdome , or destructive to his sovereignty in temporalls , or not . and since the popes , after so much diligence used to be informed of the truth , have severall times declared , that this oath contains many things destructive to faith and salvation , and upon that account have prohibited the taking thereof ; we are bound to afford at least an exteriour compliance to this prohibition . 20. consider , fourthly , that as to prohibit a book , 't is not necessary to point out the particular propositions for which it is prohibited , as appears by several publick prohibitions of books and pamphlets , issued forth either by civil or ecclesiastical authority ; neither would it be prudence , to design alwaies the particular propositions for which a pamphlet is prohibited , when they are scandalous and offensive : so neither was it necessary , for the prohibition of this oath , that the pope should assign the particular propositions which he looked upon as repugnant to faith and salvation . the prohibition of suarez his book , made by the parliament of paris , as containing things destructive to the honour due to the kings , does not express , at least as it is related by withrington , what those particular things or propositions are , contained in that book , which are destructive to the veneration due to kings : and yet no body upon that account does quibble at such a prohibition . why therefore might not the pope prohibit this oath , as containing things destructive to faith and salvation , without setting down in particular which those things are ? 21. consider , lastly , whether , whoever takes this oath , does not implicitly deny , either that the pope has any power to excommunicate an heretical king , which power is inherent in the pope as supreme head of the church ; or at least , that though he should excommunicate such a king , the excommunication would have in the person excommunicated these effects , viz. to deprive him of all civill communication with others , &c. which are assigned in scripture , in those places whence the power in the pope to excommunicate is deduced . 2. joan. 1. neque ave ei dixeritis . 1 cor. 5. cum hujusmodi nec cibum sumere . for sure a king who is deprived of all civill communication with others , is deprived of all civill government , in order to the exercise thereof ; which is a certain kind of deposing . and if some persons , though excommunicated , are excepted from these effects , either by the indulgency of the pope , or otherwise , whether it does not belong to the pope to determine which those persons are ; and whether he has excepted princes . 22. concerning the pope being a party in this debate , and not proceeding according to the canons ; consider , first , that supreme governours , whether spirituall or temporall , in debates wherein their prerogatives are concerned , either are not styled properly parties ; or if they be parties , they are also iudges . otherwise we should not be bound to stand to the decision of a generall councill , in matters relating to the authority of the church or generall councills ; nor to the determination of the king and parliament , in matters relating to the authority and prerogatives of his majesty or his parliament . consider , secondly , that if the pope is not to be hearkened unto , when he prohibits the taking of this oath , because he is the party concerned in the not-taking thereof ; neither the king , upon the same account , is to be hearkened unto , when he commands us to take the oath , because he is the party concerned in the taking thereof . 23. consider , thirdly , that as * there are canons and rules prescribed for the proceedings of popes ; so there are , in the like manner , rules prescribed for the proceedings of kings , of councills , and of parliaments . but as the king , or councill , or parliament , must be their own judges , whether they have proceeded , in such a decision or determination , according to the respective rules prescribed unto them , and not any particular person or subject : so must the pope be his own judge , and not any particular doctour , whether he hath observed , in the prohibition of this oath , the rules and canons prescribed unto him in such cases . and since the popes have sufficiently declared , that in the prohibition of this oath they have proceeded according to the canons for such cases , it is not reasonable , that under pretence that they have not observed such canons , we should deny an exteriour obedience to their prohibitions . 24. concerning the disturbance of the church , which the opponent pretends may follow from the submission to the briefs , and the prejudice created thence , or pretended to be created , to the duty and loyalty due to sovereign princes ; consider , first , that if the defenders of the oath would be quiet , we might enjoy the same peace and tranquillity , in relation to this point , which we have enjoyed for many years . for the oppugners of the oath have not printed any thing for a long time , contenting themselves with the sentences which the above-mentioned popes have been pleased to issue forth in their favour : and consequently , the disturbance , if any follow , is rather to be attributed to the defenders of the oath , then to the oppugners . 25. consider , secondly , that if the pope ( whose office it is to declare the lawfulness or unlawfulness of an action , especially if he be required thereunto , and the inconsistency thereof with faith and salvation ) should forbear to declare such an action unlawfull , for fear of some disturbance , or persecution , by the contrivance of some obstinate and discontented persons : upon the same account the councill of nice should have forborn to have declared against the arrians , the consubstantiality of the son with his father ; and other generall councills , in the like manner , should have waved the definitions of severall other doctrines ; because some malicious men , taking occasion thence , have raised severall disturbances and persecutions . nay , our saviour , and the apostles , should , upon the same score , have forborn the preaching christian religion , since they foresaw , that many calamities , disturbances and persecutions would arise , by the malice and obstinacy of men , upon the account of christian religion . and therefore simeon foretold , that the coming of christ would be the occasion of the ruine of many . ecce hic positus est in ruinam , & resurrectionem multorum in israel , & in signum cui contradicetur . luc. 2.34 . 26. consider , thirdly , that though it be not the intention , neither of popes , nor of generall councills , that their enactive decrees , in some extraordinary and extravagant cases , should oblige , when the compliance with them is very prejudiciall ; or at least they are supposed to have dispensed for such cases ; as appears in the precept of fasting , or such like : yet this cannot reach to their declarative decrees , such as the present decree against the oath is . for it cannot be their intention , neither can they dispense in any case whatsoever , that we may lawfully doe what they have declared , and do declare , to be of it self unlawfull . 27. consider , fourthly , whether what the popes enjoyn in the above-mentioned briefs , can be prejudiciall to the duty and loyalty due to sovereign princes . for though popes be as jealous of their prerogatives , as kings are of theirs ; yet they do not enjoyn us in these briefs to swear , that the pope has any power or authority to depose kings , or to swear any thing else contrary to any clause contained in this oath : but onely not to take the oath , or not to swear positively , that the pope has no such power ; leaving things in the same condition wherein they were ( in order to any such obligation ) before this oath was framed . for although as long as there is a debate whether such a thing belongs to me , or another , i cannot lawfully take the possession of it ; yet i may lawfully hinder my adversary from taking it . neither do they prohibit us to take other oaths of allegeance , wherein all civill allegeance is contained in as , or more expressive terms , then in the present oath ; as shall be made appear hereafter : nay , nor to take those clauses of the oath , which do manifestly contain no more then meer civill allegeance . neither do they in rigour oblige us to give an interiour assent to the reasons why they prohibit this oath . for even the decrees of generall councills , according to the common sentiment of divines , do not oblige us always to believe the reasons for the framing such decrees , inserted in them , to be good and solid . as in the second councill of nice it was declared , that angels may be painted , because they have bodies . the declaration is good , but the reason is false . so that though one refuses the oath in compliance to the pope's commands , it does not follow , that he does not think the oath in it self , and speculatively speaking , to be lawfull : and consequently , if he thinks that the acts therein contained do concern meer civill allegeance , he is bound , as long as he remains in such a persuasion , to comply with those acts , whether he has taken this oath or not . for a subject is bound to civill allegeance by the law of god and nature , antecedently to all oaths . finally , the popes do not forbid us in these briefs an act of loyalty , or civill allegeance : for the taking of this oath , which is onely forbidden us in these briefs , is not ( properly speaking ) any act of civil allegeance , but onely a security thereof , ( and how little trust is to be put in such a security , does appear by the sad experience of the late wars ; ) as a bond for the payment of such a sum of money is no part of the payment , but onely a security for it , if the debtor denies it . nay , a subject may be obliged to his civill allegeance , and equally punished for his not-complying therewith , or for being a traitour , whether he has taken the oath or not . whence i conclude , that , since the briefs do not forbid us any act of civill allegeance , it is manifest , that the compliance with such briefs cannot be inconsistent with the duty and loyalty due to sovereign princes ; which reaches no farther then to all acts of civill allegeance . 28. consider , lastly , whether those who reject the forementioned briefs of the popes , published after so long and so serious deliberation , under such frivolous pretences as we have already seen , and shall see hereafter , do not open a way for subjects to resist , and disobey the express commands or prohibitions ( if they be condemned therein ) of their respective sovereigns , though issued forth after never so serious a debate , pretending that they were grounded upon inconsiderateness , misinformation , and mistakes , in thinking , that such a thing was contrary to the laws of the realm , and the prerogatives of his majesty ; or that the king did not proceed therein according to the rules prescribed in such cases ; or that his majesty was a party in the debate , and that consequently he ought not to be judge ; or , finally , that such prohibitions and commands are prejudiciall to the liberty of the people and common welfare of the nation , and that they may be occasion of great disturbances in the kingdome . and whether , if such exceptions as these be warrantable , and not to be decided by the sovereigns themselves , they do not render the authority of kings ( though our adversaries , who make use of them , will needs seem to be stout champions for regall power ) very weak and insignificant , as in effect they do render the authority of the pope . 29. if it be objected , thirdly , that to refuse this oath , when we are required to take it by the king , is sinfull , inductive to schism , and scandalous to our religion , as if the principles thereof were inconsistent with civill allegeance due to princes ; and in such matters no man is bound to obey the pope's decrees , but rather to the contrary : that should the pope declare it sinfull to bear his majesty civill allegeance , ( which is due unto him by the law of god and nature , ) certainly we should not think our selves bound to submit to such a declaration : that this oath contains onely a meer civill allegeance , as our kings have declared , and to them it belongs to declare what is meer civill allegeance , and not to the pope , whose jurisdiction extends onely to spiritualls : that we are bound to obey our sovereign's commands in all probable matters , and which are not manifestly sinfull , as the taking of this oath is not : that since it is doubtfull at least whether the things contained in this oath ( wherein the difficulty thereof consists ) appertain to the spirituall or civill court , why should the pope decide it rather then the king ? and since the king commands us to take the oath , and the pope prohibits us to take it , the thing being of it self doubtfull , and not manifestly sinfull on either side , why should we submit rather to the pope's ordinance then to the king's ? that the king may confine the pope's power , and declare , that he has not a direct and absolute power over this kingdome in temporalls , or to vacate the civill laws thereof at his pleasure ; and consequently , that it is not proper for the pope to declare how far his spirituall authority does extend it self in all causes : finally , that the like argument may be made to shew the refusall of this oath to be unlawfull , as we made above to prove unlawfull the taking thereof , in this manner ; whoever of his majestie 's subjects refuses this oath , being required thereunto , denies an exteriour obedience to the king's ordinance in matters appertaining unto him , and no farther then they appertain unto him : but it is unlawfull to deny such an obedience to the king's ordinance , and in such matters : therefore it is unlawfull for any of his majestie 's subjects , when required thereunto , to refuse this oath : 30. concerning the sinfulness of the refusall of this oath , objected against us ; consider , first , whether this objection be not against all or most of those catholicks who defend the lawfulness of this oath ; whose aim onely is , to shew , not that it is a sin to refuse this oath , but that it is no sin to take it . secondly , consider , whether the refusall of this oath can be sinfull , unless the taking thereof be absolutely obligatory : and if not , then consider , whether there be any absolute obligation to take this oath , since the taking thereof is no part of civill allegeance , as has been already shewn . neither does his majesty absolutely require of us the taking of this oath , but onely conditionally , if we will enjoy such and such employments or priviledges ; which we are not bound to accept of . and though those who refuse the oath in many circumstances are liable to some penalties enacted against roman catholicks ; yet they are punished even in that case , not so much for refusing the oath , but because , by refusing it , they are suspected to be popishly inclined . whence therefore can there be proved any absolute obligation to take this oath , especially since the pope hath expresly prohibited the taking thereof ? 31. consider , thirdly , whether , according to the common persuasion of divines , we are not bound to obey the commands of our lawfull superiour in probable matters appertaining unto him , and which are not manifestly sinfull : and whether it can prudently be presumed , that the meer forbearance of this oath , ( the thing that is onely required of us , ) which has been enjoyned three severall times , in terms so significant , by two different popes , who are the onely competent judges of what is sinfull , and what not ; which has been , and is still maintained by so many grave , learned and consciencious men , against their own interest ; which hath been authorized with the imprisonment , or death , of several persons , [ fifty eight were put in prison at york , in the time of arch-bishop matthews , for refusing this oath , and forty of them died in prison , ] who rather chose to undergoe those punishments then take this oath ; is notwithstanding manifestly sinfull . 32. concerning the schism objected against us ; consider , first , that it is impossible , that those who refuse the oath should upon that account , and for complying therein with the ordinances of the supreme head in ecclesiasticall matters , become schismaticks ; as it is impossible that a subject , for complying with the commands of his king , should become a traitour or rebell . for as rebellion implies a disobedience to our sovereign in temporall affairs ; so schism necessarily imports a separation from or a disobedience to the pope , supreme head in ecclesiasticall matters . hence it follows , that should all the english catholicks joyn in taking the oath , they would not therefore be less schismaticks , but rather more in number ; as the more the rebells are , they are not therefore less rebells . 33. consider , secondly , that since union amongst catholicks here in england , in order to this point , may be obtained in either of two manners , viz. if all take the oath , or if all refuse it ; it is far more easy to obtain it , and far more warrantable to procure it , the latter way , then the former : because those who refuse it are far more numerous then those who take it ; and it is far more easie , and more warrantable , that the minor part should conform to the major , then on the contrary ; especially whenas by refusing it we unite with our head , and supreme pastour , and by taking it we separate from him . and there can be no true ecclesiasticall union , without a conjunction with the ecclesiasticall head. and sure it is more rationall , that the members should submit to the head , then the head to the members . 34. consider , thirdly , that hitherto the far greater part of english catholicks have thought it better to conserve an union among themselves , in relation to this point , by refusing the oath , then by taking it . and certainly , if ever there was any reason for catholicks to take this oath , there was more reason for it heretofore , when it was first enacted , then now . for a little before had been contrived that horrible plot of gunpowder-treason , whereunto concurred some catholicks ; but it was fathered , though unjustly , upon the whole body of catholicks then living . but now there is no catholick alive that could be actour or contriver in that plot , or that is suspected to have contrived any plot whatsoever against his majesty , much less such a detestable plot as that was : and consequently , the present catholicks of england have far less obligation ( or rather no obligation at all ) to wipe off any suspicion of disloyalty by taking the oath , then the ancient catholicks had . those catholicks who then lived , had not given so universall and so signall proofs of their loyalty to the then present king , as catholicks now alive have done to his majesty and his royall father : and by consequence , there is less reason why they should be forced to give in security , or testimony of their loyalty by oath . then there had not been issued forth so many several briefs , and after so long a deliberation , condemning this oath , as since have been published , nor the question so much discussed ( the major part sticking alwaies to the negative ) as since it has been : which had those catholicks seen who first took the oath , very probably speaking , many of them would have refused it . some of those thirteen priests who in the time of q. elizabeth subscribed an oath of the like tenour , having seen afterwards the pope's briefs , refused this oath ; and two of them , viz. robert drury and roger cadwallader , were put to death upon that account . 35. neither are there now greater advantages for catholicks who take the oath then there were in those times ; nay , the conveniency now in taking it is so inconsiderable , that no catholick is thereby alone rendered capable so much as to enter into white-hall or st. iames's park . and though the catholick lords , who take the oath , may sit in the house , and those who refuse it may not : yet how long will this ( besides that it comprehended also those ancient catholick lords , ) probably last ; seeing that scarce had some catholick lords , upon that account , taken the oath , when it begun to be agitated in the parliament , how another test might be framed to exclude all catholicks ? and the sitting of the catholick lords in the house , as things now stand , is ineffectual to carry any thing in favour of catholicks ; the far major part being against them , nay and against their sitting too in the house . for had the major part effectually desired the concurrence of the catholick lords , it would never have been carried , that all the lords should be put to the oath , if they intended to sit in the house . for such a vote would in all probability force all the catholick lords ( or at least some of them ) to forbear coming to the house . so that , were not the house against the sitting of the catholick lords , they would never have voted , that all those who would sit should take the oath . and if they be against their sitting , though all the catholick lords should take it , they will find out some other way to exclude them . moreover , if things be well sifted , perhaps many will find no little conveniency in having so handsome an occasion as this is for any catholick for not coming to the house , especially since they are not therefore debarred from voting by their proxies . wherefore if , notwithstanding the reasons above alledged , the ancient catholicks of england , or at least the far greater part of them , as even our adversaries confess , preferred to conserve union amongst themselves by refusing the oath ; why should not the present english catholicks follow , in this point , their ancestors , and take the same way of conserving union ? 36. concerning the scandal objected ; consider , first , whether the scandal ( if any lies upon catholicks or their religion in order to civil allegeance , after so many signall proofs given of their loyalty in the late civil wars , ( and , sure , works are better proofs of loyalty then words , ) after so many publick declarations thereof made by his majesty in his gracious speeches , and by many other protestants in their publick votes in parliament , whether , i say , this scandal , if any remains , ) be not rather acceptum , then datum , like to that which christian religion lay under among the iews for transgressing their ceremonies , and consequently not to be taken notice of . 37. consider , secondly , whether should all catholicks concurre to take the oath , protestants would not , in all probability , attribute this their concurrence rather to a desire of their safety , or of some particular interest , then to the principles of their religion ; as they have , and do yet , attribute the constant and general loyalty of the catholicks in the late wars , not to the tenets of their religion , but to the generosity of their minds , or desire of their security , as they have published in their books and sermons . nay , some ( as i hear ) have said the same already of catholicks that have taken the oath . so that the taking of the oath is ineffectual for the end pretended ; since protestants would not therefore have a better opinion of our religion , but worse opinion of catholicks who take the oath , as professing a religion to whose principles , as by protestants understood , they are ashamed to conform . and if so , then consider , whether ( probably speaking ) protestants are not more scandalized at catholicks who take the oath , as not standing ( in their opinion ) to the maximes of the religion they profess , and as denying an exteriour compliance with the express commands of him whom they acknowledge to be their supreme pastour ; ( which compliance even protestants grant to be due to the pastours of the church ; ) then at catholicks who refuse it : which refusal protestants ascribe not to any want of loyalty in them , ( whereof they have sufficient proofs already , ) but to some scruple of conscience , or to the submission they think themselves obliged to pay to the ordinances of the pope . and one may easily gather , by what is set down in a letter to a parliament-man , lately printed , concerning peter walsh , ( who , amongst those who profess themselves to be catholicks , seems now to be the onely man , who openly and in print vindicates the taking this oath : one may gather , i say , by what is couched in that letter , ) what opinion protestants have of such catholicks ; who , though they acknowledge the pope to be their supreme pastour , yet justify the taking this oath , against several express prohibitions of the pope . so that , by taking the oath , the scandal , if any , is not removed from our religion , but rather a new scandal is fastened upon catholicks that take it . 38. consider , thirdly , whether protestants are not of opinion , that the supremacy in spiritualls is inherent and annexed to the crown , as has been declared in parliament ; and consequently , that as long as catholicks refuse the oath of supremacy , ( which they must doe as long as they will be catholicks , ) they refuse to acknowledge the supremacy of his majesty in temporalls , and his crown . for whosoever refuses to acknowledge any thing inherent and annexed to the crown , refuses , at least implicitly , to acknowledge the crown , and his loyalty thereunto . so that , as long as we remain catholicks , we shall be accounted by protestants not loyal subjects in our tenets , whatsoever we be in our practices . 39. consider , fourthly , whether such catholicks as take the oath , whilst ineffectually they pretend to remove the scandal protestants have so unjustly conceived of our religion , by taking the oath , do not create a just scandal in other catholicks who refuse it , seeing how they slight the expresse order of their supreme head in ecclesiastical matters . 40. concerning the case contained in the objection , wherein the opponent supposes that the pope should forbid us to bear civil allegeance to his majesty , due unto him by the law of god and of nature , or should declare such an allegeance to be sinfull ; consider , first , that supposing ( as we do suppose ) that his majesty is our sovereign in all civil and temporal concerns , and that not onely in order to the civil power , but also to the exercise thereof ; to deny unto him civil allegeance , due unto him by the law of god and nature , is manifestly sinfull : and in matters manifestly sinfull we are not bound to obey the ordinances of our superiours , whether spiritual or temporal . nay , it would be heretical to prohibit a meer civil allegeance , in that supposition , or declare it unlawfull : and a pope that should teach an heresy , or become an heretick , would , according to the common consent of divines , cease to be pope ; and consequently , his orders in that case were not to be obeyed . 41. consider , secondly , whether it be reasonable , that , because there may be feigned a case or cases wherein the pope , or any other superiour , ecclesiastical or civil , might command a thing manifestly sinfull , and therefore not to be done ; we should , upon that account , deny obedience to the commands of the pope , or any other lawfull superiour , in matters evidently , or at least probably , lawfull : and the forbearance of this oath ( which is onely enjoyned us in the forementioned briefs , as has been shewn ) is manifestly or probably lawfull , as our adversaries seem to confess . 42. consider , thirdly , that the popes have been so far from forbidding catholicks to render civil obedience to his majesty , his royal father and grandfather , kings of england , that rather they have several times , and in terms very significant , charged the english catholicks to render to their majesties all civil allegeance and obedience . neither have the popes declared any of their majesties deprived of their crown . nay , never any pope ( as some have well advertised ) has declared any heretical prince , brought up alwaies in that profession , ( as the three forementioned kings were brought up protestants , ) deprived of their dominions . neither do the popes , in the above-mentioned briefs , whereby they prohibit the taking of this oath , declare in expresse terms , that they have any authority to depose hereticall princes ▪ and much less do they oblige us to swear , or to make any acknowledgement , that they have any such authority : but onely they enjoyn us a meer forbearance of the oath , the taking whereof is not properly ( as has been shewed above ) any act of civil allegeance , or at least of bare civil allegeance . 43. concerning the meer civil allegeance pretended to be contained in this oath , and that alone ; consider , first , whether whatsoever a prince is pleased to put into an oath , which he terms an oath of allegeance , is to be held as appertaining to meer civil allegeance ; and whether the refusers thereof are to be lookt upon as refusers of civil allegeance . as for instance , if an oath , intitled an oath of meer civil allegeance , were framed , wherein were expresly denied a power in the pope to excommunicate any of his majestie 's subjects in any case whatsoever , or to direct them in spiritual affairs ; sure no catholick would say , that such an oath did contain meer civil allegeance , though the prince , by whose order it was framed , should term it an oath of civil allegeance , or that the refusers thereof were guilty of disloyalty . 44. consider , secondly , whether , since it is manifest that an oath , though styled an oath of meer civil allegeance , may contain some things not appertaining to civil allegeance , but to spiritual jurisdiction , as the forementioned oath , denying a power in the pope to excommunicate ; whether then ( i say ) the pope , to whom the supreme spirituall jurisdiction belongs , and not the king , whose jurisdiction is onely civil , may not judge of such an oath , so far as it contains things appertaining to spiritual and ecclesiastical jurisdiction . and if so , whether , since this present oath contains such things , as has been declared above , the pope may not judge of this oath , as far as it contains such things , though it be pretended by some that it contains meer civil allegeance : and whether we are not bound to stand rather to the pope's judgment , in order to such things , then to the king's declaration . 45. consider , thirdly , that there is this difference between the king commanding us to take this oath , ( supposing he does command it , ) and the pope prohibiting us to take it ; that to the end the king may command us to take it , 't is necessary , that there be nothing therein contained which does not belong to the civil power , since we acknowledge his majesty to be our sovereign onely in civil matters : but to the end the pope may prohibit us to take this oath , 't is enough , that any thing whatsoever therein contained belongs to the ecclesiastical court , whose head the pope is , and that he judges such things to be unlawfull . so that far less is required , or sufficient , to prohibit an oath , then to command it . neither does the pope prohibit each part of the oath by it self , and separately taken ; but he prohibits us to take the whole oath : and to prohibit the whole , 't is enough , that any part thereof whatsoever be unlawfull , according to that maxime , bonum ex integra causa , malum ex quocunque defectu . 46. consider , fourthly , that we are bound to submit to the king's commands onely in civil matters , as to the pope's ordinances onely in spiritual ; since , as we acknowledge the pope's supremacy onely in spirituals , so we acknowledge the king's supremacy onely in temporals . and since this oath contains , as has been proved , some things not appertaining to the civil jurisdiction , we do not think our selves obliged to submit to his majestie 's orders , wherein he commands us to take this oath as it lies : as upon the same account we are not bound to take the oath of supremacy , though his majesty commands his subjects as much to take the one as the other , and penalties are enacted against the refusers of both . nay , if the thing commanded by the pope be a civil matter , though it should be lawfull , we are not bound to submit to such a command , since the pope's jurisdiction extends onely to spirituals : so if the thing commanded by the king be spiritual , though it should be lawfull , we are not bound to submit to such a command , because the king's jurisdiction extends onely to temporals . whence appears , that the major proposition of the argument , framed in the objection , to prove the refusal of the oath unlawfull , is false and of no force . for since this oath contains things not appertaining to civil jurisdiction , the king , by commanding us to take this whole oath as it lies , commands us things not appertaining unto him : but the pope , by prohibiting us to take this oath , by reason of things appertaining unto him contained therein , and not farther then they appertain unto him , does not exceed his jurisdiction ; and it is unlawfull to deny obedience to the commands of a superiour in matters appertaining unto him , and no farther then they do appertain unto him . 47. consider , fifthly , that though we should grant , as we do not , that it is doubtfull , whether the matters contained in this oath , ( wherein the main difficulty thereof consists , ) considered in themselves , do appertain to the ecclesiastical or civil court : yet since the pope's and the king's orders in this point do contradict one another , we ought rather to submit to the pope's prohibition , then the king's command , in this case . first , because , though the pope and the king be both supreme , the one in spirituals , the other in temporals ; yet the pope's supremacy ( the end whereof is eternal bliss ) is of a higher hierarchy then the king's supremacy , ( the end whereof is temporal felicity onely . ) and certainly , when two supreme governours clash one with the other , so that we cannot obey them both , but must obey one of them , ( as in our present case , we must obey either the pope , forbidding the oath , or the king , commanding it ; ) we are bound , caeteris paribus , to submit rather to him , whose jurisdiction is of a higher hierarchy , then to the other , and to our spiritual governour , then to our temporal . neither will the protestants deny this doctrine to be true , when it happens that the spiritual and temporal powers do thwart one another , all other circumstances being equal . secondly , because , according to the common sentiment of divines and canonists , when it is doubtfull , whether such a matter , considered in it self , does appertain to the spiritual or temporal court , it belongs to the spiritual judge to decide to which of these two courts it does appertain : for , other circumstances being equall , the spiritual judge is to be preferred before the temporal : neither is there any other commodious way to decide the question . thirdly , because the pope requires less of us then the king. for the pope onely requires , that we should not take this oath ; not , that we should swear any thing contrary to it : but the king requires , that we should positively take this oath as it lies ; which is far more . and when two precepts contradict one another , we ought to submit to that precept of the two , caeteris paribus , wherein least is required of us . fourthly , because the pope's precept in this matter is negative , but the king's precept is affirmative : and when two precepts oppose one another , we ought rather , all other circumstances being equall , to embrace the negative precept then the affirmative , according to the common opinion of divines . 48. consider , sixthly , that the pope does not expresly condemn , as the opponent seems to suppose , any of the points under debate , contained in this oath ; neither does he require of us , that we should swear , that he has any power to depose kings ; but onely , that we should not swear , that he has not any such power : which is what the king requires of us . so that the king , and not the pope , decides the point under debate in his own favour , requiring us to swear positively the part favourable unto him. since therefore withrington and his other catholicks , who defend the oath , do confess , that this question , whether the pope has any authority to depose kings , is yet under debate between popes and kings , certant scholastici , & adhuc sub judice lis est , as they alledge out of trithemius and others ; why should the king decide the question in his own favour , requiring his subjects to swear positively ; that the pope has no such authority ; which is , as it were , to take possession of the part favourable unto him ? or why may not the pope inhibit such an oath , in case the king enjoyns it , as long as the question is in debate between the pope and king , as our adversaries confess it is yet ? adhuc sub judice lis est . for as long as it is under debate to whom such a thing belongs , either of the parties has right to hinder his adversary from taking possession thereof , though he himself cannot take possession of it , till the question be lawfully decided in his favour : and it is much less to hinder another from taking possession of a thing , then to take possession of it himself . 49. consider , seventhly , that whoever acknowledges the king to be our sovereign in temporall and civill matters , as we do , he must confess that neither the pope , nor any one else , has any direct and absolute power over this kingdome ; such a power in any other being inconsistent with the sovereignty of the king in temporalls : as in the like manner , whoever acknowledges the pope's supremacy in spiritualls , as we also do acknowledge , he must necessarily , upon the like ground , deny any other to be invested with the same superiority . so that , should the pope declare himself sovereign in temporalls over this kingdome , or any other his majestie 's dominions , with a direct and absolute power , he would in that case declare a thing manifestly destructive to the king's sovereignty in temporalls , which we acknowledge . neither does it belong to the pope , or the spirituall court , to declare who is the temporall sovereign of such a kingdome ; but to the representative of that kingdome , or to some other civill power , according to the different constitutions of civill government . so that to declare the pope temporall sovereign of such a kingdome , is not to declare how far his spirituall jurisdiction , as such , extends it self , ( which does belong to the spirituall court ; ) but rather it is to declare him sovereign or supreme governour in a different kind : which declaration does not belong unto him . neither , because a lawfull superiour may , perhaps , exceed his power in some matters , does it therefore follow , that in no other thing he is to be obeyed . what therefore we affirm in this point is , that as it belongs to a sovereign temporall prince , to determine what is precisely necessary for the conservation of his temporall sovereignty , in case he be unjustly attacqued by another in his temporalls : so it appertains to the sovereign spirituall prince , ( who is the pope , ) to determine what is necessary to be done for the conservation of his spirituall sovereignty , in case he be unjustly attacqued in spiritualls . 50. consider , eighthly , to the end that it may clearly appear how willing the english catholicks are to give his majesty any just security of their loyalty , that they are ready , if it be necessary , not onely to take all the clauses of this oath , wherein meer civill allegeance due to his majesty is contained , but other oaths also , rather more expressive of civill allegeance then this is ; viz. such as were taken by the subjects of the ancient kings of england , or which are taken now by the catholick subjects of other christian princes , whether catholicks or protestants , or of any other profession . and certainly it would be very ridiculous to affirm , that there is no standing oath , in any other christian country , sufficiently expressive of civill allegeance . and to descend to particulars ; they are ready to swear , without any mentall reservation , that they acknowledge their sovereign lord king charles the second to be lawfull king of this realm , and of all other his majestie 's kingdomes : that they renounce all power whatsoever , ecclesiasticall or civill , domestick or forrein , repugnant to the same : that they confess themselves obliged in conscience , to be as obedient to his majesty in all civill affairs , as true allegeance can oblige any subject to be to his prince : that they promise to bear inviolably , during life , true allegeance to his majesty , his lawfull heirs and successours , and him and them will defend against all attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against his or their rights , the rights of their persons , crown or dignity , by any person whatsoever , or under whatsoever pretence : that they will doe their best endeavour to discover to his majesty , his heirs and successours , or to some of their ministers , all treacherous conspiracies , which they shall know or hear of to be against him or them : that they do declare that doctrine to be impious , seditious and abominable , which maintains , that any private subject may lawfully kill or murther the anointed of god , his prince . now let any one judge , protestant or catholick , whether these forementioned clauses are not more , or at least as expressive of civill allegeance , as the ordinary oath is : and if so , then let them consider , whether , since catholicks are ready to take any of the oaths above mentioned , they can rationally be suspected to refuse the ordinary oath of allegeance for want of loyalty . for did they refuse it upon that account , they would not offer to take the abovesaid oaths , wherein as much or more civill allegeance is contained then in the ordinary oath . and whether also ( probably speaking ) we may not vehemently suspect , that protestants , who will not be content that catholicks should take any of the aforesaid oaths , ( wherein all civill allegeance due to princes is manifestly contained , ) but will needs have them take the ordinary oath , do require of them somewhat more then meer civill allegeance : otherwise , why should not they be content with any of the forementioned oaths ? wherefore it would not be amiss , that when the oath is tendred to any catholick who is resolved to refuse it , he should make a protestation of his fidelity , by offering to take any of the forementioned oaths . which will at least serve to disabuse protestants , that he does not refuse to take the ordinary oath for want of civill allegeance . 51. consider , lastly , that doubtless there may be framed an oath of allegeance , with such glances upon the tenets of protestants , ( the same is of any other religion , ) that no protestant , who will stick to the tenets of his religion , can take : though it would seem very irrationall , to deduce thence , that protestants deny civill allegeance to his majestie , if they be ready to take another oath , wherein all civill allegeance is clearly contained . and if so , why may not we refuse this oath , by reason of some doubtfull or false expressions it contains , or of some glances it has at our religion , without therefore deserving to be impeached of disloyalty ; since we are ready to take other oaths , wherein as much or more civill allegeance is contained ? 52. if they object , fourthly , for the lawfulness of this oath , the authority of the kingdome of france , of the university and parliament of paris , and of other universities and parliaments of that kingdome , who constantly deny the pope to have any authority or power , direct or indirect , to depose kings ; and finally , of the french iesuits , who subscribed the censure and condemnation of some books wherein that power was defended ; and why may not the catholicks of england have the same liberty as the catholicks of france have ? 53. concerning the authority of france , for this oath , objected against us ; consider , first , that though in an assembly * held in france of the three estates , ecclesiasticks , nobility , and commons , in time of cardinall peron , there was drawn up ‖ an oath by the third estate , or commons , wherein is affirmed , † that there is no power on earth , either spirituall or temporall , that hath any right over his majestie 's kingdome , to depose the sacred persons of our kings , nor to dispense with or absolve their subjects from their loyalty and obedience which they owe to them ; for any cause or pretence whatsoever : yet the two chief parts of the assembly , viz. the * spirituall and temporall lords , were so much against this article of the oath , that they were resolved , especially the spirituall lords , to die rather then take it ; and the third estate , or commons , who had drawn it up , after they had heard peron's oration against it , laid it aside , which is as much as handsomely to recall it . and how can we reasonably say that the kingdome of france is for an oath , which the two principall parts of the assembly , representative of that kingdome , were so eager against , and which the third part , after serious consideration , laid aside ? 54. consider , secondly , that rather we may alledge the kingdome of france for the negative , or against the oath , according to what happened in the assembly . for it is a certain kind of argument against a thing , when , having been proposed and debated in an assembly , it was not carried , but rather rejected . neither has there been since enacted by any other assembly of france any oath of this kind , to be tendred unto all , ( neither do our adversaries pretend , that any such thing has been done , ) as our oath of allegeance was enacted for all sorts of people , by our parliament , which corresponds to the assembly in france . neither is there in france any other oath , wherein is expresly denied the forementioned power , established by the king or any parliament , or any other ways , for to be taken by all such who swear allegeance to his most christian majesty . and the english catholicks are ready to take the oath of allegeance to his majesty which is generally tendred in france . and why may not his majesty be content with the same kind of civil allegeance from his subjects , which the french king and other sovereigns require from their subjects ? all which shews , that france cannot reasonably be brought as a precedent in the cause we treat of . 55. consider , thirdly , that since the representative of france has so much favoured the negative , though we should grant , ( and whether it must be granted or not , we shall see by and by , ) that some other particular tribunall or society of that kingdome have favoured the contrary ; yet because the assembly or representative of france is far above those particular societies , we ought to conclude , that france rather countenances the negative , then the affirmative . should we see that our parliament did countenance so much the negative of an opinion , as the forementioned assembly of france did countenance the refusall of that oath ; though some particular court at westminster , or the university of oxford , should countenance the contrary ; we ought to say that england rather stood for the negative , then the affirmative . 56. concerning the authority of the parliament and vniversity of paris in this point ; consider , first , that neither that parliament , nor any other parliament of france , neither that university , nor any other university of that kingdome , have ever yet made any publick and authentick act wherein they approve our present oath of allegeance as it lies , and all its clauses wherein the difficulty thereof consists ; neither do our adversaries pretend any such thing : but onely that the parliament and university of paris , with some other parliaments and universities of france , have made decrees , wherein they deny the pope to have any power whatsoever to depose kings , or to absolve their subjects from the allegeance due unto them , for any cause or under any pretence whatsoever . yet hence does not follow , that the parliaments or universities of that kingdome do approve this oath . for to approve an oath , 't is necessary to approve all and every part thereof : and who onely approves one part , does not therefore approve the whole . so that whosoever argues hence , to shew the lawfulness of this oath , his argument must run thus : the university and parliament of paris approve some clauses of this oath , whereat severall persons do scruple : therefore they approve the whole oath . which argument is inconclusive , as is manifest . 57. consider , secondly , that though the authority of the parliament and university of paris may work so far with some , as to perswade them that this oath ought not to be refused upon the account of any just scruple concerning the power in the pope to depose kings , or absolve their subjects from the allegeance due unto them ; yet it does not therefore follow , that the same authority ( which does not concern it self at least in any publick decrees about other difficulties of the oath ) should perswade them not to refuse at all this present oath , since there are severall other respects , not taken notice of by the parliament or university of paris , in their publick decrees alledged by our adversaries , for which many refuse it . some , though satisfied that the pope has no power to depose kings , yet they have a great difficulty about the word hereticall : for it seems hard unto them , to censure the doctrine which maintains , that princes excommunicate or deprived by the pope , may be deposed by their subjects , for an heresie , or for as bad as an heresie ; and the defenders thereof for hereticks , either materiall or formall , as invincible ignorance does or does not excuse them , or at least for as bad as such ; and to swear that they detest them in the like manner , either for such , or as bad as such . 58. others think , they cannot swear with truth , that neither the pope , nor any other whatsoever , can absolve them from this oath , or any part thereof , in any case imaginable ; since the king himself may absolve his subjects from such an oath , either all of them , by laying down the government with consent of the kingdome , as charles the fifth did ; ( and it is hard to oblige one to swear , that a king of england in no case possible can doe the like ; ) or at least some of them , by passing a town under his jurisdiction to another king , as his majesty passed dunkirk to the french king , and consequently absolved from the oath of allegeance the inhabitants who had taken it . moreover , they do not see how they can swear , that it is impossible , that , in any case whatsoever , a king of england may be justly conquered . for if he be justly conquered , then he is justly deposed ; and if justly deposed , then his subjects are absolved from their oath of allegeance : for no body is bound to pay allegeance to one who is no longer his king or sovereign . 59. others cannot swallow that term [ heartily ] inserted in the oath , nor swear , that all they must swear , if they take the oath , they swear heartily , according to the plain and common sense of the words by them spoken . for to swear heartily is more then to swear onely with a meer power not to swear . a merchant , who throws out his goods into the sea onely to save himself and his ship , cannot be said to doe it heartily ; which signifies , to doe a thing without a reluctancy of mind ; but rather with an inclination and propension of mind thereunto . and how ( say they ) can we swear , that we take this oath heartily , and without any reluctancy of mind , but rather with a great inclination thereunto , when we are forced to take it to conserve our privileges or employments , or not to undergo severe penalties enacted against those who refuse it ? and when we see that so many great difficulties have been started against this oath , and pursued with so much vigour ; that so many learned and consciencious men are against it ; and that the supreme pastour of the church has so often and so severely prohibited it ? all which ( say they ) cannot but create , in any tender conscience , some regret and reluctancy of mind to take the oath . 60. others are deterred by the title of the act wherein this oath is inserted , an act for the discovering and suppressing of popish recusants : whereby it seems to be insinuated , that the taking this oath is made a denial of the roman catholick religion , or of popery . for though other things are contained in the act , which do contribute to the discovery of popish recusants ; yet this oath is inserted among the rest , and compleats the discovery of them . and it is not lawfull to doe any thing which is made by publick authority a denial of the true religion , or a distinctive sign of a false religion . 61. others , though they are satisfied concerning the substance of the oath , yet are gravelled at some ambiguous expressions . the authour of the reflexions upon this oath , though he be very fierce against the pope's power to depose kings , yet he seems dissatisfied with the oath , by reason of several ambiguous expressions therein contained ; as appears by what he says pag. 76 , 77. and an oath must not be ambiguous . nay , the authour of the questions concerning the oath , though so eager for the lawfulness thereof , does notwithstanding confess , ( pag. 26. ) that it is drest up unhappily with some odde expressions , at the first sight ; and therefore he heartily wishes that another form of oath were framed , which might not trouble with scruples the less-instructed conscience of any . 62. others , though they believe that what-ever is contained in the oath is true , and are ready to swear that they believe it , yet they cannot be brought to swear positively , that what-ever is asserted in the oath is true : which is very different . others , finally , though they be satisfied concerning the substance of the oath , and the expressions too , yet see no necessity of swearing , or any good they get by taking the oath : and an oath , amongst other conditions , must be necessary . all such persons as these , though they be fully satisfied , either from the pretended authority of france , or otherwise , that the pope has no power to depose kings ; yet those decrees of france , which our adversaries produce , do not clear , nor so much as touch , the forementioned difficulties ; and consequently are not alone able to induce the aforesaid persons to take the oath , or to justify the taking thereof . whence it follows , that because one refuses the oath , it cannot in rigour be inferred , that he denies such a determinate clause thereof , let them take which they please ; since some dislike one thing , and some another : nay , nor that he does not assent to the whole substance of the oath , and to its expressions also . and much less can it be thence inferred , that such an one who refuses the oath does deny civil allegeance to his majesty . 63. consider , thirdly , that the decree of the parliament of paris published the 27. of iune 1614. quoted by withrington in the place above mentioned , whereby was prohibited suarez his book , intitled defensio fidei catholicae , &c. is to be understood onely , as appears by the chapters cited in the decree , and by the tenour thereof , in order to the prohibition of that doctrine , which maintains the temporal authority of the pope over kings : but it does not concern it self at all with other difficulties , which suarez and other authours raise about the oath : which notwithstanding must be cleared , before we can take it . 64. consider , fourthly , that it is one thing to prohibit the teaching or preaching that the pope has any power to depose kings , or to command one to teach and preach the contrary ; which is all our adversaries can prove from the forementioned decrees , or any other , of the parliaments and universities of france ; and another thing to command one to swear positively , that the pope has no such power , and to abjure the affirmative as heretical , which the king commands us to doe when he commands us to take this oath . so that the argument our adversaries draw from such decrees of france is this ; the parliament or university of paris prohibits any one to teach , that the pope has authority to depose kings , or commands some to teach the contrary : therefore the king may command us to swear positively , that the pope has no such authority , or to abjure the contrary as heretical . which consequence is null , as is manifest . for what university is there , wherein the members thereof are not prohibited to teach certain opinions , or are not commanded to teach the contrary ; many of which opinions are meer scholastical and philosophical questions , either part being probable ? but yet they are not therefore commanded to swear positively , that such opinions are true , neither can they in conscience many times swear it : for one may teach such an opinion to be true , though he cannot swear it to be so ; more being requisite to swear a thing to be true , then to teach that it is so . 65. consider , fifthly , that what was resolved by the parliament of paris , in that decree concerning the iesuits , was , that the rectour , with some others of the principal fathers , should be summoned to appear in the court at such a day : that they should be told , that , contrary to the expresse order of their own general , issued forth in the year 1610. this book of suarez had been printed , and brought into that kingdome : that they should procure the same prohibition to be renewed by their general ; and that they should exhibit an authentical copy thereof within three months : finally , that they should exhort the people , in their sermons , to embrace the contrary doctrine to the propositions they had prohibited . but from all this it cannot be inferred , that the french iesuits did , or would have sworn positively , that the pope has no power , in no case whatsoever , to depose princes ; nor that they did exhort the people to swear any such thing ; nor that they were commanded by the parliament so to doe . one may exhort another to embrace an opinion , which notwithstanding he will not nor cannot positively swear to be true , nor exhort the other to swear it is so . and yet whoever exhorts any one to take the oath , he must exhort him to swear positively , that the forementioned opinion , viz. that the pope has no power to depose kings , is true . much less can it be inferred from the aforesaid decree , that the french iesuits did approve , or were commanded to approve , of all the other clauses contained in the present oath . and consequently , their authority cannot be alledged for the lawfulness thereof . for though the clauses relating to the pope's power to depose princes may seem to some to contain the main difficulty ; yet this to others seems no difficulty at all : and there are several other difficulties involved in the oath , as has been shewn . and to the end we may lawfully take an oath , 't is necessary to be satisfied concerning all , and every difficulty and clause thereof . for to swear any thing either false , or doubtfull , though never so little in it self , is a grievous sin. 66. concerning the authority of the vniversity of paris in particular , for the lawfulness of the oath ; besides what already has been said in general , consider , first , that though we should grant , ( as we do not , ) that the universitie of paris , and other universities of france , are for the oath : yet even our adversaries confess , that the universities of spain are against it , where , beyond debate , there are many learned and consciencious men , and as zealous for the honour and safety of their kings as any in france ; and they have as many prerogatives relating to the security of their sovereigns against the usurpations of any ecclesiastical prince , as in any countrey whatsoever . so that , admitting that on both sides there are grave authours , yet the negative , in the present debate , has the advantage of the affirmative , that the pope , who is the competent judge in these affairs , ( as above has been proved , ) and to whom both parties made their address , has given his express sentence for the negative ; and among other things which render an opinion , before probable , practically or in practice improbable , one is , an authentick declaration or sentence of a competent , especially supreme , judge to the contrary . 67. suppose that in a plea before the king and his councill , there are many brave lawyers on both sides , who produce several pregnant arguments , and excellent precedents , in favour of their respective clients , which render the cause doubtfull ; yet that party must needs carry it , for whom the king and his council gave their definitive sentence : neither is it longer lawfull for the party condemned to stand out , because many learned lawyers are on his side , or to retrive the former arguments produced for his right ; which signifies no more then to plead after the suit is lost . neither would the party who had gained the cause concern himself any farther with what the lawyers of the contrary side object against him . the same happens in our present case . there are many grave and learned authours against the oath : suppose there are also many for it : yet since the impugners of the oath have obtained several express sentences of the supreme judge in their favour , they do not think themselves obliged to take any farther notice of what the defenders of the oath produce against them , which cannot excuse them from an exteriour compliance with the judge's express sentence , as long as it is authentick . and this is the reason , why the impugners of the oath have not in a long time printed any thing against it . for what more can they pretend by their writings , but that the oath be condemned by the pope ? which has been already done . but the defenders of the oath continue still to write , after they have lost the cause ; according to the common saying , losers must have leave to talk , or at least they will take it . 68. consider , secondly , that among other oaths , which those who desire to be incorporated in the university of paris are to take , one for the degree of bachelour is , that they will hold the articles of the faculty of paris to be true ; and that , when occasion offers , they will defend them to be agreeable to faith and religion : which is a promissory oath ; the truth whereof onely requires , that he who swears has a sincere intention to doe what he promises : and ( as we have already seen ) one may promise , even under an oath , that he will defend such an opinion to be true , when occasion offers , though he does not , nor cannot lawfully , many times , swear positively that it is true . for these two oaths are very different , before god , i judge that the pope has no power to depose kings , and i promise to defend it , when occasion requires ; and , before god , he has no such power . the immediate object of the former oath is onely our own judgment , or intention ; whereof every one is certain : and consequently , to call god for witness that he has such a judgment , being certain that he has it , is not to expose god to be a witness to a falsity . but the immediate object of the latter oath is the matter it self , which probably may be otherwise : and to call god for witness of a thing that i know probably may be otherwise , is to expose him to be witness of a falsity ; which , let the matter be never so little , is a great affront . and therefore it is a common way of speaking among consciencious people , i think such a thing is true , but i will not swear it is true . hence it follows , that the immediate object of oaths is not alwaies the judgment of the person who takes them : otherwise it would be impossible that one should ever swear false , judging that he swears true , since every one is conscious of his own actual judgment ; neither can one think that he judges actually , when he does not : and yet certainly it is possible that one should swear false , thinking that he swears true . so that though we should grant that the university of paris does oblige her members to swear , that they will defend , that the pope has no power to depose kings ; it does not therefore follow , that they can be , or are , bound to swear positively , that the pope has no such power : which notwithstanding we must swear , if we will take this oath . neither , because they are bound to swear , that they will defend the articles of the faculty of paris to be agreeable to faith and religion , does it therefore follow , ( as some do seem to pretend , ) that they are bound to defend them as articles of faith. for the common approbation of theological and spiritual books , is , that they contain nothing which is not agreeable to faith and good manners : and yet , sure , those who give such approbations are far from approving all that is contained in such books , as articles of faith. 69. consider , thirdly , that among other articles of the faculty of paris , one is , ( upon which chiefly our adversaries seem to have had an eye , ) that it is not the doctrine of the faculty , that the pope has any authority over the temporals of his most christian majesty ; and that the faculty has alwaies resisted those who affirm this power to be onely indirect . now to infer hence , that the faculty of paris does approve our present oath , even in this point , concerning the pope's power over the temporals of princes , is to argue thus ; the faculty of paris does not teach , that the pope has any authority over the temporals of princes : therefore , according to the opinion of that faculty , we may swear positively , that he has no such power or authority . which consequence doubtless is very weak : for it is one thing , not to teach such a doctrine , or to punish and resist those that do teach it ; and another thing , to authorize one to swear positively , or to teach the contrary . they might , in the like manner , quote all the iesuits who now live , or have been alive for many years , though they are lookt upon as the greatest sticklers against the oath , in favour of it . for they have been prohibited many years agoe , and under excommunication , to teach or preach , that the pope has any authority whatsoever to depose kings ; and whoever among them should teach any such doctrine would be severely punished : whence it manifestly follows , that it is not the doctrine of the iesuits , that the pope can depose kings . will our adversaries therefore infer hence , that it is the doctrine of the iesuits , that we may positively swear that the pope has no such power ? 70. in the same article is contained , that it is not the doctrine of that faculty , that the pope is above a general council , nor that he is infallible without the consent of the church . and sure hence cannot be deduced , that it is the sentiment of the aforesaid faculty , that we may positively swear the contrary tenets to be true . and though in another of their articles it be affirmed , that it is the doctrine of that faculty , that his most christian majestie 's subjects cannot be dispensed with , under any pretence whatsoever , in their loyalty due unto him : yet they are not therefore obliged to swear it . 71. moreover , among other oaths , which the members of the university of paris are bound to take , they must swear , that they will hold , that the b. virgin mary was preserved in her conception from original sin : yet they are not therefore obliged to swear it , and much lesse to abjure the contrary doctrine as heretical . for there is a vast difference between swearing that we will defend such a doctrine to be true ; and swearing that it is true , or abjuring the contrary doctrine as heretical . 72. consider , fourthly , concerning a certain decree made by the university of paris the 20. of april 1626. ( whereof our adversaries make so great an account , ) condemning several propositions of sanctarellus his book as erroneous , seditious , contrary to the word of god , &c. according to a common interpretation of those words of the oath , i abjure as impious and heretical , &c. given by our adversaries , that such a decree or prohibition is void , and of no force . for , according to that interpretation of our adversaries , the forementioned words of the oath are to be taken comparatively , not assertively ; that is , not for abjuring that doctrine for heretical , but onely for as bad as heretical : in the same manner as is commonly said , that we detest such an one as the devil , knowing full well , that he is not the devil . so that , according to this acception , 't is not necessary , that who takes the oath should think that the doctrine there abjured is either impious , or heretical ; nay , he may fully be persuaded that it is neither impious , nor heretical : and he must think so , if those words must be taken comparatively , as some will have ; for all comparison is between distinct things . all which , i confess , does seem somewhat strange to me . neither do i see how , with truth , without hyperbole , and according to the plain sense of the words , one can look upon a doctrine which is not heretical , for as bad as if it were heretical ; since heresy is the blackest censure , and what-ever proposition is not heretical , is less then heretical . but my present design is not to impugn the aforesaid interpretation : what i affirm is , that if such an interpretation be warrantable , yet it cannot be gathered from the above-mentioned decree , wherein the like expression is used , viz. as erroneous , and contrary to the word of god , that the doctours of paris did hold the propositions condemned in that decree to be erroneous , seditious , or contrary to the word of god. nay , notwithstanding that decree , they might , and must think those propositions to be neither erroneous , nor seditious , nor contrary to the word of god. and if so , of what force is this decree , to prove that we may positively swear , that the pope has no power to depose princes ? 73. consider , fifthly , that since the censures contained in the forementioned decree are several , and the propositions therein condemned are also several , it does not well appear which censures fall upon which propositions ; or whether every censure falls upon every one of them . it seems incredible , that those learned men should censure as erroneous , seditious , and contrary to the word of god , &c. this proposition , which is mentioned in the decree , the pope may with temporal punishment chastise kings and princes for the crime of heresy : since 't is manifest , that should an heretical prince be reconciled , the pope , or any other confessarius who should reconcile him , might impose upon him for the crime of heresy some corporal and temporal penance or punishment , enjoyning him to give an alms , to build an hospital , or some such other work . 74. consider , sixthly , that the forementioned book of sanctarellus was prohibited at rome by the pope before it was prohibited at paris , as spondanus , a french authour , relates ; who also says , that the animosities of the university of paris against this book did arise from some hidden seeds of schism . now our adversaries do not so much as pretend , that the pope is for the lawfulness of this oath , or of opinion , that we may positively swear , that he has no power whatsoever to depose kings ; though he prohibited that book . why therefore do they infer , that the university of paris , because it prohibits the same book , is for the oath ? 75. consider , seventhly , whether the censures contained in the above-mentioned decree may not be understood to condemn onely a power in the pope to depose princes , either by reason of some civill insufficiency in the prince to govern , or some light cause mentioned by sanctarellus , or upon the meer account of heresy or apostasy , though they should permit their subjects to enjoy liberty of conscience : which seems to have been the doctrine of sanctarellus . if so , then our case is very different concerning the present point . for neither bellarmine , nor peron , ( against whom our adversaries do so hotly inveigh , ) do speak of a meer civill insufficiency ; neither do they affirm , that a prince may lawfully be deposed , meerly because he is an heretick , unless moreover he forces his subjects to be so too , by persecuting them . and yet , in the oath , we are bound to swear , that the pope has not any power whatsoever , in any case possible , to depose an hereticall prince , whether he persecutes his subjects or not . 75. consider , eighthly , that though in the forementioned decree , sanctarellus his propositions be condemned as contrary to the word of god ; yet this is not properly to condemn them ( as our adversaries pretend ) for hereticall , unless they be declared as such by the church : as , to approve a proposition as agreeable to the word of god , is not to approve it as an article of faith , according to what above has been insinuated . and there is scarce any scholasticall question of divinity , wherein the defenders of either side do not endeavour to prove their opinion out of scripture ; and consequently , they look upon the opposite sentence as contrary to the word of god : yet they are far from censuring it therefore as hereticall , and often prohibited so to doe . nay , protestants , who affirm those tenets wherein we differ from them to be repugnant to scripture , and pretend to prove they are so ; yet they do withall confess , that they are no heresies . so that as well protestants as catholicks , according to the plain and common sense of the words , understand somewhat more by an hereticall opinion , then an opinion contrary to the word of god. 77. concerning other things relating to the authority of france , contained in the objection ; consider , first , that the authour of a book entitled some few questions concerning the oath of allegeance , page 8. sets down an arrest of the parliament of paris , wherein the iesuits were ordered ( as he pretends ) to subscribe the forementioned decree or censure against sanctarellus his book . but this is a great mistake , if the arrest be understood of that decree . for that decree was made upon the 20. of april 1626. and the arrest was dated the 17 th . of march 1626. wherein the iesuits were commanded to subscribe within three days ; so that , according to this account , they were to subscribe a decree 37 days before it was made : and the censure of the sorbon mentioned in the decree was passed the 4 th . of april 1626. so that , were the arrest to be understood of this censure , they were to subscribe 15 days before it past : which is ridiculous . besides , should we grant , that the iesuits had subscribed the forementioned decree and censure , we have already seen how little that decree , or the censure therein contained , does favour the lawfulness of this oath : and consequently , neither can the subscription of the iesuits to such a censure and decree help much thereunto . for they would not therefore subscribe or approve the oath as it lies , nor affirm , that one might positively swear , that the pope has no power whatsoever to depose princes ; and much less , that one might swear , that he abjures the contrary as hereticall : ( all which is required in the oath : ) since the university or parliament of paris never required any such oath or subscription . nay , one's subscription signifies no more , but that he thinks the thing he subscribes to be true : yet one may think a thing to be true , though he will not swear , nor counsell any other to swear it is so . 78. consider , secondly , that there are some other propositions alledged out of france in favour of this oath , which are commonly held in that kingdome ; viz. that his most christian majesty does not receive his kingdome but from god , and his sword — that he does not acknowledge any other superiour in his kingdome , but onely god : ( which is to be understood in temporalls ; for he acknowledges the pope to be his superiour in spiritualls . ) now , even those who refuse the oath do confess the same of his majesty . neither is an indirect and conditionall power to depose kings ( which some ascribe to the pope in certain cases ) inconsistent with such prerogatives . for every king has an indirect and conditionall power or right to wage war against any other sovereign , though he receives his government immediately from god ; and to depose him too , in case he injures such a king or his subjects , as it is possible he may , and refuses , when required thereunto , to give any reasonable satisfaction . what good english subject is there , who , in the late dutch war , ( which we suppose to have been just on our side , ) would have sworn , that his majesty had not right and power to depose the states generall , ( whom we acknowledge to be sovereign , and to depend of god alone in temporalls , ) and consequently , to absolve their subjects from their oath of allegeance made to them , in case they had persisted to refuse to give his majesty the satisfaction that was due ? and what satisfaction was due , his majesty was to be judge . so that , were this indirect deposing power inconsistent with the sovereignty of princes , there would be no sovereign prince at all . and since the pope is sovereign temporall prince of rome , and its adjacent territories , as even protestants confess ; he must have the like indirect deposing power , or right , which is inherent in every sovereign temporall prince , as even our adversaries will not deny . and yet , if we take the oath , we must swear , or testify before god , ( which certainly is to swear , ) that the pope , neither of himself , nor by any authority of the church of rome , has any power to depose kings ; that is , neither temporall nor spirituall , neither direct nor indirect : for the proposition is negative , and by consequence denies all power whatsoever . 79. and here i cannot but ask our adversaries a question ; which is , whether either they or protestants do affirm , that all wars whatsoever undertaken by christian princes , ( whereof some are styled defenders of the faith , others catholick majesties , others most christian majesties , ) in defence of the orthodox religion , against another prince , a persecutour of the true church , and declared to be such by a lawfull and competent judge , whether ( i say ) they affirm , that all such wars are unjust and unlawfull : and if not , whether the pope may not declare a sovereign prince to be an heretick , and a persecutour of the church , if really he be such : and whether , if he may make such a declaration , ( as being a lawfull judge in matters of that nature , according to the unanimous consent of catholicks , ) he may not also in that case invoke the help of some pious and powerfull christian king , ( which is what is understood by authorizing him , ) to stave off by arms the manifest injury done to his sheep in spiritualls : and if he may in that case invoke the help of some christian king to that effect , ( since it is manifest , that ecclesiasticks may in some cases invoke the help of a secular power , ) whether then the king so invoked may not condescend to the pope's request , and compell the hereticall prince , and persecutour , by force of arms , to desist from seducing his subjects ; and in case of refusall , to prosecute the war ( as he may all other just wars ) till he has deposed , him and consequently absolved his subjects from their oath of allegeance . and if they grant all this , how can they counsell us to swear , that the pope neither by himself , nor with any other , has any power to depose kings , or to authorize any forrein prince to invade or annoy them , or their countries ? all which is involved in the oath . 80. consider , thirdly , that because the gallican church has such privileges or liberties granted unto it , either by some particular concessions of the pope , or by some contract , or otherwise ; it does not therefore follow , that every other church or kingdome does enjoy the same privileges or liberties . for one kingdome may have some particular privileges which another has not : and perhaps we had here some particular privileges , granted unto us from rome , which were not granted in france . among the propositions alledged out of france concerning the pope's authority , another is , ( which seems to be held in france , ) that the pope cannot put an interdict ( which is a meer ecclesiasticall censure , as an excommunication is ) either upon the french king , or his kingdome : and moreover , the members of the university of paris do swear , that they will defend , among other articles , that the said university does not approve , that the pope may depose bishops , or deprive them , though ecclesiasticall persons , of their ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , contrary to the liberties and canons of the gallican church , commonly received in that kingdome . and yet , sure , even those catholicks who stand so much for the oath , would think it somewhat harsh , if the parliament should force them to swear , that the pope cannot depose a catholick bishop of england , ( were there any such bishop , ) that deserved to be deposed ; or that he cannot put an interdict upon this kingdome : since they onely pretend to deny the pope any jurisdiction over the temporalls of the kingdome , or to inflict temporall punishments ; but not over the spiritualls thereof , or to inflict ecclesiasticall punishments , such as an interdict is . wherefore this consequence is null ; such a practice , or such a doctrine , is allowed of in france , or for france ; therefore the same practice , or doctrine , must be allowed of in england , and for england . besides that the liberty which the french have concerning our present debate is onely , that they may defend , that the pope has no power to depose kings : which liberty is also given to our english ; since the pope in the above-mentioned briefs does not declare expresly , ( as our adversaries falsely suppose he does , ) that he has any such power , or forbid us to hold or defend the contrary . 81. consider , fourthly , whether , should we grant , ( which we do not ) that there were in france a publick oath for all sorts of people , wherein they do positively swear , that the pope has not any power to depose his most christian majesty , whether ( i say ) there would not be severall particular reasons to refuse such an oath as our present oath is in england , considering the present condition thereof , which are of no force in france , to refuse the like oath . for we may prudently suspect here in england , that since the framers of this oath were mortall enemies to the pope and see of rome , they have made such frequent mention therein of the pope and see of rome ( without specifying any other sovereign temporall prince , nay not so much as containing them in generall terms ; though there be as much need for his majesty to secure the loyalty of his subjects against other sovereigns , as against the pope ; ) out of hatred and contempt of the roman church , the papall dignity , and the pope's supremacy in spiritualls : and since they could not so easily bring catholicks to deny it explicitly by taking the oath of supremacy , they intend to make them deny it implicitly , and under a colour of civil loyalty , inducing them to take this oath of allegeance . and that this was the design of the parliament , is manifest . for they would have inserted in the oath a renunciation of the pope's power to excommunicate ; whereby they would implicitly , even according to our adversaries judgment , have denied the pope's supremacy . and though they left out that clause at king iames his request , yet there remains enough to make us prudently suspect , that the oath was contrived in contempt of the papall dignity . now it is a constant opinion among divines , that when any thing , though it should be indifferent of it self , is required of us in contempt of any lawfull dignity , we are bound to refuse it , though otherwise we might submit unto it . it is related of some ancient christians , that they would rather die then swear by the fortune of caesar ; because such an oath was required of them by the pagan emperours in contempt of the true god , to the end that they who took it might be thought to acknowledge implicitly thereby , that fortune was a goddess : yet christians may , if it be necessary , swear by the fortune of their princes , who are christians . in like manner , should an arrian king require of his subjects , that they should swear or subscribe this proposition , christ is a creature , they might justly refuse it , though that proposition in rigour be true ; because they might prudently suspect , that the arrians did require of them such an oath , or subscription , in contempt of the divinity of our b. saviour ; which they denied , and endeavoured to prove their assertion , because he was a creature . now nothing of this could be suspected in france , where they are roman catholicks , and own the pope's dignity and supremacy in spiritualls . 82. moreover , the very title of the act wherein this oath is inserted , as above has been hinted , does insinuate , that it was instituted by publick authority , as a distinctive sign , for to discover roman catholicks by the refusall thereof . neither can it be said , that the framers of this oath intended thereby onely to distinguish loyall catholicks from those who are not such : first , because the title makes no such distinction ; and i suppose that the title was put in by those who framed the act , and intended thereby to declare their intention . secondly , because we might say the same of distinctive signs of christians instituted by pagan emperours , viz. that they were instituted by them onely to distinguish obedient and loyall christians from others who were not such . for christians , who were put to death by the emperours for not submitting to the publick tests ordained by them , were said to be put to death for disobedience to the emperours edicts : and many of the pagan emperours did feign that they could not be secure of the christians ; as some protestants feign that they cannot be secure of papists : and consequently , those pagan emperours might in the like manner have required a compliance with those tests , in order to their security ; as iulian , the apostata , required his christian souldiers to doe homage to his standard , ( where he and iupiter were painted , ) under pretence of the respect due unto him . thirdly , because protestants are perswaded , that the very principles of our religion are inconsistent with civil allegeance ; and therefore in the beginning of the forementioned act , they look upon this inconsistency as an infection drawn from our religion : and consequently , they intend this oath for to distinguish roman catholicks from not roman catholicks ; or ( which is the same ) catholicks who stick to their principles , as by them understood , from those who do not . so that whoever takes this oath , does , according to the protestants sentiment , renounce or deny some principle of the roman religion ; though they require somewhat more for a perfect conformity to their religion . 83. now 't is certain , according to all divines , that it is never lawfull to comply with the distinctive sign of a false religion , though the thing of it self should be lawfull or indifferent ; as with the eating of swines-flesh in time of the iews , and the burning of incense before an idoll ; which might have been instituted as an affront : for such signs are onely arbitrary . and yet should there have been the like oath enacted in france , we could not prudently suspect , that it would ever have been intended for a distinctive sign of catholicks from not catholicks . 84. again , our present oath has been prohibited by several briefs of the pope particularly directed to the catholicks of england : which is sufficient to perswade any good english catholick to acquiesce , and forbear the taking thereof . but supposing that the oath framed by the third estate of france had past ; yet had it not been prohibited by the pope , there would not have been the same reason to refuse it in france as here . and sure the french are so addicted to the pope , that had * he expresly prohibited them to take such an oath , or to defend such a doctrine , they would have submitted thereunto : since we see that they submitted to the bull of innocent x. wherein the five propositions of iansenius are condemned , and assented unto it , without expecting the determination of a general council , and though severall persons in france are suspected to have adhered to those propositions . 85. the better to explicate this doctrine , let us suppose , that two persons possess their respective lands upon the same title , and that one of them has been condemned by his lawfull judge , as possessing such lands upon an unjust title : the other , who is not personally condemned , though his title be no better , is not bound to take notice of such a condemnation , nor to deliver up his lands , till he be personally condemned . in the like manner , though the english are bound to forbear to take this oath , because they are prohibited particularly to take it : yet the french , supposing they have the like oath , or teach the doctrine contained in our oath , as they do not , would not be bound to take notice of such a prohibition , as not being directed unto them . wherefore as it is not reasonable , that the same liberty should be permitted to them who live in places infected , as to others who inhabit places free from infection ; to them who are in a tempest , as to those who enjoy fair weather : so neither is it reasonable , that we english , who live in a kingdome infected with heresy , and under a persecution , should be permitted to have the same liberty as they have in france , where they publickly profess the catholick religion , and the magistrates are free from the infection of heresy , and obedient sons to the church ; and consequently , what they determine concerning the pope's authority , cannot be suspected to proceed from hatred to the papall dignity : whenas , on the contrary , since our magistrates are implacable enemies to the pope , what they resolve concerning the pope's power , may prudently be thought to proceed out of indignation against him , and with design to bring off catholicks by little and little from their obedience to the pope . and certainly , we ought to trust rather a friend , and to give him more liberty , then an enemy . whence i conclude , that whatever our adversaries produce out of the publick acts or decrees of the parliaments and universities of france , is of little or no force to justifie the taking our present oath . 86. consider , lastly , that though our adversaries do boast , that some doctours of the sorbon , being consulted about this oath , have approved it as it lies ; yet i have never seen their subscriptions produced : and the authours who have written hitherto for the oath , make mention onely of those publick acts above quoted . i remember , that those who heretofore defended the nullity of the marriage between henry the eighth and queen katharine , pretended to have subscriptions from the doctours of paris in their favour ; yet all catholicks now confess that the forementioned marriage was valid , though the validity thereof has never been declared by a general council , but onely by particular bulls or briefs ; as the unlawfulness also of this oath has been declared . moreover , admit that some doctours of paris have approved this oath as represented unto them ; yet we ought to consider how the case was stated . for every one is not able to state rightly a case ; and several times are left out some circumstances very material , which change the nature thereof . and particularly we ought to consider , whether the several differences assigned above between england and france , in relation to the present debate , were taken notice of , wherewith french divines might probably be unacquainted : and perhaps some of them were ask'd onely concerning the pope's power to depose kings ; which because they denied , those who proposed the quere presently inferred , that they approved the whole oath : which inference is ridiculous , as has been shewn . now 't is certain , that the same case differently stated requires a different solution . neither does it appertain to a divine , when he gives his opinion of a case so stated , to examine whether it be rightly stated or not . some french divines , having been asked , whether it be lawfull for catholicks in england to frequent the protestant churches , have answered in the affirmative , because it is lawfull in france for catholicks to goe to the huguenots churches : yet afterwards , being more particularly informed of our laws and customes , and of the pope's brief prohibiting english catholicks to frequent such churches , ( which he has not prohibited to the french , ) they have answered and subscribed the contrary . 87. besides , should we see the subscriptions of those doctours in favour of the oath , if there be any , probably we should find them to be liable to the same exceptions as the publick acts of france , which are produced by our adversaries to the same intent . finally , concerning the sentiment of the ancient french divines about this point , i refer the reader to the learned oration of cardinal peron , delivered before the third estate of france . and admitting that some modern french divines do seem to favour the oath : if the ancient divines be of the contrary opinion , why should we acquiesce rather to the sentiment of the former then of the latter ; especially since the opinion of the latter has been seconded by the pope's briefs condemning the oath ? i have been longer about this point , because i find that the chief or onely inducement of several persons , to believe that the oath may lawfully be taken , is this pretended authority of france . 88. if it be objected , lastly , that many learned english divines have and do defend the lawfulness of this oath : that several english catholicks , consciencious men , have taken it : that the ancient fathers of the church were against the pope's power to depose kings : that so great an authority as this is for the lawfulness of the oath cannot but make the affirmative probable ; and if it be probable that the oath may be taken , why may we not take it ? especially since it is practically improbable , that it is lawfull to deprive a man of what he possesses , viz. a king of his kingdome , upon a meerly probable opinion ? that it is no article of faith , that this oath is unlawfull , or that the pope has any power to depose princes ; and if so , why may we not take the oath , and swear positively , that the pope has no such power ? finally , that those who impugn the oath are for the greater part priests and iesuits , who depend of the court of rome , who are carried away with passion and interest , and who have never seriously considered the merits of the cause ; and consequently , are not to be consulted , nor hearkned unto , in this matter . 89. concerning the divines , and other authours , who defend or have defended the lawfulness of this oath ; consider , first , what character vrban the eighth gives of them , in the brief he published against this oath , the 30. of may 1626. in these words ; they who persuade you otherwise , ( speaking to english catholicks , ) prophesy unto you a lying vision and a fraudulent divination . for sooner ought the sword of the mighty to take from a christian his life , then his faith. yea , if an angel from heaven teach you otherwise then the apostolick truth , let him be accursed , anathema sit . and whether , should his majesty give the like character of one of his subjects , in order to prevent the rest from consulting him , or following his counsell in a certain civil matter , he would deserve to be held for an obedient subject , who , notwithstanding his majestie 's prohibition , should follow such a man's counsell in the very thing prohibited . 90. consider , secondly , that actually the superiours of the clergy and of the religious orders here in england , with several others of their respective subjects , learned , consciencious and grave men , unanimously judge , that the oath ought not to be taken , and publickly profess , that they are of this judgment ; whenas the priests , who are of the contrary opinion , ( excepting one , who is in actual disobedience to his superiours , to whom he has made a vow of obedience , and who for his disobedience has been excommunicated , ) do not dare publickly to declare themselves , though the disadvantage ( if any ) lies here upon those who are against the oath . 91. consider , thirdly , that whoever is against any part or clause of this oath , may justly be alledged against this oath ; whereas no body can be alledged for the oath , unless he be for all and every clause thereof , as is manifest , according to that common maxime , bonum ex integra causa , malum ex quocunque defectu . nay , those who are against the oath need onely to shew , that something therein contained is at least doubtfull ; for a doubtfull oath is unlawfull : whereas those who defend the oath must prove , that whatever is therein contained , as the immediate object of the oath , is certain ; for such must be the immediate object of an oath . and who will not rather think , that so many who are against the oath will evince that something therein contained is at least doubtfull , then so few who are for it will prove that all things therein couched , and sworn , are certain ? it being far easier to evince a thing to be doubtfull , then the contrary certain . 92. consider , fourthly , that even our adversaries do confess , that all the scholastical divines and all the canonists , for about 500 years , have been against some clauses contained in this oath ; and that even now there is scarce any divine , and much less canonist , ( and to divines and canonists properly appertains the discussion of the clauses of this oath under debate , ) who dares to defend publickly the lawfulness thereof . neither is there any catholick authour , besides some few of his majestie 's subjects , either french , german , or of any other countrey , for so much as i have been able to learn , who has printed any thing in defence of this oath as it lies : whereas not onely his majestie 's subjects , but also many forrein authours , spaniards , italians , germans , and flemmings , have printed books against it , even as it lies . now to say that all the divines and canonists were in so gross an errour , and for so many years , no body daring to oppose them , till some few priests of our nation rose up to disabuse the world , and prove , that all those divines and canonists had not understood either the scriptures , or the councills , or the ancient fathers , though in all probability they were as much vers'd in them as these modern divines ; for them to say this , ( i say ) seems somewhat strange , and savours not a little what the protestants affirm concerning their pretended reformation , viz. that the whole church was involved for many hundred years in gross errours , till luther and calvin came to disabuse the world , and to shew , that the doctours of the church , for so many years , had been erroneously mistaken in the true sense of scripture . it seems also very strange , what some of our adversaries insinuate , that those ancient divines and canonists had not seriously , but perfunctorily considered the points under debate in this oath , though they write great tracts concerning them . what man can prudently think , that neither bellarmine , nor peron , nor suarez , nay nor st. thomas , nor any other of so many ancient and modern divines , who have impugned this oath , or some part thereof , have seriously studied the point , but onely slightly examined it ; and that onely withrington , peter walsh , and some others of their caball , have throughly discussed this matter , and seriously studied it ? if it be reasonable to reject the authority of so many grave and learned divines , upon such a precarious supposition as this is ; why may not any one , upon the same account , slight the authority of his adversary , saying that he has not seriously examined the point under debate ; and that had he seriously pondered it , he would have been of the contrary persuasion ? 93. consider , fifthly , that mr. preston , who writ those books concerning this matter , published under the name of withrington , and the principal champion for the lawfulness of this oath , as i am informed by a person worthy of all credit , and one who was well acquainted with him , never took the oath himself , nor advised any other to take it ; but onely writ those books , to shew , for the comfort of catholicks , what might be said in favour thereof . the same authour grants , that the pope has authority to order and direct the temporal affairs of princes , and to impose upon them temporal punishments by way of a precept , or prohibition , or a direction , in order to their spiritual good ; and he inveighs against skulchenius , for accusing him , as if he had denied the pope such a power over the temporalls of princes ; and he saies , that there is no controversy in the present point , concerning the pope's power to command or prohibit princes , even in temporal affairs , with reference to the spiritual good of themselves or their kingdoms . neque de potestate ecclesiastica praecipiendi , sed tantùm coercendi , ulla in praesenti controversia est . now this authority which withrington admits in the pope over the temporalls of princes , seems obnoxious to the same difficulties which he objects against the coercive power of the pope , and is contrary to the authority of the faculty of paris alledged above by our adversaries ; non esse doctrinam facultatis , quod summus pontifex aliquam in temporalia regis christianissimi authoritatem habeat . and certainly , if he has a directive or preceptive authority over the temporals of princes , he must have some authority over their temporals . 94. now consider whether , since withrington and his associates will not grant the pope , as supreme pastour of the church , any power or authority which is not evidently deduced out of the precedents which christ and his apostles have left in scripture , whether ( i say ) this preceptive , prohibitive , and directive power over the temporalls of princes , which withrington grants the pope , can be better declared out of the precedents left in scripture by christ and his apostles , ( for when did any of them exercise such a power over temporal princes in civil matters ? ) then the coercive power , which he denies the pope . and consider farther , whether the forementioned power be not in effect the same with the coercive power . for if the pope may justly , in some cases , and in order to the spiritual good of a nation , command a king to desist from persecuting his subjects upon the score of religion , or otherwise to lay down his government , and prohibit his subjects , in case he goes on in persecuting them upon that account , to bear him civil allegeance ; how can they swear , that , notwithstanding any sentence made or granted , or to be made and granted , by the pope , or his authority , against their prince , they will bear him true allegeance ? for certainly all just precepts are to be obeyed ; and doubtless kings will be as unwilling to grant this prohibitive or preceptive power to the pope over their temporalls , as the coercive power . for they do not so much fear what the pope can doe against them by force of arms , as by force of precepts and prohibitions . 95. besides , the authour of the questions concerning the oath seems to grant , that the pope may , in some extravagant case of absolute necessity , to defend the spirituall welfare of those who are committed to his charge , and acting onely by a commission derived from necessity , depose princes ; as one may justly take away his neighbour's life , when , unjustly attacqued by him , he cannot otherwise defend his own life . now this is all that bellarmine affirms . for he does not grant the pope authority to depose princes , but in case of an absolute necessity , of defending his flock from being infected by their prince with heresie . and if they grant this power to the pope , how do they affirm , that we may swear , that the pope has not any power or authority , in any case possible , to depose princes ? so that , if what the chief maintainers of the oath teach concerning the deposing power be duely sifted , we shall find , that in effect they grant what they seem to deny ; or at least that they grant enough to render the taking of this oath unlawfull . 96. consider , lastly , whether , when it manifestly appears , that the ground whereon an authour proceeds is false , or inconclusive , any account is to be made of the opinion or judgment of such an authour . and if not , then let us briefly consider the main reasons whereon the defenders of the oath bottome their sentiment . it is far from my intention , to defend , that the pope has authority to depose princes : my design onely is , to examine the reasons whereby some authours do endeavour to shew , that the pope has no such authority . for let an opinion be never so good , yet some may ground it ill . 97. the common reason therefore whereon most of those authours , who impugn the pope's deposing power , do ground themselves in this point , is , that a meer spirituall power , such as is onely granted the pope over all christendome , in no case possible , does extend it self to any temporall thing . this reason does not shew , that the pope , as temporall prince of rome , has not an indirect right and power to depose kings , in some cases ; such a power being inherent to every sovereign prince : and yet if one takes this oath , he must swear , that the pope neither by himself , nor otherwise , has any power whatsoever to depose kings . so that whoever takes this oath , does , according to the common sense of the words , ( and he swears he takes them so , ) implicitly deny the pope to be sovereign temporall prince of rome , because he denies him something inherent and proper to all sovereign princes . 98. moreover , a meer spirituall power may extend it self in some cases to temporall things ; and the contrary is manifestly false . and even our adversaries confess , ( as has been seen above , ) that the pope's meer spirituall power may extend it self to temporall things per modum directionis aut praecepti . christ and his apostles either had no temporall power whiles they lived , or at least did not exercise it , but onely a meer spirituall power : regnum meum non est de hoc mundo : and yet he saies , non veni pacem mittere , sed gladium ; i did not come to bring peace , but the sword , and to cause a separation between the nearest relations ; as between mother and daughter , brother and sister , and such like , who are tied one to the other by the law of nature , as subjects are tied to their sovereign : which is to be understood , when a reciprocall communication between them is prejudiciall to their eternall salvation . our saviour also used a temporall power and force , to cast out those who with buying and selling profaned the materiall temple of god ▪ as hereticks profane with their heresies the souls of men , the spirituall temples of god. st. peter gave sentence of death against ananias and sapphira ; and god miraculously concurred to the execution thereof : as he does miracles sometimes to confirm the sentences issued by the pastours of the church . the power of excommunication , which is allowed the pope and other prelats , is meerly spirituall , as all confess : and yet , in some cases , it extends it self to deprive the person excommunicated from all civil communication with others , due unto them by the law of nature ; according to what has been alledged above out of scripture . neither can it be said , that such a punishment was imposed upon excommunicated persons by the consent of temporall princes . for what temporal prince was there in the time of the apostles , who granted any such effect to their excommunication ; since the temporall princes then living were persecutours of christianity ? 99. besides , a confessarius has meer spirituall power over his penitent ; and yet , sure , he may enjoyn some corporall and temporall penance , ( as has already been hinted , ) and oblige him , or declare him obliged , to make such a restitution , or to forbear the going to such a place , where the occasion of his ruine was : all which things are temporall . a wife , who cannot live with her husband without imminent danger of being perverted by him , is bound to quit his company , and deprive him of the right he has over her , though meerly temporall and carnall : and she may be commanded by her spirituall directour to doe so . and sure there is as great a tie between a wife and her husband , though in a different kind , as between a subject and his prince . 100. again , what kingdome is there , where meerly spirituall crimes , as heresie , apostasie , blasphemy , &c. are not punished , by the law , with some temporall punishment , either of death , or imprisonment , or banishment , or confiscation of goods , or such like ? certain it is , that in england there are severall punishments enacted by the law against spirituall crimes , and in matters of religion , as it appears by so many penall laws established against recusants : yea , whoever is excommunicated here in england , is deprived , according to the law , of power to plead , or sue another for what is due unto him . so that protestants , doubtless , are not of opinion , that one cannot be temporally punished by a meer spirituall power , or upon a meer spirituall account . 101. if it be objected , that temporall princes have enacted such laws against spirituall crimes as prejudiciall to the temporall good of their subjects ; or because at least christian princes are impowered , by severall titles allowed them , to defend by their temporall forces the church , and to punish crimes destructive to faith : i answer , that , according to this objection , the pope may deprive one of some temporall thing , ( if nothing else do hinder it , ) when it is prejudiciall to the spirituall good of christians : for he is invested also with severall titles , which enable him to direct the temporalls of princes in order to their spirituall good , or the spirituall good of their nation : because if a meer temporall power ( such as we onely ascribe to kings ) can extend it self to the temporall punishment of a meer spirituall crime , ( when it is prejudiciall to the temporall good , the judgment of which crime does not belong to the temporall court ; ) why may not a meer spirituall power ( such as we attribute onely to the pope over all christendome ) enjoyn , in certain cases , ( if there be not some other obstacle , ) a temporall punishment , or deprive of some . temporall thing , in order to a spirituall end ? the execution of which punishment , and the deprivation of which thing , belongs to the temporall prince . and so we see , that the ecclesiasticall power does , and may justly , in some cases , invocare auxilium brachii secularis , ( invoke the assistence of the secular power , ) in order to inflict some temporall punishment upon the account of some spirituall crime . 102. yet farther , the power of excommunicating ( which is meerly spirituall ) may in some cases extend it self to punish meer civill crimes ; as may be made appear by severall instances : why may not therefore , in the like manner , a meer spirituall power extend it self , in some cases , to inflict a temporall punishment ? and a meer temporall power also may , in certain cases , extend it self to punish ecclesiasticall princes , who are exempt from the ordinary civill jurisdiction : why therefore , on the contrary , may not a meer spirituall power extend it self to punish , in some cases , temporall persons , and with temporall punishments , at least by the assistence of civil magistrates ? for temporalls are not out of the reach of the spirituall power , more then spiritualls are out of the reach of the temporall power . 103. finally , the stoutest maintainers of the oath , and the greatest impugners of the pope's power to depose princes , cannot deny , but that a subject who is persecuted by his prince upon the score of his religion , and is in imminent danger of being perverted , may lawfully flie , and steal away into a forrein country , according to the ancient practice of christ and his apostles , and the primitive christians , and according to those words of the gospell , cùm autem persequentur vos in civitate ista , fugite in aliam ; and this even against his prince's express prohibition : and his spirituall directours may counsell him , or enjoyn him , to doe so : and consequently , such a man may lawfully , in that case , deprive his prince , upon a meer spirituall account , ( viz. the salvation of his soul , ) of a naturall-born subject ; which belongs to the temporalties of the prince . yea , what priest or lay-catholick is there , even among those who are so hot for the oath , and against the pope's deposing power , pretending thereby to signalize with particularity their loyalty to the king , who does not transgress , and thinks he may do so lawfully , upon some spirituall account , severall civil and temporall laws , enacted by the king and parliament against popish recusants ; either sending over their children beyond seas , against the express laws of the realm ; or tarrying in the kingdome , against severall proclamations of his majesty ; or doing many other meer temporall things prohibited unto papists by the law ? 104. all which instances , most whereof are granted by our adversaries , do evidently evince , that spirituall and temporall things are not so vastly different , that they cannot , in any case possible , interfere the one with the other : that it is not always unlawfull to deprive one of a temporall thing upon a meer spirituall account ; and that a meer spirituall power may , in some cases , extend it self to temporall things : and consequently , that this proof of the forementioned assertion , viz. that the pope has not power to depose kings in any case possible , is manifestly false , and of no force , whatever the assertion be in it self . neither do i say , that , because a spirituall power may , in some cases , extend it self to temporalls , it may therefore depose kings ; but onely , that it is not a good reason to prove , that the pope cannot depose kings in any case whatsoever , because a meer spirituall power can in no case possible extend it self to temporalls . 105. another reason very common among those who defend the oath , and deny the pope's deposing power , is , because neither the unlawfulness of the oath , nor the pope's power to depose kings , is any article of divine faith. whence they infer , that one may lawfully take the oath , and , by consequence , swear positively , that the pope has no such power . now let any one judge , whether this consequence be not manifestly null : such a thing is no article of faith ; therefore we may lawfully swear the contrary . it is no article of divine faith , that his majesty is king of great britanny : shall we therefore swear , that he is not ? it is no article of faith , that the pope is sovereign temporall prince of rome : and yet neither protestant nor catholick will swear , that he is not . the reason is , because a thing may be certain , though no article of faith ; or at least doubtfull : and one cannot lawfully swear what is false , or doubtfull . 106. and as for our present case ; those who defend the pope's power to depose kings , in some cases , do not unanimously affirm , that it is an article of faith , or that it is expresly defined as such by any generall council , or by the universall consent of the church : but some of them endeavour to prove it out of scripture , as a meer theologicall truth ; others deduce it from prescription ; others from a donation or agreement made between catholick princes ; alledging to this purpose that famous canonicall constitution of the council of lateran under innocent the third , assented unto by the embassadours and plenipotentiaries of all or most catholick princes of those times , present at the councill . 107. at least it does not seem impossible , that catholick princes , out of hatred to heresie , and zeal for the conservation of the catholick religion , should make a league among themselves , that if any of them should become an heretick , and should be declared as such by the pope , ( to whom , as all catholicks confess , belongs the authority of declaring one an heretick , ) it should be lawfull for the rest , in that case , to attacque the transgressour , and force him by their arms to recant ; and in case of refusall , to prosecute the war till they have deposed him , and absolved his subjects from their oath of allegeance . and what is agreed upon so by the common consent of princes , cannot be recalled , but by their common consent . this case ( i say ) does not seem impossible . now the pope in that case , by declaring such a prince an heretick , does as it were authorize the rest of the allies to attacque him ; and in case he refuses to recant , to depose him : though he is not then so properly deposed by force of the pope's declaration , as of the contract made between those princes . suppose that some zealous protestant should entail his estate upon his heirs with this condition , that if any of them should quit the protestant religion , and should be declared by the archbishop of canterbury ( whom protestants acknowledge here in england as their primate ) to have quitted protestancy , his inheritance should pass to the next heir . now if the archbishop should declare in this case , that such an one who possest that estate had quitted the protestant religion , he would deprive him , or rather declare him deprived of his estate , though the archbishop has no authority , in rigour , to deprive any man of his estate . and in this case such a man would be deprived of his estate , rather by force of the entailment , then of the archbishop's declaration . 108. finally , protestants do commonly confess , ( to return to the main point , ) that the points wherein they differ from us , as , no purgatory , no transubstantiation , no invocation of saints , and such like negatives , are no articles of faith ; and yet they are far from positively swearing the contrary . whence i conclude , that the forementioned reason of these authours is manifestly false : for it runs thus . whensoever any thing is no article of faith , the contrary may positively be sworn : but the pope's power to depose kings is no article of faith : therefore we may positively swear , that he has no such power . the major proposition is manifestly false , as has been shewn . 109. another main argument , which the defenders of the oath make a great account of in order to deny the pope's deposing power , is , that our saviour did not come into the world to deprive other men of their temporal dominions , ( regnum meum non est de hoc mundo ; ) and much less to deprive kings of their kingdoms , ( non eripit mortalia , qui regna dat coelestia . ) hence they infer , that the pope has no such power , for his power must be immediately derived from christ , whose vicar he is . to this argument i answer , first , that it is manifestly false , that the authority of christ and his apostles did not extend it self , in some cases , to the deprivation of temporals ; as has been proved . secondly , that the pope and other bishops have the temporal sovereignty of several places , granted unto them by temporal princes , or otherwise acquired ; though neither our saviour nor his apostles had any such sovereignty . wherefore this consequence is null , christ had no such power ; therefore the pope has it not : and yet in the oath we are bound to swear , that the pope has not any power whatsoever to depose princes , derived from christ , or any body else . thirdly , that out of those words of the scripture , and the hymn of the church , is not proved , that our saviour had no authority , in some extraordinary case , to deprive kings of their dominions . certain it is , that god has not given me this life to kill my neighbour : yet in some extravagant case , when i cannot otherwise defend my own life , i may lawfully kill him . 't is also certain , that his majesty was not made king of england , to take away from other princes their dominions : yet he may doe it , if otherwise he cannot defend his subjects . neither did christ come to damn any one out of his primary intention , but to save all ; as is evident from several places of scripture : and yet he does , and may justly , condemn men , who will be obstinate , to eternal punishments . in like manner , his primary design in coming into the world was not , to separate a man from his wife , a son from his father , or brother from his sister ; for he commands all , especially relations , to keep union and due correspondence among themselves : and yet 't is said of him in scripture , non veni pacem mittere , sed gladium , i did not come to bring peace , but division , and to make a separation between man and wife , father and son , brother and sister , when the communication with them is destructive to their salvation : and yet 't is certain , that subjects are not more expresly commanded in scripture to honour their sovereigns , then children are commanded to honour their parents , and wives to obey their husbands . 110. if our adversaries object , that the cases alledged by us here and above , to prove that christ and his apostles did sometimes exercise their power over temporals , or deprive others of some temporal thing , did proceed , not from an ordinary , but an extraordinary power ; and by consequence , hence cannot be inferred , that the pope has any such power , since he succeeds christ , and his apostles , in their ordinary jurisdiction onely : to this i answer , that all the cases at least alledged by us are not such . for the power to deprive one , by excommunication , of all civil conversation , and to separate a man from his wife , in certain cases , is inherent in the pope according to his ordinary jurisdiction . that the forementioned instances do shew , that though christ's power upon earth was meerly spiritual , and his kingdom was not of this world ; yet he exercised sometimes his power over temporals : which was the main intent , for which i alledged those precedents of christ and his apostles . finally , that it is a very extraordinary case , for popes to depose kings , and even ( which is much less ) to excommunicate them ; and those who derive the pope's deposing power from christ , affirm , that he has received that power onely for some extraordinary and extravagant cases . 111. and here i cannot but reflect upon these authours , who impugn the forementioned power in the pope . they require their adversaries to shew out of scripture the king-dethroning power : if they cannot shew it thence , then they triumph , and conclude , that the pope has no such power : though that inference be null , as we have insinuated . if they produce out of scripture several instances to prove , that christ's and his apostles power did extend it self sometimes to temporals ; then they answer , that such cases were extraordinary ; and consequently , that they ought not to be brought as proofs of any such power in the pope . so that , though christ had exercised never so great temporal power , and had deposed more kings then ever popes did depose , or pretend to depose ; they might with the same answer put them all off , saying , that they were extraordinary cases , and proceeded from an extraordinary jurisdiction . 112. there follows another reason , of great value among the impugners of the pope's power to depose kings ; and it is , that there cannot be found in all antiquity , till gregory the vii . his time , one precedent for any such power in the pope ; whereas christians were persecuted as much by pagan emperours , as they are or have been persecuted by heretical princes : neither had the ancient christians less courage or zeal for their religion , and the conservation thereof , then the modern . but , whatever the opinion of the pope's power to depose kings be , this reason is not solid . first , because those who ground the forementioned power upon prescription , or an agreement made between princes , can easily answer , that in time of the pagan emperours there was no such prescription or agreement made ; and consequently , that it is no wonder , if in their time no such power was exercised . secondly , because , since the deposition was to be put in execution by the help of some christian prince , there was not , for a long time , any christian prince at all , or any one so powerfull , that could put it in execution : and consequently , the pope's sentence , if he had issued forth any against a pagan emperour , would upon this account have been insignificant : neither would the pagan subjects have taken notice of it ; and the christian subjects were , many times , so inconsiderable , that had they taken notice of it , or not , it would have been of little concern . 113. thirdly , because 't is no good argument , such a power was not exercised till such a time ; therefore there was no such power till such a time . the existency of one onely act does necessarily infer the existency of a power for it : but the denial of several , yea of all acts , appertaining to such a power , though for some long time , does not necessarily infer the denial of such a power . for a power , especially to extraordinary cases , may lie dormant for a long time . the power to excommunicate princes nominatim is certainly derived from christ ; and yet we find very few precedents in ancient times of any such excommunication . and some have reflected very well , as above we hinted , that there is not one instance of an heretical prince , who was alwaies brought up in heresy , excommunicated nominatim : and yet even those who deny the pope any power to depose kings , affirm , that he may excommunicate nominatim such princes . 114. fourthly , i do not remember to have read , that either iulian the apostata , or any of the arrian kings , were speciatim excommunicated : and yet , sure , there was a power to excommunicate them ; yea and they deserved it too . why therefore do these authours infer , that , because several kings , who persecuted the church , were not deposed , there was no power to depose them ? such a thing was not done ; therefore it might not lawfully have been done ; is no good consequence . there was no general council held in the church for many hundred years after christ , till the first general council , which was that of nice ; though there were several heresies , and many zealous popes , in those times : shall we therefore conclude , that the popes had no authority to call a general council derived from christ ? or shall we alledge the continuance of three hundred years without a general council , to prove that there is no power in the pope to call such a council ? and if a power could lie dormant , by reason of certain circumstances , for three hundred years , why not for some years more ? so that , because the popes did not exercise , for many hundred years , a power to depose kings , it does not follow , that they were not invested with any such power . 115. i close up this point with another reason , which is , that the impugners of the pope's deposing power cannot understand , as they will needs persuade us , what difference can be between a direct power and an indirect power : and since they are convinced that the pope has no direct power to depose princes , as even bellarmine confesses , they infer , that he neither has an indirect power to doe it . for what matters it , say they , to make the mischief the less , whether one's eyes be beaten out by a direct stroke from a tennis-ball , or by a bricol ? in answer to this difficulty ; no body denies but that , if a prince be really deposed , the effect is the same , whether he was deposed by a direct , or indirect power : and this is all the instance they bring does amount to . for certainly , 't is harder , more extraordinary , and more skill is required to strike a set mark by bricol , then by a direct stroke of a tennis-ball ; and were one to stand the one or the other stroke , sure he would rather stand a bricol then a direct stroke . moreover , there is a vast difference between a direct and an indirect power to depose kings ; and so palpable , that ( sure ) these authours could not chuse but perceive it . is there not a great difference between the power his majesty has to depose , or recall a lord-lieutenant of ireland , and to depose a forrein prince , when he cannot otherwise defend his subjects ? between the right every one has to make use of what is his own , and to make use of what belongs to another , in case of extreme necessity ? between the right one has to cut off his hair , and to cut off his arm , when otherwise the whole body would perish ? between the power a man has to put away his servant , and to put away his wife , from cohabiting with him , in some extraordinary case ? certainly , such powers are very different ; and as different is a direct or absolute power , from an indirect or conditional power onely , to depose princes . the former is inconsistent with the sovereignty of a prince , but not the latter . a direct and absolute power is easily , often , and many times at the meer pleasure of him that is invested therewith , put in execution : whereas a pure indirect power is seldome reduced to practice , and in some extravagant case onely . hence i deduce , that the indirect power over princes , which some attribute to the pope , is not inconsistent with their security , nor with the duty and respect due unto them . for certainly one prince may be secure of another prince ; and yet every prince has an indirect power to depose any other sovereign , in case it be necessary for the defence of his own subjects . any one that walks in the streets may be secure , that i will not take away his life ; and yet i have an indirect power to kill him , if he attaques me unjustly , and i cannot otherwise defend my self . 116. and as for the respect due to princes , catholick divines affirm more of the pope , concerning this point , ( without being therefore charged with disrespect toward him , ) then of meer temporal princes . for they openly defend , that should the pope become an heretick , ipso facto he would cease to be pope ; and should he persist to retain the papall dignity , christian princes might compell him by force of arms to quit it : and yet they do not assert , that a king , meerly because he becomes an heretick , ipso facto ceases to be king , or that he may be deposed upon that account onely ; since even bellarmine and peron are not of opinion , that a prince can be deposed meerly because he is an heretick , unless moreover he does endeavour to pervert his subjects . so that one cannot swear positively , neither does the pope require it of any one , that a king , neither by himself , nor by any authority derived from his crown , or otherwise , hath any power whatsoever , in any case imaginable , to depose the pope , not onely as a temporal prince , but also as pope , or an ecclesiastical sovereign , according to what has been insinuated . what wonder is it therefore , that catholicks should scruple to swear positively , in as ample terms , that the pope cannot depose kings ? for , sure , no catholick will affirm , that kings have more power over the pope , then the pope over kings . 117. from what hitherto has been discuss'd in reference to this point , i conclude , that though the opinion that denies the pope to have any authority to depose kings should be true , yet the forementioned reasons to prove it are manifestly false , or inconclusive ; and consequently , the authority of such authours , who ground themselves upon those reasons , as most of our adversaries do , is void and of no force . yea , should the aforesaid reasons prove , that the pope has not any power to depose kings , yet it does not therefore follow , that the oath may lawfully be taken . for there are many other difficulties , as we have seen . 118. concerning the example of such catholicks as have taken the oath ; consider , first , whether most of them have not been guided by the authority of such writers , as have grounded themselves upon the above-mentioned reasons ; which are palpably false , or insignificant . and if so , whether , as the authority of such writers , so the example of such catholicks as were guided by them , be of any force . consider , secondly , that as there has scarce ever been any question , which before had been under great debate , and wherein considerable parties were concerned , decided by a general council , but that some persons , who seemed learned and moral men , either out of ignorance , or obstinacy , have stood out ; and yet the example of such ought not to move us to follow them : so neither has there been any debate , wherein numerous parties on both sides were engaged , decided by the pope out of a council , but that some of those who were condemned , blinded with ignorance , or carried away with obstinacy , have refused to submit ; and yet neither ought the example of such to invite us to imitate them , because they go against an express order and declaration of their lawfull superiour , to whom they had referred the decision of the matter under debate , and to whose ordinances they owe at least an exteriour obedience . 119. consider , thirdly , whether it be not much to be feared , that at least some of those who have taken the oath , have been carried away with the prospect to some temporal interest or advantage , which did dazzle their eyes . whether others of them have not of purpose waved the conferring this matter with grave and consciencious men , who were inclined to the contrary , though against their interest , and are ready to subscribe their opinion : and whether they have not guided themselves by some priests , neither more learned , nor more consciencious then the former , nor so many in number , and who refuse to subscribe their sentiment in this matter ; though there does no reason appear , why they should be afraid of any prejudice thereby . and if so , whether such persons , upon this account , may not justly be suspected of some affected ignorance . whether others have not governed themselves meerly by the opinion of lay-men , unvers'd in these controversies ; and not by the sentiment of divines or canonists , to whom the discussion of these matters onely appertains . whether others have not consulted one onely part of the oath , viz. concerning the pope's power to depose kings ; and being informed that he had no such power , have presently taken the oath , without consulting or examining several other difficulties contained therein . whether some of them , being afterwards better informed , do or did not repent that they ever took the oath . and finally , whether the precedents of such catholicks , who are justly presumed to have been governed , in taking the oath , by some of the forementioned waies , ought to move any prudent and consciencious man , to make so solemn an act , as is the taking this publick oath , bringing god or witness of the truth and justice of all and every thing he swears therein . 120. consider , fourthly , whether many of those who have taken the oath , are not ignorant of the several briefs issued forth by popes against it : or at least , whether they have seriously pondered them ; the expressions so weighty , wherewith they declare the unlawfulness of the oath ; and the character they give of such as counsell or teach the contrary ; which certainly is enough to startle any tender conscience : and whether they can think themselves obedient sons to their supreme pastour and father , when they disobey his expresse prohibition , published several times , after so long debate , and so mature deliberation . finally , whether most of them have not been carried away with the pretended authority of france for the lawfulness of the oath : whereas france never approved , by any publick act , the whole oath as it lies ; nor that part thereof , for which onely the authority of france is alledged , as it is couched in the oath . 121. consider , lastly , that if what is commonly reported be true , all or most of such catholicks who have taken the oath have proceeded upon evident mistakes . some of them were induced thereunto , because they thought that the taking this oath was not malum in se , but onely malum quia prohibitum ; and that the popes by their briefs had made it unlawfull , and declared it so : and consequently , that an extraordinary damage , such as they apprehend in the refusall of the oath , does excuse them from complying with this , as with other prohibitions of the same nature . now this is a manifest mistake , as has been shewn above . and certainly , to take a false , doubtfull , unjust or unnecessary oath , is intrinsecè malum , or malum in se. 122. others have taken the oath , making beforehand a publick or private protestation , that they intended onely to swear thereby a meer civil allegeance ; and this way they pretended to secure their conscience . but in the like manner they might take the oath of supremacy , making a protestation beforehand , that they intended onely thereby to swear , that the king is protectour of the church , as all christian princes are ; and that to him , as such , does belong to take care , that the laws established by the church be observed in his kingdome ; and that the pope has no preeminency inconsistent with the aforesaid obligation of christian princes . 123. moreover , one might , in the same manner , take the communion of the protestants , making a protestation that he takes it onely as meer bread and wine , or for his breakfast ; and incense an idol too , protesting that he does it onely to perfume the room : all which are vast absurdities , as no catholick can deny . the reason is , because as long as an action is in it self unlawfull , or as long as it is doubtfull whether it be so or no , no previous protestation can make it lawfull . 124. in fine , some others of them will needs persuade themselves , that in the oath is denied onely a direct and absolute power , but not an indirect and conditionall power in the pope to depose kings . but how can this be credible , when both king iames , who had a great hand in framing the oath , and all other authours whatsoever , either catholicks or protestants , who have hitherto published books in defence of the oath , have unanimously understood , that therein was denied , not onely a direct , but an indirect power also in the pope to depose princes ? and it is not probable , that they would explicate their own opinion to any disadvantage or prejudice , and make it harder then really it is . 125. besides , they all impugn bellarmine , as the chief maintainer of the pope's deposing power , and as the greatest enemy to the oath ; and yet bellarmine as much as any other impugns the pope's direct power to deprive princes of their dominions : and it is not credible , that the maintainers of the oath would make themselves more adversaries then really they were , or make so famous a man as bellarmine their enemy , in a matter wherein he is their friend . moreover , the very cause for which the oath was framed does contain the deniall of an indirect power . for this oath was framed to deny the pope all power and authority to depose a king of england , or dispose of his dominions , or to absolve his subjects from their allegeance , even in case such a king should not onely be an heretick himself , but also force his subjects to be so , and the pope could not defend his flock otherwise then by deposing him . and what is this , but to deny an indirect power in the pope to depose kings ? neither do i think that there is , even amongst protestants , any divine or lawyer , who can deny but that the forementioned case is comprehended in the oath . 126. if they say , that should that clause of the oath be understood in the latitude pretended , even the protestants themselves , who take it , would be manifest perjurers . for they would swear , in taking this oath , that the pope is not sovereign temporall prince of rome ; since every supreme temporall prince has an indirect power to depose any other sovereign , as above has been expounded . and how is it credible , that protestants should frame such an oath , as no body ( protestant or catholick ) could take , without manifestly perjuring himself ? 127. to this i answer , that all catholicks must confess , that whoever takes the oath of supremacy does swear false ; and consequently , that those protestants who framed it , and took it , were manifest perjurers , and many of them without an invincible ignorance , viz. such as denied the supremacy of the pope in spiritualls ; as doubtless many of the first framers of that oath did . yea , severall protestants , and amongst the rest king iames , acknowledge the pope to be patriarch of the west , and that england appertains to the western patriarchate , and consequently , that the pope has some preeminency in england , in order to spiritualls ; for every patriarch has some preeminency in his whole patriarchate : and yet they swear positively , in the oath of supremacy , that no forrein prelate has , or ought to have , any preeminency within this realm ; and by consequence they swear false , even according to their own principles . 128. what wonder therefore is it , that protestants , out of indignation towards catholicks , should frame such an oath of allegeance , that even they themselves could not take without being perjured ? and the like is to be seen in all heterodox countries , where , out of hatred to the true religion , such things are often required of the professours thereof , that even the heterodox professours themselves cannot lawfully execute . besides , the test enacted the last year , 1673. though levelled onely at catholicks , is notwithstanding such , that others , who are not roman catholicks , yea protestants of the english church , cannot comply with , if they understand the principles of their respective religions , and will stand to them : as may easily be made appear . 129. 't is therefore not to be wondered at , that men out of passion should over-doe things ; and that protestants , to the end they might be sure to frame such a test , that roman catholicks could not take , should frame such an one , and in such generall terms , that they themselves could not comply with : for their mind seems to have been so much bent to consider what roman catholicks could not swear , that they did not reflect what they themselves could swear . wherefore it would not be amiss , when they require us to take either the oath of supremacy or allegeance , or comply with the test enacted the last year , to shew them that they require of us what they themselves , even according to their own principles , cannot doe : whereby will easily appear the unreasonableness of their request . from the premisses hitherto set down , one may justly conclude , that the example of such catholicks who have taken the oath , as grounding themselves upon palpable mistakes and misinformations , cannot be a prudent motive for others to take it , nor a good argument to shew the lawfulness thereof . 130. concerning the authority of the ancient fathers , against the pope's power to depose princes , or to absolve their subjects from their allegeance ; consider , first , that though it should be granted , that the ancient fathers are against the forementioned power in the pope ; it does not therefore follow , that they are for this oath , but onely for one part thereof ; neither for that in such a degree , that one may positively swear it . consider , secondly , that to prove , that the ancient fathers and doctours deny the pope to have any power whatsoever , either by himself or by others , to depose princes , in any case imaginable , 't is necessary to prove , that they deny the pope any power whatsoever , to deprive a prince of civil communication with his subjects , by force of any excommunication whatsoever : or , in supposition there has been an agreement made between catholick princes , that if any one of them become an heretick , he should forfeit his kingdome , or be liable to be deposed by the rest , in case he refuses to recant , to declare any one of such princes an heretick , though really he be such : or , in case that a subject , or subjects , cannot live under an hereticall prince , and persecutour of the true church , without imminent danger of being perverted , and consequently is , or are , bound by the law of god and nature , to withdraw themselves ; to declare , i say , in such a case , that he , or they , are bound to withdraw , and to oblige them to it . for those who assert the pope's deposing power , expound it in one of these three ways ; which many do not seem to understand . therefore it would not be amiss to ask them who deny the pope any power to depose princes , what they mean by a power to depose princes . 131. consider , thirdly , whether bellarmine , peron , suarez , and others who assert that power , do not alledge severall ancient councills and fathers for their opinion : and if so , what reason is there why we should not think , that they , being persons so eminent in doctrine and erudition , did not understand them as well as withrington , caron , or peter walsh ; especially , since most of the modern divines and canonists , having seen what both parties do produce out of antiquity in their favour , are for the affirmative ? and had i time , i could lay open the gross mistakes committed by caron in the quotation of ancient authours for his opinion . 132. consider , fourthly , whether it would avail a man in a suit of law , to pretend , that the ancient lawyers are on his side , after that the modern judges and lawyers , or the far greatest part of them , having heard what he could say for himself , had determined the contrary : and if not , apply the same to our present case . 133. consider , fifthly , whether those ancient fathers , which the maintainers of the oath alledge , may not be understood to speak onely of a direct power in the pope to depose princes : and if so , whether they can prejudice the opinion which onely allows him an indirect power . or , whether they may not be understood to deny onely , that the pope , as pope , ( for as such he has no temporall dominions , nor temporall sovereignty , ) cannot compell any prince , by his own temporall forces , to quit his kingdome : and if so , the authority of such fathers cannot be prejudiciall to the opinion , which affirms that the pope , having declared a prince an heretick , and a persecuter of the church , may invoke the help of catholick kings , and authorize them to compell such a prince , by force of their arms , to desist from persecuting his subjects , and , in case of refusall , to depose him . 134. consider , sixthly , whether ancient fathers are to be alledged for an opinion , after it has been condemned by the church , or the pope , as this oath severall times has been : as , for instance , whether it be now a sufficient motive to affirm , that children baptized by hereticks are to be re-baptized , because st. cyprian was of that opinion before the contrary was defined . 135. consider , lastly , whether it be not the unanimous consent of the ancient fathers , that we are bound to afford at least an exteriour obedience to the pope's express commands , in matters appertaining unto him , if the compliance with them be not manifestly sinfull ▪ as the forbearance of this oath ( which is the thing onely required of us by the pope in the above-mentioned briefs ) is not : and whether there be not severall things contained in this oath , the decision whereof , according to the common sentiment of the ancient fathers , does appertain to the ecclesiasticall court , whose head the pope is . 136. concerning the probability of the opinion , that asserts the lawfulness of this oath ; consider , first , whether an express declaration or prohibition of the church , or pope , does not render the thing prohibited practically improbable , or the lawfulness of the practice thereof improbable ; though the thing in it self , and prescinding from such a prohibition , be probably or certainly lawfull . as prescinding from the prohibition of the church , 't is as lawfull to eat flesh upon fridays as upon any other days of the week : yet this is improbable , practically speaking , supposing such a prohibition . and if this be so , consider farther , whether , since the pope ( to whose orders we owe at least an exteriour obedience ) has prohibited us , by severall briefs , to take this oath , it be not practically improbable , that it is lawfull to take it ; though we should grant , that the oath , prescinding from such a prohibition or declaration , is in it self , and speculatively speaking , probable : as severall hidden mysteries of our faith , prescinding from the declaration or definition of the church , do seem probably otherwise . 137. consider , secondly , that it is not probable , nor credible , that the maintainers of the oath would have made ( as they did ) their application to the pope , to the end he might give sentence of the lawfulness thereof , and whether it did contain any thing contrary to faith , or not , had they not been persuaded , that the decision of these matters did appertain to the pope . and if so , that it was very ridiculous for them to make any such application to the pope for the decision of these matters , or to refer themselves to the pope's judgment , if they were resolved not to submit , even exteriourly , to his judgment , in case he should give sentence against them , as he did : and consequently , we cannot probably presume they had any such resolution . so that , unless they will condemn their own proceedings in this matter , ( which 't is not probable they will do , ) they must needs confess themselves bound to afford at least an exteriour obedience to the pope's briefs concerning this matter , till they be lawfully repealed . 138. consider , thirdly , whether the same exceptions which they make against the pope's briefs , and his proceedings in this matter , viz. that he was misinformed ; that the pope's briefs are here in england of no force , without the approbation of the king , who , as things now stand , does acknowledge no spirituall power in the pope over his realm , and consequently , will not approve any thing that comes from him , in order to the direction of his subjects , whether favourable , or not favourable unto him ; that the pope is fallible , and inferiour to a generall councill ; and other exceptions mentioned above ; whether ( i say ) the same exceptions might not have been made by us , in case the pope had given sentence for them , and against us , and had commanded all to take the oath , when they should be required thereunto by his majesty : and whether our adversaries do think , that such exceptions , made by us in that case against the pope's sentence , could have justified our refusall of the oath , or our disobedience to the pope's express commands . or what would they have said of us , should we have persisted still to urge the same reasons , and the authority of so many doctours , against the lawfulness of the oath , after it had been declared lawfull by the pope ; and upon that account , and under pretence of probability , should have still refused the oath ? i am confident , that they will not confess , that such proceedings of ours in that case , though they be the very same which now they make use of , would have been justifiable . 139. consider , fourthly , that the maxime they make so much account of in this great debate , viz. in dubiis melior est conditio possidentis , ( in doubtfull matters better is the condition of him that possesses , ) and consequently , that no body can be lawfully dispossess'd of what he has , upon a meer probable opinion , is insignificant in our present case . for it is to be understood , as our adversaries also understand it , as long onely as the matter under debate has not been decided by a lawfull judge . now the unlawfulness of this oath , which is the main point under debate , has been , severall times , decided by the pope , to whom even our adversaries refer the decision of this matter . neither does the pope decide , in the above-mentioned briefs , ( as the opponents would needs suppose , ) that he has authority to depose kings , which is the thing our adversaries say is under debate ; but onely prohibits us to swear , that he has not any such authority , or hinders the king from deciding it in his own favour : and every one has right , as long as the thing is under debate between him and another , to hinder his adversary from deciding it on his side . 140. consider , fifthly , whether meer indirect power in the pope to depose princes , such as is in every king to depose any other sovereign , be inconsistent with the sovereignty of princes , or whether it does dispossess them actually thereof . if not , then to admit such a power in the pope , ( as some do , ) is not to admit any thing which does actually dispossess kings of their temporall sovereignty . 141. consider , sixthly , whether , according to the severall precedents alledged by such authours who assert the aforementioned power in the pope , and assented unto , as to matters of fact , by their adversaries , popes have not exercised such a power many years agoe : and consequently , whether the popes have not possession of such a power , ( just or not just i do not decide : ) for one takes possession of a power by exercising its acts. so that the debate which remains , is not , whether the pope has possession of such a power , or not ; but onely , whether he has a just possession thereof , or onely an usurp'd : and consequently , according to the maxime produced by our adversaries , in dubiis melior est conditio possidentis , the pope ought not to be deprived of such a power , till the matter be lawfully decided against him . and to oblige men to swear positively that he has no such power , is , in a certain manner , to deprive him thereof , and to oblige men to swear positively a doubtfull thing . 142. consider , lastly , that though it be probable , that one cannot wage war , or deprive any one of what he possesses , upon the account of a meer probable opinion ; whether this be so certain , ( since grave authours are of the contrary sentiment , ) that we may positively swear , that no body , who has onely a probable opinion on his side , can lawfully dispossess another of what actually he has . 143. concerning the interest of those who impugn the oath , objected in the last place against us ; consider , first , whether it be not as probable at least , that those who defend the oath , and deny the pope all power whatsoever to depose princes , are flatterers of princes , and sycophants of temporall courts , as that those who are of the contrary perswasion are flatterers of the pope , and sycophants of the spirituall court : and whether ( morally speaking ) it be not impossible , that where the matter under debate is of so vast an extent , as supremacy in spiritualls , and supremacy in temporalls , there should not be some prospect of interest , of whatsoever side we be , either from the pope , if one defends the negative , that the oath is not lawfull , or from the king , if one maintains the affirmative , that it is lawfull : and consequently , whether , were this exception equitable , one ought to hearken to either side . 144. consider , secondly , whether roman catholicks ( his m●jestie's subjects ) do not depend more of the king , and civill government , in order to their interest and preferment , then of the pope , and roman court : or whether those who impugn the oath , may not fear more dammages from the civill government , then those who defend it , from the ecclesiasticall : or , finally , whether the latter may not hope to obtain greater advantages from his majesty by defending the oath , then the former from his holiness by impugning it . those who defend the oath aim , or may aim , at some particular priviledges , or exemptions , to be granted them , upon that account , from the civill government . neither do i see what dammages they can fear from the pope , by defending the oath . for though , perhaps , the pope may excommunicate some of them upon that score ; yet an unjust excommunication does not any harm : and the defenders of the oath are persuaded , that such an excommunication would be unjust , and not to be taken notice of . on the other side , those english catholicks who impugn the oath , may fear lest the penalties be put in execution against them upon that account ; which , whether justly , or unjustly executed , do in effect equally prejudice . and what such catholicks can hope for from the pope , i see not ; since there is no temporall nor ecclesiasticall preferment here in england to which , in the present conjuncture of affairs , his holiness can promote them . and if this be so , then , upon the account of dependency , we ought rather to suspect those who defend the oath , then those who impugn it . 145. consider , thirdly , whether some of those priests who have shewn themselves most forward to defend the oath , have not received considerable pensions , and sums of money , to print their books relating to this subject , from protestant persons of quality , either clergy-men or lay-men , or both ; and whether they have not been countenanced and caressed by them upon that score . and that this has happened , we can make appear . moreover , whether they can produce any precedents of english priests , who have received the like summs of money , or incouragement , from the pope , for opposing the oath . and if not , then , considering the event that this debate has had hitherto , we must conclude , that the defenders of this oath have got more then the opposers thereof . 146. and here i cannot but reflect upon what is related of some of our protestant prelates , who , being noted that they kept familiar correspondency with some roman priests , and encouraged them in their designs , answered , that they did it to breed a schism among roman catholicks , thereby the better to destroy them . prynne , in his canterbury doom , pag. 557. saies , that archbishop lawd , being accused , that he conversed familiarly with some priests , answered , king iames had conference with , and extended favours to some priests , making good use thereof , to set them at variance among themselves , and induce them to write one against another ; as watson and preston , who wrote divers books in defence of the oath of allegeance , and did good service therein . whereupon my predecessour , archbishop abbott , granted preston a kind of protection under his hand and seal . ibid. lawd granted also preston a protection under his hand . fuller , in his church-history , in the life of king iames , saies thus : doctour bancroft afforded the seculars countenance and maintenance in london-house , accommodating them with necessaries , to write against their adversaries , ( viz. the iesuits , ) hoping that the protestants might assault the romish cause with more advantage , when they found a breach made to their hands by the others own dissensions . where i cannot but note , that as concerning the present point we speak of , the protestants countenanced the priests who defended the oath , as preston , the chief among them , and not those priests who opposed it . whence appears , that protestants are of opinion , that the defenders of the oath are against the church of rome , but not the opposers thereof , since they joyn with the former , and not with the latter ; and sure , they would joyn with the enemies of our church , according to their opinion , and not with her friends . 147. consider , lastly , that those who are most blamed for opposing the lawfulness of the oath are less liable to any suspicion of pretence , or interest , in this matter , since they are tied by a particular vow , not to pretend , neither directly nor indirectly , any preferment or dignity : besides , they have been particularly prohibited by their general , who resides at rome , under pain of excommunication , either to preach , or teach , in publick disputes or books , that the pope has any power to depose kings : the like prohibition , for ought i know , being not imposed upon any other religious order . and whatsoever heretofore some of them have taught concerning this subject , 't is certain , what henry the fourth of france justified in a publick speech , that they taught nothing in this matter , which is not still taught , and has been taught before their society was in the world , by several learned men of other orders . i have proposed these considerations for the satisfaction of such catholicks who have a desire to be informed concerning the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of this oath , to the end , that having perused them over , they may proceed , in a matter of so great concernment , with due consideration . for i have endeavoured to couch , in this short discourse , the main arguments on both sides . i believe that consciencious catholicks , who shall be pleased to peruse seriously the forementioned considerations , will have at least some rational reluctancy to take the oath , as it lies ; which is enough to render the taking thereof unlawfull ; since such as take it do swear , that they doe it heartily , that is , without any reluctancy of mind , but rather with a propension and inclination to take it : which certainly no body can lawfully swear , who feels a reluctancy of mind to any part of the oath . and to summe up the whole substance of this treatise : since it is certain , ( neither do our adversaries deny it , ) that it belongs to the pope , to decide whether this oath be unlawfull or not ; since the pope has determined severall times , that it is unlawfull , and has prohibited the taking thereof , as all do confesse ; since what our adversaries still urge , for the lawfulnesse of this oath in it self , has been long since proposed to the pope , and does concern the very thing , for the decision whereof even they refer themselves to the pope's judgment , with resolution to stand to his determination , otherwise why should they refer it to him ? since , finally , all the exceptions our adversaries make against the briefs , and the proceedings of the pope in framing of them , are frivolous , and such as would vacate ( were they of any force ) all briefs whatsoever , issued forth by popes , and which even they themselves would not have allowed us to make , in case the pope had given the contrary sentence ; since ( i say ) all this is so , as does manifestly appear , by what has hitherto been set down : i conclude , that our adversaries are destitute of all rationall motives , whereby to justify their disobedience to the forementioned briefs ; and that nothing but ignorance or obstinacy can move them to stand out . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61561-e60 supplicatio ad clem. x. per francisc simonis mogunt . a.d. 1675. quis nesciat , reges & duces ab iis habuisse principium , qui , deum ignorantes , superbiâ , rapinis , perfidiâ , homicidiis , postremò universis penè sceleribus , ( mundi principe , diabolo viz. agitante , ) super pares , sc. homines , dominari caecâ cupiditate , & intolerabili praesumptione , affectaverunt ? greg. vii . l. 8. ep . 21. pag. 4. an apologie in defence of ecclesiastical subordination in england , pag. 187. col . 2. rog. widdrington supplicat . ad paul. 5. p. 133. de justa abdicatione henrici tertii è francorum regno . lugd. a. 1591. l. 1. à c. 5. ad c. 9. * à c. 9. ad c. 25. l. 4. c. 1. ad c. 6. lib. 4. c. 23. de justa reip. christianae in reges impios & haereticos authoritate . antw. a.d. 1592. responce de vrays catholiques francois à l'advertisement des catholiques anglois pour l'exclusion du roy de navarre de la couronne de france . a. d. 1588. iuramentum populi non eum astringit ad obediendum regi , nisi rex legitimè & christianè imperet . rossae . c. 2. n. 6. p. 68. c. 2. n. 7. p. 82. c. 2. n. 4. apologie catholique , &c. part . 2. p. 111 , 112. a. 1585. c. 8. n. 14. c. 8. de rege haeretico excommunicando . pi●s . de script . angl. a. 1594. de justa abdicat . henr. 3. l. 4. c. 23. catholick apology p. 336. a moderate defence of the oath of allegeance ▪ a. 1612. p. 127. p. 148. illud unum sciant reges , nihil magìs cordi esse pontifici & ejus asseclis , quàm ut regiam potestatem vilem reddánt , infirmam , imbecillem & abjectam . ortel . error . suarez . c. 3. n. 1. th. graswinckel , dissertat . de praelud . justit . & juris , pag. 257. suarez de legibus l. 2. c. 15. n. 4.16 , &c. azor. instit . moral . l. 6. c. 1. dub . 4. aqu. 1.2 . q. 100. art . 8. 2.2 . q. 89. art . 9. cajetan . in 2.2 . q. 89. art . 9. in juramentis oportet respicere ad praejudicium hominis cui factum est , & in cujus favorem factum est . id. ib. maldonat . summul . qu. 12. art . 7. q. 15. art . 21. enimvero quamvìs papa dispensare valeat in voto , quod est majus , non tamen in iuramento , quod est minus . haud enim relaxare potest iuramentum quod homo homini pr●stitit , id solvendi quod ei debeat . soto de iustit . & jure l. 8. q. 1. art . 9. quando autem est juramentum in alicujus tertii utilitatem ▪ non potest absque voluntate tertii etiam à papa dispensari ; sicut nec papa potest auferre rem alterius . tolet. summa casuum l. 41 c. 23. n. 1. clavis regia cas. consc. l. 6. c. 11. n. 11. azor. instit . mor. l. 6. c. 1. quartò quaeritur . widdrington disp. theolog. c. 6. sect . 3. n. 1 , 2 , 3. theolog. moral . l. 4. tr . 3. c. 11. n. 5. de justa abdicat . henr. 3. l. 1. c. 3. n. 4. c. 18. p. 33 , 34. c. 25. p. 51 , 52 , &c. c. 26 , 27 , 28. ross. de justa reip. christian. author . in reges impios & haeret . c. 9. n. 1. pag. 604 , 608. n. 7. p. 616. de rom. pontif. l. 5. c. 7. tertia ratio . first treatise , p. 1. pag. 5. pag. 2. pag. 3 , 4 , 5. pag. 13. pag. 14. cathol . apology , pag. 121 , 122. pag. 13. treat . 2. p. 2. pag. 3. pag. 4. first treatise , p. 13. second treat . p. 4 ▪ pag. 5. pag. 6. summa cas. lib. 4. c. 21. n. 3. suarez de virtut . relig . to. 2. tract . 4. l. 1. c. 9. n. 4. l. 3. c. 5. n. 3. soto de justit . & jure l. 8. quaest . 2. art . 3. concl . 6. iacob . de graffiis decis . aure . l. 2. c. 16. n. 8. sayr clav. reg. lib. 5. c. 4. n. 2. greg. de valentia tom. 3. diss. 6. quaest . 7. punct . 3. vasquez 1. 2. disp. 127. c. 3. layman theol. mor. l. 4. tr . 3. c. 14. n. 4 , 5. legatio de concept . virg. mariae tract . 13. third treatise par . 65. & 68. wadding p. 402. third treatise , p. 46 , &c. warmington's moderate defence , pag. 44. widdrington advers . schulken . p. 194 , &c. reflections on the oaths of supremacy and allegeance , n. 98. third treatise par . 50. reflections on the oaths of supremacy and allegeance , n. 110. first treatise , p. 5. second treatise , pag. 32. third treat . p. 88. third treat . p. 130. notes for div a61561-e11650 vir in sacris literis eruditissimus , & in tota ecclesia omni virtutum genere celeberrimus . lambertus , a writer of that age. nos s. r. e. cardinales elegimus nobis in pastorem , virum religiosum , geminae scientiae prudentiâ pollentem , aequitatis & justitiae praestantissimum amatorem , bonis moribus ornatum , &c. registr . greg. 7. in init . b gratiâ miraculorum , & prophetiae , erat omnibus admirabilis . binius in vit. greg. 7. eundem , sicut in vita , ità & post mortem claruisse miraculis , bibliothecarius ejus temporis absque ulla dubitatione confirmat . baron . ad ann . 1085. n. 11. in album sanctorum relatus , universali memoriâ nomine celebri perseverat . id. ib. c aut rex ipse , repudiato turpi simoniacae haereseos mercimonio , &c. aut franci pro certo ( nisi fidem christianam abjicere maluerint ) generalis anathematis mucrone percussi , illi ulteriùs obtemperare recusabunt . greg. 7. l. 1. ep . 35. si in perversitate studiorum suorum perseveraverit , nos in romana synodo , à corp●re s. ecclesiae ipsum , & omnes quicunque sibi regalèm honorem vel obedientiam exhibuerint , sine dubio sequestrabimus . id. l. 2. ep . 18. d significâsti nobis per literas & legatos tuos , te b. petro devotè ac decenter velle obedire , &c. id. l. 1. ep . 36. pontifex habito cum 110 episcopis consilio , in eundem regem excommunicationis sententiam protulit . author vit. s. ansel. luc. a writer of that age. cunctis qui convenerant episcopis id fieri decernentibus , regem excommunicat . lambert . cunctis acclamantibus nè talis contumelia inulta remaneret , omnium consilio & consensu , henricum , synodali judicio damnatum , regísque honore & nomine privatum , anathematis gladio percussit . bruno histor. belli saxon ▪ a writer of that age. b henrico regi omnem potestatem & dignitatem regiam tollo , totiúsque regni teutonicorum & italiae gubernacula contradico ; & omnes christianos à vinculo juramenti quod sibi fecère absolvo . greg. 7. l. 3. ep . 6. c b. petre , mihi tuâ gratiâ est potestas à deo data ligandi atque solvendi in coelo & in terra . hâc itaque fiduciâ fretus , ex parte omnipotentis dei , patris , & filii , & spiritûs sancti , per tuam , b. petre , potestatem & authoritatem , henrico regi , &c. ut suprá . a greg. 7. l. 4. ep . 23. b baron . ad ann . 1084. n. 10. & ad ann . 1094. n. 17 , &c. c triburiense , quintiliniburgense , ostionense , claromontanum , roman . 7.8.10 . d victor iii. urbanus iii. paschalis ii. * adversarii nostri , quamvìs ipsi exiverint à nobis , non nos ab ipsis , tamen dicere solent , nos catholici sumus , nos in vnitate ecclesiae sumus . vnde scriptor illius epistolae appellat eos qui sunt in parte sui gregorii , catholicos ; nos , schismaticos , haereticos , & excommunicatos . vercellens . de unit. eccles. a bishop of the king's party . hoc decretum ( synodi quintiliniburg . ) contra henricianos , qui fideles s. petri ( meaning the catholicks ) constringere voluerunt , ut excommunicationem d. papae unà cum illis retractare praesumerent . bertold . a writer of that age. f me quoque quem sanctorum patrum traditio soli deo judicandum docuit , nec pro aliquo crimine , nisi à fide ( quod absit ) exorbitaverim , deponendum censuit , &c. epist. henr. 4. ad greg. 7. set out by a protestant , in fascic . rerum expetendarum . g imperatorem , ( so his own party called him ) in nulla synodo canonicè accusatum , praecipitanter excommunicavit ; in qua excommunicatione nullus cardinalium subscripsit , &c. beno de vit. hildebrand . in the aforesaid fasciculus . h eodem anno , ( 1080. ) condicto , tam ab inimicis quàm amicis imperatoris , alloquio , in thuringia , conveniebant ex utraque parte quicunque sapientissimi de optimatibus judicabantur , canonum authoritate probaturi , cui parti justitia faveret ; imperatore tamen absente ; sic enim ipse consensit . electis , hinc wecilone moguntino , illinc gebehardo saltzburgensi , disputatio coepta est . affirmat gebehardus , ( proponente hoc priùs wecilone ) imperatorem non injusto judicio , tam regno , quàm communione , apostolici sententiâ , privatum . e contrà wecilo , dominum suum , praejudicium non minùs à papa quàm à principibus passum , contendit , dum ipso ad canusium in satisfactione posito , imò jam à papa in communionem recepto , alterum super se regem elevarent . adjecit etiam , quòd imperator , diu jam à saxonia depulsus , & regnandi copiâ , etiam ab illa dissensione quae ante podolphum facta describitur , spoliatus , nec vocari , nec judicari canonicè debuisset , &c. ursperg . ad ann . 1080. a dictatus papae , in concil . roman . 3. ann . 1076. 1. quòd papae liceat imperatorem deponere . 2. quòd à fidelitate iniquorum subditos potest absolvere . b quod postulâsti , te nostris scriptis quasi juvari , & communiri , &c. non adeò necessarium nobis videtur , cùm hujus rei tam multa ac certissima documenta in sacrarum literarum paginis reperiantur , &c. citing the scriptures . l. 8. ep . 21. eos qui dicunt , regem non oportet excommunicari , &c. ad sanctorum patrum dicta vel facta mittimus . legant itaque , &c. considerent cur zacharias papa regem francorum deposuerit , & omnes francigenas à vinculo juramenti quod sibi fecerant absolverit . in registro b. gregorii , &c. l. 4. ep . 2. c b. petri authoritate , ei ( henrico regi ) resistite , & totius regni gubernacula contradicendo , &c. illud semper habentes in memoria , quia scelus idololatriae committit , qui apostolicae sedi obedire contemnit . l. 4. ep . 23. contra eorum insaniam , qui nefando ore garriunt , authoritatem apostolicae sedis non potuisse regem henricum excommunicare , nec quenquam à sacramento fidelitatis ejus absolvere ...... neque enim credimus eos , qui , ad cumulum suae damnationis , veritati impudenter de●rahunt & contradicunt , haec ad suae defensionis audaciam , tam ignorantiâ , quàm miserae desperationis vecordiâ , coaptâsse . id. ibid. eos qui dicunt , regem non oportet excommunicari , licèt pro magna fatuitate , nec etiam eis respondere debeamus ; tamen nè impatienter eorum insipientiam praeteriisse videamur , &c. l. 4. ep . 2. si b. gregorius , doctor utique mitissimus , reges qui statuta sua super unum xenodochium violarent , non modò deponi , sed etiam excommunicari , atque in aeterno examine damnari decrevit : quis nos , ipsius matris ecclesiae , quantum in ipso est , conculcatorem , deposuisse & excommunicâsse reprehendat , nisi fortè similis ejus ? l. 8. ep . 21. a moneantur seculi potestates , &c. si verò dominus temporalis requisitus , & monitus ab ecclesia , terram suam purgare neglexerit ab hac haeretica faeditate , per metropolitanum & comprovinciales episcopos excommunicationis vinculo innodeturm , et si satisfacere contempserit infra annum , significetur hoc summo pontifici , ut extunc ipse vasallos ab ejus fidelitate denunciet absolutos , & terram exponat catholicis occupandam , qui eam , exterminatis haereticis , sine ulla contradictione possideant ; salvo jure domini principalis , dummodo super hoc ipse nullum praestet obstaculum . eâdem nihilominus lege servatâ circa eos qui non habent dominos principales . cap. 3. de haeret. mitto decreta concilii lateranensis olim ex antiquo descripta codice . jo. co●hl . ep . ante concil , lateran . ap . crab. nos cum fratribus nostris & sacro concilio deliberatione praehabitâ diligenti , cùm jesu christi vices teneamus in terris , nobisque in b. petri persona sit dictum , quodcunque solveris , &c. memoratum principem , suis ligatum peccatis , & abjectum , omnique honore & dignitate privatum à domino ostendimus , denunciamus , ac nihilominus sententiando privamus : omnes qui ei juramento fidelitatis tenentur astricti , à juramento hujusmodi perpetuò absolventes : authoritate apostolicâ sirmiter inhibe●d● , nè quisquam ei de caetero tanquam imperatori vel regi pareat ; & decernendo quoslibet , qui deinceps ei velut imperatori aut regi consilium aut auxilium praestilerint , ipso facto excommunicationis vinculo subjacere , &c. in actis concil . b matth. paris . in henrico 3. c video quòd ad confusionem meam aspirat papa , ..... nec sacrum decet imperium maximè adversanti judicio sisti synodali . id. ibid. d id. ibid. * id. ibid. f trithem . in chron. hirsang . g matth. paris . in henrico 3. h paul. aemil . in vit. s. ludov. i in 6. cap. 1. de homicid . * as he speaks . † in his preface . * page 14. page 30. * trithemius in chron. historic . ad ann . 1106. * magister in 3. dist . 39. en. ann . 10. s. thom. † s. aug. lib. de mendacio . * pag. 31. second controversial letter , pag. 31. towards the end of his large preface . vide articulos facultatis parisiensis de authoritate pontificia & regia , art. 6. * this book was printed in an . 1620. and called the new-year's gift , or , a brief and clear explication of the oath of allegeance . † withringt . in apol. n. 99. and in his other books very often . also c. i. in his explication of the oath of allegeance , p. 74. canon de papa , distinct. 40. synod . 8. act . 7. bellarm. de rom. pont . l. 2. c. 29. * printed at london 1649. s. thomas 2.2 . qu. 89. ar . 7. history of the irish remonstrance first part of the first treatise , 3.86 . the publisher of the questions in his preface to the authour himself , pag. 25. and the protestant in the 9. controversial letter . h. 8.31 . * pag. 8. see the censure it self , and first cont. letter , pag. 13. so speaks the decree itself . io. barkley in his vindiciae , pag. 106. this the publisher of the questions observes . the account of the iesuits life and doctrine , pag. 120. so onuphrius mentions him , lib. 4. devaria creat . rom. pont. see chap. 8. * vide aliud breve paul. v. ad d. georg. birket 1. febr. 1608. aliud urban . viii . ad regem galliae 3. maii 1626. & aliud ejusdem pontis . eodem die & anno ad episcop . chalcedonensem . † supplic . to paul v. p. 2.91 . vide etiam supplic . thom. prestoni & thom. greeni ad greg. xv. * sententia papae obligat ad non dogmatizandum contrarium . gers. tract . de exam . doctrin . consid . 2. vide duvall . in elencho , pag. 106. † hujusmodi iuramentum salvâ fide catholicâ & saluteanima . rum vestrarum praestari non potest ; cùm multa contineat quae fidei & saluti apertè adversantur . paul. v. 1. brev. urban . viii . vocat iuramentum noxium & illicitum , & addit , authoritatem b. petri eâ jurisjurandi formulâ imminui . excommunicantur in bulla coenae qui subterfugiunt judicium papae , appellando ad concilium generale . vide synod . general . 5. can. 5. ubi damnat origenem aliòsque , cum suis scriptis , nullò particulari errore nominato . append. ad prop. theolog . de jurament . fidelitatis , initio . vide gloss. cap. cum venissent . de judiciis . * suar. ait , lib. de leg . c. 4. n. 2. nulla est data determinata forma verborum in legibus canonic's ferendis , vel jure divino vel ecclesiastico . malosjudices se esse perpessos , vox est omnium malorum litigatorum , etiam cùm manifestissimâ fuerint veritate convicti . aug. epist. 162. * anno 1615. ‖ quoted in the reflexion upon the oath , pag. 73. † de hoc articulo ait gallic . eccles . in illis comitiis , non aliò tendere quàm ad schisma conflandum , & corroborandum haeresin . mercur. gall. tom. 30. ann. 1615. p. 298 , 247. * rex , silentio imposito , articulum inseri codicillis vetuit . nobilitas clero consentit . id. pag. 336. in convent . episc. gall. habito 27. febr. 1626. damnatus est ille articulus : subscripserunt 2 card. 10 archiep. 30 episc. rochefoc . in ration . cont . schism . sect. 1. sect. 102. & mercur. gallic . ●om . 11. an. 1626. p. 105. etiam major pars tertii ▪ ordinis articuli illius progressum impedivit . card. richelieu lib. cont . 4 ministros calvinist . pag. 173. the university of louvaine is also against this oath , as appears by a censure they gave dec. 29. 1662. anno 162● . feb. 9 facultas parisiensis hanc censuram , quoad formam & tenorem . revocavit , nec hactenus , quod sciam , aliam confecit . mercur. tom. 12. an. 1627. pag. 21. vide etiam rochefoc . pag 386. in the year 1627. plura circa iesuitas gall. quoad hanc rem vide apud mercur. jesuit . pag. 844. & mercur . gall. ann. 1626. nec probant adversarii , iesuitas unquam subscripissè hanc prop. papa in nullo casu potest deponere regem . * vide duval . in elench . & decretum facult . sorbon . ad calcem magistri sentent . ubi dicitur , ad sanctam sedem apostolicam pertinet , authoritate judiciali supremâ circa ea quae sunt fidei judicialiter definire . paul v. commanded birket to take away their faculties from such priests as had taken the oath , or taught that it might be taken , unless they repented . item in the brief to the bishop of chalcedon the pope saies thus ; si quis aliter docuerit , ejus doctrina non è fontibus salvatoris , sed ex aegypti pu●eis hauritur . supplic . ad paul. v. pag. 95. append. pag. 3. respons . ad argum . suarez . cont . jurament . pag. 204. see caron , a great defender of the oath , in his apostolatus mission , printed at paris 1659. q. 13. in canc. 2. q. 29. coroll . 4. & alibi , where he saies as much as bellarmine for the pope's deposing power . joan. 18.36 . matt. 10.34 . matt. 21.12 . act. cap. 5. marc. 10.23 . joan. 18. matt. 10. urban . 8. brev. ad reg . gall. air , iuramentum hoc totius ecclesiae pietas exsecratur . brev. ad epise . chalced . vocat illud abortum mendacii , & impietatis tesseram . paul. v. 1. brev. ait , non potestis absque evidentissima gravissimáque divini honoris injuria obligare vos hoc juramento . the anatomie of popish tyrannie wherein is conteyned a plaine declaration and christian censure, of all the principall parts, of the libels, letters, edictes, pamphlets, and bookes, lately published by the secular-priests and english hispanized iesuties, with their iesuited arch-priest; both pleasant and profitable to all well affected readers. bell, thomas, fl. 1593-1610. 1603 approx. 461 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07760 stc 1814 estc s101424 99837238 99837238 1553 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07760) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1553) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 622:02) the anatomie of popish tyrannie wherein is conteyned a plaine declaration and christian censure, of all the principall parts, of the libels, letters, edictes, pamphlets, and bookes, lately published by the secular-priests and english hispanized iesuties, with their iesuited arch-priest; both pleasant and profitable to all well affected readers. bell, thomas, fl. 1593-1610. [24], 184, [8] p. printed by iohn harison, for richard bankworth, dwelling in paules churchyard at the signe of the sunne, london : 1603. dedication signed: thomas bell. with an index. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature. jesuits -england -early works to 1800. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the anatomie of popish tyrannie : wherein is conteyned a plaine declaration and christian censure , of all the principall parts , of the libels , letters , edictes , pamphlets , and bookes , lately published by the secular priests and english hispanized iesuites , with their iesuited arch-priest ; both pleasant and profitable , to all well affected readers . esdr. vers . 42. magna est veritas , & praeualet ▪ london , printed by iohn harison , for richard bankworth , dwelling in paules churchyard at the signe of the sunne . 1603. to the reuerend father the ornament of learning and religion , tobie , the wise , graue , zealous , and worthie bishop of durham . that excellent sentence worthie to be written in golden letters ( right reuerend father , ) which the good iew & man of god zorobabel , pronounced confidently before the mightie king darius ; viz. magna est veritas , & praeualet ; ) is this day verified ( god be blessed for it , ) euen in the publike writings of the iesuites , against the secular priests , their owne deare popish brethren . and reciprocally of the secular priestes against the iesuites , their religious fathers and holy fryers . the deepe and serious consideration whereof , hath possessed mine heart with such vnspeakable solace , as i can not easily with penne and ynke expresse the same . such is the force of truth , ( my good lord , ) that it hath enforced the professed enemies of truth , ( a thing verie rare and to be admired , ) to testifie the truth against themselues , and to publish the same in printed books , to the view of the whole world . god ( say the popish priests ) hath most straungely , and in verie deed ( as it may be termed , ) miraculously , reuealed the truth , which long hath beene hidden . thus them selues write of themselues . hence proceedeth that rare conceiued ioy , which hath enuironed me on euerie side . and which ( i am well assured , ) cannot but bring great contentment to your lordship , and to all true hearted english subiects . for as the apostle saith : some preach christ through enuie and strife ; and some of good will. the one sort preacheth christ of contention , and not purely : but the others preach him of loue . what then ? yet christ is preached all manner waies , whether it be vnder pretence , or syncerely ; and i therein ioy , yea , and will ioy . thus wrteth the chosen vessell , of our lord iesus . the iesuites puffed vp with enuie and malice against the secular priests , doe vnwittingly and vnwillingly bolt out many important truthes ; not onely against themselues , and to their owne great preiudice ; but also to the euerlasting scandall , and vtter ruine , of theit patched hotch-potch late romish religion . the secular priests turmoyled with the vniust vexations of the cruell iesuites , seeke by all aswell indirect as direct meanes , to redeeeme their iniust molestations , and to defend themselues from their villanous and diabolicall dealing . the while they are thus busied ; they cannot inuent or deuise , how to find out any end of their miseries ; but by laying open to the world , the badde and irreligious conuersation of the iesuites ; and by imputing to them those disloyall treacheries , and most bloodie complots , wherewith their owne hearts and hands had sometime beene imbrewed . and consequently , while they are encombred to disgrace and gall the malepeart and trayterous iesuites ; they doe vnawares grieuously wound themselues , euen with their owne chosen weapons . they freely grant , and can it not denie ; that all papists were kindly dealt withall , vntill such time as themselues gaue iust cause , by their disloyall plots and bloudie practises against her maiestie , of greater restraint and sharper proceeding against them . for first , they grant , that the earles of northūberland & westmerlād with their adherēts , were rebels , & their insurrectiō flat treasō ; that the pope ioyned with thē ; that he excōmunicated her maiestie ; that he assoyled her subiects from their allegeance to her ; that he sent two popish priests , morton and vvebbe , ( my selfe knew them both right well , ) to bring the excommunication into england , which they effected accordingly ; that the pope assigned the duke of norfolke , to be the head of the rebellion ; that he gaue order to ridolphi the florentine , to take 150000 ▪ crownes to set forwarde the saide rebellion . that the king of spaine at the popes instance , determined to send the duke of alua into england , that with all his forces he might assist the duke of norfolke . secondly , they grant that the pope plotted with stuckeley , fitzmo . rize , and others both english , irish , and italian , ( my selfe was euen then in rome , ) for enterprise by force into ireland , vnder pretence of religion ; to further which cruell attempt , sanders did afterward thrust himselfe personally into the like action . thirdly , they confesse , that parsons , campian , sherwin , and others , were sent disloyally into this land from pope gregory the 13. ( my selfe was then in rome , ) and that parsons presently vpon their arriuall , fell to his trayterous iesuiticall courses , and bestirred himselfe with tooth and naile , how he might set her maiesties crowne vpon an others heade . fourthly , they confesse , that the iesuite heywood was sent into englād from the pope , & that he tooke vpon him to call a synode , and to abrogate auncient customes , to the great scandall of many . fiftly , they confesse , that the pope plotted with the king of spaine , for the assistance of the duke of guise , to enter vpon the sodaine , and to aduance the queene of scotland to the crowne of england . for the better effecting whereof , mendoza a iesuite ( as they write , ) then ledger in this land for the king of spaine , set on worke frances throcmorton , and many others . they adde there vnto , that about the same time arden , and somervile had conspired , how they might lay violent hands vpon her maiesties sacred person . sixtly , they write , that about the same time parrie was also plotting with the iesuites beyond the sea , how he might haue effected the like villanie . seuenthly , they confesse freely , that the earle of northumberland was drawne into the plot of the duke of guise ; and that parsons the bloudie iesuite , was him selfe an actor therein . eightly , they write plainely , that babington and his complices committed such notorious treason against her maiestie , as it was shameles boldnesse to deny or qualifie the same . ninthly , they confesse roundly , that sir william stanley committed notable treacherie , & falsified his faith to her maiesty . tenthly , they write plainly , that in the yeare 1588. the king of spaine made a most cruell & bloudie attempt , not only against her maiesty , ( to vse the priests-words , ) and their commō enemies ; but also against themselues , all catholikes , and their owne natiue countrey . the memorie of which attempt ( as the priests write , ) will be an euerlasting monument of iesuiticall treason , and brutish crueltie . eleuenthly , they grant , that richard hesket was set on by the iesuites , in the yeere 1592. or their abouts , to haue stirred vp the earle of darbye , to rebell against her maiestie . where i may not omit , to deliuer mine owne knowledge in this behalfe . this hesket i knew very well ; in his life , conuersation , and professiō , i euer deemed him to be of all religions ; that it to say , of none at all , and so the euent did declare . he could temporize egregiously and frame his religion in all places , after the humours of the companie . in the end his creditors came so roundly vpon him , for his manifold and huge debts ; that he was in forced secretly to depart , and to take england on his backe . not long after , he became so deeply iesuited , that he must needs be a glorious popish martyr ; viz. an arrant and most bloudie traytour . he thought & sought by murdering his naturall soueraigne , to haue gotten gold , money , & large possessions ; and so perhaps to haue paid his creditors , or at the least to haue cut them short at his pleasure . but in steade of a popish imaginarie charter , hee found an english reall halter ; according to his cōdigne deserts . twelftly , they grant , that shortly after this stratageme , the iesuite holt and others with him , perswaded one patricke collen an irish-man , to attempt the laying of his violent and villanous hands , vpon her maiesties person . thirteenthly , they freely confesse , that doctor lopez the queenes phisition , was stirred vp to haue poysoned her maiestie . and the like they affirme , of yorke , vvilliams , and edward squire , animated and drawne thereunto , by vvalpole that pernitious iesuite . all these notorious treasons ( right reuerend father , ) damnable in nature , intollerable in state , and almost incredible in relation , are plainly confessed of the secular-priests ; and the same together with many other , bad , licentious , barbarous , sauage , and plaine brutish practises of iesuited papists , are compendiously comprised in this small volume . which i haue therefore endeuoured to reduce to certaine heads , distinct bookes , and chapters , with some profitable annotations annexed to the same ; because i am verily perswaded , that whosoeuer shall seriously pervse them with indifferencie , cannot but loath and detest cursed iesuitisme and all popish iesuited faction . for , though it be necessarie to all true hearted english subiects , to know throughly the matters discouered by the secular priests ; yet because many for lacke of money , are not able to buy the bookes ; and others because they are tedious and confusely written , will either abstaine wholy from the reading thereof ; or lightly and slenderly runne them ouer , and so neuer attaine to the full knowledge thereof ; i haue imployed my industrie & my wits , to couch in a small volume and portable manuall , the summe & effect of all their bookes , pamphelets , libells , edicts , and letters ; so as euery one may easily compasse the price , and no one bee wearied in pervsing the discourse . my desire was to profit all ; to confirme the strong ; to strenghthen the weake ; to stay the staggerer ; to rowze vp the drowsie ; to instruct the ignorant ; to gratifie the thankefull ; to perswade the doubtfull ; and to confound the proud , malepeart and disloyall hearts , paule planted , apollo watred , but god gaue the increase . if therefore any good be wrought by these my labours , let such as shall reape that good , be thankfull to god for the same . the disloyall papists & bloud thirstie iesuites , haue alreadie kicked against my former labours , and whet their malicious tongues against me . their holy father the bishoppe of rome , ( whome they tearme the pope , ) hath thundred out his curse against me . but neither secular priests , nor religious iesuites , will or can make any sound answere to any of my bookes . they haue often beene buzzing about the matter ; yet neuer durst they publish so much , as but one colourable answere , either to all , or to any one of my bookes . so as i must needs thinke , that maledictiō , cursing , & rayling , will be their morning and euening song against me ; by reason of this my friendly posie , which i present as a most redolent odour to their noses-grauitie ; so often as they shall kisse the shoe of their pope , and with him commit idolatrie . the vsuall manner ( most reuerend and worthy prelate , ) in all such kind of exercises , both is and alwaies hath beene , to make choise of some worthy and mightie personage , to protect , defend , and patronize the cause . and doubtles , neuer did any booke or pamphlet stande in more neede of a stout and resolute patron , then this present volume . for the traytorous iesuites and iesuited papists , that cannot endure their owne brethren the secular priests , to publish in their honest defence , their knowne practises and imperfections ; will no doubt become starke madde , & fetch al their romish friscols against me poore soule ; who haue as it were anatomized , and painted them out in their best beseeming colours . after mature deliberation had herein , ( most christian patron of learning and learned men , ) i haue resolued to dedicate this worke to your most reuerend name ; as to that vertuous tobi● , who is able with the perfumes of the heart and liuer of a fish ; that is to say , with the redolent harmonie of christian diuinitie , ( which continually floweth most pleasantly form his mouth , ) to vanquish all the asmodean-iesuites vpon earth , & to strike such terrours into their harts ; as they shall not once dare to grunt or barke , against my true dealing and sincere proceeding in this behalfe . sundry other motiues do occurre , which might most iustly incite me to this dedication of these my late studies , if they were better then in deed they are ; amongst which , many large bounties from time to time receiued at your lordships hand , doe well deserue to haue a place . so praying the almightie to increase your godly zeale , against all traytorous iesuites , & disloyall popish vassales ; and to blesse your good lordshippe with many happie yeeres , to his glorie , your owne soules health , and the common good of his church , i humbly take my leaue . from my studie , this 23. of ianuarie 1602. your lordships most bounden , thomas bell. the elogie of the author , in signe of his loyall affection , both toward his late soueraigne , and now regnant . the cursed crew of iesuites , a change did long desire ; a change they haue , but to their griefe , both pope and spaine admire . our noble queene elizabeth from hence to heauen is gone ; king iames the first giuen vs of god , by right sits in her throne . shee fourtie yeeres and foure complete , did pope and spaine withstand ; and maugree all their bloudie plots , in peace did rule this land . gods word and his true worshippe euer , vvith zeale shee did defend ; for which cause god did her protect , vntill her life did end . her death perforce we must lament , vvho dearely lou'd vs all ; her bountie great , her mercie rare , the world to witnesse call . yet english hearts be not dismaide , king iames is our regent ; hence poperie certes he will supplant , all falshood must relent . he will doe iustice euery where , and poore mens cause respect ; the mightie must not them annoy , he will their right protect . poore men to him must haue accesse , their owne cause there to tell ; no bribes can haue place in his court , thence vice he will expell . the richer sort with lingringe suites , must not the poore oppresse ; our noble king the man of god , their wronges will soone redresse . christs gospell still he will maintaine , our true peace to prolonge ; both spaniard , pope , and iesuite , may sing a doolefull songe . they sought by treason scotlands crowne , on spanish head to bind ; crichton was actor chiefe , who may in then'd an halter find . most traytorous parts and bloudie plots , to iesuites are deare ; to all that will this booke peruse , this truth must needs appeare . disloyall papists still presume , a tollerate to craue ; but god preserue our gracious king , no such sport must they haue . their combes are cut , their crests are falne , they stand amaz'd with feare ; their spirits rampant are made couchant , their doome will soone appeare . for this rare blessing yeelde him thankes , that sits in heauen aboue ; and let our faith and godly life , make knowne to him our loue . the preface to the gentle reader . this anatomie of popish tyrannie , ( gentle reader , ) was compiled and made readie for the presse before the tenth of october , in the yeare of our lord god 1602. but by reason of casuall accidents , and other circumstances concurring , it was not printed vntill this present yeare 1603. before which time , it pleased the almightie to call hence to his mercie , our most gratious soueraigne the mightie princesse elizabeth , late queene of england , france , and ireland . against whose sacred person , the pope , the spaniards , and englist spaniolized iesuites with all iesuited popelings , deuised , contriued , and practised , many most cruell stratagems and bloodie complottes . all which were effected , for this sole and onely purpose , because forsooth her most excellent maiesty of holy memorie , did euer with singular christian zeale and rare magnanimitie , protect , patronize , and stoutly maintaine , christs holy gospell and his diuine worship , throughout her realmes and dominions . these treacheries and most villanous conspiracies against her royall person , with innumerable indignities against her realmes & most louing subiects , contriued and put into actuall execution , by the cursed crew of english iesuites , and iesuited papists , are compendiously , distinctly , and pithily , comprised in this present volume . by reason whereof it commeth , that though this present worke be published , after that the imperiall diademe of the realmes afore named , came and descended wholy and lawfully to the high and renowmed prince now our vndoubted soueraigne lord , iames the first , king of england , scotland , fraunce , and ireland , yet must all the chiefest parts thereof , be referred principally to our late soueraigne ladie queene elizabeth . i say ( principally ) for that the same doe in some sort concerne his royall person & regall prerogatiues , who this day most happily raigneth ouer vs. for , the cursed and trayterous iesuites , who for their manifold treasons against their soueraigne lords , the late king of france & the king now regnant , are iustly banished out of the whole kingdome of fraunce , euen by publike decree of parliament , ( as the french papists tell vs , ) and who also ( as the secular priests their owne brethren write of them , ) haue endeuoured with tooth and nayle to stirre vp sedition in the kingdome of scotland , so to set the imperiall crowne thereof vpon a spaniards head , will not now doubtlesse surcease , from their inueterate and wonted bloodie treacheries , ( seeing their profession is linked inseperably with treason , as the priests affirme against them , ) if our liege lord king iames the first , shall graunt them any footing and resting place , within any of his kingdomes , territories , or dominions . god for his mercie sake , ( which hath no end , ) eyther conuert them soundly , or confound them vtterly , for the peace of his church , the safetie of our gracious king , and the comfort of all his true hearted subiects , english , scottish , and irish. amen . the names of the secular priests , that subscribed to the supplication sent to the pope . thomas bluet . christopher bagshaw . christopher thules . iames tayler . iohn thules . edward caluerley . william coxe . iames cope . iohn collington . george potter . iohn mush . william watson . william clarke . iohn clinsh . oswald nedeme . roger strickland . robert drurie . francis munford . anthonie heburne . anthonie champney . iohn lingley . iohn boswell . robert thules . edward bennet . robert benson . cuthbert trolope . iohn bennet . william mush . richard button . francis foster . note heere gentle reader , that though these thirtie onely , ( who make a number sufficient , ) did subscribe to the appeale , and to the petition sent to the pope , yet were there , and are there many others , as the priestes write , which would willingly haue set to their hands , but that they were in feare to deale against the proud tyrannizing iesuites . yea , as the iesuites write , there are this day in england 300. priests . god eyther conuert them speedily , or confound them vtterly . amen . a memorable caueat to the gentle reader . i haue imployed my whole industrie and best indeuour ( gentle reader ) to doe thee good , and to confirme thee in the truth of christs gospell , who , if i shall vnderstand , that my paineful labours for thy sake , shall be accepted in good part , and be an instrument vnder god , to direct thee the readie way to eternall life ; shall doubtlesse attaine my desire , and hold my selfe fully satisfied for my paines . now , for the better accomplishment of mine expectation herein , i haue thought very expedient and necessarie , to instruct thee in some generall points , without the knowledge whereof , neither canst thou fruitfully read this discourse , nor fully and perfectly vnderstand the same . first therefore , the gentle reader must obserue seriously , ( though some , otherwise learned , be of an other opinion , ) that the discontented secular priests , are in truth and without all doubt , at vtter defiance with the arch-priest and the iesuites ; that they condemne the proceeding and dealing of the arch-priest ; that they vtterly abhorre and derest , the licentious liuing , the vnchristian coozening , and the treacherous practises , with infinite other badde dealing of the iesuites ; as also that they write nothing of or against the arch-priest or the iesuites , but that onely , which they thinke themselues bound in conscience to write , and to make the same knowne vnto the world . i my selfe am thus perswaded of them doubtlesse , and i prooue the same many waies . first , because the secular priests haue a long time suffered intollerable iniuries , at the hands of the iesuites ; because they haue often insinuated so much one to another ; because they haue often complained , of the hard vsage of the iesuits against them , because they haue often repined at their partiall dealing with their fauorites , and rough dealing against such , as would not bow and bend to their designes at a becke : this my selfe know to be so , as also that it hath euer beene their vsuall practise euerie where . secondly , because the secular priests were most vnwilling to reueale the turpitude , and the villanous dealing of their religious fathers the iesuits , ( as who professe one and the same religion with the iesuits , & saw rightwel , that it could not but tend to the great scandall , & vtter disparagement of their romish religion ) vntill necessitie it selfe enforced them therunto . thirdly , because their seculars write nothing of our english iesuits in deed , but the french papists haue in effect and substance made the same knowne vnto the world ; affirming generally , that for their seditious and treacherous dealing , they are wholy banished out of the kingdome of france ; and that by a publike decree of parliament . hereof none be ignorant , that shall throughly and duely peruse the iesuits catechisme , and the franke discourse , lately set foorth by the catholike frenchmen in the french tongue , and since translated into english , by some of the secular priests . fourthly , because neither the iesuits nor the seculars do spare one another , in catching and snatching the least aduantage , that they can finde or picke out of their reciprocall writings , so to reproach and giue the foyle one to another . fiftly , because other english secular priests , & lay-papists of best account beyond the seas , seeing such endlesse contention betweene the iesuits and the other priests , and knowing the badde dealing of the iesuits against them , haue thought themselues bound in conscience to take part with the seculars in england , and thereupon haue written verie sharpely against the iesuits , on their behalfe . sixtly , the same is proued by many inuincible reasons , which the reader shal find set down at large , in the last section of the fift chapter of the fourth booke , all which in regard of breuitie i heere omitt . againe , the gentle reader must obserue seriously , that though i do charge the seculars with treasonable practises , and dissimulation in state-affairs , & haue proued the same out of their own bookes and writings in rigor of wordes ; yet will i not denie , but they may haue a better meaning toward the state , then their bare words externally seeme to insinuate & purport . for albeit they professe themselues wholy deuoted to the pope , & do submit their bookes , their writings , their opinions , and their own selues also to his censure ; yet do they seeme vtterly to dislike of many of his proceedings ; yet do they flatly condemne all english popish treasons ; yet do they renounce the doctrine of sanders , allen , & iesuits , in state-matters of wars , and kingdomes : yet do they write plainly and resolutely , that the pope hath no power to depriue kings of their royal scepters & regalities , nor to giue away their kingdomes to another . in which opinion likewise , the french papists do concurre & iump with them . for though cardinall allen affirmed roundly , that all papists were bound in conscience to ioyne with the pope , and his power , in all maner of wars for religiō ; & though also the secular priests do highly cōmend him for many respects ; yet doth it not follow of necessity , but the seculars may take part with our soueraigne against the pope , & fight on her side in defence of their natiue country , as they professe ; to do in their bookes . the reason hereof is this ; because the seculars , though they acknowledge the popes power supereminent in spiritualibus , yet do they disclaime from it in temporalibus , when he taketh vpon him to dispose kings of their empires , and to translate their kingdomes . thirdly , the gentle reader must obserue seriously , that howsoeuer the seculars may be doubted and suspected , to dissemble or equiuocate in state-affaires , which are not articles of popish faith ; yet may we safely beleeue them , and securely giue credit to their words and writings , whensoeuer , and how often soeuer , they speake , write , or deliuer their opinions , in matters of popish faith and doctrine . for to make equiuocation lawfull , euen in popish manner of proceeding ; these three things must all concurre , or else it may not stand . first , the matter must not be an article of popish faith . secondly , it must bee before an incompetent iudge . thirdly , it must be in a matter of moment , as to redeeme ones vniust vexation , and the like . fourthly , the gentle reader must obserue seriously , that the secular priests acknowledge themselues bounde in conscience , to detect the iesuits to the vttermost . for these are their owne words ; all priests and others , that are not of that seditious iesuiticall and spanish faction , are bound in charitie , as now the case stands , to detect them to the vttermost . first , for a caueat to the ignorant multitude seduced by them , hereafter to beware of them . secondly , per legemtalionis , returning their malice , detraction , defamation , calumniation , obloquie , and what not inuented by them against the innocent , vpon their owne heads : thus it is written verbatim . quodl . 1. art . 4. pag. 9. the reader must likewise obserue , that the seculars confesse treason to be now by iesuiticall proceeding , linked inseperably with priesthood . for these are their owne words ; the execution of priesthood and treason are now so linked together by the iesuites in england ; as they cannot exhort any to the catholike faith , but dogmatizando , in so doing they draw him in effect to rebellion ; thus it is written , quodl . 9. art . 4. p. 304. the reader must further obserue , that the secular priests know where the iesuits vsually reside , where their walkes are , and with whom they doe conuerse . for these are their owne words ; which of the iesuits hath hitherto beene in danger of apprehension by our means , and yet we know all , or most of their residences in england , & their walkes ? i am sure he will say , that if we were so lewdly disposed , we would beginne with them first . thus is it written verbatim , in the replie to parsons libell . fol. 57. a. in fine . the reader must yet further obserue , that the english penall lawes are iustly made against the iesuites . for these are their owne words ; vntill at last they were intangled by penall lawes , which were iustly made against them equally , as against the iesuites : thus it is written , verbatim , in the preface to the quodlibets , towards the end of the sixt page . and when the gentle reader hath well obserued all these foure points ; first , that the secular priests are bound in conscience , to detect the iesuites to the vttermost ; secondly , that treason is inseparable to iesuitical practises , & can no way be seuered from them ; thirdly , that the seculars , know the walkes of the iesuits , the persons with whom they conuerse , and the houses where they reside ; fourthly , that the seculars acknowledge and willingly confesse , the penall lawes of this realme to be iustly made against the iesuites ; then may he rightly informe himselfe therewith , and constantly hold this opinion , as built vpon a sure and sounde foundation ; viz. that if the secular priestes be indeede as they write , sincerely and loyally affected to her maiestie , and fully resolued to spend their liues and best bloud in their bodies , in defence of her sacred person , and of their natiue countrey , against the king of spaine , the pope , and the iesuites ; then doubtles they will make knowne those disloyall persons , who haue cōspired with the iesuites in their bloudie treacheries ; the persons who haue and still doe , harbour , aide , and releiue them ; the persons that haue deuoted and consecrated themselues , to the king of spaine , the pope , and the iesuites , against their naturall soueraigne and deare countrie . then doubtlesse they will disclose to her maiestie , the howses where the traytorous iesuites reside , and the walkes which they frequent . that so her maiesties person may be secured , and their natiue countrie preserued , form the treasonable practises of those trayterous villaines . for if they say , they may not this doe , least so they become the cause of their imprisonment , exile , or death ; that cannot serue there turne , nor be a sufficient excuse for them in this behalfe . i proue it . first , for that they shal no otherwise become such a cause , thē they haue beene the same alreadie , by reuealing their tresonable plots and bloudie treacheries . secondly , because thereby they shall doe nothing els then that ; which ( as themselues write , ) they are bound in conscience to performe . thirdly , because in so doing they shall onely effect that , which the law of iustice requireth at their handes , as themselues doe graunt . fourthly , because how often soeuer two euils doe so concurre , that both can not be auoyded , but that of necessitie the one must happen ; then it is not onely charitie , but euerie man is also bound to preuent the greater euill , with the permission of the lesse , for the clearing hereof , i will here recount the priestes their owne expresse words ; which though they be longe , yet doe i with the reader to marke them attentiuely , because they are verie important , & plainly conuince so much as i intend . first , you know , ( say the priestes , ) it is a generall receiued ground by all , that when the actions of any particular man or men , ( be they of what degree they will be , secular or religious , ecclesiasticall or lay , ) doe tende to anie generall or common huit of a communitie ; ( as for example , the actions of some particular seruant in a familie , to the ruine or ouerthrow of the familie ; the actions of some particuler scholers in a colledge , to the subuersion of the colledge ; or the actions of some particuler men in a common weale , to the destruction of a common weale ; ) it is then not onely lawfull to disclose these particuler men , and their particuler actions , though otherwise priuate & diffamatorie to the said particuler parties , ( as all such actions of their owne nature must needes be ) but also euerie honest seruant , euerie faithfull seruant , euerie true scholler , and loyall subiect , is bound in conscience vpon his dutie to his master , faith to his colledge , loyaltie to his prince , and loue to his countrie ; to disclose such persons , and their facts or intentions , without regarde or respect vnto the hurt or damage , that may redound to the said particuler parties so offending . the reason hereof is this , because a generall good is alwaies to be preferred before a particuler , and a greater hurt to be eschewed before the lesse . as for example , when two euils concurre so , that both cannot be auoyded , but that necessarily the one must happen ; it is not onely charitie , but euerie man is also bound to preuent the greater euill , with permission of the lesse rather then the contrarie . these words are set downe at large in this manner , in the replie to parsons libell . fol. 28. a. this is a goodly foundation which the priests haue laid , as which indeede is grounded vppon the verie law of nature . and out of this grounde may so much fitly be deduced , as is sufficient to conclude my scope and purpose . if therefore the secular priestes doe ▪ in deede meane truly to their prince and countrie , as they pretend in outward shew of words ; then no doubt they will doe as is alreadie said . but if they refuse thus to deale against the traytorous crew of iesuites , for the common good of their natiue countrie ; then doe they but dissemble and equiuocate , when they tell vs they will take part with our queene and countrie , against the pope and king of spaine . thus much i thought good to set downe for a caueat to the reader . for these obseruations being well remembred , the reader shall be more able to iudge of the discourse following . this caueat must be well pervsed , throughly vnderstood , and faithfully remembred ; or els the reader cannot possibly be able , to yeelde a sounde censure vpon the whole worke . first therfore reade it ; then vnderstande it ; that donne , giue thy iudgement , as indifferencie and right reason shall prescribe . an admonition to the reader . manie bookes are lately written , by the iesuites and secular priests ; viz the relation ; the sparing discouerie ; the important cōsiderations ; the hope of peace the copies of discourse ; the quodlibets ; the dialogue ; the answer to the iesuited gentlemā ; the letters of a. c ; the apologie ; the reply to the libell of parsons the iesuite ; the aunswer to the apologie , compiled by master d. ely ; m. colletons defence ; the manifestation of folly ; the replie to the apologie ; the franke discourse ; the iesuites catechisme . which two last bookes , the learned papistes of france haue lately published . all these bookes i haue pervsed verie seriously , and drawen the summarie and chiefe points of them all , vnto certaine heads , distincte bookes , and chapters . so as the indifferent reader may in a few houres , vnderstand the effect of the whole proceeding , betweene the iesuites and the secular priestes . i haue like wise compiled an alphabeticall table , in which the reader may easilie finde out at his pleasure , any principall matter handled in this discourse . to read all the said bookes , is a labour both tedious and painefull . to buy them , is too chargeable for manie . to vnderstand them , as they are cōfusely published , is a thing not easie for the greater part . the defect herein , my annotations and compendious obseruations will supplie . the argument of the booke is so necessary for all true hearted english subiects , that i wish euerie one to be well acquainted therewith . the reader may at his pleasure , and that with all facilitie , turne to the originall in euerie booke by me named , and by the helpe of my quotations , finde out roundly the verie wordes which i put downe . for i alwaies name both the booke and the page , and doe euer alledge their owne words . that done , i haue inserted some speciall notes & obseruatiōs , as i deemed it expediēt for the good of the reader . paule planted , & apollo watred , but the god of heauen gaue the increase . the same god i most humblie desire , so to water the hearts of the readers with the dewe of his heauenly blessing , that they may thereby learne to detest all iesuiticall treasons , and seditious popish factions . fare-well . the first booke , contayning certaine preambles , for the better instruction of the reader ; as also that the bookes following may be read more seriously , and with greater perspicuitie . preamble . i. of the syncere and true dealing of the author , throughout this discourse . the iesuits are thought of the simply seduced papists , to be holy men , to haue familiaritie with god , to haue receiued extraordinary graces from heauen , and to be saints vpon earth . so then , if my selfe should of my selfe speake any thing against them , i might perhaps get smal or no credite on that behalfe . but when i shal write nothing of them , but euen that which their owne brethren in religion , their fellow-labourers , the secular-priestes , haue published to the world in printed bookes , and sent the same to the pope himselfe in his sacred pallace at rome ; they cannot but beleeue me , whosoeuer they bee y● shall reade my writings , howsoeuer they like or accept of my laboures . for i will euer set downe their owne words , as themselues haue in printed bookes published them , to the view of the whole world . that done , i will quote the booke & the place , where the reader shall roundly finde the same . which being truely performed , i will insert mine owne glosses and annotations ; so often as it shall seeme expedient for the common good , and for the helpe of the indifferent reader . preamble . ii. of iesuiticall dealing in state-affaires . the old saying was , let the shomaker meddle with his slipper , the smith with his anuill , and the priests with their prayers ; but the iesuiteslike franke gamsters , are in at all . he is not worth a rush amongst them , that is not able to manage a kingdome . matters of state , titles of princes , genealogies of kinges , right of succession , disposing of scepters , and such affaires , are their chiefe studies . some feare they are more cunning in aretine , lucian , and machiuell ; then in their breuiaries , diurnals , or portiuse , assuredly they doe not behaue them selues , like any other religious men . he that should tell them of liuing in a cloyster , were as good goe a mileabout , as fall into their fingers . there are few kinges courts in europe , where some of their maisterships doe not reside , of purpose to giue intelligence to their generall at rome , of all the occurrents in these parts of the world , which they dispatch to and fro by secret cyphers , hauing either a iesuite , or some one iesuited , in the most of those kings counsels , who propter bonum societatis , must without scruple deliuer to them , the secrets of their soueraignes to their vttermost knowledge . these wordes are set downe in the sparing discouerie , page . 7. quodlibet . 3. art . 4. p. 65. preamble . iii. of the inuentor of the iesuiticall profession , now become a most seditious faction . the inuentor of the iesuiticall order was a spaniard and a souldier , and therefore , all his disciples of what contrey soeuer they be by birth , are in their hearts and practises altogether spanish , breathing little , but cruelties , garboyls , and troubles . they haue by their writings , their sermons , and by all their indeuours , laboured to perswade all catholikes , that the kinge of spaine and our faith are so linked together , as it is become a point of necessitie in the catholike faith , to put all europe into his handes ; or otherwise , that the catholike religion will vtterly perish . these wordes are sette downe in the discouery , page . 7. see quodlibet 2. art . 7. p. 42. note here gentle reader , these points with me . first , that the preists doe alwaies vnderstand the papistes , when they speake of catholikes ; which i note heere once for all . secondly , that the catholike faith , that is to say , poperie , will vtterly perish out of rome , ( notwithstanding their popes prerogatiue ) vnlesse the spanish king doe patronize the same , and consequently ( a thing to be admired ) that the catholike popish faith testeth onely in the king of spaine . thirdly , that popish religion consisteth of troubles , cruelties , and garboyles . preamble . iiii. of the excellencie of iesuiticall religion , which is the popish catholike religion in deede . these erroneous , temerarious , and hereticall assertions , contrarie to the catholike faith , haue beene defended with great egernes and vehemencie , amongst our iesuited breathren in wisbish . the stewes , are in rome cum approbatione , the stewes are in rome as lawfull as anie citizen ; as lawfull as any maiestrate ; as lawfull as anie order of religion . the stewes are at rome cum approbatione , as lawfull as the pope himselfe . the stewes are very good , and very necessary . that a priest is made by traditions of the chalice , patten , and hoste into his handes , they say , it is but a toy . they hould that the auncient fathers , rem transubstantiationis ne attigerunt . these wordes are set downe in the discouerie , pag. 13. quodlibet . 2. art . 4. p. 31. note heere gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that the pope is not a lawfull byshop at rome , because he is no more lawfull then the stewes , which doubtlesse are most vnlawfull , as all the world knoweth . secondly , that the manner of making popish priestes is but a toy . this is a point to be marked , and neuer to be forgotten . thirdly , that popish transubstantiation ( which is the maine point in popish religion , ) is not once named of the auncient fathers ; & consequently , popish religion , euen by confession of the popes iesuites , is a new ●oe religion , neuer heard of amongst the auncient fathers . see the 11. aduiso in the third booke , and note it well . preamble . v. of the distinction of popish religious orders . al religious men , are indifferently called monkes or friers , for these names are not proper to any in particular , but common to all popish religious orders in generall . the carthusians , the dominicans , the benedictines , the franciscans , the carmelites , the capuchines y● theatines , the iesuates & the iesuites , with the rest , are all generally called monkes or fryers , the iesuites being the last vpstart of them all . all these & the rest , generally are cowled , and distinguished by there verie habits ; but the iesuites being newly hatched and punies to all , must needes ouerrule all , and be like to none at all . i haue spoken more at large of them , both in my booke of motiues , and in my booke of suruey . which mine assertions in those bookes , the secular priests haue now iustified and made good , in their late printed bookes ; so as my sincere dealing therein , is by indirect meanes made apparant to the world . the iesuites haue vowed these three thinges , pouertie , chastity , and obedience , as all other religious papistes haue done . of these iesuites some bee priestes , and some lay-brothers ; which lay-brothers make also the said triple vow , & therevpon they are called religious fathers , though they be but porters or doore keepers ; and they will take vpon them i warrant you , and so forth . of these good fellowes you shall heere mirabilia , before the ende of this discourse . the other priests in englād , thoughe brought by in the seminaries , doe not make this triple bow afore named , and therefore are they called seculars , or secular and not religious priestes . the persons that are called iesuited , are those men and women , aswell priestes as lay-persons ; which are foolishly so denoted to the iesuites , that they will doe at a becke , whatsoeuer the iesuites shall appoint to be done ; euen as if they had made the selfesame vow . this preamble i haue put downe , because i haue vnderstood , that manie are ignorant of these thinges . see the second booke the fourth chapter , and seuenth paragraph . preamble . vi. of the intended conquest of this land . the iesuites hauing laid this ground , that england is not likely to be wonne to the catholike religion by the word , at least not so hastily as behoues for their aduantages , do dayly sollicite a conquest thereof from spaine ; and withall they labor to perswade vs , that it is both vtill and honorable . these words are put downe , in the answeare to the iesuited gentleman ; page . 93. note here gentle reader , that nothing can please these bloud-thirstie traytors , the iesuites ; saue onely the conquest , of this their natiue countrie . preamble . vii . of going to the church in time of common prayer . the wise iesuits preuented all daungers ; they freely permitted catholikes to goe to church with protestants , and made no sinne nor scruple thereof . yea , the iesuites , father bosgraue , and father langdale , went to the church themselues . these words are in the dialogue . page 97. 98. note heere gentle reader , that by iesuiticall both grant and practise , the papists may freely goe to the church with the protestants , and thereby not sinne at all . this is a poynte worthie to be remembred . preamble . viii . of eating of flesh in time of lent. a famous iesuite now in england made offer to a gentleman , that if he would become catholike , hée should haue licence to eate flesh in lent , and on all fasting daies , among lollards and protestants ; that by so doing he might liue without suspition , and escape daunger of the lawes . thus it is written in their dialogue . page . 99. note heere gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that the iesuites are right machiuels , and make religion a nose of waxe , which they vse as a seruile instrument , to bring to passe all their bloudie , tragicall , and traiterous attempts . secondly , that those trayterous persons in high authoritie vnder her maiestie ( whereof i haue spoken in the third booke in the second reason of the 12. aduise ) who haue entered closely into league with the spaniard , do ( as it may seeme ) enioy these kinds of popish dispensation . thirdly , that iesuits and seminaries are both most dangerous to the state , and vnfit persons to liue in this land : vnlesse they will ioyne in sacraments and common prayer , with the rest of her maiesties faithfull subiects . for to no other symbole or signe , can credit bee safely giuen . preamble . ix . of winning and redeeming of time . the iesuites haue an axiome of winning of redeeming of time ; which is in effect to runne with the time , in altering their positions so , as they may best serue to win their desires . the practise of which ground , is in no one of their affaires so manifest , as in labouring to set vp , now this man , now that man , to attempt the crowne ; furnishing euerie one with sufficient authoritie , that of right it belongeth vnto him . and true it is , that rather then they faile , they care not who he is , or of what rase , nor of what nation , that will step in for the kingdome , so he bee a catholike . these words are set downe in the discouery page . 64. quodl . 2. art . 8. pag. 43. quodl . 9. art . 3. pag. 293. note heere with me , that the iesuites are most errant traitours , as who desire so vehemently the conquest of this land , that they care not who haue it , so he bee a papist . preamble . x. of the fasting and penance , which the iesuites vse . the iesuites haue a merrie life , in not being tyed to rising vp to the quire at midnight , but to lie in bed after the sunne , to faire well , to be well clad , and all this exprofesso ; not to fast so much as the frydaies , to be a lyar when they will , and yet be beleeued , a detractor , a cheater . a courtier , a souldier , a kil-prince , and what not . and all without controll , nay with allowance and commendation . briefe , it is a merrie life for a iesuite , to trowle vp and downe the countrey from house to house , from good cheare to good cheare , in a gallant coach , accompanied with fayre gentlewomen , attended with neat seruing men , his chamber to be deckt and perfumed against his comming : yea , a gentlewoman to plucke of his bootes , by his iniunction forsooth , for mortification sake . oh monstrous irreligion , so to forget good manners , and so to make the lay religious , and themselues lay . these words are let downe , in the answere to the iesuited gentleman . page . 93. 94. see the second booke , and third chapter . now i beseech thee gentle reader , are not those men and women voide of all sense and reason , that doe so admire these iesuites , and so depend vpon them , that rather then they doe not all their dissignements , they will be at defiance with their soueraigne , and natiue countrey ? let wise men iudge , and giue their indifferent censure herein . not i , but their fellow-laborers the secular priests , who with tooth and nayle labour to defend the pope and popish religion , doe bitterly exclaime against them as you see . i put downe their owne wordes , i adde nothing , i substract nothing , alter nothing . let the reader therefore remember wel what i write , and ponder deepely the whole discourse . preamble . xi . of the dependance of the iesuites , and iesuited persons , vpon the foule fiend the diuell . by parsons platformes , secular priests must depend vpon blackwell , and blackwell vpon garnet , and garnet vpon parsons , and parsons the priests bastard vpon the diuell : and therfore doe the secular priests pray thus ; when they say the letanie ; a machinationibus parsoni , libera not domine . these words are set downe in the discouerie . pag. 70. quodl . 5. art . 8. pag. 151. sée the second booke and fourth chapter . note heere gentle reader , that to depend vpon the iesuites , is to depend vpon the diuell ; and consequently , that to follow the iesuites and their bloodie , tragicall , and traiterous designments , is nothing else indeed , but to forsake god ; to abandon his true feare and worship ; to be traitours to your prince ; to be enemies to your natiue countrey ; and to make shipwracke of your owne soules . i say not so . if i should haue said so , none would haue beleeued me . but the seminarie priests , the popes owne darlings say so , and therefore it must needes be so ▪ the truth cannot but preuaile . preamble . xii . of the cardinalship of the traitorous iesuite robert parsons . the iesuite hole , & doctor worthington , drewe aformal letter supplicatiue , in the names of all the english souldiers , labourers , artizans , pensioners , aswell men as women , ( yea very seruing maids and laundresses were not omi●ted ) the same to be presented to the king of spaine , most humbly beseeching his maiesty , in regard of his great affection and care of england , and the afflicted english ; that he would deale earnestly with the pope , to preferre the worthie father and prelate , father parsons , to the dignitie of a cardinall ; affirming it to be the onely way , to bind and vnite the english to his maiestie . these words are set downe in the discouerie . page . 61. quodlib . 4. art . 6. pag. 121. note heere gentle reader , that this arrogant iesuite hath quite forgotten his vow of pouertie and obedience , and must needs be a cardinall . for we may be assured , that this motion was neuer made to the king without his knowledge . behold heere the final end , scope , and intendment , of all his trauel , lying , cogging , slaundering ; of all his treasons , cruell tragedies , and most bloodie designements . he must forsooth be a cardinall ; then the popes legate in england ; and so rule the king and all . god saue my lord cardinall , bastard cowbucke of stockgersee , for so is his right name , as shall be seene hereafter . yea , he is termed king cardinall . quodl . 5. art . 8. hee is said to haue a vile , bloodie , and bastardly minde , quodl . 5. art . 8. and to be the bastardly vicar of hell . quodl . 5. art . 9. pag. 157. preamble . xiii . of the pompe and pride of our traiterous iesuites . the iesuite heywood kept many men , horses , and coaches , as the iesuite garnet doth at this present . by meanes whereof , the vsuall contributions to the secular priests , were and are greatly diminished . these words are set downe in the discouerie . page . 48. note heere gentle reader , that by this and many other the like proceedings , it appeareth eudiently , that the iesuites seeke for nothing else , but honour , preserment , case , delicate faire , sumptuous apparrell , horses , coaches , and their owne sensuall pleasures . to which may be added , that both they and the seminaries , haue money and worldly wealth at their pleasures ; vnlesse the foure score and ten seculars , which of late are bent against the iesuites , be lately by that meanes , bereaued of their former golden banks . but questionlesse their hauing as yet , is farre aboue their dese●ts . see the tenth preamble . preamble . xiiii . of the dissention amongst the iesuites . the iesuite heywood , was against the iesuite parsons ; neither would parsons be vnder heywood , nor heywood vnder parsons . parsons alledged , that their generall had appointed him to be the prouinciall all ouer all the iesuite , in england , & consequently ouer heywood . but heywood replied , that his mission was immediately from the pope , and that he thereby was exempted from all submission to him . this quarrel gr●w to be hote , and had many partakers on eyther side . in the end the said heywood loathing and abhorring many enormities amongst the iesuites wrote sundrie letters to the pope , instantly desiring his h●lin●s , that the iesuites might be reformed ; affirming that otherwise he should see their ruine ( he feared , ) in his owne dates . these words are to be found in the discouery . pag● . 48. 46. behold heere gentle reader , the sweete vnitie betweene these iesuites ; marke the arrogancie of them both ; call to minde their vowes of pou●rty and obedience ; forget not , how the priests were deuided , touching this iesuiticall quarrell : and putting all together , thou shalt easely perceiue , and behold as in a glasse of christall ; that god who is the author of peace , and not of dissention , 1. cor. 14. vers . 33. did neuer send them into this land ; but is highly displeased , with their disloyall and tre●cherous dealing . god graunt , that all simply seduced papists , may in due time consider the same . preamble . xv. of the duke of medina . it is knowen right well , both from the duke of medina his owne mouth , and by other certaine intelligence , that all the catholicks in england , as well as others , and perhaps rather were designed to the slaughter . for the said duke beeing told , that there were 〈◊〉 catholikes in england , made answere , that he cared not . i will make ( quoth hée , ) the best protestants in england , as good catholickes as they , if i haue them once vnder my sword . i respect neither the one nor the other , i meane to make roome there for my m●ster . this he hath spoken diuerse times , and the iesuites themselues haue so reported . yea , the iesuite southwell did confesse no lesse at 〈◊〉 , in the hearing of diuers priests their prisoners . these words are set downe , quodl . 6. art . 10. pag. 177. and the same is affirmed , in the important considerations . pag. 25 vers . 18. as also in the reply to parsons libell . sol . 65. a. vers . 24. fol. 29. a. note heere gentle reader , this important point with me . viz. that if the spaniards should make a conquest of this land , as the papistes doe disloyally expect , whose expectation god of his mercie hath hitherto confounded , and will i trust still confound the same ; then doubtlesse , they would make a most tragicall and bloody massacre of all promiscuè , neither respecting one nor other : for their intendment is , to aduance and entich themselues ; to haue a kingdom , not to reforme religion . no , no , neither they , nor yet the iesuites , haue any such meaning . preamble . xvi . of the title of isabella the spanish ladie . the iesuite parsons caused the students in spaine to subscribe to the ladie infantaes title to the crowne of england , and to what else he would hauing gotten their names to three seuerall blanks . these words are set down in the hope of peace . page . 22. see the next preamble , and note it well . note heere gentle reader , that euerie allegation one after another , iumpeth vpon this setled and constant position ; viz. that the scope and whole intendment of the iesuites , is flat auowed rebellion , and doth nothing at all concerne religion . see the fourth chapter , in the sixt paragraph . preamble . xvii . of most notorious and intolerable treason , intended against her maiesties sacred person , and the royall crowne of england . the iesuites are so desirous to set the diademe of england , vpon the head of the princesse isabella the insanta of spaine , that they haue set forth a booke to this purpose , and in that booke they giue her such an interest , as they make the kings of this land for many yeares to haue beene vsurpers : they haue also procured men by indirect means , to subscribe to this ladies soueraigntie ouer vs. yea , offers haue béene made to one of the secular priests , that if hee could haue eaten gold , and would but haue giuen his countenance and assistance that way , he should haue had it . in briefe , some of the iesuites haue conspired among themselues , and with sundrie other most wicked persons at diuers times , to haue laid violent hands vpon the quéene , and to haue bereued her of her life . it cannot be denied , but that they haue done so ; the circumstances haue shewed it ; the parties themselues with whom they practised , haue confessed it ; yea , sundrie catholicks beyond the seas doe verie well know it , and haue charged in their writings some of them with it . these words are set downe in the discouerie . page . 9. see the 16. preamble . note here gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that the iesuites labour with tooth and nayle , with gold and money , with threats and faire promises , to cause others both domesticall & forraine to ioyne with them , in setting the royall diadem of england , vpon the spanish infantaes head . secondly , that they affirme in a most traytorous , and execrable booke published for that end , that the kinges of england haue beene vsurpers , and not lawfull princes , for manie yeares together . where i must needes put them in minde of this one thinge , that their cardinall bellarmine telleth them with their popes good liking ; that if the popes had somtimes beene vsurpers , yet prescription would iustifie the popes title in these dayes . so then by their owne doctrine , if their supposall were graunted , ( which they disloyally auouch , like arrant traytors as their fellow priests rightlie terme them , ) yet were prescription sufficient in that behalfe . thirdly , that they haue offered huge masses of gold and money , so to allure men domestical or forraine , to the cruel murder and bloudie massacre of our gracious soueraigne , most noble queene elizabeth . if papists themselues had not thus written , my selfe could hardly haue beleeued it . preamble . xviii . of obedience which must be giuen to the pope , against all kinges , princes , and monarches of the world . in all warres which may happen for religion , euery catholike man is bound in conscience , to imploy his person and forces by the popes direction ; viz. how farre , when , and where , eyther at home or abroad , he may and must breake with his temporall soueraigne . this doctrine was laid downe for a ground , in iustifying sir william stanleyes disloyall treacherie , against his naturall and annointed soueraigne , in the yeare , 1587. these words are set downe in the important considerations , page . 23. 24. and they are granted of the iesuites , apol. 172. sée the fourth booke and fift chapter , and note the words . note heere gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that all kings , queenes , and monarches of the christian world , are by this popish maxime and iesuiticall ground , brought into the bondage and slauery of the bishop of rome , and must be his slaues and vnderlings to doe what pleaseth him . secondly , that the secular priests ( who vnwittingly haue deliuered this doctrine against themselues , ) are guiltie of the same treacherie with the iesuites , though not perhaps in the same degree . for seeing the seculars doe professe their obedience to the pope in euerie thing , and do withall submit both themselues and all their writings to his holy censure , ( as is to be seene at large in this discourse ; ) they must needes approoue and like well of this most traiterous doctrine , because the pope liketh and approoueth the same . thirdly , that all the papist , in england which ioyne with the iesuites , who are verie many , ) doe obstin●tely embrace this iesuiticall doctrine , and so are guiltie of high treason . preamble . xix . of the king of spayne his purpose , and intent against england . that the new king regnant in spaine plotteth by iesuiticall faction , and resolueth to proceed where his father left against england , it is most apparant by the present action in ireland ; as also by sundrie of father parsons subiects , sent hither to be agents on the spanish behalfe , for that purpose . all which doe conuince the iesuiticall hispanized faction , of falshoode , hypocrisie , sedition , and treason ; and that it is not religion , which the king present careth for , more then his father did before him ; but maketh that onely a pretence , to seduce all catholikes and to draw them to rebellion , hoping thereby to haue their spéedier aide and assistance , making them and you all ( deare catholiks , ) to cut one anothers throate . these words are set downe , in the preface to the important considerations ; in the fourth leafe therof . note heere gentle reader , that the iesuites bend all their thoughts , words , and actions , to stirre vp rebellion and bloodie trecherie euerie where : as also that the king of spayne now regnant , is as readie as was his father afore him , to effect both in ireland and in england all bloodie practises , which the high counsell of iesuiticall reformation , shall designe and appoint to be done . preamble . xx. of the iesuiticall hotch-potch religion . it is a plaine testimonie of no religion in the iesuites , but flat atheisme , making religious pietie , but onely amutter of meere pollicie , by sending forth trumpetters to sound out their and blackwels vertues . quodl . 6. art . 4. pag. 168. the iesuites haue made religion , but an art of such as liue by their wits , and a verie hotch-potch of em●●m g●●herum quodlibet . 2. art . 8. pag. 42. the iesuites are to be marked out for the most malitious , traiterous , and irreligious calumniators that euer liued on earth , vnworthie that euer the earth should heare them ; and it is an intollerable indignitie to the whole church of god , that euer such wicked members should liue vnpunished in her , as they doe . quodlibet . 4. art 2. page . 99. note heere gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that these good fellowes , who pretend to bee sent of god from heauen , to reforme the english church and state , are men of no religion , but men that make religion a matter of meere policie . secondly , that they are so wicked , so irreligious , and so trayterous , as the like were neuer heard of . thirdly , that it is a great shame for the whole church of god , that such badde fellowes doe liue vnpunished . these things well considered , hee that will thinke them or the seculars to be gods ambassadours , may iustly be deemed as wise , as hee that hath no witt at all . for god is so highly offended , with their trayterous dealings and damnable practises ; that hee hath enforced themselues , to discouer their owne bad proceedings against themselues ; that so all the worlde may knowe their abhominations , and detest them with all their traiterous and cursed machinations . the second booke , contayning the treacheries and tyrannie of the pope and his iesuiticall faction , breathed out against the sacred maiestie of gods annoynted . chap. i. of the swarmes of iesuites , and seminaries , or secular priests , in this realme of england . the number of iesuites , and secular priests in england , is excéeding great , as by this discourse will be made apparant ; and the said cursed brood , is increased euery day . thrée hundred seminarie priests besides the iesuites , haue béene sent from the pope into england . and because many doe not vnderstand fully , the difference betwéene iesuites , seminaries , and secular priests : it shall not be amisse , briefely to instruct them in that behalfe . euerie iesuite , euen he that is but a lay-brother , maketh a solemne vow of three speciall and important points , whereof many of them , ( i dare not say the greater part , ) séeme not truly to kéepe any one . and i doe not barely say it , but the seminarists shall contest the same with me . the three essentiall points of iesuiticall professiō , are these in expresse termes ; viz. pouertie , chastity , and obedience . which triple vowe is common to the iesuites , with all their popish sects . and for this triple vow it is , that they are called religious . but how truly they enioy and deserue that name ; let the indifferent reader iudge , when he shall haue perused this discourse . for albeit religious profession , be a separating of men from the actions of the world , yet doe they deale altogether with the world . the secular priests , are all manner of priests which make not the said triple vow ; viz. all priests , which are not 〈◊〉 or fryers . for our lordly iesuites , are by profession and solemne vow , poore munkes and lowly fryers . they are called secular for distinction sake , & because they 〈◊〉 haue proprietie in secular prossessions of the world ; 〈◊〉 which the others are by vow abandoned , but will by 〈…〉 now and then be intermedling a little therewithall . shall . 〈…〉 . i say , for distinction sake , be●●●●● the word ( secular ) both fitly distinguish them , from the dominicans , carthusians , benedictines , carmelites , iesuites , and the rest . all which are called religious , because they make a more strict profession of religion , then other christians doe ; howsoeuer they keepe the same . the seminarie priests are méere secular , as well as they that neuer were out of this land . they are called seminaries , because they studie and are maintained in the colledges or seminaries ; and some of them , neuer are made priests at all . i say ( some , ) because verie few are in that predicament . chap. ii. of the vnspeakable dissention , betweene the iesuites and secular priests . the malice of the new vpstart iesuites , is exceeding great , and the w●th plainely ; that they are badde fell●●●s , licent●●●s , proud , hautie , cruell , couetous , ambitious , 〈◊〉 deceitfull irreligious ; nothing lesse then that , which they would seeme and professe to bee . all this to be tree , shall euidently appeare out of printed bookes , 〈◊〉 euen by the iesuites themselues and the secular priests , to the iudgement of all the world : yea , the pope himselfe in his sacred palla●● , 〈◊〉 . for of weston the iesuite th●s write the priests ; a man as impatient , as some of his fellowes , and of as hautie a spirit as any man can be . it was wonderfull to consider , what humblenes & simplicitie he would pretend ( in the time of his prouincialship . ) his sighes and zeale seemed to be extraordinarie as though the perteetion of true mortification , had béene the onely thing he aymed at . marrie , with all his hypocrisie he deceiued none , but such as did not looke narrowly into his proceedings . a righter pharisee , cannot easily be found . in the most of his humility , nothing did trouble him more ; then that master bagshaw being a doctor of diuinitie , should haue place before him at the table . insomuch as the better to content him , we were driuen to place him at the tables end with him . thus write the secular priests , in their relation . page . 5. paragraph . i. of the outcries of the iesuites , against the secular priests . lister the iesuite hath written a booke , in which he chargeth all the priestes that appealed to the pope , to be flat schismatikes . to which booke , blackwell the archpriest , and garnet the prouinciall in england , did both subscribe . in this booke , the iesuites charge the priests to haue fallen from the church , and the spouse of christ ; to haue troden vnder their féete , their obedience due to the pope ; to haue lost their faculties & authoritie ; to be irregular ; to haue incurred the sentence of excommunication ; to be in all mens mouthes , as infamous persons . to be as publicans and sinners . and to be nothing better , thou are soothsayers and idolaters . these words are set downe in their relation . page . 60. the archpriest by iesuiticall appointment affirmed audaciouslie , that he had receiued a resolution from the mother citie ( of rome , ) that the refusers of his authoritie were schismatikes , and that he would not giue absolution to any who should make no conscience thereof ; and gaue direction that they should make account thereof , and make satisfaction , before they receiued absolution . hee denied to giue any faculties to master benson , vnlesse he would renounce the schismaticall conuenticle ( of the secular priests , ) hee declared also , that m. moore had written in preiudice of the faith , when he wrote in the behalfe of the priests , concerning the matter of schisme ; whereupon , neither his ordinarie ghostly father would administer the sacraments to him , nor his ghostly children receiue any of him , or be present when he said masse . these words are set downe in the hope of peace . page . 31. our arch-priest chafeth , the prouinciall his good master clappes him on the backe , and egges him forward ; the rest of the iesuites what their tongues , and prepare their pens to speake and write , what they can falsely deuise to make vs odious ; so as presently we are become a by-word in their mouthes , and are nothing with them , but rebels . apostates , and what they list to report of vs. these word● are set downe in the relation . page . 60. the iesuites caused a libell to be cast out against doctor . lewis a secular priest , and for that they loued the man , in the course of their hote charitie , they made this deuout prayer for him ; vel turca , velmors , vel demon , euen eripiat à nobis . eyther the turke , or death , or the diuell , take him away from vs. and indeed not long after he died ; we leaue it to gods iudgement , whether they were the causers of it or not . thus write the priests in their discouerie . page . 32. quodl . 4. art . 2. pag. 97. the iesuites triumphed openly , vpon the death of an other english priest , cardinall allen by name , and amongst other their calumniations against him , they said that god had taken him away in good time ; for if he had l●●ed longer , he would haue disgraced himselfe , and lost the credit which he had got . these men haue the best fortune in the world ; for no man , if once they begin to hate him , doth liue any long time after it . these words are set downe in the discouerie . page . 34. in the same place the priests write , that the said cardinall was thought to be poysoned , by iesuiticall meanes and procurement . paragraph . ii. of the outcries , which the secular priests make against the iesuites . the priests exclaime against the iesuites , for their machiuilian practises & diabolicall plots , in their concurrence , incitements , and execrable perswasions , which they vsed and practised with the spaniards , and with other forraine and domesticall powers ; for the inuasion , conquest , and vtter subucrsion of most noble england , of her sacred maiestie , and of all her loyall and faithfull subiects . this is true catholike religion , in this case , and true english nature and valure , true faith , and true charitie ; and what the iesuits perswade vs toward a conquest of our deare countrey , vpon pretence of neuer so much pietie , were abhominable disloyaltie in vs to our prince . these words are set downe , in the answere to the iesuited gentleman . page . 70. the iesuites affect rule ouer the secular cleargie , so to bring armes and conquest into the church , contrarie to all scriptures ; and to that end , they doe manage matters of state more machiuilianly , then machiuell himselfe ; as appeares by their erection of the arch-priest , and all his carriages according to them and it . these words are set downe , in the aunswere to the iesuited gentleman . page . 79. wee all of the secular cleargie vna voce , doe vtterly disclayme and renounce from our hearts , both arch-priest and iesuites , as arrant traitors vnto their prince and countrey , whom to death we will neuer obey ; no , if the popes holines should charge vs to obey in this sense , to aduance an enemie to the english crowne , we would neuer yeeld to it ; as by no law of nature , of nations , or of man , to be compelled therevnto . these words with many moe to the like effect , are put downe in the preface , to the important considerations . fol. 9. page . 2. note heere gentle reader , that this sweete harmonie , betweene the pope , the iesuites , and the secular priests , were able to make an horse to breake his halter . and doubtlesse , the pope , yea , many popes successiuely , haue thus commaunded them , as shall appeare in the due place of this discourse . the iesuites holde this position for a constant doctrine , that the people may depose their princes , and choose others at their pleasures ; haue they any or no right to the crown , that is not materiall , so it be done ad deum ; that is ( by our interpretation , ) as the iesuites shall appoint it . héere we would haue you , to note an other rule of our english iesuites , which must concurre with that of ordine ad de●m . and it is this , that all things must be wrought and framed , as the times and occasions require . for example , if the king of spayne or the infanta , can by no other practise obtaine the crowne of england , then in that case , the people are to haue a right to doe what they list , so they will choose one of them for their soueraigne . these expresse words are set downe by the priests , in their sparing discouerie . page . 14. & 15. quodl . 3. art . 4. pag. 68. note heere gentle reader , that the iesuites and their complicies , are not imprisoned , or put to death for religion , as they would leaue the world to thinke ; but for ●●at treason and purposely intended rebellion . for so much their owne pennes , ( by gods prouidence , ) doe here testifie , as you see . and consequently , politicke , godly , and very necessarie , are the 〈…〉 in that case prouided . while the inuasion was talked of , and in preparation in spayne , richard hesket was set on by the iesuites 1592. or there abouts , with father parsons consent & knowledge , to haue stirred vp the earle of darbie to rebellion against her highnesse . not long after , father holt the iesuite and others with him , perswaded an irish man one patri●cke collen ( as he himselfe confessed , ) to attempt the laying of his violent and villanous hands vpon her maiestie . shortly after , 1593. that notable stratag●me was plotted , for doctor lopez the queenes phisition , to haue poysoned her . this wicked designement being thus preuented , by gods prouidence , the said traiterous iesuite holt and others , did allure and animate one yorke and williams , to haue accomplished that with their bloodie hands , that the other purposed to haue done with his poyson ; we meane her maiesties destruction . heereunto we may adde , the late villanous attempt , 1599. of edward squire , animated and drawen thereunto , as he confessed , by walpole that pernitious iesuite . these words are set downe , in the important considerations ; page . 33 see chap. 4. paragraph . 6. of walpoole the iesuite . the iesuites laboured in fraunce , ( euen the french iesuites themselues , ) to haue lifted the spaniard into the throne of that kingdome , with the consequent ouerthrow of their owne natiue countrey . all christendome to their perpetuall shame , ring loudly of it . they made great stirre in spayne , to perswade the king to inuade england , yeelding to him many reasons , why he was bound to vndertake that enterprise , and assuring him of great assistance , if once his forces were landed . hereunto may be added , how many they haue intituled to the crowne of england , as the duke of parma the earle of darbie , and others , exciting some of them by force of armes to assaile her maiestie , and buzzing into their eares , how easily the scepter might be wrung out of her hands , and they obtaine it . but most pertinent to the purpose , is that their plotting and compassing , how to set the diademe of this realme , vpon the head of the princesse isabella the infanta of spayne . to this purpose they haue written a booke , wherein they gaue her such an interest , as they make the kings of this land for many yeares to haue béene vsurpers . these words are to be read in their discouerie . page . 8. quodl . 9. art . 2. pag. 288. the iesuites take pleasure to scatter rumors , and to suggest certaine nouelties in the eares of catholikes ; yea , to forge and inuent things that are not . insomuch as they are commonly held now a daies great lyars , and it is come to passe , that though they sweare men wil not beléeue them . these words are set downe in the relation . page . 73. quodlibet . 2. art . 6. pag. 39. chap. iii. of the excessiue expences , and great gallantrie of the iesuites . the iesuites endeuour by all meanes possible , that both those almes which are giuen for the relief of them that are in prison , or any other poore afflicted whatsoeuer ; as also whatsoeuer is paid in cases of dispensation , may come to their hands . now what is done with this money , we know not . prisons and colledges are depriued of the great summes ; the banished haue them not ; the priests sée them not ; but there are hired here with seditious persons ; deuisers of fables , slaunderers of their brethren , and scorners of the saints are herewith enriched ; these and such as these , receiue large stipends of their labours . and yet so great a masse of monies cannot be consumed , but that the fathers bestow much vpon themselues . for they goe in déed in great gallantrie ; no iesuite goeth to visit any one , or trauelleth from one place to another , but he is richly apparrelled , and is attended on with a great traine of seruants , as if he were a baron , or an earle . they wrangle , and reprooue the priests garments , and spendings ; whereas the expences of one iesuite ▪ were able to maintaine twentie priests richly . neither by this meanes also , could so great a quantitie of almes be wasted , but that ( as the report goes , ) much treasure is conueyed beyond the seas , but to what purpose , we know not , vnlesse it be bestowed vpon their bodie , their corporation , or societie . these words are to be found in the relation , page . 70. see the tenth preamble , and note it well . the iesuites became our collectors , or rather not ours , but their owne ; to whom for their accounts , the false steward in the gospell may giue place . one iesuite hath taken at times aboue 500 pound , that was giuen to the imprisoned priests then at w●●●● , and imployed the same at his owne pleasure . percie the iesuite escaping from wisbish , tooke fraudulently from benefactors abroad , 57. pound , 17. shillings , and the yeare after stole 27. pound of the common money , by the consent of the other his fellow iesuites . they haue so fleeced their fauorers , as ouer & aboue their owne expences , ( which are excéeding great , ) they haue beene able to send out long since , 2200. pound towards the low countries . to scrape together so much money , they haue many sleights , besides their apparant consenages , frauds , and thefts before mentioned . thus they write in their discouerie . page . 19. first , i will but referre you vnto all the priests and catholikes that liued in england in father haywoods time of libertie , and knew him & his manners , and fashions well , and if they doe not assure you , that his port and carriage was more baronlike , then priestlike , all the world will condemne them for most partiall , and impudent deniers of the truth . was he not wont to ride vp and downe the countrey in his coach ? had he not both seruants and priests attendants in great numbers ? was not his pompe such as the places where he came séemed petie-courts , by his presence , traine , and followers ? againe , for present i referre you to father garnets pompe and expences , of which i haue heard some honest priests ( who haue béene much with him , ) report , that he cannot spend lesse then 500. pound by the yeare . the mightie and extraordinarie excesse of master iohn gerard , hath béene such and so notorious , that i suppose few priests ( besides our cath . ) to be ignorant thereof . his apparrell at one time hath béene valued at an higher rate , then i will for shame speake of . his horses were many , and of no small price . my selfe haue knowne him to haue two geldings in a gentlemans stable , at 30. pound a gelding , besides others else-where , and horses of good vse . during his imprisonment in the clinke , he kept a priuate table continually , with great store of dainties , and much resort daily . besides , he paid his ordinarie commons at the common table , and chamber rent . let them which haue liued in the clinke , but iudge what this would come vnto in the yeare . but that you may not thinke this to haue been the vttermost of his excesse , you shall vnderstand , that he ordinarily kept his geldings in the towne , and his man , which i suppose to be some round charge vnto him . he also so wrought the matter , that he rode into the countrey at his pleasure , and returned . which i thinke you will suppose cost his purse well , in bribes to such as were his keepers , if to no other . he also maintained two houses in the towne , with seruants in them , and not this without great expences i weene . sure i am , that such as liued with him in the clinke , were of opinion , that he could not maintayne all this i haue spoken of , vnder 400. or 500. pounds by the yeare . i may not omit master oldcorm , though but a pettie iesuite in this kinde . i know , that his apparrell is seldome lesse worth , then 30. or 40. pound . he is alwaies extraordinarily well prouided for horses , and those of the best . an honest gentleman , and one whom i thinke you will iudge to be no lyer , ( besides that he is not euill affected towards the iesuites , ) told me , that he had eight good geldings at one time . such as haue heretofore béene secular priests , and were wont to goe on foote sometimes , to visit poore people willingly , becomming afterwards iesuites , haue béene so a cockhorse , that it must be thought no small fauour to be worthy of their presence , and that not without their attendants , and other ceremonies . witnes this master bankes , master blunt , and others now iesuites . this long storie of the iesuites , their expences , and gallantrie , is set downe in the replie to parsons libell . fol. 14. and fol. 15. neither was it euer yet my hap to be made a rich mans executor , whereby to better my estate that way , and to braue it in girdle and hangers of thirtie pound price , as a iesuite hath done , neither beare i so iesuiticall a conscience . these words are put downe , in the third letter of a. c. p. 65. 5. nothing is more familiar to the iesuites , by their buls & constitutions : & then beggery , yet neuer had any men better skil to scrape vp coyne , that they might liue at their ease . in this occupation they played more trickes of legerdemaine , then master peter patelin , or frances de villon , or panurge de rabelais . for all that these thrée worshipfull doctors did , was but in matters of trifles . but to doe as our reuerend fathers , the iesuites do : is to fish for whales , not for goodgins : for which purpose they haue first the instructing of youth , which is their first hooke : viz. the allurements they vse to them , their auriculer confessions , which they know how to imploy to the benefit of their house : the visiting of the sicke , the waiting vpon them to the very last gaspe , that they may neuer be out of sight ; the extraordinarie absolutions , which they say they can giue them , wherwith they féede their humour , that they may draw some rich legacie from them : the deuises of their simple vow , and a thousand other hypocriticall shiftes , which they call charitie , but with this condition , that their charitie begin at themselues : because the predicament ad aliquid , is not an accident to them , but wholy the substance of their sect . so that one may iustly call them , not the order of the iesuites , but the ordure of the iesuites . for although they make shew , not to meddle with retayling , yet they sell by whole sale , the administration of the holy sacrament , dearer then giezie elizaeus man , would haue sold the spirituall gifts of naaman . at once , so it is , that within these thréescore yeares , they haue raked togither more treasure by this their sophisticall beggerie , then all the monasteries of fraunce , haue done two or three hundred yeares . these words are set downe in the iesuites catchisme , in the second booke , and fourtéene chapter . but you perhaps will demaund , how such summes should come to their hands ? i answere , that it is well knowne , that the iesuites haue had disposition of the common purse for many yeares , and the receits of almost all legacies in pios vsus , yearely almes , extraordinarie gifts , besides restitutions de bonis meritis , much for dispensations in diuers cases , and for alienations , aduowsons , and such like . all which receits rise to no small summe . there hath falne by way of legacies within these few yeares of my knowledge , ( besides what other men can say , ) 2000. pound , some affirme 3000. pound , from one of worth , 500. pounds , from another priuate gentleman : 800. pound from another , and some 100. pound , yearely in lands and rents . master iohn gerard for his part , got by one gentleman 200. pound at one time , and 700. pound at another time , besides the disposition of 100. pound by the yeare . the said iesuite had in another place by a priests procurement who told me of it , 160. pound , of another he receiued 500. pound in a matter of restitution , certa pro incertis , the partie hauing compounded before the aduise of another priest , for 300. pound , which he should haue giuen to the prisoners of wisbish . but this young father iesuite comming to the partie , hoysed the summe vnto 500. pound , and tooke it vnto himselfe . these words are set downe , in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 24. note heere gentle reader for christs sake , what impostors , and coozners these iesuites be , whom for all that , so many sillie and simple soules , doe repute for saints and men of god. first , you see , that they will sell their holy so supposed sacraments for money , and that at a dearer rate , then giezie elizaus man would haue solde the spirituall gifts to naaman . secondly , that by their sophisticall and deceitfull beggerie , they daily scrape golde and money into their hands . thirdly , that too proudly , and too too sumptuously , ( which is abhominable in gods sight , and all good mens , ) they bestow 30. pound vpon one gelding , ( of which sort they haue many at once , ) and 30. pound vpon one girdle and hangers . fourthly , that so soone as they become iesuites , ( that is to say , poore begging fryers , ) they are vpon their cockhorse , and thinke their betters to be enworthie of their presence . fiftly , that they feede the humour of the sicke , with faire promises of extraordinarie absolations , so to draw some rich legacies from them . sixtly , that they apply their simple vow and auriculer confession , to enrich themselues , and to fill their cofers . seuenthly , that they receiue great summes of mony for dispensations . eightly , that they cause men to make restitution for goods vniustly gotten , and conuert the money to their owne proper vses . wherfore i must needs conclude , that they are as blinde as beetles , that doe not see there irrelegious dealing , but wil yeeld their soules to their vnchristian guiding . among many other meanes , which the holy iesuites haue to enrich themselues , this is not the least , to wit , the drawing of men into their holy exercise . a yonge gentleman not long since , entering into this exercise vnder a yong iesuite here in england , was found by his meditations to haue landes yet vnsold , worth one hundreth markes a yeare , which hindred his iourney to heauen . whereupon he offering the same to the said yonge iesuite , the good father allowing the offer , said , that if he should receiue the land her maiestie would take it from him , but ( quoth he ) sell it , and then i am capable of the monie . by which ghostly counsell , the gentleman set his land to sale , and was offered 900. pound for it ; but the holy father insisting vpon a 1000. pound , the gentleman died before a chap-man could be gotten , and so the good father lost all . i omit , how many poore yong men , falling into these good fathers hands to be exercised , haue fallen into sundry inconueniences , and growen to be broken-brayned euer after . these words are set downe in the discouery , pag. 27. quodlibet . 5. art . 10. pag. 99. see more to this purpose in the thirde booke , in the ninth aduiso . chap. 4. of the quality , nature , and religion of the iesuits . paragraph . i. of there equiuocations . a an other thing is to be generally misliked in the iesuites , and it is their equiuocating , which you may tearme in plaine english , lying and cogging . for this amongst others is one of their rules , that a man framing to him selfe a true proposition , when he is asked a question , he may conceale thereof , as much as he thinketh good . for example ; one demaunding of you , whether if the pope should come in warlike manner , to inuade this lande by force of armes , you would take his part , or y● queenes ; you framing this answere in your minde ; wee will take the queenes ●t , if the pope will command vs so to doe ; may by their doctrine giue this answere lawfully ; viz. we will take the queenes part , and conceale the rest ; whereby he that asked the question is plainely deluded . these words he shall find in the sparing discouerie , pag. 11. quodlib . 2. art . 4. page . 66. sée chapter second in fine . standish , that honest man , must haue accesse to the popes holinesse , accompanied with two runnagates both of them priests , doctor haddocke , and m. martin array . these must take vpon them , that they were men deputed from the secular priests in england , &c. his holines hearing and marking well their suite , demāded of them in expresse termes , if that which they had said vnto him , proceeded from the desire and consent of his louing priests in england ; affirming , that otherwise hee would in no sorte giue any eare vnto them . whereunto master standish , very well instructed before by father parsons , and sufficiently assisted by the said two lying priests , answered , that what he had presumed to deliuer to his holinesse , he had done it most assuredly by their consent . the said standish after his returne into england , being asked by certane priests , how he durst presume so impudently to abuse his holynesse , with so intollerable an vntruth , he excused himselfe in this sort . viz. that when he said , he had the consent of the secular priests in england to make that motion , his answere therein was made by him cautè , that is , subtilly , or by equiuocation , meaning to himselfe , viz. as he supposed or presumed ; which words hée kept in his mind and vttred not . these words are set down in the relation , page . 55. and 56. note here gentle reader , two thinges out of this present paragraph . first , that the iesuites are indifferent men , and make no more conscience to deceiue their holy father the pope at rome ; then they doe to deceiue our soueraigne ladie the queene here in this land . secondly , that the most essentiall pointe in all the iesuiticall religion , consisteth in lying and cogginge . paragraph . ii. of the crueltie and tyrannie of the iesuites . the iesuites giue it out , that the most vnlearned iesuite , doth farre excell the most learned secular prieste , both in faculties and priuiledges . and it is noysed about , as it were by the common cryer , that they haue power from his holinesse , to grant to all , and euery one , all and singular their faculties ; in so much as it shall not be lawfull and safe , for any to vse there priuiledges , though granted to them from his holines many yeares before , but with the leaue and consent of these iesuites . and whē they giue out their faculties , they doe not bestow them , on learned , godly , or holy men ; but on vnlearned , vngodly , and irreligious ; nay , seditious persons , such as follow their humor , stowpe at their becke , and stand bounde euer after to them . these words are set downe in the relation , page . 69. and 70. the iesuites so rule in all gentlemens houses where they reside , that no lease must be let , but by their aduise ; the tenants must either please them , or repent at leasure . such fines must be taken , as they thinke connenient , and some part of them must be imployed , as they shall prescribe ordine ad deum . in effect they doe so rule and ouer rule , as scarsely can the master or mistres of the house , giue a piece of bread at their doores , but it must be done with their approbation . and for the seruants , they are much more at their commandement , thē at thers whome they serue . wée would bee loath to tell you , how all this comes to passe . these words are to be red in the discouerie , pag. 15. and 16 quodlib . 3. art . 4. page . 68. note heere , that disloyall subiects , goe and doe at euerie traytors becke ; but are as dulle as snailes to goe or doe at the command , of their annointed princesse . the iesuites desire , that england should be conuerted of none , but iesuits only . for they will admit no fellow-laborers , and they haue laboured by all meanes , vtterly to dissolue the colledge at doway . they also challeng to themselues , a spirituall monarchie ouer all englād . thus i find written in the relation , pag. 71. a famous father of the iesuits , said in plaine words to a gentlewoman of good calling , which was charitablie affected to the disgraced priests , in this manner ; now is the time of tryall , they that are not with vs , are against vs. if you forsake them not now , you will ouerthrow your selfe and all your posteritie for euer . this he said to affright the charitable gentlewoman , as though the state of her posteritie should be vtterly ouerthrowne , vnlesse shee adhered to the iesuite . what more ? was it not an other iesuite with his assistant , which caused a gentle-man either to promise or to sweare , that he should stand fast vnto them , and informe whatsoeuer he sawe or heard by priests and others , done against them and the arch-priest his procéedings ? they made the lay gentle man their spie , ( as they haue euery where many such , as well lay-men , as women , and priests , ) vpon promise on their side againe to him that he should be restored to al his lands forfeited by his auncestors , in a conuictiō by an attainder , whē the world should fall on their side . the silly gentlemā mooued with this hope , vndertooke y● disgracefull office , and said to his friends , that he wrought a good daies worke , when he entred this couenant . these words are set downe in the dialogue , betweene the secular priest and lay-gentleman , page . 66. page . 66. note heare gentle reader , what traytorous and dangerous people our romish iesuites bee . they doe not only confidently expect a conquest of this noble land , but they also proudly and malapertly promise the same to others , and besides this , they vse all cogging and lying , to allure and stirre vp her maiesties subiects , to armes and open rebellion . let the worlde iudge , vpon how iust and necessarie cause , capitall penall statutes are made , to abandon and bridle the proud and disloyall attempts , of these traytorous iesuites , these most damnable villaines . if their power were correspondent to their willes , they would most cruelly murder her sacred and louing person together with all their nobles and faithful subiects . god no doubt , who hitherto hath so miraculously protected her most excellēt maiestie , frō their villanous and bloodie hāds ; hath also caused many of their owne coate ( the secular priests i meane , ) to contest and publish to the world in there printed bookes ; their bad demeanor , their hypocriticall dealing ; their contentious garboyles ; their seditious conspiracies ; their disloyall confederacies ; their tumultuous courses ; their vnnaturall practises , and most bloodie complottes ; yea , their vehement and continuall perswasions ; their allurements and almost compulsions , to lay violent and bloodie hands , vpon their naturall , and vndoubted soueraigne , most noble queene elizabeth . so that hence forth , there can be no d●niall made , either by themselues or by their fauourites , of their profane and mere brutish proceedings ; of their cursed and diabolicall purposes ; of their horrible and bloodie attempts ; and their long desired conquest of this land . paragraph . iii. of the malepeart saucinesse , and intollerable pride of the iesuites . the iesuites that are in england desirous either to bring vnder bondage , or vtterly to beare downe the cleargie of england , haue attempted the same by a wonderfull stratageme . first , their will is , that in euery catholikes house . ( which houses are insteede of the church , ) either themselues may be pastors , or others deputed by them in their roomes . and if happily their be any , that do denie the faculties granted by them ; or will not take notice , that such assemblies or cōpanies of catholikes depēd on them ; or will not obediently ( as it were at a becke , ) execute those thinges , y● they haue commanded ; such shall be censured either as apostataes , or heretikes or tainted at least with some infection of heresie . so holy , so godly , so religious would they seeme to be ; as nothing is holy , that they haue not sanctified ; no doctrine catholike and sounde , that commeth not from them ; no dispensation auaileable , that is not granted by them ; and which is worse , they haue bea●ē into the heads of the most , that the masse is not rightly and orderly celebrated of any , but of the iesuite . these words are set downe , in the abstracte of the memorial , in the end of the declaration page . 69. the iesuites scorne to come to any one , but where they may be vaintily intertained ; they looke not after the cottages of the poore , nor minister their helpe to them , be there neuer so much neede . thus it is set downe in the memoriall . page . 72. no iesuite goeth to visit any one , or trauelleth from one place to another , but he is richly apparrelled , and attended on with a great traine of seruants , as if he were a baron , or an earle . they wrangle , and reproue the priestes garments , & spendings ; and yet y● expences of one iesuite , is able to maintaine twentie priests , plentifully and richly . these wordes are to bee found in the abstract , page . 70. note here gentle reader , that it is more then time , to cut short these bad fellowes , these trayterous new vpstart iesuits . for otherwise , as you may see , they will raigne as tyrants ouer this land . paragraph . iiii. of the couetousnesse , and deceitfull dealing of the iesuites . the iesuite holt and his companions gathered , such an infinite masse of money from the catholikes in england , for dispensations , or vnder colour of expending it to their vses , as many crediblie affirmed it , to exceede the summe of 50000. poundes english , which make two hundreth millions of italian scutes . these words are set downe in the abstract , page . 75. see thee thirde chapter . the iesuite percie when he escaped from wisbish , tooke fra●dulently from benefactors abroade , 57. poundes 17. shillings , and y● yeare after , he stole 27. pound of the cōmon money , euen by the consent of the other his fellow iesuites . these words are set downe in the discouerie , page . 19. quodlibet . 3. art . 4. page . 7. another iesuite tooke at times aboue 500. pounds , that was giuen to the priests imprisoned then at wisbish , and imployed the same at his owne pleasure . they haue so fléeced there fauourers , that they haue beene able to sende not long since . 2200. poundes towards the low countries . these words are to bee found in the discouerie , page . 20. quodlibet . 3. art . 4. page . 70. the iesuites take pleasure to forge and inuent thinges that are not , so y● now a dayes they are cōmonly holden for great lyars ; & it is come to passe , that though they sweare , men will not beleeue them . these words are set downe in the abstract , page . 73. quodlibet . 2. art . 6. page . 39. the iesuites of rome , doe vse to intercept all manner of letters of all men whosoeuer , not forbearing the packets neither of the cardinals , nor of princes . these words are to be seene in the abstract of the memoriall , page . 77. see booke . 3. aduiso . 9. note here gentle reader , the wealth , pride , and saucie deceitfull dealing of the iesuites , to be such and so great , that if they remaine a while vnpunished , they will not onely ouerrule the priests , but our noble queene and all . paragraph . v. of the peremptorie and seditious dealing of iesuites . the iesuits by cunning haue gotten into their hands , all authoritie , good estimation , and all the treasure of money ; and so doe what they list at home , and abroade . they thrust out , and let in , hire and buy , and maintaine factions , at their pleasure . these words are to be found in the memoriall . page . 75. the iesuits haue purchased them , an hard opinion of all religious orders ; euen so farre forth as to bee written against , by some of them in most parts of christendome , ex professo ; and in particular are banished for such , out of all the most christian kingdome of frāce , as also for their spanish faction there . where for all their great meanes , and flattering ballads of late made and exhibited to the king , they are not like to get in againe this yeare , nor yet the next . onely they hold in heere and there with the good capuchines , which they may easily doe ; for that ( as one of those good friers on a time confessed , ) they couet to haue all , and these couet nothing . vpon this ground , the excellent good bishop of bamberge in germany , when hee was laboured for their admittance into his reformed diocesse , answered thus ; no , i brooke no such quiddits . these words are to be found , in the aunswere to the iesuited gentleman ; page . 16. if any priest haue a conuenient place of residence , the iesuits will not cease , vntill they haue cast him out , and that by wicked meanes , by defaming him , and bringing him into suspition . these words are set downe , in the abstract of the memoriall , page . 74. the iesuites are the firebrands , of all seditions . the iesuites by right or wrong , ●●eke simplie and absolutely , the monarchie of all england . these words are set downe in the memoriall . page . 74. the ambition of iesuites , hath taken footing not only in prouinces and cities , but also in priuat families ; it seperateth breathren one from an other , and the husband from the wife , inflaming them with rancour and enuie one against an other . these words are to be seene , in the abstract of the memoriall , page . 76. note heere gentle reader , that whosoeuer loue charitie , christian peace and vnitie ; they must abhorre , detest , & eschew , all iesuiticall societie . for the end as you see , which that cursed broade aymeth at ; is nothing els , but to dissolue peace and vnitie , and to maintaine sedition , and rebellion euerie where . paragraph . vi. of the murders committed by iesuites . iknow there be diuerse , that will thinke this historie straunge , and incredible ; but if it chaunce , that master charles paget doe but set downe the actions of father holt , especially concerning master godfrey foulgeam , ( the verie cause of whose death he was , ) you shall see more straunge matters then this . these words are in the reply vnto parsons libell , fol. 70. pag. 1. in fine . sée the fift chapter , the first and second sections , and note them well . note heere gentle reader , that the iesuite holt is flatly charged to haue beene the cause of the death of master godfrey foulgeam . note also that the rector of the colledge of the iesuites in vallidolid , with some of his complices , dealt most cruelly with one barkworth a priest then student in the english colledge there , after that the minister of the colledge had deceitfully enticed him being sick in his bed , to go abroad to shake off his feauer . they conueyed the said barkworth into the colledge of the iesuites , and there commaunded him to put of his scholers robes , and to put on a sute of ragges , which they offered him . and because he refused so to doe , the rector called in certaine of his lay brethren strong fellowes , to deale with him by violence . wherof two comming to him , catched him by the legs , and pulling them from vnder him vpon a sodaine , threw him backward flat vpon the pauement with such violence ( being then sicke and weake with a feauer , ) that he was much brused therewith . the rest of the lay brethren , apprehended some a legge , some an arme , haling and beating him most outragiously , and would as it seemed , haue murdered him in his bed , if a casuall good hap had not hindred them . the storie is long , and therefore i referre the reader to the place . they procured henry the third to be excommunicated , and then by degrées they murdered him . these words are set downe , quodl . 8. art . 8. pag. 261. perhaps they will pretend , that this fruitlesse encrease of of their number , is an argument of gods blessing vpon their societie , but this were both a daungerous , and an absurd consequence . for it will be a long time , ere they come to equall the number of the arsacides , ( who were sent into france by their king a pagan , to murther s. lewes , ) or assasins ( murtherers ) men of their owne stampe . these words are to be found , in the franke discourse . page . 88. let not a iesuite become a censor of other mens writings , or doing , as temerarius ; till he haue amended and satisfied for his owne temeritie , both in his doctrine of prince-killing , and other disloyaltie to ones prince and countrey . a. c. in his second letter , page . 8. in fine . if your maiestie please ●o reade , but the oration of the polonian gentleman , made in their senate , there you shall sée an iliade of tumults and ciuill warres . amongst the christians which inhabite those large and wast countries , stirred and excited by the onely meanes of the iesuites ; who haue there caused of late more battels to be fought , then had béene in fiue hundred yeares before . these words are put downe , in the franke discourse . page . 89. this is wonderfull , that in the whole troupe of the iesuites , there was not one found ( one is a small number , ) and yet i say againe , there was not one , that from 89. to 94. was heard to let fall one word , that might be strained to the good of his prince , or countrey : but euermore vehement in behalfe of the spaniard , and to qualifie the hard conceit of his gouernment . these words are in the franke discourse . page . 95. vers . 17. a due religion of the iesuites : for to speake truth , to deale in state-matters , and to practise the death of princes ; are as essentiall parts of their function , as their confession it selfe . these words are set downe , in the iesuites catechisme . liber . 3. cap. 13. fol. 168. loe heere gentle reader , it is an essentiall point of iesuiticall function , to cause sedition , and to murder princes . from such religious men , good lord deliuer vs. the first breaking out of our troubles , was in the yeare 1585. at which time all that resorted to the iesuites to be confessed , if they affirmed themselues to be good subiects , and loyal seruitors to the king , ( for they were questioned vpon that article , ) they were sent backe by the iesuites , without receiuing absolution . sequitur ; our kings represent the true image of god , against whom this yeare there hapned three straunge and vnusuall accidents ; first , the rebellion against the late king , which they coloured with the pretext and title of tyranny ; secondly , the parricidie committed vpon his person by a monke : and lastly , the continuance of that rebellion against the king that now is , for his religion . sequitur ; their confessions were instructions , or rather destructions , to teach rebellion ; refusing to absolue them , which eyther were not in their consciences fully confirmed , in their reuolt from the two kings , or had any inclination to acknowledge them for their soueraignes . and ( which is full of horrour and detestation , ) their ordinarie conrse was , before they would absolue them , to make them sweare by the holy gospell conteyned in their breuiaries , neuer to take these two kings for their lawful soueraignes . that which i speake , i haue by good information from many , that were faine to passe through that strait ; and i know one amongst the rest , more néere me then the rest , who rather then he would giue credit to their doctrine , departed from his confessour , without receiuing absolution . these words are set downe by a catholike papist a french man , in the booke called the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 12. fol. 165. fol. 166. note heere gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that not onely our english papists , but euen the french also , do write the same argument in substance ; against the iesuites , and their damnable doctrine . secondly , that they vse confession , as an instrument of patricidie , euen of gods annoynted princes . thirdly , that they would absolue none , which acknowledged true loyaltie to their soueraignes . fourthly , that they caused all those whom they did absolue , to sweare by the holy gospell , neuer to take the king now regnant nor king henry his predecessor , for their lawfull soueraignes . it therefore is high time for all kings , to abandon and expell all this cursed crue out of their kingdomes , territories , and dominions . jesuitisme agréeth with the anabaptists opinion , in two propositions , in medling with state matters , and in causing princes and kings to be murdered , accordingly to the conueniencie of their affaires . i will adde , that in the carriage of this iesuiticall warre within france , there was some conformitie of names betweene this , and that the anabaptists vndertooke in germanie the yeare 1535. for they had one iohn mathew their chiefe prophet , vnder iohn leydon their king : and one bernard rotman , and bernard cniperdolin , principall actors in their faction for the seducing of s●mple people ; euen as our iesuites had their father claudius mathew , and bernard rouellet . i will not héere recite the other particulars of our troubles , being contented plainely to haue shewed vnto you , that our iesuites were the first seminaries thereof . these words are set downe in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 11. fol. 164. note heere gentle reader , that the french papists write as sharpely against the iesuites , as doe our secular popish priests . and consequently , the priests assertions and reports of them , are of more credit in that behalfe . the iesuites hauing set foote in portugall , sollicited the king sebastian by all manner of illusions , to make an vniuersall law , that none might be called to the crowne , vnlesse he were of their societie ; and moreouer , elected by the consent and suffrages of the same . whereunto they could not attaine , albeit they met with the most deuout & superstitious prince that could be . they were the men , that kindled the first coales of that accursed league , which hath béene the vtter ruine and subuersion of france . in fauour of the spaniard , they set on worke ( to kill the king , ) one peter barriere , whom they caused to be confessed in their colledge at paris , afterwards to receiue the sacrament , and hauing confirmed him by an assured promise of paradise , as a true martyr , if he died in that quarrell , they set forward this valiant champion , who was thrise at the verie point to execute his accursed enterprise ; and god as often miraculously stayed his hand , vntil at length being apprehended at melun , he receuied y● iust hyre of his traiterous intention in the yeare 1593. i speake nothing , but what mine eies can witnesse , and what i had from his owne mouth , when he was prisoner . view and peruse all the iniquities , that you will , you shall finde none so barbarous as this . to perswade an impietie ( to kill a king , ) and then to couer it with such a seeming maske of pietie . in a word , to destroy a soule , a king , paradise , and our church all at a blow ; to make way for their spanish , and halfe-pagan designments . thus is it written in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3 . cap. 18. fol. 185. note heere gentle reader , these materiall points with me . first , that the iesuites labour with might and maine , ( as our secular priests truly write of them , ) to ouerrule the whole world . for they would haue had a generall law made , that none should be made king of portugall , vnlesse he were a iesuite , and also elected by their consent and suffrages . secondly , that they suborned peter barriere , to kill his and their liegelord the king of france . thirdly , that they abused the sacrament , to that end and purpose . fourthly , that they promised him paradise and to be canonized for a martyr , if he should kill his soueraigne and die in that quartell . fiftly , that all this was done , in the honour and behalfe of the spanish king . put all these together , and see if the same be not the iesuiticall practise heere in england , as the secular priestes haue told vs. it happened vpon saint iohn enangelists day in the yeare 1594. after the reducing of paris vnder obedience to their soueraigne , that the king going to his chamber , accompanied with many princes and lords , found himselfe vnlookt for sodainly strokē in the mouth with a knife , so that neither he , nor those that were with him , could perceiue it . for assoone as iohn chastell who was the traytor , and but nineteene yeares of age , had giuen the stroke , he dropped downe the knife , and set himselfe in the midst of the prease . euerie one was in a maze , and busie to thinke who had done that trayterous déed , and it wanted not much , but that this young y●uth had made an escape . notwithstanding god would not permit that this detestable act should remaine vnpunished . by chance it was , that some ore casting his eyes vpon him , he became as one sore affrighted and appald with feare . but as he promised himselfe to haue the paradise of iesuites , if he died one of their martyrs , so also he confessed this fact more readily and promptly , then was looked for at his hands . whereby by decree of the court of parliament in paris , he was condemned to die . i haue no greater argument then this , to shew that the trade of murthering was lodged within their colledges . for where there was any exercise of good education and studie , no scholler would haue vndertaken such a damnable determination , but such a one as was brought vp vnder them . in other colledges , they know not what it meant to instruct schollers how to murther kings , and specially in ours . but in the iesuits colledges , it is contrarie and preached in their owne assemblies nothing so much as that alone . of the which indéed , they were but too prodigall in their sermons . these words are set downe , in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 8. fol. 155. when our iesuites saw themselues remoued from their princes fauour , they began to lay a snare to intrappe him . and as their societie is composed of all sorts of people , some for the penne , others for practise ; so had they amongst them , one father henry sammier of luxenburge , a man disposed for all affaires , and resolued to any hazard . this fellow was sent by them in the yeare 1581. towards diners catholike princes to sound the fourd . and to say truly , they could not haue chosen one more fit . for he disguised himselfe , into as manie formes as obiects ; one while attired like a souldier , an other while like a priest , by and by a countrey swaine . dice , cards , and women , were as ordinarie with him , as his presired houres of prayer , saying , he did not thinke he sinned in this , because it was done to gods glory . and that he mi●●t not be discouered , changing his name together with his habite , according to the countries where he purposed to negotiate . these words are to be read in the catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 11. fol 162. william crichton the iesuite , went into spaine by the licence of his generall . whither he is no sooner come , but he practiseth to infinuate himselfe into the kings fauour . and to that effect , drawes a tree of the descent , and pedegree of the infanta his daughter , shewing therein that the crownes of england & scotland , did by right appertaine to her ; and so incite him the rather to take armes against the scottish king , hee scattered abroad diffamatorie libels against him . whereunto the king of spayne giuing no eare , crichton determined with himselfe , by letters to sollicite the catholike nobilitie of scotland to the same purpose ; and to that ende wrote letters in the yeare 1592. to gourdon , and other iesuites remaining in scotland ; whereby hee gaue them to vnderstand , in what grace he was with the king , who by his incitement was resolued , aswell for the inuasion of england , as for the restoring of the auncient religion in scotland . these words are in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 16. fol. 173. certaine young diuines infected with the poyson of the iesuites , loosed the reines to subiects against their king , in the yeare 1589. and commolet the iesuite with his adherents , sounded the trumpet of warre in their pulpets , against the king deceased . whereupon insued those outragious disorders , which we haue seene in france since that time . these words are in y● catechisme . li. 3. c. 14. fol. 169. walpole the iesuite in the yeare 1597. deliuered a poysonous confection to squire , therewith to make away the queene of england his soueraigne . the iesuites at doway in the yeare 1598. sent the cooper of iper to kill graue maurice of nassaw . these wordes are set downe , in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 13. fol. 168. it is well knowne ( o iesuites , ) that your colledge was the fountaine and seminarie , of all those calamities , which we endured during the last troubles . there was the rebellion plotted and contriued ; there was it fully and wholy nourished and maintained . your prouincials , your rectors , your deuout superiours , were the first that troade that path , they that first and last dealt with this merchandise . your colledge was the retreat or randeuous , of all such as had vowed and sold themselues , aswell to the destruction of the state , as to the murther of the king . in which your doings , you at that time gloried and triumpht , both in your sermons and lectures . sequitur ; this was the houre of gods wrath , who hauing long temporized with your sinnes , thought it good to make chastell a spurre in the hearts of the iudges , to incite them to do iustice aswell vpon you , as vpon him , that you might all serue for an example , for posteritie to wonder at . to the accomplishment of this worke , he permitted that chastell , ( who had beene nurtured and brought vp in your schoole , ) should assay to put in practise your deuout lectures , and exhortations against the king ; not in the countrey , but in the citie of paris , and that his dwelling house should be , not in any obscure corner of the towne , but in the verie heart of the citie , in a house right opposite to the gate of the pallace , the ancient habitation of our kings , and of the supreame and soueraigne iustice of fra●nce . this house belonged to the father , who was so infortunate , as not to reueale to the magistrate , the damnable intention of his sonne , whereof hee had knowledge , as himselfe confessed . god made speciall choyse of that place , of purpose to make the punishment more notorious . for which cause this house was r●●nated , and raced by order , and in the place thereof a py●amis or piller raysed , bearing the memoriall not onely of chastels offence , but of the iesuites also , and this to stand in opposite view of this great royall pallace . to the ende , that our posteritie may knowe heereafter , how highly fraunce is beholden to this holy societie of iesus . these wordes are set downe , in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 19. fol. 191. note here gentle reader with me , these important obseruations . first , that iohn chastell but 19. yeares of age , went about trayterously with a knife prepared for that purpose , to murther his naturall soueraigne . secondly , that hee the said youth was fully perswaded by iesuiticall education and doctrine , that to murther his liege lord the king was the readie way to heauen . thirdly , that nothing was more freely taught in the schooles of the iesuites , then the doctrine of the killing of lawefull kinges . fourthly , that their sermons abounded , with this kind of maladie . fiftly , that the iesuites imployed in this kind of marchandise , one henrie sammier a most licentious & dissolute villaine , giuen to all vices vnder heauen . sixtly , that he reputed all his vices for vertues , in respect of his godly intents and purpose ; viz. of killing kinges . seuenthly , that the iesuite crichton sollicited the spanish king , to inuade both england and scotland ; affirming that the crownes of both the kingdomes , did by right pertaine vnto him . eightly , that the iesuite commolet and his adherents , sounded the trumpet of warre against their king , euen out of the pulpets ; ●s if it had beene an high point of diuinitie , and most fit for edification . ninthly , that the iesuite walpoole endeuoured by poyson , to take away the life of his soueraigne . tenthly , that the iesuites at doway , sent the cooper of iper , to kill graue maurice of nassaw . eleuently , that the colledge of the iesuites , was the fountaine and seminarie of the calamities in france . that in their colledge was all rebellion plotted , cōtriued , nourished , & maintained . twelftly , that the prouincials , rectors , and other superiours of the iesuites , gloried and triumphed in their rebellious dealing . thirteenthly , that a pya●it is set vp in paris , bearing the euerlasting memoriall , not onely of the traytor chastell , but of the iesuites also ; that all posterities may know , what a kind of seditious and trayterous people they are . i might here adde manie other most cruell and trayterous murders , plotted and contriued by the iesuites . but in regard of breuitie , i referre the reader , that shall desire more of this kind of their hellish diuinitie , to that worthie booke which the french papistes haue put forth , ( intituled the iesuites catechisme , ) a golden booke indeede . paragraph . vii . of the vowes of the iesuites . touching the vowes of the iesuites . it is not amisse to put downe this corrolarie , as a fit preamble to the discourse following . to conclude , as long as we mingle the bringing vp of our youth , with this munkerie ( of iesuits , ) we shall neuer be able to saue our selues from this vnhappie confusion , whereof the citie of paris ( thankes be to god. ) is at this day discharged . but i speake to them , who being coozened , protecte as yet , this new monster with their authoritie . these words are put downe , in the iesuites catechisme . libr. 2. cap. 8. fol. 97. i will begin with the simple vow of iesuiticall order , which i may say is new and monstrous , and which can not be tollerated in our church , without the ouerthrowing thereof , at the least in regard of religious orders and monasteries . the first vow of their order , is that which they call the simple vow , by which he that will vow himselfe to their societie , makes at the first the three ordinarie vowes of all other religious orders ; namely , of chastitie , pouertie , and obedience . and although in respect of himselfe , he may not after this vow giue ouer his profession , yet it is in the power of the generall , to dismisse him when he will , though he haue beene a iesuite .25 . yeares . and which is more , as longe as he goes no farder then this simple vowe , he is capable of all inheritances direct and collaterall , notwithstanding the vowe of pouertie which he hath made . these words are set downe , in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 5. cap. 9. fol. 97. it is a new law , as also the simple vow of chastitie is , which this societie makes ; which hinders mariage to bee contracted , and disannuls it after it is contracted . ibid. fol. 98. what new monster then is that , which our iesuites bring from the church , that he which becomes one of their order , may breake of his marriage , without sinning thereby against his wife ? so that vpon a bare discontentment of the husband , the poore desolate wife shall remaine vnmaried , according to the lawes of iesuitisme ; and yet may not marry an other husband , because the lawes of christianity forbids it . these words are put down in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 2. cap. 15. fol. 113. note here gentle reader , that the religion of iesuites , is nothing els in deede , but an hotch-potch of omnium githerum , as the seculars rightly terme it . for first , they vow pouertie , and so they abandon all wordly possessions ; and yet are they capable of all inheritances direct , and collaterall , after the making of their simple vow . secondly , though gods lawe forbid the seperation of husband and wife , sauing the case of fornication ; yet they roundly dissolue wedlocke , vpon the sole and only making of their simple vow . so as wee may truely say of these iesuites , as doe the french papistes els where in these words ; the iesuites would say , that their simple vow is a vow of a pettie dissimulation , and that they thinke to deceiue god by the same sophistrie , which the old pagan vsed , whē he said , iuraui lingua , mentem iniuratam habeo which protestatiō was condemned by thē of the time , though they were not christians . so saith the iesuite , i vowed pouertie with my tongue , but in my mind i had a bird that sung an other songe . and thinking by this shift to make vs like to their new doctrine , he plaies three partes at once , the iesuite , the heretique , and the machiuelist . these words are put downe , in the iesuites catechisme , libr. 2. cap. 10. fol. 100. ; this reseruing of the goods ( say the iesuites , ) is not for them , who haue renounced this right , but to helpe them afterward , if happily they should be dismissed . therefore if they be not dismist , these goods appertaine to their order . was there euer more notorious coozenage , then this ? alas , i wonder not indeede , that they very seldome dismisse their disorderly iesuite ; for in so doing , this fat morsell would fall out of their mouth . but why is that iesuite during this simple vow , kept away from his kin●ed ? why is he sent out of one country into another ? but to the end that if any new inheritance should fall vnto him , no man might certainly know what his condition is , nor know howe to call in question , the right he pretends . well , in the end he is freed from his vow , that he may be out of daunger of all impeachments , and hinderances . which done , hee shall proue himselfe to be the right heire , and yet by a watch-word betwixt him and them , he shall returne afterward to the iesuites , to bestow his goods in almes vpon them . adde herevnto , that this is a point that toucheth the estate ; that by this meanes , it is easie for the iesuite to make him selfe in time , maister and head of many cities , townes , villages , and castles , according to the qualitie of them , whom he hath drawen vnto him . let vs put the case , that their are a doozen gentlemen of good houses , ( for such they labour to bring into their societie , ) that haue made thēselues iesuites , and that some ciuill or forraine warres , hath taken away all their brethren ; who now , but the iesuites of the simple vow shall succeede in their inheritance , and so being admitted to thier first solemne vow , shall enrich their order there with all ? and in time they will become monarches . these words are set downe in the catichisme libr. 5. cap. 15. fol. 9. the iesuites after their simple vow make a solemne vow , by which they adde nothing to the former ; but only that by making this second , they cannot any more inherit , nor be dismist by their generall . there remaines now the third , which is the vow of three steps , by which besides pouertie , chastitie , and obedience , vowed by them ; they make a particular vow of mission to our holy father the pope , which is to goe to the indies & turkie , for y● winning of the soules , if they be commanded by his holi●sse . but aboue all , i make great account of that precise pouertie , which is inioyned them by their constitutions . runne through all the orders of religion , there is not one of them in which pouertie is so recommended , as among the capuch●nes which liue from hand to mouth , and put ouer the care for to morrow , to the onely goodnes of god the foundation of the profest , which are the iesuites of the great vow , is to vow pouertie , aswell in generall , as in particular , as it is in all the orders of begging fryers . but because their pouertie had neede to be expounded , let vs see the commentaries they bring vs by their constitutions . they haue three sorts of houses ; one for their nouices ; an other for their religious bounde by their solemne vowes , which they call the house where there church is ; and an other , which they call a colledge , for the religious , that are bound only by the simple vow ; whereof some are schollers probationers , others coadiutors , some spirituall , some temporall . in domibus vel ecclesiis , quae á societate &c. that is to say , in those houses and churches , which the societie shall except of , for the saluation of soules , there shall be no reuenewes proper , either to be applied to the vestrie , or to the frame and buildinges , or for any other purpose whatsoeuer . that the societie may haue nothing to dispose of , but onely to depend vpon god , whome by his grace they serue , trusting that without reuenewes he will prouide thinges necessarie for vs , to his praise and honor . they that are professed , ( that is , men of the last , great , and solemne vowe , ) shall liue by almes in their houses , when they are not sent forth to any countrie , nor to take the ordinarie charge of rectors of colledges , or vniuersities , except it be vpon necessitie , or vrgent vtilitiy require it , neither shall they vse the colledges reuenewes in their houses . they shall be readie to begge from doore to doore , whē obedience or necessitie requires it . and to this purpose let there be one or two , or more appointed , to craue almes for the sustenance of the societie , which shall begge the almes simply , for the loue of our sauiour iesus . the houses and churches of the societie , shall not onely haue no rents , or reuenewes , but no possessions or inheritance , in generall or particular . gather all these particulars together , was there euer pouertie more obstinately vowed , then this ? and therfore it was , that first pius . 5. & after that gregorie . the 13. ordained that this societie should be placed among the orders of the mendicants . if they would obserue that , which here is enioyned them ; i would excuse them with all my heart of the herefie of their first vow . and that , because that after they had a long time enioyed goods , during the time of their simple vow , at the last to make satisfactiō to god for it , they are come to the periode of their great vow , by reason whereof , they haue the name of fathers aboue the other religious , yet not onely they vow from thence forwards , a beggerie , but also themselues to become treasurers thereof . i would honor them ▪ as the true followers of saint peters repentance , after he had denied his master , and would esteeme them aboue all the other orders of mendicants . but when sawe you them goe with a wallet vp and downe the towne ? for al this they liue richly and plentifully , not with the manna of god ( for they are not children of israell , ) but by a notable point of sophistrie , and see how . the houses where these holy fathers dwell , are not permitted to haue any goodes , but onely their colledges are . now so it is , that vnder their generals authoritie , they haue all there care and gouernment of their colledges . these are the old cincinnati of rome , that boasted they had no gold , but commanded them that had . in like sort these masters , though they may haue noe proper reuenewes but their wallet ( which they scorne , ) yet doe they gouerne them , that haue good store . this foundation presupposed , you may easily iudge what will follow . for it is reason , that being fathers , they should be sed and maintained by their children ; and it is more honesty for thē , to aske almes of their colledges where they command , then to stragle vp and downe the townes to craue it . see how carefully they make sheaues off carne for god , as caine did , and yet heerein they are the true and lawfull children of their good father ignatius , who in all his actions , reserued for himselfe the principall care of his kitchen . nothing is more familiar to them by their buls and constitutions , then beggerie ; and yet neuer had any men better skill to scrape vp coyne , that they may liue at their ease . these words are put downe in the iesuites catechisme . libr. 2. cap. 14. fol. 10. fol. 11. note here gentle reader , the pouertie of the iesuites , which is wonderful . for first , they professe and vow beggerie , and yet they neuer begge . secondly , they can haue no possessions , no inheritance , no lands , no goods ; and yet they abound in welth , lands , and goods , and haue the worlde at will. oh , who would not be a begging iesuite f●ier ? thirdly , they renounce all possessions , ( except their bare wallet , which they sreone and will not vse , ) and yet they command both the possessions and the possessours , to come and goe at a becke . fourthly , the professed iesuites abandon and forsake all ; but the other iesuites , ( who stand at their command , ) shall refuse nothing that may be had . the fathers can teach them to fish for whales , and not for gudgins . this then is a goodly religious pouertie . paragraph . viii . of the miracles of the iesuites . ignace the founder of the iesuites , left a writing in a litle coffer , in manner of a iornall , how thinges passed betweene the holy ghost and him , and the visions set down , wherewith he was inspired when he made his constitutions . these remembrances were found after his death , & with great wonderment presented to the generall congregation held at rome , in the yeare 1558. where all that he had ordred was considered of , and then passed through the hands of their printers and stationers . you blame ignace in your discourse for all his apparitions , and say they were impostures contriued by him , vpon which ground his societie hath coyned many fables . pardon me i pray you , for you iudge of these matters like a punie , not like a states man. i tell you againe , i doubt not but that ignace hath told you all his visions , whereof he himselfe alone was witnesse . but when ? not in the flower of his age , when he was in action , but when sicknesse and age had broken him , and he saw himselfe at the graues brinke ; perswading himselfe there could be no better meane , to stablish his order after his death and confirme his statutes , thē to feede them not with these holy , but rather fained illu●●i . nations . these words are set downe , in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 1. cap. 18. fol. 64. one iustinian a iesuite in rome , calle● father iustinian , counterfeicted himselfe to be leaprous , to make his cure miraculous . againe he would haue men beleeue , that being shot with a pistoll through his garment , the bullet rebounded backe againe from his bodie without hurt , and so by the wonderfull grace of god , hee was not wounded . these matters were beleeued by the simple people at the first , but after they were founde to be false , this marred the whole roast of the iesuites cookerie in rome . for whē they did speake of a facer out of matters , & an imposter , they were wont to call him . a second iustinian the iesuite . it may be you will iudge it straunge i tell you , we neede not looke into spaine , nor the indies for their forgeries , sith of late yeeres they bruted it abroade in france , that theodore beza was dead , and that at his death , he was conuerted to our catholike apostolike romaine religion , by one of their companie : by whose example , many citizens of geneua had done the like , through the trauels of the iesuits . wee tooke it to be true a while , but after that beza was knowen to be risen againe , he wrote certaine french and latine letters by which he conuinced their impuden●ie . what a mint of fables will they haue in strange countries , which euen in the midst of vs , feare not to feede vs with such bables ? thus is it written in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 1. cap. 17. fol. 62. the kingdome ( of portugall ) being fallen to sebastian , the holy apostles ( the iesuites ) conceiued a hope , that by this meanes it might descend vnto their family , and dealt with him many times , that no man might from thence forward , be capable of the crowne of portugall , except hée were a iesuite , and chosen by their societie , as at rome , the pope is chosen by the colledge of cardinals . and for as much as he ( although as superstious , as superstition it selfe , ) could not , or rather durst not condescend therevnto , they perswaded him , that god had appointed it should bee so , as himselfe should vnderstand by a voyce from heauen néere the sea side . insomuch as this poore prince thus carried away , resorted to the place two or thrée seuerall times , but they could not play their parts so well , as to make him heare this voice . these words are set downe in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 16. fol. 174. zauier the iesuite departing this life at siuet , his body was rolde vp in quicke lime , that being spéedily consumed , it might not putrifie . neuerthelesse , being sixe moneths after carried to the towne of goa , where he lyeth , he was found to looke as fresh and sound , as when he liued . after he was brought to this towne , there was a wax candle of a cubit long , placed at the foote of his tombe , which burnt two and twentie daies , and as many nights , & was not wasted . a man that neuer saw further then the length of his owne nose , hauing got so much fauour of the priests , as to open him zauiers tombe , tooke the dead mans hand and rubbed his eyes with it , and presently recouered his sight . many other miracles were done by his dead corps , but i find none so famous as these two ; one of his disciples hauing stollen away the whippe wherewith he beat himselfe , and a woman called marie sarra hauing cut of a péece of his girdle , which she wrought into siluer , and wore it about her necke , cured an infinite number of all sorts of diseases , by the bare touch of these two reliques . all these miracles were done in the indies , and many other moe , if you beleeue tursellin . but all these stories , are in verie déed such , as by common prouerbe we call old wiues fables , that is to say , fit to be told to simple women , when they sit spinning by the fire side . these words are to be found , in the iesuits catechisme . lib. 1. cap. 17. fol. 62. note here gentle reader , that the iesuites would very gladly haue their first founder ignatius the spaniard , to be reputed and canonized for a saint . and for this end and purpose , they haue deuised to publish many counterfeit and feined miracles , which they affirme in printed bookes , to haue beene done by men of their societie . but the bare rehearsall with the circumstances , may suffice for the confutation thereof . they are you see , but their owne meere inuentions , and old wiues fables . paragraph . ix . of the perfidiousnes , lying , cooznage , mutabilitie , and temporizing , which the iesuites vse in all their proceedings and constitutions . in rome the iesuites acknowledge the pope to be lord spirituall and temporall ouer all christian princes , else must they directly contradict all the extrauagant decretals , which impose the same vpon all monarchies . it is a proposition , very familiar in the court of rome . and in the buls appointed for the publication of the iubily , in the yeare 1600. saint peter and sant paul are called princes of the earth . in france the iesuites are of another opinion . for in their pleading in the yeare 1594. they giue out , that the pope hath no temporalities , but such as he hath by long succession of time gotten in italy . the iesuites are statesmen and temporisers , who hold all things honest and lawfull , which serue their turne . as in former times , when they spoke of a perfidious people , they named the carthagenians , whereof the common prouerbe grew , fides punica ; the like we may now say of the iesuites , fides iesuitica , they priuately among their friends , make a iest of perfidiousnes , and treacherie . for if you aske them , what is a iesuite ? their answere is , euerie man. implying , that they are creatures which varie their colours like the camelion , according to the obiect . a very fit comparison for them ; for no more then the camelion , can they borrow the colour of white , which in holy scripture figureth vertue and innocencie . a little before the king entred paris , father alexander hays a scot , seeing the affaires of that league verie much decline , it was his chance to disgorge out of the abundance of his heart , these words in a great audience , in the colledge clairmont , where he read the principall lecture . hitherto ( saith he , ) we haue beene spayniards , but now we are constrayned to be french . it is all one , we must formalize vntill a fitter season . cedendum erit tempori . these were the words he vsed . and that you may not think that this maxime procéedeth from the pliantnes of their consciences , which they restraine or extend , as best fitteth their profit ; their good father ignace first taught them this dispensation , whereof they haue since made a particular constitution . the other holy fathers founders of religion , established diuers ordinances , which they fastened , if i may so speake , with nailes of diamond in tombes of brasse , which should perpetually be obserued by munks and other religions . in the sect of iesuites , there is nothing so certaine as their vncertaintie , as i said of late . in the bull of pope paul the third , it is written as followeth . that they may make ( saith the pope , ) particular ordinances , which they shall indge fit for the societie , to the glorie of our lord iesus christ , and the profit of their neighbour . and that such as are alreadie made , or shall be made hereafter , they may chaunge , alter , or abolish , according to the varietie of place , time , and occasions , and in stéede of them , make new ; the which so changed , reuoked , or made new , we will that they be confirmed by the foresaid authoritie of the apostolike sea , and by the same authoritie , of our specall grace and fauour we confirme them . out of this generall constitution , they haue drawne one particular , which is worthy to be knowne , in the 16. part of their constitutions , chap. 5. the title beginning thus . that the constitutions may not binde any man in conscience , sith the societie desires , that all their constitutions , declarations , and order of life , should be without euasion , conformable to our direction ; and also neuerthelesse wisheth to be secured , or at least succoured , that they be not snared in any sinne , which may growe by their constitutions or ordinances ; we haue thought good in the lord , ( exception taken to the expresse bow , wherewith the societie is bound to the pope for the time being , and the thrée other essentiall vowes , of pouertie , chastitie , and obedience , ) that no constitutions , declarations , or any order of life , shall impose any yoake of mortall or veniall sinne vpon them ; vnlesse their superiour command those things , in the name of our lord iesus christ , or in the vertue of obedience . and againe ; in stead of feare of offending , let loue and desire of all perfection come in place , and let the glorie and praise of christ our lord & maker , be the more exalted . by the first article , it is lawfull for them to change and rechange their constitutions at their owne pleasure , for their owne good . by the second , their constitutions are held ( in regard of the soule , ) indifferent ; so that the iesuite may breake them , without committing mortall or veniall sinne . a law which their great law-giuer gaue them , to the end , that to gods honour and glory there might he fewer sinners in their societie . oh holy soules ? oh pure consciences ? who restrayning their inferiours from sinne , take themselues the reines . committing all manner of sinne vncontrolled , let vs examine these points without passion , and let let vs consider the scope of these two propositions . by the first , no prince shall be assured of his estate ; and by the second , no prince shall be secure of his person in his owne kingdome . concerning the first point , call to minde how matters haue béene carried for these 25. or 30. yeares . there hath béene no nation , where they be fostered , but they would be tempering with their affaires of state . i thinke they are such honest men , as what herein they haue done , they haue vndertaken to doe it , by vertue of their silent constitutions ; for if they did it by their owne priuate authoritie , the generall were vnworthie of his place , should he suffer it . further , this was forbiden them in the yeare , 1593. when they saw all their plots were frustrate . admitte new troubles should arise , these gallants will cassiere and disanull this last ordinance , suffering their companions to intermeddle as before . but what are their rules in such affaires ? marrie , that is it lawfull to kill a tyrant ; that a king breaking the common lawes of the land , may be depriued of his crowne by the people . that there are other causes , for the which princes and great personages may be slaine . in what a miserable condition shall princes liue , if the assurance of their estate , shall depend vpon these fellowes ? let us sée their new constitutions of 1593. i will that they medle not at all in affaires of state in generall termes . and that particularly , they practise not vpon the person of princes . are they bound to obey this ? nothing lesse . for their law-giuer chargeth not their consciences , but in expresse termes ; he would otherwise haue charged them , by vertue of their blind obedience . and this is the cause , that commolet preaching since this new statute , that there wanted a new ehud to kill our king . and walpoole furnishing squire with poyson and instructions , to kill the quéene of england his mistresse , thought they sinned not therein . these words are set downe in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 3. cap. 26. fol. 234. fol. 236. it is not christian charitie ( o iesuites , ) that leads you to that course , but iesuitish charitie . your whole profession is nothing else , but a particular coozning of our priuate families , and a generall villanie of all the countries , where you inhabite . these wordes are put downe in the catechisme . lib. 2. cap. 12. fol. 106. the iesuites make ostentation of a solemne decree concluded among them , that they shall no more intermeddle in matters of estate . but let vs see , what date this decrée beares ? they say of an . 1593. hath your maiestie then alreadie forgotten , that since that time they haue practised twise against your life ? behold the performance of this glorious decree . doe not we know the generall exception of all their statutes ? vnlesse it be for the good of the church ; an exception that extends as farre , as they list to straine it . the iesuites neuer harboured in their hearts any other proiect , but the subuersion of states , disauthorizing of magistrates , and seducing of subiectes from their alleageance . these words are set downe , in the franke discourse . page . 98. ribadiner wrote his historie , onely vpon report of the countrey , as the further a iesuite goes , the lowder he lies . these words are in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 2. cap. 17. fol. 61. such iuglings and shiftings of late haue béene vsed by the iesuites , that not onely protestants , but also catholiks , yea priests can scarce tell , when they speake sincerely , when otherwise . these words are set downe , in the reply to parsons libell . page . 23. 1. vers . 2. these are ordinarie iugling tricks , which are too too familiar with our good fathers the iesuites . in the reply to parsons libell . page . 19. 2. vers . 14. concerning the imputation of lying , so famous and notorious are their equiuo cations , and so scandalous , that the verie protestants take notice thereof , to the great preiudice of our profession , alwaies heretofore famous , for our truth and sinceritie . in the replie to parsons libell . page . 23. 1. vers . 1. note heere gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that the iesuites are notorious lyers , and that their owne fellowes can not tell when to trust them . secondly , that they are notorious coozners , and full of iugling tricks . thirdly , that the iesuites acknowledge the pope to be lord spirituall and temporall , ouer all christian princes . fourthly , that the iesuits are notable temporizers , as who account all things lawful that will serue their turne . fiftly , that the iesuites are so perfidious a people , as their faith is become fides panica , the carthagenians faith , that is , a false and detestable faith . sixtly , that the iesuites will be spaniards , or frenchmen , or whatsoeuer else , if opportunitie be offered thereunto . seuenthly , that no estate is free , from the villanie of the iesuites . eightly , that the iesuites make hauocke of the popes buls and constitutions . ninthly , that the iesuites change and rechange their rules and lawes , at their owne good will and pleasure . the iesuites therefore are good fellowes , fit for all times , all places , and all companies . paragraph . x. of the profession and religion of the iesuites , in generall . the iesuites neuer harboured in their hearts any other proiect , but the subuersion of states , disauthorizing of magistrates , and seducing of subiectes from their allegeance . these wordes are set downe , in the franke discourse . page . 98. 1. vanitas vanitatum , that religious men who should spend their time in studie and contemplation , doe take their greatest pleasure , delight , and contentment , in writing and receiuing packets of newes from all coastes and countries , making that their whole studie and trauaile . these words are set downe , in d. elies notes vpon the apologie . page . 264. vers . 20. the whole profession of the iesuites is nothing else , but a particular coozning of our priuate families , and a generall villanie of all the countries , where they make their aboade . thus it is written , in the iesuites catechisme . lib. 2. cap. 12. fol. 106. this is not to stand long hammering about the matter ; this is to make short worke , and to tell you in a word , that looke how many cleargie men your maiestie hath , so many subiects hath the pope in france ; and so kings concerning the cleargie , are not soueraigne princes . this is ( my liege ) in good french , to erect another state within your state , and another kingdome within your kingdome . these words are in the franke discourse . page . 24. vers . 1. if it please you to consider , what is now in practise among our iesuites , you shall find they follow the same steps in christianisme , which ismael first trode in mahumetisme . their prophet ismael is the great ignatius , who with his fabulous visions , would beare the world in hand , that sometimes he spoke with god , somtimes with christ , somtimes with our ladie , or s. peter . and as ismael fetched out of hali , the pretended brother of mahomet , a new branch of religion taken from the old stocke ; so ignatius christening himselfe with the new name of a iesuit , in steed of the name of a christian authorized from the apostles , builded vp a religion neuer anciently obserued by our church . ismael vnder a new vow , changed the ancient turban ; ignatius inducing a new monachisme amongst vs , yet retaineth not the anciēt habit of munks . ismael first assembled a handfull of people after raised millions ; ignatius doth the like ismael to make himselfe great , mingled pollicie and religion together ; ignatius followed him . ismael and his successors , were adorned and magnified by their followers ; ignatius hath beene so idolatrized , and the rest of the successours in the generalship . ismael made himselfe be called the prophet of god ; the generall of the iesuits termeth himselfe gods vicar . in these proceedings and practises , ismael troubled and turmoyled the mahometicall state ; and shall not we mistrust in rome , this same new iesuited sophi ? whosoeuer suspecteth them not , is no true and legitimate child of the holy sea . these words are set downe , in the iesuites catechisme lib. 3. cap. fol. 230. note heee gentle reader , these points of great momēt with me . first , that the iesuites harbour no other proiect in their hearts , but the subuersion of kingdomes , and the withdrawing of subiects from their alleageance . secondly , that they imploy their whole time & study , in hunting after newes . thirdly , that their profession is nothing else indeed , but a particular coozning of your families , and a plaine villany of all countries . fourthly , that iesuiticall religion , is a semimonarchicall dominion , and a flat diminution of all royall regiment . fiftly , that iesu itisme is a new late vpstart mahumetisme . and thus much of iesuiticall religion in generall ; let vs now see what it is in speciall , paragraph . xi . of the religion and profession of iesuites in speciall . first , the iesuites hold and defend this proposition ; hominem non christian̄ posse esse romanum pontificem . thus in english ; one that is not a christian , may be the bishop of rome . thus it is written in the discouery . pag. 37. quodl 4. art . 2. page . 100. let us admit this proposition gentle reader , with our iesuites ; perswading our selues , that the holy ghost who made balaams asse to speake , hath enforced them to speake the truth vnawares against themselues . for. as i haue proued at large , in my suruey of poperie ; their owne renowmed popish writers freely graunt , that dame iohan , a woman not a man , was once pope of rome . and certes , if a woman may be pope , who by saint paules doctrine may not be permitted to speake in the church : a fortiori , an ethnicke , pagan , turke , or iew , who is no christian , may well bee the bishoppe of rome . secondly , archer the iesuite defended this proposition ; the stewes are as lawfull at rome , as the pope himselfe , or any order of religious men . the iesuite weston also did defend the same , against d. bagshaw . these words are set downe in the relation . pag. 47. note here gentle reader , that the force of truth , and true christian religion is such , that the verie enemies thereof , doe often vnwittingly and vnwillingly acknowledge the same . for by this iesuiticall doctrine , it followeth of necessitie , that the popes authoritie and his being at rome , is altogether vnalwfull ; as also that all the religious there , that is , munkes , friers , iesuites , and nunnes , are vnlawfull , wicked , and most execrable , which conclusion ( by gods assistance ) shall be made more euident , when i come to speake of the pope and his authoritie in particular . thirdly , the iesuites hold , teach , and practise this doctrine that a malefactor being condemned so die , after hée hath once made confession of his sinnes to his ghostly father , is not tied to reueale it to his iudge ; nay , it is lawfull for him to stand in stiff deniall thereof , at the time of his execution , as being cleare before god , after hee hath discharged the depth of his conscience to his confessour . thus is it writen in the iesuites catechisme , libr. 3. cap. 12. fol. 166. note here gentle reader , with what strange docrine our iesuites vse to feed , the humours of their deuoted vassals . and for the better clearing of the falshood thereof , thou must duly obserue with me , that if it were true , ( as the iesuites suppose , & take pro confesso , ) that the malefactor were washed & wholy purged frō his offence , by his confession and absolution receiued at the priests hands ; yet would it not follow by good consequution , that he might lawfully denie , his former committed offences to the iudge ; and that for these two insoluble reasons . first , because he doth formallietell a lie , which hee ought not to doe , as saint austine affirmeth , if he might therby saue the whole world . for to lie is euer a sinne , as all learned diuines doe teach . but that he lyeth , in saying he did not commit such a fact , all the world knoweth . the reason hereof is euident , because a murder committed not to haue beene committed , is a thing so impossible , that god himselfe cannot performe it . neither doth this argue anie imperfection in god , but contradiction in the thing that should be done . god is truly called omnipotent , because he can doe indeed , whatsouer is dowable or can be done . yet , whatsoeuer implieth imperfection or contradiction , that can he not doe ; not for anie defect or impotencie in himselfe , god forbid ; but for the contradiction or imperfection of that , which man requireth to be done . for this cause , god cannot bring to passe , that lazarus was not once dead ; albeit he could and de facto did , raise him vp from death to life againe . for this cause , god cannot make another god equall to himselfe . for this cause , god cannot sinne . yet , whatsoever neither implyeth contradiction , nor imperfection , that god can doe without all peraduenture , because hee is omnipotent . now then , the malefactor that hath killed a man , and is by a popish priest absolued from the guilt of that fact ; must perforce tell a leasing to the iudge , when he saith he killed not the man ; though we suppose it true , that at that time hee be freed from the sinne . for it is one thing , to haue killed the man ; an other thing , to be freede from the crime ; euen as it was one thinge , for lazarus to be restored to life ; an other thing , to haue beene dead . and as it can neuer be true , to say lazarus was not once dead ; so can it neuer be true , to say the malefactor did not once kill the man. againe , the papists teach generally and vniformely , that none without a speciall reuelation from heauen , can know that he is in the state of saluation , and fréede from his mortall sinnes . the malefactor therefore cannot assure himselfe , that he is purged from the murder by vertue of his absolution . and so we sée , or at lest may sée , the fondnes of iesuiticall doctrine . fie vpon it . see the end of y● fifth chapter , how they bind men & womē vnto thē . fourthly , the iesuites in rome , acknowledge the pope to be lord spirituall & temporall , ouer all christian princes . all the extrauagant decretals , impose the same vpon all monarchies . it is a proposition verie familiar in the court of rome , and in the buls appointed for the publication of the iubily , in the yeare 1600. saint peter , and saint paule are called princes of the earth . these words are set downe , in the iesuites catechisme . libr. 3. cap. 26. fol. 233. the iesuites teach , that the pope hath authoritie to excommunicate kinges , and to transferre their kingdomes to others ; as also to free subiects , from their allegance to their soueraignes . this is proued as well in my suruey , as in sundry places of this discourse . yet the absurditie hereof , both the english priests and french papists do acknowledge , and most euidently confute the same . marke their proofes , which now follow in order . againe , where master a. c. saith , that power was not giuen to saint peter by christ , to transferre gentem in gentem , it is both catholike , and true doctrine ; and in vaine shall father parsons , goe about to infring it . these wordes are set downe , in the replie to parsons . libell . fol. 97. b. 17. neither can any lawe , or necessitie in the world , contradict or impeach the law of nature , borne with man , and alwaies remaining in himselfe . thus it is written in the replie to parsons libell . fol. 42. b. 18. and in an other place of the said replie , viz. fol. 35. b. it is plainly and flatly auouched , that the law of premunire against the pope and romish mischiefes , was enacted , and published with the frée and full consent , of all the clergie and temporaltie . this we haue said , & doe say , y● religious men & priests , haue not to doe with kingdomes ; and those of our owne nation , which haue delt in such affaires against their prince and countrie , we doe therein condemne their actions , and disclaime from them , as vndutifull and vnpleasant to all true english natures , these words are in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 38. b. jesuite , learne this lesson of me ; for i will not suffer , either our countrie-men to be infected with thy poysonous propositions , or strangers that shall reade this booke of thine , to conceiue , that the maiesty of our king is by thy comming anie whit empayred . first , we maintaine , and vphold it for an article inuiolable in france , that the pope hath no authoritie to bee liberall of our realme , for any mans aduantage whatsoeuer , what fault soeuer our king shall be found capable of , none excepted , the pope hath no power , but what is giuen him by commission from god. he is neither that samuel , nor that iehoiada , who were commanded by god to doe , what they did vnder the old law . for vnder the new , which we call the new testament , there is no mention of any such matter . the pope cannot by the power of his spirituall sword , controll the temporall . we hold it for an article firme and indubitable in this realme of france , that our kinges are not subiect to the popes excommunication . a thinge which wee haue receiued from all antiquitie . lothaire king of austracia decea●●● lest lewes his brother , who was emperour & king of 〈◊〉 to be his successour . king charles the balde vncle to them both seazed on it by right of occupation , as lying fit for his hand . lewes had recourse to pope adrian , whoe vndertooke the quarrell for him , and summoned charles to do his nephew right . but charles gaue no eare to him . so the pope went on , to interpose his censures with bitter curses and comminations . he enioyned hingmare arch bishop of rhemcs , not to admitte the king to communicate with him , vpon paine himselfe to be depriued of his holinesse his communion . ●●gmare aduised by diuers prelats & barons of france , wrot backe to the pope , that all of them were of●ended , and grieued with his decree , and would not obey him . these words are set downe in the iesuites catechisme libr. 3. cap. 17. fol. 179. boniface the eight felling at variance with king phillippe the faire , would needes excommunicate him , but there was neuer excommunication cost pope so deare , as that did him . for his nancios were committed prisoners , his buls burnt , and boniface himselfe being taken by nangeret chancelor of france , presently after died for very sorrow and despight , that hee had receiued so foule a disgrace at the hands of his enemie . wherein king phillippe did nothing , but by the counsell and consent of the whole clergie of france . so farre was his excommunication , from ●alling to the preiudice of the king and his realme ; that contrariwise , it turned to his shame and confusion , by whome it was decreed . bennet the 13. otherwise called peter de luna , interdicted charles the sixt and his realme . the king sitting in the throne of iustice in the parliament , or high court of paris , the 21. of may , 1408. gaue sentence that the bull should be rent in peeces , and that gonsalue and conseloux the bearers thereof , should be set vpon a pillorie , and publiquely notified and traduced in the pulpit . the meaning whereof was , that the people should be taught and informed , that the king was not liable to any excommunication . which decree was accordingly put in execution in the month of august , with the greatest scorne that could be deuised , the two nuncios or legats hauing this inscription vpon their miters ; these men are disloyall to the church , and to the king . these words are put downe in the iesuites catechisme , lib. 3. cap. 17. fol. 182. he hath forgot belike the notorious fact at louain where the iesuites by the power and authority of the kinge of spaine , forbad the publishing of the popes order for the vniuersitie against the iesuites . this facte belike this good father thought to haue beene so secret , as it was vnknowne to the world , or at the least forgottē . these words are in y● reply , to parlons libell . fol. 20. b. 21. in an other place of the said reply , viz. fol. 42. b. 5. it is flatly set downe , that pope paule the fourth sent caraffe with force of armes , to inuade naples ; to whom the king of spaine would not yeeld , albeit as it is there affirmed , the pope hath more right thereto , then the spaniard . note heere gentle reader , these points of great importance with me . first , that by iesuiticall doctrine , a pagan or iew may be the pope of rome . secondly , that neither pope , munke , iesuite , or nunne , are or can be lawfull at rome ; vnlesse the stewes be also lawfull there . thirdly , that one may denie the fact which he hath done , and that before a competent iudge ; and yet neither sinne , nor lye at all . fourthlie , that both the iesuites and the pope himselfe tell vs , that the pope is both lord spirituall and temporall ouer all christian princes ; as also , that he can depriue christian princes of their royall scepters and regalities . but withall forget not , that not onely the english priests , but the french papists also , tell vs the flat contrarie . viz. that the pope hath no authoritie to depose kinges , or to translate their kingdomes ; that the pope cannot excommunicate kinges ; that charles the bald contemned pope adrian , and derided his curses and comminations ; that kinge philip the faire resisted boniface the eight , burnt his buls , and imprisoned his legates ; and that all this was done , by the counsell and consent of the whole clergie of france ; that charles the sixt despised pope benedicts interdict ; burnt his buls ; caused the bringers thereof to be set on the pillorie ; and that to be done in most reprochfull manner , that could be deuised by the wit of man. fiftly , that the king of spaine doth withstand the pope , and his forces ; and will not yeeld naples , which ( his righte , as the priestes write , ) vnto him . the secular priests giue this commendation , to the religion of the iesuites . we desire you say they , by the mercies of god , to take heede of n●uelties and iesuitisme . for it is nothing , but treachery , dissimulation , ambition , and a very vizard of most déepe hypocrisie . when other kingdomes begin to loath them , why should you so farre debate your selues , as to admire them ? giue vs not occasion to say with the blessed apostle ; yee foolish galathians , who hath bewitched you ? these words are set downe , in the important considerations . pag. 39. see quodl . 8. art . 7. pag. 247. loe gentle reader , the religion of our iesuites is nothing els in deed , but treacherie , ambition , dissimulation , and flat hypocrisie . the iesuites haue prouided that all who come out of spaine , must sweare , vow , professe , or at least acknowledge an obedience to m. blackwell in all thinges ; yea , euen to become ranke traytours against their prince and country ; for that is principally intended . these words are to bée found in the sparing discouerie , in the end almost of the epi●●le , in the last page saue one . now then , the actions of the iesuites , tending so euidenly as they doe and haue done , to the ruine , subuersion , and ouerthrow , of our prince and country , both by secret practises , and open incursions of spanish inuasions , ( as is manifest both by their owne bookes , letters , and other dealinges , aswell in ireland as england , ) what good subiect or true hearted english man , can doe lesse thē disclame with his mouth , resist with his bloud , and open with his tongue , all such vnnaturall and treacherous attempts ? wée are too much acquainted therewith , and therefore bound to reueale what we know therein , when it shall be necessarie for the preseruation of our prince and contry . these words are to be found , in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 28. b. all catholikes must hereafter depend vpon blackwell , and blackewell vpon garnet , and garnet vpon parsons , and parsons vpon the diuell . these words are set downe in the discouery , page . 70. quodlibet . 6. arte . 7. page . 173. but for the iesuites they are so headlong and violent in these courses , that they seeme no more to regard the good of our countrie or estate thereof , then the spaniardes themselues . for notwithstanding the manifest intentions of conquest , and subuersion by the spaniards intended : yet do they so concurre with them , as where as the spaniard of himselfe seemeth slow , they pricke him on continually with plots and suggestions . witnesse father parsons actions , concerning two seuerall nauies which miscaried ; in one of which , maister doctor stillington tooke his death ; of the other he speaketh since , in a letter writte from rome to maister thomas fitzherbert . witnesse this the late attempt in irelande , in which father archer an irish iesuite was a great actor . these wordes are set downe in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 33. b. the iesuites dispose of the last wils of the sicke ; they loue to intermedle with the mariages of many , with their temporall goods , and in deede with all thinges , they alwaies take that course with all men , that some thinge happen to their owne share , hauing mind indeede of nothing , but their own gaine . these words are set downe in the abstract , pag. 75. note heere gentle reader , these important obseruations . first , that all iesuited persons must vow to become traytors . secondly , that all iesuites seeke nothing els indeede out their owne lucre and gaine . thirdlie , that all iesuited persons must depend vpon the deuill , who as you see heere , inspireth guideth , directeth , and ruleth the iesuites . from such religion , good lord deliuer vs. amen . chap. v. of the birth , parentage , qualitie , disposition , and demeanour , of robert parsons the iesuite . the first section , of his birth and bastardie . robert parsons the iesuite , is by birth a bastard , begotten vpon the bodie of a verie base woman , by the parson of the parish where he was borne ; ( to wit , at stockgersée : ) and his right name is not parsons , but cowbucke . the said parson of stockgersée which begat him , did afterwards foster him , and hauing brought him vp at the schoole , sent him to oxford , and placed him in balioll colledge . from whence being master of artes , he was expelled ; not for religion as he hath vanted , but for his basterdie , factious conuersation , libelling , and other misdemeanors . but thereof ye need no further information , then the said declaration ; where you shall finde , that there was such lamentation at his departure from the colledge , as for ioy he was rung thence with bels . doctor bagshaw being then fellow of the said colledge , was his stifle aduersarie in his matters obiected against him ; which the good father of his iesuiticall charity , doth not when occasion serueth , forget . these words are set down in the discouerie . pag. 42. & pag. 29. quodlibet . 7. art . 10. pag. 217. quodl . 4. art . 2. in fine . concerning father parsons illegitimation , i haue oft wished it had not beene vrged , being not much to the purpose . but sith it haue béene vrged , & that he denieth it , i will but aske him , why he was expelled balioll colledge in oxford , and whether the chiefest matter obiected was not periurie , in taking the oath of the house to the statutes , amongst the which this was one ; volumus , vt omnes huius collegij alumni sint legitimo thoro nati ; which was vrged against him , and offered to be proued openly . for the auoyding of which publike infamie , he made his owne resignation , writing it with his owne hand , as is yet to be séene . this is more , then i ment to haue said in this matter , being a personall touch ; had no father parsons ouer much vrged the obiection , not onely as an vntruth , but also inuented and framed by vs. heereby you may see , that the matter was not coyned by any of vs , nor so void of verity , as he affirmeth . these words are let downe , in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 91. b. 6. now then for our credits with father parsons , for his rising by practises , or factious disposition , i will say no more , but what is iusti●able à parte rei , viz. that the most stirring , medling , and practising heads amongst all of our english nation , ( to goe no further , ) haue alwaies come to credite and preheminence amongst them . witnes this per inductionem father parsons , whose factious dispesition hath béene euerie where sufficiently displayed , with proofes suf●cient . witnes father heywood , and his busie inclination at his comming into england , of which father parsons can beare witnes , being at variance with him ; and many other priests yet liuing in england , some of them hauing beene present at his synodes , where he made himselfe president in the popes name . witnes father holt , of whose disposition you may read in master charles pagets answere to the apologie . witnes father creswell , as you may see in doctor elies answere to the apologie . witnes father garnet , the onely chiefe actor , in all our stirres héere in england . i might adde father crichton the scot , with therest ; and father holt , ( if he were aliue , ) would take my part . these then are pretie inducements , to thinke father parsons rose in his order , by his factious disposition . but for the other point concerning master blackwell , let him be examined vpon his oath , whether he came not to master bluet then prisoner in the marshalsies , vsing these or the like words ; what meant doctor allen to send this man ouer , he will vndoe vs all . and being asked why ; he answered , that his expulsiō●ut of oxford was so infamous , that it would be obiected by the protestants , to the disgrace of the cause . let master blackwell i say , be vrged with this . and i adiure him , as he will answere it before almightie god at the latter day , to say the truth ; & then father parsons shall see we haue won our credits euen in both these points , besides an hundred more alreadie proued . these words are put downe in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 93. a. 30. out of this spirit it is , that father cowbucke ( alias parsons , ) for all the disparage of his birth ( which not his baptisme could wash away , ) and other his scandalous carriages , aswell since his iesuitisme , as formerly when he was an heretike in oxford , ambitioneth the cardinalate , forgetting how that to be a bare priest ( though no such peere , ) he being a known bastard , is against the canons of y● church ; although to be a iesuite ( being such , ) well and good he may . these words are put downe , in master a. c. his second letter , page . 23. and more at large , pag. 38. what name of his , ( he speaketh of the iesuite robert parsons , ) or but two letters of his name , find ye to this his manifestation of folly and bad spirit , whereby he not to deserue to be burned in the hand for a vagabond ? not any . no nor any durst he shew , manifesting so badde spirit , and so much folly in that censure of his , as he hath done . he is discouered for such as he is , viz. a man who being the misbegotten of a ploughman , and he a cuckwold too , vpon the bodie of a plough-man , hath accordingly demeaned himselfe ; first , in begetting two bastards male and female , vpon the bodie of his owne sister , betweene his age of seuenteene and three and twentie , which was the cause he ranne away ( as fearing the sheet , &c. ) and so became a iesuite ; secondly , or rather formerly and continually , by being a common alehouse-squire , and the drunkennest spunge in all the parish where he liued ; thirdly , for being an heretike of the family of loue all his life , till he became a iesuite . these words are set downe in master . a.c. his third letter , pag. 50. and more at large , pag. 78. o parsons , monster of mankind , fitter for hell then middle earth . thou giuest occasion to thinke , that thou art not a meere man , but some fairies brat , begotten of some incubus , or aerish spirit , vpon the bodie of a base woman . these words are set downe expressely , by the author of the quodlibets . quodl . 8. art . 5. pag. 238. and quodl . 4. art . 5. he is termed a sacrilegious bastard , borne of a base queane . not , heere gentle reader , two things of great moment . first , that when the pope abandoned lawfull and honest wedlocke to priests . ( which was euer deemed lawfull , vntill syricius was aduanced to the popedome in the yeare 385. as i haue prooued in my booke of surucy , ) then the priests had good store of bastards ; one of which as the priests heere confesse , was expelled from balioll colledge for his bastardie , & seditious dealing , & is this day ( euen by the free confession of the secular priests , ) an arrant traitor to his prince and natiue countrey . secondly , that this holy father , who must forsooth reforme the church of england and manage euerie thing in that high and heauenly function , was to be sent from heauen with heauenly and extraordinarie gifts . viz. he must first be a priests , sacrilegious bastard . then , hee must be a common drunkard . thirdly , he must be polluted with the execrable sinne of incest , and beget male and female vpon the bodie of his owne sister . fourthly , he must be giuen to sedition and libelling . fiftly , he must be a ranke traytor to his naturall soueraigne . at the length , being thus qualified with supernaturall gifts , and extraordinarie graces proceeding from beelz●bub that notable machiuell ; he must depriue noble queene elizabeth of her royall and princely diademe , and set the same vpon the spaniards head ; he must make a bloodie massacre , of all the nobles and other her louing subiects ; he must abolish , abandon , and make hauocke , of all the ancient lawes of this church and realme ; and so forsooth ( si dijs placet ) set vp his newly deuised monarchie , his holy so falsely named reformation . sect. ii. of his notortous treasons and bloodie trecheries . the next point brought in by father parsons , is the last irish attempt ; but before we say any thing to that , we must put his fatherhood in minde of his practises , concerning two other preparations , wherein he cannot denie himselfe to haue beene not onely a dealer , but also the verie chiefe and principall actor . the first was that , whe●in doctor stillington and some others got their death , which miscarried by reason of the ignorance of their pilotes , or rather by the prouision of god , thirtie foure ships being shiuered vpon their owne bayes . if he denie this , wee haue master thomas leake a reuerend priest , and others witnes thereto , with whom he dealt to goe in that armie . and because master leake refused , he intreated him accordingly . this preparation was intended , ( as then was thought , ) for ireland . the second preparation was some thrée or foure yeares after ( if i be not deceiued , ) of which father parsons maketh mention , in a letter written to master thomas fitzharbert from rome into spayne , desiring to heare of the successe thereof , saying withall , that they had little hope of that attempt at rome . this preparation ( as i remember , ) was in the same yeare , that the earle of essex went into the ilands , and it miscaried also by tempests . these two preparations are so euident , to haue procéeded with his concurrēce , & cooperation , as he no way can denie it , without the note of impudencie ; so many witnesse and his owne letters , being in testimonie against him . what wise man will not laugh at father parsons , to heare him in such sober protestation affirme , that he neuer intended , that the king of spaine should haue any temporall interest to the crowne of england , and yet by all his might and power seeke to make him master thereof , by inuasion and force of armes ? was the booke of titles ( wherein the kings daughter , the ladie infanta was intituled to all her maiesties dominions , ) writ to no purpose , but to exercise father parsons wit , ? was it a vaine speculation in the ayre , without relation to effect or end ? there is a most trayterous letter of his extant , which in time may come to light . but should i labour to light a candle at noone tide ? whose positions good father are these ? the catholikes in england , may fauour tyrone in his warres , and that with great merit , and hope of eternall reward , as though they warred against the turkes . all catholikes do sinne mortally , that take part with the english against tyrone , & can neyther be saued , nor absolued from their sinnes by any priest , vnlesse they repent and leaue the english. they are in the same case , that shall helpe the english with any victuals , or any such like thing . the most worthie prince hugh ô neale and other catholikes of ireland , that fight against the queene , are by no construction rebels . how say you fryer robert , out of what forge came these warlike engins ? they were hammered in salamanca the seuenth day of march , 1602. and are as you see , read hote . but what vulcan was the workeman of them ? you shall heare euerie one of them , speake for themselues . so i iohn de sequenza , professour of diuinitie in the colledge of the societie of iesus , in the famous vniuersitie of salamanca , do thinke . i emanuel de royas , professor of diuinitie in the same colledge of the societie of iesus , am of the same opinion . i iasper de mena , professor of diuinitie , and of the sacred scripture in the same colledge , doe assent to these fathers sentence , as to an assured truth . i peter osorio , preacher in the colledge of the societie of iesus at tire , ain altogether in iudgement with these fathers . now father parsons , speake out man , haue any of your company beene practicioners in the treasons of ireland ? the catholike author of the iesuites catechisme telleth vs , that all the late rebellious treacheries and murthers hée there mentioneth , were plotted and contriued in the colledges of the iesuites in france : and doe not these iesuiticall professors , tell vs as much , of their owne procéedings in their colledges in spaynt , for our treasons , rebellions , and murthers in ireland ? i can be but sorie , that the auncient christian faith and rebellion of christ , should thus be scandalized by machiuilians , vnder pretence of the blessed name of iesus . we can alledge his letter written to the earle of angus , the 24. of ianuarie , 1600. wherein he confesseth , that he had laboured eight or tenne yeares for his maiesty of scotland , and the preferment of his title , with the summe of twentie hundred crownes a yeare for two yeares together from spayne , which were as hee saith , disbursed in the yeare 1583. and 84. as also 4000. crowns procured to y● same effect , from pope gregory the 13. by bil of exchange ; which he confesseth he brought to paris , and there deliuered it . and he saith the same had continued , it any correspondencie of gratitude , or hope had continued from scotland ; with no small assurance of farre greater matters , and aduauncement to the kings person , if the enemies since of both our realmes ( as hée saith , ) had not ouer throwne , and altered that course . this he hath in that letter , and much more . whereby you may perceiue , what his practises haue béene from time to time , against her maiestie and state ; séeking first as you see , by large pensions from spayne , to worke with the scots and others , for the vntimely aduancement of his title , which must haue beene with the ouerthrow of her maiestie , or otherwise you know , it could not haue beene . and heere i request the reader , to note these labours of father parsons for the affayres , of scotland , to haue beene in the yeares , 1583. and 1584. in which selfe same yeare , happened the trayterous plots of patry , frances throgmorton , and the earle of northumberland , and the practises with the duke of guise , spayniard , and other english abroade , about the deliuerie of the queene of scots , and ouerthrow of her maiestie ; and shortly after , the treasons of babington and his complices . which i note , that you may see , how father parsons courses concurred at the same instant with their attempts ; and by this you may gesse , whether it be not more then probable , that he was inward with all those deuises ; and perhaps some of that money was imployed , to the setting forward of those attempts , though he would seeme cleare in all things . but it is gods will , that his owne letters and writings , should discouer his dealings . there want not other letters of his and his complices , which shew his good will towards our soueraigne and countrey , but these shall be sufficient at this time . these words are set downe , in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 65. fol. 66. fol. 67. fol. 68. the iesuite parsons caused the students in spayne , to subscribe to the ladie infantaes title to the crowne of england , and to what else he would , hauing gotten their names to three seuerall blankes . these wordes are set downe , in the hope of peace , page . 22. and they are defended to be true , in the reply to parsons libell , fol. 68. b. where it is affirmed , to be a matter verie notorious and euident , as also , that there are diuers priests yet liuing , aswell of them that were enforced to subscribe against their willes , as others that openly refused the same , who will confirme this by oath . to come to parsons booke of succession , what title is there , which he doth not inualidate one way or other , with bastardie , or the like , the infanta her title onely excepted ? doth he not bring the marriage of the earle of harford in question , to debarre that line ? doth he not exclude the scot , by the assotiation , and so in the rest ? onely he leaueth the infanta sole heire , without spot or staine . againe , hath he not raked vp a title for the infanta , from john of gaunt , and before ? neuer dreamed of in the world till his time , to bring in her as a competitor . i am sure , he might bring in 300. at the least within our owne countrey aswell , and with as good right and interest to the crowne . these words are set downe , in the replie to parsons libell . fol. 77. a. sect. iii. of parsons impudencie , and other his bad qualities manifold . i will say , he is impudent , and hath a face of brasse , and is as shamelesse as father p●rsons ; who will affirme , or denie any thing . for my selfe haue hard the foresaid irreuerent speeches , from some of their owne mouthes . these words are set downe , in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 21. a. 22. againe in an other place , viz. fol. 10. a. 16. thus ; they are so apparantly and inuincibly confuted , as that i admire much at the mans brasen forehead , that he durst , so palpablie laye open his follies , if not his malice . but this is but an ordinarie tricke with parsons , and his complices ; that euerie man , be he neuer so honest , if he once speake against a iesuite , must bee esteemed a bad man , and a suspected companion ; marrie , if hee runne a longe with them in their courses , let him be neuer so lewde a varlet , he shall be reputed for most honest . witnesse this , tomson , coulfon , tunsteed , and many others of that rable , which i could name . these words are set downe , in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 11. a 19. beleeue me , when i read this , i was amazed with wondering at this mans brasen visage , ( he speaketh of parsons that holy iesuite . ) neuer did i in my life ( i protest , ) reade or heare so notorious wickednesse and iniustice , so impudently recounted for iust . iesu , whither will this man goe , or what will he not iustifie and commend ? doth not all our little world know , that the erecting of the arch. priest , was the cause of all our dissentions ? how then was he procured , at our owne petition ? did not m. standish most falsely by his meanes , suggest vnto the pope in our names a desire of such a thing , we neuer dreaming thereof ? did any one priest in england send his hand , or consent with maister standish to sollicite any such matter ? were not the iesuites constrained , cunningly to extort ratihabitions from the priestes themselues , by subscriptions vnto a congratulatorie letter , after that they had by forgerie erected him , and saw him impugned ? diabolus est mendax , & pater eius . god send father parsons more shame , more honestie , and more truth . i wonder not now , at any thing he saith . for i well see , he hath wholy giuen himselfe ouer , to the trade of fittening ; with which it séemeth , he hath made sale of his conscience . these words are set downe , in the reply to parsons libell , fol 57. a. and in an other place , viz. fol. 53. b. thus ; but father parsons will neuer leaue , his old trickes of iugling . in an other place . viz. fol. 75. b. thus ; neither were their wits so weake , as not able to sée father parsons cunning ayme therein , though like a gipsey , he play at fast and loose , yet men that are acquainted with his olde trickes , can gesse at his newe fetches . the complement of this chapter . as for don bernardino mendoza , it is knowne , that he was wholy affectionate to the iesuites . and it is but an ordinarie course with the iesuites , to bind both noble men & noble women , & others also , vnto them by vow ; and yet leauing them in the world to be their instruments ; of which kind in both sexes , i could name some in our owne country ; and therefore it is no strange thing to charge the iesuites , to haue men in the world abroad that are theirs , and bound to them in vow , and therefore may be termed iesuites . for what doth incorporate into a religious bodie , but the vowes thereof , amongst which obedience is the chiefest . these words are set downe , in the reply to parsons libell . fol. 47. a. 23. note here gentle reader , what a cursed crewe of disloyall caterpillers these iesuites be . they are not onely ranke traytors , as you haue hard at large ; but so full of cozonage , and hypocriticall dealing in their pestilent sect ; that no man can tell , when he talketh , or conue●seth with a iesuite . for they are both friars and nunnes , both men , and women , and liue in the world to set forward iesuiticall plots and treasonable practises , as if they were lay-people . the like was neuer heard of in the world ; it is a new no religion ; it is a folly of all follies ; friers are become nunnes , & nunnes are friers , & all are iumbled vp together . they may dilate and inlarge their hypocriticall sect , by a most execrable and sacrilegious propag●tion . for friers may begette friers , and iesuiticall nunnes may be their mothers . well , it is expedient to know these holy secular friers , as also the religious contemplatiue nunnes . for secret traytors are most daungerous , and not to be tolerated in a well managed common weale . now , these gallants , these friers and these nunnes , are knowne to the secular priests , as heere you see . againe , they are arrant traytors , as the said priests confesse . thirdly , the said priests , as themselues haue voluntarily graunted , are bound in conscience to discouer them . let wise magistrates remember these points , and thinke vpon the execution . let them not forget , that both secret friers , and secret nunnes , are in this realme ; and that not base friers and base nunnes , but nobles of the best families , noble men , and noble women . if this geare , and this treacherous dealing , be permitted a while ; welladay , and welladay , may be englands song night and day . for the priests themselues heere tell vs , that these noble friers and these noble nunnes , are permitted by the iesuites , to liue as lay-persons in the worlde ; that so they may the better bee able to effecte , their treacherous and bloudie practises euerie where . chap. vi. of the pope and his english hispanized seminaries . paragraph . i. of parsons the popes instrument in state-affaires . parsons was the speciall instigator of the duke of guise , an . 1583. or there abouts , for his sodaine surprizing the citie of london , and her maiesties person , with 5000. men ; assuring him , that the catholikes would assist him , if néede required . it is not vnknowne , what a villanous attempt the traytor parrie vndertooke ; against the life of hir maiestie , ann . 1583. with which outragious plot , sundrie of the iesuites were acquainted , and namely this arrant traytor parsons ; who also intituled alexander the duke of parma to hir maiesties crowne , and indeuoured with all his skill , to perswade the duke in the right of his sonne ranutius , to set vpon this realme with all his force . but the attempt of anno . 1588. by the king of spaine against hir maiesty and this whole kingdome , is to be abhorred aboue all the rest , and to be had in perpetuall detestation . and yet in that cruell attempt , this our iesuite was a chiefe firebrand , and had his hand in that pernitious booke , that was then printed for the stirring vp of her maiesties subiects , to haue taken part with the spaniard , if he could haue arriued . these words are to be found , in the sparing discouery . pag. 49. page . 51. pag. 52. a large volumne is set forth by this parsons and his generall , called the high counsell of reformation for england , to take place and to be of force , when the catholike conquerour shall be established in great brytaine . first , no religious order will that famous volumne permitte in great brytain , but iesuites and capuchines . neither benedictines , nor carthusians , nor dominicans must enter heere , sicut placuit iesuitis ; for the holy ghost hath forsaken all other religious orders , and is onely in the capuchenes and iesuites . if you aske vs , why they make choise of the capuchenes onely ; we answere you , as a good capuchene did to the like question . we sute best ( quoth he , ) with the humor of the iesuits ; for their drift is to haue all , and to rule all ; and on the contrarie , our orders are such , as we must neitheir rule at all , neither haue any thing at all . secondly , all bishoprickes great and small , all parsonages , vicarages , and monasteries , must be no more in the hands of bishops , abbots , parsōs , & the rest , as heretofore it was accustomed . they all must bee put to their pensions , and the father prouinciall must ●ull out foure iesuites , and two secular priests , which must be demi● iesuits . these six vicars , these mightie great lords , shall haue lands , mannors , lordships , parsonages , monasteries , and whatsoeuer els , into their owne hands ; allowing the bishoppes , and the rest , pensions or stipends at their good pleasures . thirdly , no parson , no vicar , no bishop , no fellow of any colledge , must be so hardy , as once to demaund an accompte , what is become of their reuenewes , lands , and lordships . fourthly , the nobilitie must be limited also , what retinewe they shall keepe ; what they shall haue to spende yeerely ; and what diet they shall keepe at their tables . lastly , the common lawes of our contrie must be abolished , and the ciuill beare the sway . happie is hee , that can see and read this booke , called the counsell of reformation . these words are to be found , both in the sparing discouerie , pag. 28. 29. and in the dialogue also , page . 95. as also , quodlibet . 4. art . 2. page . 93. quodlibet . 9. art . 2. pag. 289. note heere gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that the iesuites doe perswade themselues confidently , and would perswade all others in like manner ; that they can procure a conquest of england , at their pleasure . secondly , that themselues are the onely wise men in all europe , at least in their owne conceits ; and consequently , that all people or all estates and condition whatsoeuer , must in reason yeelde to their counsell of reformation . thirdly , that all bishops , parsons , and vicars , must depend vpon the iesuiticall munks , those irreligious and trayterous fryers ; a thing neuer heard of , since the world began . fourthly , that not onely the ancient lawes of the church , but also of the realme , must be altered by iesuiticall profested fryers . fiftly , that munks ( the hautie and arrogant iesuites i meane , ) must be the high treasurers of the land . sixtly , that all the nobilitie of the land , must be censured and limited by the said friers , what retinew they shall keepe , what summes of money they shall spend , and what diet they shall vse , seuenthly , and lastly , that these iesuits , these lordly friers , these noble treasurers of england , are lawles and independent ; aboue all and vnder none ; no man may call them to accoumpt ; no man may once aske them , what is become of the common treasure . two priests ( maister bishoppe & maister charnocke , ) being messengers to rome , sent in the name of all the rest , were imprisoned at rome before their message was deliuered . the french ambassadour came to the pope and told him , that in imprisoning those two men , he had done that , whereof no example could begiuen in any age . and therefore beseeched the pope , to giue them audience . after the ambassadours departure , forthwith commeth the spanish ambassadour suborned by , parsons , and disswadeth the pope from that which he had promised . the french ambassadour commeth againe the second time , and vrgeth as before ; and againe audience was granted to the priestes . this being knowne to the iesuites , they procured the said spanish ambassadour to come againe to disswade the pope , at whole motion audience againe was denied , and the priests cast into prison . these words are set downe , in the preface to the important considerations . fol. 8. page . 2. see also maister elies notes vpon the apologie . pag. 108. for there the same is auouched . note here gentle reader , these points with me . first , that the iesuites are men , which respect neither religion nor conscience , nor honest morall dealing . againe , that the pope is an vnfit man , to gouerne any one nation ; and much lesse fit , to gouerne all the christian world . but all is well , his traytorous iesuites can doe it for him . yea , they can rule the pope himselfe , for so themselues affirme . these are their words , in the notes vpon the apologie . page . 267. parsons for his credit ( you say , ) in the romaine court , doth greatly let & hinder their designements . and this their saying was not manie monethes since confirmed , by one of his owne coate passing by this way ; who said father parsons could doe what he would , with the pope . paragraph . ii. of the popes dealing in matters of treason . pi●s quintus practised hir maiesties subuersiō ; he sent into england one ridolphi a gentleman of florence , vnder colour of marchandize , to sollicite a rebellion . he moued the king of spaine to ioyne in this exploite , for the better securing of his owne dominions , in the lowe countries . he denounced his bull against hir maiestie , purposely to further the intended rebellion , and to depriue hir from hir kingdome . the pope and king of spaine assigned the duke of norfolke , to be the head of this rebellion . the pope gaue order to the said ridolphi , to take 150000. crownes to set forward his attempt . some of which mony was sent for scotland , and some deliuered to the said duke . king philippe at the popes instance , determined to send the duke of alua into england , with all his forces into the low countries , to assist the duke of norfolke . are all these things true , & were they not then in hand , whilest her maiestie dealt so mercifully with you ? how can you excuse these des●gnements , so vnchristian , so vnpriestly , so treacherous ? when we first heard these particulars , we did not beleeue them ; but when we saw the booke , and found them there ; god is our witnes , we were much amazed , and can say no more , but that his holines was misformed , & indirectly drawen to these courses . to proceed , the catholikes continued as before , till the said rebellion brake forth in the north , 1569. a little before christmasse ; and that it was knowne , that the pope had excommunicated the queene , and thereby freed her subiects ( as the bull importeth ) from their subiection . thē followed a restraint , but the sword was only drawne against such catholikes , as had risen vp actually into open rebellion . well , the sentence was procured by surreption , and the pope was deceiued , as hee is often in matters of fact . these wordes are set downe , in the important considerations , page , 10. 11. maister sanders also telleth vs , that maister morton and maister webbe two secular priests , were sent by the pope before the said rebellion , to the lords and gentlemen in the north , to excite them with their followers , to take vp armes against their soueraigne . and the rather to perswade them thereunto , they signified to them by the popes commandement , that her maiestie was excommunicated , and her subiects released from their obedience . and the said maister saunders doth iustifie the commotion , and ascribeth the euill successe it had , to the ouerlate publishing of the bull , it being not generally knowne of , till the yeare after , when felton had set it vp vpon the bishoppe of londons gate . these words are set downe in the discouerie afore said , pag. 12 in the said important considerations , page 12. the priests confesse , that maister saunders doth to much extoll the said rebels ; because say they , they were men arraigned and executed by the auncient lawes of our country , for high treason . in the place alleaged , the priests confesse , that parsons and others of his coate , haue since followed the former intollerable and vncatholike course . they confesse also , that with in foure or fiue yeeres , it was commonly knowne to the realme , what attempts were in hande by maister 〈…〉 maister saunders , for an interprise by force in 〈◊〉 ; in which action maister saunders being to much iesuited did thrust himselfe in person , as a chiefe ringleader , for the better assisting of the rebells . and whilst these practises were in hand in ireland , gregorie the 13. reneweth the said bu●● of p●us quintns , and denounceth hir maiestie to be excommunicate , with intimation of all other particulars in the former bull mentioned , which was procured no doubt by sur●●ption , the false iesuites daring to attempt any thing , by vntrue suggestion , and lewd surmises ; which iesuites as the diuell would haue it , came into england , and intruded themselues into our haruest , being the chiefe instruments of all the mischiefes , that haue beene intended against her maiestie , since the beginning of her raigne . their first comming was in the yeare 1580. campion the 〈◊〉 and pa●sons the prouinciall , alias bastard cardinall cowbucke , as you haue heard alreadie . in the said important considerations , pag. 22. it is set downe , how the pope by the ins●●gations of the iesuits , plotted with the king of spaine , for the assistance of the duke of guise against the queene of england . for the better effecting whereof , mendoza the iesuite and ledger for the king of spaine in england , set on worke fraunces throckmorton and diuers others . two others also about the same time viz. ann . 1583. arden and sommervile , were purposed and had contriued how they might lay violent hands vpon her maiesties sacred person . and doctor party the same yeare , was plotting with iesuites beyond the seas , how he might haue effected the like villanie . about the same time , the earle of northumberland , was brought into the plot of the duke of guise . hereunto may be added , the notable treasons of anthonie babington and his complices , in the yeare 1586. the treacherie also of sir william stanley the yeare following 1587. in the page . 40. it is confessed , that cardinall allen and parsons , published the renouation of the bull by sixtus quintus ; so as the pope must needes be condemned , to haue dealt in matters of treason , and to haue beene the chiefest author thereof . for in his name , and vpon his pretensed authoritie , the others did all that was done ; and without him they durst not haue done any thing , as is euident by this discourse . paragraph . iii. of the popes seminaries . that the pope did erect his seminaries , for to withdraw english subiects , from their due obedience and allegeance to their naturall soueraigne ; it may and doth appeare most euidently , by his first mission of his seminarists , into the realme of england . for i pray you , when sherwin , r●ston , and birket , were sent into this land from rome , ( who were the first that came from thence , ) did not the pope send with them at the same time , the iesuites c●mpion and parsons that priestly bastard ? i wote he did , my selfe was ●estis oculatus , being then one of that colledge . and how did he send them ? mush , one of these secular priests which now stand against these iesuites , can tell as well as my selfe , because he was then of the same colledge at rome . i know , and he knoweth , that the excommunication was then renewed in fresh print , and common in euerie mans hands , my selfe had one of them at the same time . in which bull , her maiestie was denounced to be excommunicate , to be an vsurper , and pretensed queene of england , and all her subiects were thereby absolued , freed , and discharged of their allegiance to her . in this manner furnished , these good fellowes receiue the popes blessing , and their viaticum , which was a good one i warrant you , and so they march towards england . who forthwith after their arriuall , ( as you may read in the important considerations , page . 14. ) bestirred themselues , as the diuell would haue them , ( for these are the verie wordes of the priests , ) like a tempest , with great brags and challenges ; and parsons forthwith fell to his iesuiticall courses , of which you haue heard copiously , in the chapter next afore going . touching the erection of popish seminaries , who so listeth , may read at large in my booke of motiues , in the chapter of dissention . chap. vii . of the english hispanized seminaries , and the intent of their erection . it is apparant , that the seminaries in spaine were intended by father parsons , of purpose to cause a conquest , and to bring this land into the bondage and slauerie of the spaniard . quodl . 8. art . 10. pag. 278. the iesuites haue beene plotting about this monarchie , these twentie yeares together . that is to say , how to bring both states ecclesiasticall and temporall vnder their subiection . for this cause it is , that father parsons so speedily obtained of the king of spayne , there to institute three seminaries on his maiesties costes and charges ; that graines and indulgences must be published in england on the spanish behalfe , for all that take his part ; that all who come out of spayne , must sweare , vow , professe , or at least acknowledge , an obediēce to master blackwell in all things ; yea , euen to become ranke traytors against their prince and country , for that is principally intended . these words are set downe in the end of the preface , which is annexed to the sparing discouerie . parsons caused diuers by fayre meanes and threats to subscribe , that in all conferences they should when they came into england , aduance the infantaes title , not intending therby to expect her maiesties death , but by all means to remoue her , from the present possession of her royall estate . these words are set downe in the discouerie , pag. 57. as also in the important considerations , page . 34. by these testimonies gentle reader , two things are cleared ; the one , that parsons the iesuite , aliâs bastard cowbucke , taketh vpon him as roundly as traiterously , to place and displace , to put on and take of royall diademes , at his good will and pleasure . the other , that the three english hispanized semiminaries , erected in saint lucars , siuill , and valledolid , are and must be mainteyned , to further , ayde , and assist , the spanish bloodie intendments , against their vndoubted soueraigne and natiue countrey . chap. viii . of the popes authoritie . i haue discoursed at large of this theame , in my booke of motiues . i meane heere to speake thereof onely , as the printed bookes published by the secular priests , haue ministred ●t occasion to me . where i wish the indifferent reader , to marke well what i shall by gods helpe , deliuer in this behalfe . in which my dispute , i will for perspicuitie sake , proceede by way of sections . sect. i. of the popes fact in assoyling her maiesties subiects , from their homage to her . touching the bull of pious quintus , and the same since confirmed by gregorie 13. against her maiestie ; as neither the spaniard , nor any other forraine power , is eyther by expresse or implied termes thereof , incited to dominion ouer this land , as little are english hearts therby disallegeanced so from her maiestie , as to concurre with any forraine inuadour . for though the said buls vpon her maiesties excommunication therein promulged , doe de facto assoyle the subiects of this realme from their homage to her ; it therfore followes not , that they must and ought to be parties against her maiestie , and their country to a forraine power , howsoeuer pretending euen religion , or the ciuill good thereunto . for that were to conster the popes act so ouermuch in religion , and grace , as to the destruction of nature , which were against the marime aforesaid . these words are taken out of the answere , to the iesuited gentleman , page . 39. sect. ii. of power granted to saint peter . a man to goe against his owne countrey , is and euer was holden in the ciuill part of the world , an act contraius gentum ; also vnnaturall , yea against all grace . besides , that christ neuer did delegate any such power to s. peter , as tradere gentem in gentem , that being a meere temporall reuenge , and he but his vicar spirituall . sect. iii. of the confirmation of the power , named in the former section . saint peters commission against transgressing kings and kingdomes , is no more then onely to denounce by excommunication , and other the like ecclesiasticall censures , gods displeasure against them for their transgression , and not to exercise the secular sword at all . these words conteyned in the third and second sections , are set downe in the answere to the iesuiticall gentleman . page . 40. sect. iiii. of the explication of the former confirmation . i say againe , i doe not see , howe that chaire and those keyes to be imbrued in blood , and to atchieue conquests , especially such a tradition as of england to spaine by the sword , can any wayes stand , eyther with christs , or his said vicars honour . these words are set downe in the answere to the iesuited gentleman . page . 42. sect. v. of the obeysance to the popes comamundement . we all of the secular cleargie , doe with one assent vtterly renounce both archpriest and iesuites , as arrant traytors to their prince and countrey , whom to death we will neuer obey ; no , if the popes holinesse should charge vs to obey in this sense , to aduance an enemie to the english crowne , we would neuer yeeld to it ; as by no law of nature , of nations , or of man , to be compelled thervnto . these words are set downe , in the preface to the important considerations . fol. 9. pag. 2. sect. vi. of the popes stat commaundement , in matters . of treason . the secular priests hau●ng told vs , that the pope denounced his ●ul against her maiesty , purposely to suffer the intended rebellion , & that he gaue order to ridolphi the florentine to take 150000. crownes to set forward the said attempt , and much other matter to the like effect , wherof i haue spoken at large in the sixt chapter ; doe adde thervnto these expresse words ; when we first heard these particulars , ●e did not beleeue them , but would haue laid our liues they had beene false ; but when we saw the booke , and found them there ; god is our witnesse , we were much amazed and can say no more , but that his holines was misinformed , and directly drawn to these courses . these words are set downe in the important considerations , page . 10. now , out of these waightie and important points conteyned in these sections , certaine conclusions are necessarily inferred , for which i haue reserued the next chapter , wishing the reader seriously to obserue the same . chap. ix . of certaine memorable conclusions , worthie to be kept in perpetuall remembrance . the first conclusion . the bishop of rome hath no authoritie deriued from christ , or s. peter , by which he may lawfully depriue and dispossesse her maiestie , ( that now most happily raigneth ouer vs , ) from her royall diademe and regalitie ; and giue the same to the king of spayne , to isabella his sister , or to any other forraine potentate whosoeuer . this conclusion is effectually proued , by all the sections of the former chapter . for in the first section , this authoritie is said to tend to the destruction of nature , which power is denied to the pope . in the second section , it is flatly affirmed , that christ neuer gaue any such power to saint peter , whom all papists will grant to haue had as great power , as their pope hath , i am sure . in the third section , it is said plainly , that saint peters commission was onely to denounce by excommunication , gods displeasure against trangressors of his lawes . in the fourth section , it is auouched , that this kinde of proceeding , doth neither stand with christs honour , nor with his vicars . in the fift section , it is affirmed in plaine termes , that subiects can not be charged to obey such a commaundement ; and the reason is yeelded to be this , because it is against the law of nature , of nations , and of man. in the sixt section , the priests grant the fact , and know not how to excuse the same . yet , they seeme to haue a great desire to excuse the pope , if possibly they could tell how . and therefore they say , he was misinformed , and indirectly drawen to these courses . for which respect , i will put downe the next conclusion . the second conclusion . the pope was neither misinformed , nor indirectly drawn to deale as he did , in the matters of treason . i proue it many waies . first , because he knew , that our gracious ladie queene elizabeth , was heire to the crowne of england by succession in blood royall ; that she was opposite to his disholy holines in religion ; and that the crowne was set vpon her head , by oglethorpe the bishop of carlett , a papist to his owne liking . 2. because he knew his owne plottings in that matter ; viz. that he did excommunicate her maiestie , that he did depriue her from her kingdome by his bull , that he did pronounce her an vsurper ; and that he discharged , absolued , and freed all her subiects , from their allegeāce to her . 3. because he knew ridolphi the florentine , the king of spayne , the duke of guise , and stukeley , to say nothing of the rest . 4. because , he denounced his bull as thēselues grant , purposely to further the intended rebellion . 5. because he designed ridolphi , as the priests also grant , to take 150000. crownes to set forward the said attempt . so then , it is verie ridiculous , to say the pope was misinformed . for euerie thing was truly related to him , and he was ignorant of no important point . no , no , he will not say , as the priests doe , that hee hath no such authoritie . for the iesuite bellarmine ascribeth the saide authoritie to the pope , and defendeth it in that verie booke , which hee dedicated to the pope himselfe ; which booke is this day in p●int , in all or most parts of europe . if the priests doe not recant this point , and submit themselues to his holinesse ; i am well assured , they must smart for the same . i would therefore aduise them , that as they haue wisely renounced the iesuites and the archpriest ; so they will also ( as i haue conceiued some hope therein , ) renounce the vsurped and diabolicall authoritie , which the bishop of rome falsely chalengeth to himselfe . the third conclusion . the pope euen by the doctrine of the secular priests , hath erred iudicially in a matter of faith . for the proofe whereof , we must o● serue first , that the pope hath no authoritie , neither from chirst , nor from saint peter , to translate . kingdomes , tradere gentem in gentem or to giue the 〈◊〉 of one prince to an other . he hath no such powe granted him , vpon the face of the earth . thus much ● freely granted in expresse termes , by the testimonie of th secular priests . their words are set downe in the chapte next aforegoing . sect. 2. secondly , that the popes power is wholy spirituall , and that hee can no way proceede against transgressing kings and kingdomes , but onely in denouncing gods displeasure against them by ecclesiasticall censures . thus much the priests grant , cap. 8. sect . 3. thirdly , that such a tradition as of england to spaine by the sword , can no way stand , eyther with christs honour , or his vicars . thus much the priests graunt . cap. 8. sect . 4. fourthly , that to obey the pope , in that he seeketh to aduance an enemy to the crown , is against the law of nature , of nations , and of man. and consequently , that such a uommaundement ought not to be obeyed , neyther will the priests obey the same . thus much the priests confesse freely . cap. 8. sect . 5. fiftly , that the pope hath de facto , thus commaunded . this i prooue by two strong reasons . first , because the iesuite parsons did charge the english priests vnder paine of excommunication , to ioyne themselues foorthwith with all their forces to the spaniards , against our most gracious ladie queene elizabeth . secondly , because cardinall alien did affirme openly , that the pope had made him cardinall with intent to send him as his legate , for the sweeter managing of the said great affayre . i will heere alleage their expresse words , as the secular priests haue published them in print . thus they write ; father p●rsons ascribeth it to error of conscience , and want of coura●e , terming the same an effeminate dastardy , that we had then suffered her maiestie almost 30. years ; o raigne ouer vs. he threatned vs with excommunication , and vtter ruine both of our selues and all our posteritie ▪ if we did then any longer obay or aide , defend or acknowledg , her highnesse to be our queene or superiour ; and did not forthwith ioyne our selues with all our forces to the spaniards . the good cardinall allen by parsons meanes is drawne to say , that the pope had made him cardinall , intending to send him as his legate , for the sweeter managing of this ( for●oth ) godly and great affaire ; and to affirme vpon his honor , and in the word of a cardinall , that in the fury of the spaniards intended conquest , there should beeas great care had of euery c●tholike , and penitent person , as possiblie could be . and to allure the nobilit●e of his realme , he promised them to become an humble suter on their behalfes , that ( so as they shew themselues valiant in assisting the king of spaine his forces , ) they may continue their noble name and families . these words are set downe in the important considerations , page , 25. 26. quodl . 8. art . 7. page . 247. see the fourth booke and the fift chapter in the first section , and note it well . sixtly , that by popish doctrine , euery papist is bound in conscience , to employ his person and forces by the popes direction . for in iustifying the disloyalty of sir william standley , a worthy papist laid downe this ground , viz. that in all warres ▪ which may happen for religion ; euery catholike man is bound in conscience , to imploy his person & forces by the popes direction ; viz now farre , when , and wher , either at home or abroad , he may and must breake with his temporall soueraigne . these wordes are sette downe , in the important considerations , page . 24. see the fourth booke and fift chapter , and note it well in the first section . out of these obseruations well marked and throughly pondered , the verity of my third conclusion , is inferred of necessitie . for first , seeing it is a matter of conscience , faith , and religion , to follow the popes direction in all warres concerning religion , as is proued in the sixt obseruation ; secondly , seeing the pope hath intended , willed , directed , and commanded , his english priests & other his popish vassals , to ●oyne themselues with the spaniard , and to assist them with all their forces , as is proued in the first obseruation . thirdly , seeing the pope hath no such power and authoritie , as he may or can lawfully so will direct , or command , as appeareth by the first , second third , and fourth , obseruations ; it is so euident , as none hauing but common sence can denie the same , that the pope hath erred de facto , euen iudicially , and in a matter of faith : when he affirmed it to be lawfull , and a matter of conscience , to obey his wicked and most execrable sentence ; when hee appointed the english preiests and others , to take part with the spanish powers against their soueraigne . and heere by the way , the gentle reader may note this excellent and golden corollary ; viz that though the priests and all papists hold if for a cōstant maxime , that the pope is the onely iudg in controuersies ; yet doe the priests now when the case toucheth themselues , take vpon them to censure the pope , and to say bouldly , that they will not , because they are not bound , in such and such cases to obey him . marke well for christs sake , it is not my doctrine , but the doctrie of the secular priests ; and so of greatest force against them , and all other papists . the fourth conclusion . the pope hath no authoritie to assoyle or exempt the subieces of this realme , from the homage to her maiestie . this conclusion is cleare and plaine , by the free grāt and open confession of the secular priests ; where and when they write in expresse tearmes , as you haue heard in the chapters a foregoing more then once ; that the pope hath no power ouer y● law of nature , which is indeed the law of god ; & therfore he is no more to be obeyed therein , thē if he should command to commit adulterie , incest or to murder our selues , or our parents , that i may vse the priests , their owne words . and the case is euident , to euery childe . for who knoweth not , that no inferiour hath power , to chaung or alter the law of his superiour . and yet is it cleare i weene , enen in the opinion of euery papist , that god is the popes superiour , and so the pope hath not to chaunge or alter his law . how the difficultie is this , if there be any difficultie at all ; whether the popes fact , in assoylinge subiects from their loyaltie , be against the law of nature , or nor . to which i aunswere briefly , that it is so . and i proue it , because our allegeance to our soueraigne , is cōprised in the first precept of the decalogue , which is morall , and of the law of nature , under the name of parents . for in the name of parents , are contained and vnderstood al superiours , by what title or name soeuer they be termed . all both old and late writers without exception , doe so hold , write , and beleeue . if any papist can this denie , let him put downe his reasons , & i am readie to reply vpon him . but i suppose , none of thē will oppose himselfe , against this vndoubted truth . i therefore conclude , that the late bishops of rome shew who and what they are , when they proudly take vpon them , to assoyle subiects from their allegeance , and naturall obedience to their prince . chap. x. of the secular priests , and there late printed bookes . paragraph . i. of there religion in matters of state . the secular priests professe themselues to hould constantly , euery point and article of the romish faith , for thus doe they write ; name that article , or one point of the catholike romish faith , wherein the secular priests doe either stagger in themselues , or seeke to seduce you . these words are set downe , in the preface to the important considerations , fol. 4. page . 2. touching this demande , i haue thought it worth the labour to make a syncere answeare vnto the priests , out of their owne papers and writinges published to the iudgement of the world . partly ▪ that they themselues may see ( if they will not continue obstinate . ) their owne folly in religion , as also the great absurdities , which thereby they do vnwittingly and vnwillingly admit and defend . partly also , that others may dislike their religion , and more zealously embrace the truth . first therefore , the bishoppe of rome holdeth , that he may and can assoyle subiects from their allegeance ▪ and depriue her maiestie from her royall d●ademe . the iesuites affirme it . cardinall allan● approued it , and your selues haue granted the same , as i haue alreadie shewed . how , either you , ( the secular priestes i meane , ) hold the same opinion , or not . if ye doe not , then are yee not such perfect papists , as you write . if ye doe so hould , then are you traytors against your soueraigne , aswell as the iesuites , whome yet your selues tearme arrāt traytors , as they are indeede . secondly , the pope houldeth . that queene elizabeth is not the lawfull queene of england , but an vsurper and pretensed queene ▪ you know it , you write so . how , if you hold not so , you are not perfect papists . if you hold so , you are arrant traytors . beare with mee for my wordes , youre selues haue prouoked mee therevnvnto . thirdly , the pope holdes , that her maiesties subiects may and ought , to take part with the king of spain against her . if you hold not so , you are not perfect papists , if you hold so , you are ranke traytors . fourthly , the pope holds , that he may consecrat grains , and ●gnus deis , and grant pardon to all them , that will take parte with him against our soueraigne , and vse them as signes and seales of that couenant . if you hold not so , you are not perfect papists . if you hold so , you are traytors . fiftly , the pope holds and his papists with him , as i haue the wed ; that subictes must in conscience follow his direction , in all warres for religion . if you hold not so , you are not sound romish catholikes or papiste . if you hold so , you are traytours . master saunders a secular priest , iustifieth the rebellion in the north , and holdeth the earles with their adherents , to be glorious martyrs . morton and webbe doe hold the same opinion , who are likewise secular priests . the iesuites at rome are of the same stampe , and defend the same treason in the highest degrée . for alphonsus the iesuite then rector of the english colledge in rome , caused the organs to be sounded in the english chappell , & all the students to come to the chappell , ( of which number my selfe was one . ) and then and there hee himselfe putting on his backe a white surplesse , ( to signifie for sooth , the puritie of the matyrdome , ) and the stole about his necke , sange a collect of marrtyrs ; so after his manner , canonizing campion the rebell for a saint . this to be so , iohn mush , one of these secular priests , knoweth right well , and cannot denie the same , seing himselfe was then present in the colledge at rome , which publique solemnitie , for a traytorous iesuite , ( campion i meane , ) alphonsus durst not haue attempted doubtles , vnlesse he had first obtained the consent of his generall ; neither yet would y● generall ( for he durst not so haue done , ) haue approued the fact , if he had not had the consent of the pope , whose consent is the consent of all the popish church . to which i must needes adde , that it is vsuall amonge the english papists , to keepe the relikes of campion , sherewin , and the rest ; and to pray vnto them , as vnto the saints of god. how , if you secular priestes hold not thus , you are not sound papists . if you hold so , you are arrant traytours . so then , the seculars are either not perfect papists , or els arrant traytours like the iesuites . paragraph . ii. of the staggering of the secular priests , in their asseueracions . the priests write , that they cannot be iustly charged , to stagger in any point . let therefore the indifferent reader , be an indifferent iudge in this behalfe . marke the discourse . the secular priestes tell vs in their important considerations , page . 24. that a worthy man hath laid down this for a ground , that euery catholike is bound in conscience , to employ his person and forces by the popes direction , and at his becke to breake with his soueraigne . this ground worke you sée is flat treason , and yet the priestes tearme him a worthy man , that laid the same . but how they can this doe , and not stagger in their affirmance , let others iudge . the priests likewise write in their important considerations , page . 26. that allan confessed openly , that the pope had made him cardinall , for the sweeter managing of the spanish forces ; and yet with all , they tearme him the good cardinall ▪ on the one side , they condemne the spanish forces ; on the other side , they commend the chiefest agent , in that most bloodie and traytorous complot . againe , in one place they say , they professe their obedience to y● pope ; in an other place , quodl . 8. art . 1. they graunt , they may not doe ought against parliament statuets . loe , how they stagger . the priests say further , in their important considerations , page . 15. and put downe these expresse words ; we had some of vs greatly approued the said rebellion ; highly extolled the rebels , and pitifully bewayled their ruine and ouerthrow . many of our affections were knit to the spaniardes ; and for our obedience to the pope , we all doe professe it . the attempt both of the pope and spaniards failing in england , h●s holinesse as a temporall prince , displaied his banner in ireland . the plot was to depriue hir highnesse first from the kingdome , if they could ; and then by decr●es , so depose her from this . in all these plots , none were more forward , then many of vs that were priestes , these are their owne wordes . out of which i note first , that both the pope and spaniards wherefully bent , to depose our gratious queene elizabeth , from ireland and england by degrees . secondly , that the priestes greatly approued this rebellio●s course . thirdly , that the priests highly extolled the rebels . fourthly . that their hearts were knit to the spaniards fiftly , that the priests did and still doe professe , their obedience to the pope . sixtly , that in all these plots , none were more forward then the priestes . this notwithstanding ▪ they tearme the said attempts rebellion , and the agents and dealers therein traytors ; they put the pope himselfe , in the predicament with the spaniards , and they ●reely confesse , that they themselues were as deepe in all these plots , and as forward , as any others were . and yet forsooth , they would qualifie the matter so , as the state must needs beleeue them , and acknowledge thē for true hearted subiects . hir maiesties honourable counsellors , are so wise and carefull of their places , and charge committed to them , for the peaceable and godly managing of hir dominions ; as i nothing doubt thereof , but they will looke narrowly into y● practises of these good fellowes , and tr●e them throughly before they trust them . they stagger you see in there assertions : and what they say in one place , that they gainesay in an other . they contemne equiuocations in the iesuites , and i scare me , that in matters of state , they doe no leise equiuocate themselues they labour to haue a tolleration to liue as they list , and they are offended with the reuerend , w●●e , graue , and learned father , the good bishop of durham ; for that in a sermon at paules crosse , he spoke against the said tolleration . but god of his mercie forbid , that euer any such tolleration be granted to them , for if it be true wh●ch christ himselfe telleth vs , mat. 6. that no man can serue two maisters , viz. which are opposite ▪ and not subordinate th one to the other , as it is most true indeede ; then doubtles cannot these preistes be true to her maiestie , who professe obedience to the pope , her knowen professed enemie . but if they shall once ioyne with her good subiects , in prayer & sacraments openly in the church , which god graunt then may they be thought indeed , to be true and faithfull to her sacred person to her honour , crowne , and royall scepter . but in the in●erim , let vs i pray you beleeue them at leasure . paragraph . iii. of the dissimulation , which the priests seeme to vse in their bookes . the priests seeme to deliuer plainely , and without all equiuocation , their great enmitie and hatred against the iesuites , as who say almost nothing of them , which my selfe haue not ineffecte published afore , both in my booke of motiues , and also in my booke of suruey . where i wish the reader to note by the way , that my aduersaries haue therein iustified my writings , and are not able to charge me with any vntruth in that behalfe . the substance likewise of all and euerie thing and thinges , contained in their seuerall bookes and treatises , which i haue seene ; viz. there hope of peace , their important considerations , their sparing discouery , their dialogue , their relation , their quodlibets , and sundrie other of their bookes ; my selfe vpon my owne knowledge , am able to contest with them to be a meere truth . but when they write , that they will stand to hir maiestie against her enemies , be their pretences neuer so faire , for their country , for religion , or what els soeuer can bee deuised ; they must pardon me , if i cannot yet giue credite to their pennes , & that for sundrie reasons . first , because equiuocation is demed very lawfull , euen with the best papistes ; three circumstances concurring , which i haue set downe in my booke of suruey . secondly , because the priests being as yet papists , and so not acknowledging her maiestie , nor her maiestrates to bee their competent iudges , may iustly be suspected in the premises . thirdly , because the priests doe still write resolutely , that they will performe their obedience to the pope . paragraph . iiii. how the priests doe proudly vant and bragge , of their mightie strength and forces . her maiestie , as write the priests in their answere to the iesuited gentleman , page . 68. hath a wise counsell which cannot but see , that though for the present time , the estates ecclesiasticall and ciuill both of our countrey being so throughly setled as they are , it is méete ( they thinke , ) and easie ( we know , ) to keepe the catholike vnder and supprest ; yet what hereafter in a chaunge , and in a troubled state , our partie may worke it selfe , they may rather perhaps gesse , then preuent . sure i am , we are not so ignoble a partie in the land , for all the persecution of these fortie yeares , but that the vnity thereof with the rest at such a day , will perhaps be as requisite for our common-weale , as any other . the consideration whereof , together with other no lesse important , may somewhat preuaile with so prudent a counsell as her maiesties is , if not for a toleration of our rites , at least for a mitigation of our aggriefes in the meane time . thus write the priestes out of these words . i note first , that the papists expect a day , viz. the death of her maiestie , eyther naturall or violent ; whose happie life and victoirous raigne , god blesse with nestors yeares , and defend her sacred person , her honour , crowne , and royall scepter , from all trayterous attempts and bloody designements , of the pope , spaniard , iesuite , and other disloyall papists , now and euer . i note secondly , that the priests expect trouble , rather then peace ; in their long wished change , and conquest . i note thirdly , that the priests boldly anouch , that her maiesties graue counsellers cannot preuent the mischiefe , that the disloyall papists are able to worke in this land . i note fourthly , that they proudly and malepeartly , like saucie malcontents , auaunt their partie to be so great after fortie yeares persecution , that the queenes power must stand in feare thereof . i note fiftly that they seeme to haue conceiued an hope , that they shall as it were with bigge words and threats , enforce a toleration to be granted them . where me th●●ke , they should rather feare , to procure sharper measure to them selues in time to come , then to liue in hope of any toleration . my reasons are these . first , because where they would haue rendred humble thanks for her maiesties great clemencie , they contrariwise bragge of their great partie , which her maiestie might haue cut short before this day . secondly , because if their partie be great and strong , as they auaunt it is , there is greater cause to keepe them vnder and suppresse , then to giue them more scope , by granting a toleration . paragraph . v. of the popish catholike religion of secular priests , and why it is called catholike . thus write the catholike secular priests , of their popish catholike religion . is there any sinne ( deare catholikes . ) rising vpon infirmitie , and frailtie of man , committed by an apostate an infidell , an heretike an atheist cast out of the fauour of god , and accursed out of his church : but a catholike may , & often hath fallen into the saire , and yet remained constant in his religion to death ? questionlesse , there is not . as innumerable examples of treasons , of murthers , of adulteries , of incests , of drunkennes , of cusnage , of what not vice , doth verifie it in all nations , in all times ▪ sexes ▪ and sorts of people . these words are set down , in their preface to their important considerations , a little from the beginning thereof . note heere gentle reader , many most excellent epithites , which the secular romish priests , ascribe to themselues , and to their romish or popish catholikes . viz. that they may be traytors , murtherers , adulterers , incestuous persons , drunkerds , co●seners , and all manner malefactors ; and yet be popish catholiks good enough , constant in the popish religion vnto death . if the papists thēselues had not written thus , who would haue beleeued me ? none at all . but gods spirit hath enforced their owne pennes , to testifie the truth against themselues . out of this their plaine doctrine , and open confession ; these golden corollaries , are deduced euidently . first , that the popish religion may fitly be termed catholike ; that is to say , generall or vniuerall ; and the professors of the same religion , catholikes , that is , generalls . for in good sooth , if they speake truly of themselues , all vices generally are in themselues , and they are generally vitious , as their letters patents tels vs. secondly , that where they imagine , there is a purgatorie after this life ; it may seeme , that such their opinatiue doctrine , proceeded of their most beastly liuing . for treasons , murthers , adulteries , incests , drunkennes , cou●enage , and al vices that can be , must needs haue a purgation doubtlesse . and consequently , these notorious vices remayning in popish catholikes vnto death , no maruell , if they dreamed of a popish new no purgatorie after this life . thirdly , that the popish religion cannot be good . for as saint iames saith , cap. 1. pure and sound religion is this , to keepe our selues vnspotted of this world . and therefore , seeing popish religion may stand with such vices , it cannot be good . paragraph . vi. of the romish late english archpriest , and the excellencie of his creation . in good sooth , we thinke his mastership as farre to blame , as eyther of them , or more ; in that being a secular priest , he doth so tyrannize ouer his owne brethren by calling , and hath not the wit to see , how he is abused and made a puppie to dance after their pipe , and to execute what they doe commaund him . these words are set downe , in the preface to their relation . in another place thus . because none are iudged vertuous , that oppose themselues selues against the iesuites , or refuse to worship their iesuiticall idoll our arch-priest . but in good sooth master blackwell , speake truly man ; doth not that contention , in some sort touch your high authoritie ? was it not the ground of it ? did not our garboyles beget your greatnes ? if master weston had preuailed with vs , master garnet would haue wiued your nose , for dealing like a young prince abroad as you doe . and therefore indeed in a right goodsense , wee are your good masters , and so you ought to esteeme vs. these words are set downe , in the same preface to their relation . note heere gentle reader , these important points with me . first , that the popish priests in this realme are so multiplied , and become so strong and mightie , and haue conceiued so firme and constant hope , of their abilitie shortly to accomplish their long wished conquest ; that they haue desired their pope , to appoint presently some bishoppe or bishoppes ouer them . what would these boysterous nimrods doe , if a toleration were granted them ? if they be so sawcie , malepeart , and peremptorie , when they are in some sort by law kept vnder and supprest ; what troubles , what garboyles , what sedition and treacherie would they stirre vp , thinke you ; if the magistrates should fauour them , in such sort as they desire ? i doubt not , but her maiesties wise and graue counsellers , doe sufficiently see , what marke these good fellowes ayme at . secondly , that the iesuites labour with tooth and nayle , that they may haue all , and ouerrule all . and when they could not preuaile therein , as they wished directly , their solemne vowe withstanding it ; they brought to passe by indirect meanes , that an arch-priest to their liking , is appointed ouer all . this lordly arch-priest is george blackwell forsooth , i know the man right well . he is made a puppie , to daunce as the iesuites pipe vnto him . for he is the iesuiticall idoll , as the priests write ; and dareth to doe nothing , but as they commaund him ; neyther may hee refuse to execute , whatsoeuer they will haue done . thirdly , that it is true , which i probably foretolde long since in my booke of motiues . viz. that as the romish english seminarie beganne with an vngodly oath and dissention ; so it would continue vnto the end . and i pray you , is it not this day apparant to the world ? you see it , it can not bee denyed . the priestes confesse , ( as you heare , ) that their contention was the ground of the archpriestes authoritie ; that their garboyles did beget his greatnesse ; and therefore , that they are his good masters . fourthly , that the secular priests the romish seminarists , repute it no shame to publish in printed bookes ; that the superioritie among them , proceedeth of sedition and factious dealing . happie are they forsooth , that are guided by such rulers . the third booke , containing sundry graue aduisoes , set downe for the good of all true-hearted subiects , least they be hereafter seduced with iesuiticall hypocrisie , and treacherous poperie . aduiso . i. of popish proceedings against , kinges , potentates , and monarkes of this world . the iesuite parsons in his booke philopater , is verie peremptorie , slie , and saucie , verie boldly affirming , that when kings deflect from the catholike religion , and draw others with thē ▪ then their subiects are frée , and both may and ought , ( if they be able , to cast such a man out of his dominions . an other iesuite giueth vs this lesson ; the quarrel for religion ( saith he ) and defence of innocencie is so iust , that heathen princes not at all subiect to the churches lawes , may in that case by the christian armes be resisted . an other iesuite saith thus ; that christians in times past did not depose nero and dioclesian , and iulian the apostata , and v●lens the arrian , and others : it was , because christians did then want temporall forces , for otherwise they might lawfully haue dealt so with them . thus it is written : quodl . 9. art 4. q. 296. note here gentle reader , that most vnnaturall rebellion , is as a naturall or proper passion , to all seditious popish religion . which doubtlesse is a graue aduiso , seriously to be thought vpon . aduiso . ii. of the charitable physicke of the iesuites . if hereafter any pope shall crosse the spaniards plots and purposes , the iesuites will haue such a figge in store or his paines that shall doe so , as no ruebarbe , angelica , mithridate , or other medicine , or antidote , shall expell the venime , poyson or infection from his heart ; nor any bezar , pearle , gold , or vnicornes horne , long preserue his life after it . and if there be , as there are , shrewde suspitions in rome , concerning the death of two popes , two cardinals , and one byshop alreadie ; and that but for breaking , or rather intending to breke the iesuites a little of their will , and vnbridled insolencie , and onely to reforme them in their order ; then no maruell at their disignments for england ; and much lesse doubt to bee made , what they would doe in such a case , if it came to canuasing for a kingdome . thus is it written , quodl . 8. art . 6. p. 245. it is true , that in france there are publike monuments of isuiticall tyrannie . for first , they procured henrie the third to be excommunicated , and then by degrees they murderd him . quod . 8. art . 8. p. 261. see the 2. booke chap. 2. and 2. parag. note here gentle reader , three important points with me . first , that our holy fathers , the late vpstart iesuites , are not religious fathers as they professe to be but disordered , dissolute , and blood-thirstie companions . secondly , that they are charged with wilfull murder , and that of no meane personages ; but euen of byshops ; euen of kings ; euen of cardinals ; yea , euen of popes themselues . thirdly , that murder is a thing so common , or rather so connaturall to iesuiticall faction ; that if their purposes and plots bee but a little crossed , not onely by barons , earles , or dukes , but euen by kings , emperours , and monarkes ; nay , euen by the pope himselfe , whom they would be thought to honour aboue the rest ; then doubtlesse , that barton , earle , duke , king , emperour , or pope , shall haue such a fig giuē him by these skilful phisitions , for his restoratiue catholike an●tpast ; as he shall neuer after it , be in neede of any christian preseruatiue post-past : this is a graue aduiso , it doth pourtray our iesuites gallantly , in their deserued and well beseeming colours . aduiso . iii. of cardinal allens intendment , against his prince and natiue countrey . it can not be denied , but that in the yere 1588. cardinall allen compiled a booke , to be published when the spaniards should haue arriued ; to haue stirred vp all english papists to take armes against their soueraigne , for the speedy conquest of their natiue countrey . the first part of which booke , was intituled a declaration of the sentence : the second part . an admonition to the nobilitie , and people of england : but presently vpon the ouerthrow of the great invincible armado , vnder their heroical adlantado , for shame of the world they procured the whole impression to be burnt ; sauing some fewe that had beene sent abroad beforehand to frindes , & such as had otherwise béene conueyed away by the printer , and others in secret wise . thus it is written , quodl . 8. art . 6. p 240. note here gentle reader , that cardinall allen , the chiefe gouernour vnder the pope , in all popish english affaires ; did further the spaniards intended conquest of england , with all his might , strength , power , and force ; and that hee published a most trayterous booke in his own name , for the speedy complement of that most cruell and bloody attempt : to which adde with mee , that the sayd allen was sent by the pope , to manage that great affaire : and was also made cardinall for that onely ende and purpose , as i haue proued in the second booke , ninth chapter , and third conclusion . now then , seeing the pope , the cardinall and the iesuits , did all wholy intend the inuasion and conquest , & did at all times bend their buls , bils , libels , and all their forces , to depose her maiestie from her crowne and royall scepter ; and seeing also , that the secular priests confesse freely , as is already proued in the second book , tenth chapiter , and second paragraph ; that many of their affections were knit to the spaniards , and that none were more forward then they , in those bloodie treacheries ; and seeing thirdly , that the said priests do still professe their obedience to the pope in euerie thing . and humblie submit themselues and all that they haue written , to be decided , iudged , and censured , as shall seeme good to his holinesse ; ( for so they write , in their important considerations , pag. 43. quodlibet . 10. p. 342 et . p. 361. ) let them ( the secular priests i meane , ) say and write what they list and like , of their true and loyall hearts towarde her maiestie ; i for my owne parte will neuer giue credite to them , vnlesse they will ioyne with vs , in sacrament and commō prayer . and i verely thinke , that whosoeuer shal marke this discourse seriously , will be of mine opinion . for , concerning equiuocating and temporizing instate affaires , they are nothing inferiours to the false cogging iesuites . they vtter in deed many truthes , but they doe it of necessitie ; so to be auenged of the iesuites , and to be deliuered from their tyrannie . the iesuites they spare in no respect ; but cardinall allan they highly commend , and the pope they dare not in any case o●tend . which two , the pope and the cardinall , while they doe commend in manie thinges ; they doe often vnwares , appeach themselues of high treason . i say , ( vnles they ioyne themselues with vs in sacrament and common prayer ; ) because many disloyally affected subiects . will present themselues in the church with vs ; as also eat flesh on frydays , and temporize with all companies , as is proued in the seuenth and eight preambles . but if they will receiue the holy communion with vs , reade or singe ▪ psalmes publikelye in the church with vs ; that were a signe most probable , though not euer infallible . this is a grate aduiso , it may not bee forgotten . aduiso . iiii. concerning the appeale of the seculars to the pope . the instituton of the arch-priest was procured from the pope , sea , and court at rome ; and that by a bull , and in such meaner , as not only a premunire was incurred thereby by auncient lawes of this land , but also and much more by recent statute lawes , there being treason vpon treason committed in the action . quodlibet . 6. art . 3. 4. 5. this aduiso conteineth matter most important ; in regard whereof , i purpose in god to examine it ad amussm , for the better satisfaction of the indifferent reader . the secular priests impute notorious treason to the iesuites , ( as appeareth by their owne words vttered in the defence of their appeale , ) because the iesuites procured the arch-priests authoritie from the pope ; but this notwithstanding they affirme peremptorily , that they themselues are cleare and free from all offence . for these are their words ; the seculars are so cleare and farre from all danger of any offence , committed by appealing from the arch-priest to the sea of rome ; as most daungerous , vniust , vnnaturall , indiscret , irreligious , and preiudiciall to all , both pope , prince , church , common-wealth , and all estates , if they had not appealed . these wordes are set downe , quodl . 6. art . 5. q. 171. note here gentle reader , that these seculars are great wisemen in their owne conceits , and so they may rightly be esteemed , if they can make good indeed , that which they take vpon them in externall shewe of words ; viz. that they may acknowledge and performe , their professed obedience to her maiesties knowen enemie the bishop of rome ; that they may submit themselues to his resolution in all thinges , and concurre with his bloudie designments ; against the honour , state , crowne , regalitie , and life , of their naturall soueraigne . and all this notwithstanding , still be cleare and free from all offence . i will truely lay downe their owne reasons , in their owne words ; and frame my sincere answeare to the same . which , when the indifferent reader shall haue pervsed dulie , all partialitie set a part ; i wish , that he giue his censure accordingly . the first reason of the seculars . to whome the iniurie is done , to him the right of reuenge doth accurne ; but the popes holinesse was iniured , by the iesuits their suggestion in obeying the bull . ergo . thus doe they reason . the aunswere . i say first , that the right of reuenge belongeth to god alone ; for so saith holy writte . vengance is mine , i will repay . and for this cause , when lawfull magistrates doe take reuengement vpon this or that malefactor , for his irregular and bad dealing ; all such penall mulcte is hereby iustified , for that they are gods vicegerents on earth , and what they doe is done in his name , and by authoritie giuen them from aboue . so saith god himselfe ; i say , yee are gods , and ye all are children of the most high . againe ; thou couldest haue no power at all against me , except it were giuen thee from aboue . againe ; there is noe power , but of god. secondly , that iniurie was done to the secular priests themselues , farre rather then to the pope ; and yet doth it not follow by any necessarie consequution , that they being priuate persons , either ought or could take reuenge , either vpon the iesuites , or vpon their iesuited blackwell , that romi●h traytorus arch-priest for of priuat persons is this text verified ; all that take the sword , shal perish with the sword . thirdly , that the greatest iniury of all , was done to our gratious soueraigne , most noble queene elizabeth . for first , the iesuits that procured the authority , and the arch-priest excepting it , were all her maiesties naturally borne subiects ▪ and so thereby committed execrable villany , and intollerable iniurie , against her most sacred person . secondly , the seculars being also her maiesties subiects , did in like manner offend most disloyally , against their most gratious and mercifull soueraigne ; in submitting themselues to the romish tyrannizing bishop , the professed enemy of her honour , her state , her crowne , her life , & her regalitie . thirdly , the seculars promised their homage and obedience to the pope , so that he would make his good pleasure knowne vnto them ; and to signifie their alacrity herein , they designed two priests , bishope and charnocke by name , to take along , painfull , dangerous , and chargeable iourney , euen to the gates of rome . but they were so farre from yeelding any obedience herein to her maiestie ; that they would not once intimate the matter to her , or to her most honourable counsell . nay , it is confessed plainly , that the romish faith is defended outwardly , on both sides alike quodl . 4. art . 10. pag. 135. the second reason . the iesuites in procuring the popes bull and authoritie , made it a matter of state in preiudice of regall maiestie . but the sculars in appealing , made it a matter of conscience , thereby to refell , infring , and abrogate , all such premunireall treacherie . the answere . i say first , that the seculars make it a matter of state , as well as did the iesuites . for they professed solemnely to the pope , that they would dutifully obey the authoritie of the arch-prieste , if his holinesse would so command them . secondly , that albeit the seculars did indeuoure indéede , to stay and hinder the arch-prists authoritie ; yet was not that done for any loyall part in them , or seruiceable dutie to her maiestie ; but for their owne fréedome , and to defends themselues from iesuiticall bondage . the disloyall act it selfe , was really and intrinsecally the selfe same in them both ; and not but accidentally and meere respectiuely , different in the one and in the other . the popes authoritie and power , was acknowledged on both sides ; the iesuites vrged his authoritie the seculars yelded to his authoritie ; this only was the difference . the iesuites affirmed , that the pope had authorized the arch-priest ; the seculars stood only vpō this point , that so much was not yet knowen to them . so then , they differed not in the thing , but in the modification of the thing . thirdly , that the seculars made in deede a matter of conscience ; because it troubled their dissoyall conscience , to disobey the pope . conscience they had , i graunt ; but in repect of their bloud thirstie pope , not in regard of our most clement and mercifull soueraigne , gods faithfull seruant queene elizabeth . the third reason . the pretence was made outwardly by the iesuites , to be wholy for matters pertaining to the catholike church , religion , and order in workes of charitie , pierie , deuotion , &c. ergo the seculars approuing the contraire , ( that they neuer had such a meaning , neither did the arch-priest practise any such matter , ) meddle no way in any thinges by their appeale , whereby a premunire can be incurred , no not so much as interpretatiuely . the answere . i say first , that the seculars haue an huge multitude of popish fauourites , aswell counsellers skilfull in our municipall lawes ; as others both of the nobilitie and gentry , as they confesse els where . this former i gather hence , for that they make a flourish of these words , ( premunire , and premunireall , ) wherein i confesse i haue no skill , as being noe parte of my profession . secondly , that albeit i am ignorant , what the lawe word ( premunire ) meaneth ; yet doe i constantly auouch , that if the iesuites haue incurred the premunire , for their dealing in the arch-priests case and cause ( as they affirme , and i willingly admit , ( then haue the seculars likewise incurred the same pemunire ; by reason of their appeale to the bishope of rome . in which dispute , i am content to encounter with them , when they shall challenge me for the same . thirdly , that the seculars aswell as the iesuites , ( notwithstanding their contrarie pretence in outward shew of bare words , ) did by their appeale to y● romish tyrant repute hermaiesties parliaments of no authority , her statutelawes of no validity , her royall prerogatiue of no soueraigne excellencie ; but ascribed all wholy and soly without respect of english regalitie , to their professed papall vsurpate primacie . all which shall ( god willingly , ) be made more plaine , cleare , and euident , before the end of this aduiso . the fourth reason . the iesuites bolster out and build , aswell the intended vsurpate authority of the arch priest ; as also their owne treasonable attempts , plo●s , and practises , vpon the saide bull and his holinesse authority . ergo none other to appeale vnto for iustice against them . the aunswere . i say first , that this reason doth ouerthrow , abandon , and turne it selfe vpside downe ; for seeing the iesuites doe builde all their treasonable plots and practises , vpon the popes bull and authoritie ; it had beene expedient , and agreeable to all right and reason ; that the seculars , ( if they doe or will acknowledge , any true loyalty and faithfull allegeance to queene elizabeth , ) should not haue appealed to the pope , the morta●l knowen enemie of the said allegeance ; but from the pope to her maiestie , or to some in authority vnder her . but the seculars haue no such meaning , because forsooth they will acknowledge no such allegiance . secondly , that seeing the seculars doe resolutely affirme , that there is none other to appeale vnto , but the pope alone ; they desperately appeach them selues of high treason . the reason is euident , because they peremptorily auouch , a forein potentate , yea a foraine knowen enemie , to be the competent iudge ouer her maiesties subiects , euen within her maiesties realmes , and dominions . which themselues els where , graunt to be vnlawfull . the fift reason . the seculars by their appeale , clearely exempt , redeeme , and keepe out themselues , from acknowledging any obedience to that alreadie premunirized arch-priest ; & by consequent , from all daunger of incurring a premunire . the aunswere . i say first , that though the seculars doe not now acknowledge any obedience to the arch-priest ; yet doe they acknowledge obedience to the pope , which is an offence of like qualitie , and greater deformitie ; and by consequent , they neither enioy immunitie from the premunire , neither from treason in the highest degree . secondly , that the seculars did once acknowledge de facto the arch priests authoritie , and humbly yeelded their obedience to him ; viz. when they vnder stood by the popes breue , his holinesse , holy pleasure therin . and that , they now reuoke and denie the said obedience to the arch priest ; such deniall procéedeth of méere malice against the iesuites , and iesuited crew , and not of loyall dutie to queene elizabeth , whome they outwardly pretend to loue for seruile feare . the sixt reason . they labour by their appeale , for securitie to her maiesties person , for quiet to the state , for auoydance of all inuasions , for cutting of all conspiracies , state-tāperings , erasperating libels . &c. and for assurāce of relaxation and fréedom from their heauie persecution , procured by the iesuites against them , aswell by false suggestions to his holinesse , as also by stirring vp other princes against our soueraigne and nation , & thereby bringing warres and feares vpon all , and heart breaking frownes to be cast vpon the innocent ; ergo so cleare and farre from all danger of any offence ▪ committed by appealing from the arch-preist to the sea of rome ; as most daungerous , vniust , vnnaturall , indisc●●t , irreligious , and prediuciall to all , both pope ▪ prince , church , common-wealth , and allestates ; if they had not appealed , but let the matter he dead in discontent , obloquie , and daunger of sorest trialles . the answere . for the better vnderstanding of this reason , and full answere to the same ; i obserue first , in the contents thereof , the seculars are freede , and made cleare from all offence , by their appeale to the pope . secondly , that if the secular priests had not appealed to the pope , they should thereby haue béene made vniust , vnnatural , indiscrete , irreligious , & preiudiciall , to pope , prince , church , and all estates . these two obseruations are contained , in the words followinge the seculars their ergo. thirdly , that this appeale was taken in hand , for her maiesties security ; which i gather out of the first line of the reason . fourthly , that the said appeale was for the quiet of the state . fiftly , that it was also for auoidance of inuasions , and cutting of conspiracies . these obseruations well remembred , the argument will be aunswered with all facilitie , but to the cold comfort of the seculars . for first , they appealed to the pope , as is in the first obseruation ; and so they are traytors to queene elizabeth by the lawes of englande . for as the seculars write els where ▪ euerie appeale is an acknowledging of highest authoritie , in the partie appealed vnto . and this answere is confirmed by their fourth reason , where they flatly denie her maiesties royall prerogatiue ouer them , while they affirme disloyally , peremptorily , saucily , and tootoo arrogantly , that there is no other to appeale vnto , but onely the bishoppe of rome , whom they know ( as is alreadie proued , ) to be her maiesties mortall enemie , and the chiefe agent , in all conquests , inuasions , plots , conspiracies , treasons , & bloodie intendments whatsoeuer , against queene elizabeth , her sacred person , her realmes , her royall honour , her princely diademe and most noble peerelesse regalitie . secondly , by not appealing , seculars should haue beene vniust and vnnaturall , as is in the second obseruation , but to the pope , not to queene elizabeth . to her , they are thereby in deed vniust , for that they withhold thereby , their homage due vnto her . to her , they are indeed vnnnaturall , because they deny that loyalty , which by nature they owne vnto her , and they are in a sort naturalized to his disholie holines , by the said appeale : for they say flatly , in the next article of the same quodlibet , that they may not yeeld to the iesuites , vntill his holines haue decided the cause in the court of rome . and yet vnwitingly , they condemne themselues in an other place , graunting that they may not by worde or writing , impugne the parliamentall lawes of this land . thirdly , by not appealing , they should haue beene preiudiciall to prince , church , and all estates , as is in the second obseruation ; but not to the prince , church , or state of england : ergo , to the prince , church , and state of rome , for of force they must so meane , the force of trueth hath inforced their penne . fourthly , they appealed for her maiesties securitie , as is in the third obseruation ; where i cannot enough admire , the impudent insolencie of these disloyall seculars , who make a treacherous flowrish , as if the securitie of their dread soueraigne , did depend vpon their popes good pleasure , and their treacherous appeale vnto him . herein they make hauocke other maiesties statute-lawes , which els where by popish statization and equinocation , they say they may not offend . a note worthy to be remembred . fifthly , they appealed for the quiet of the state , which is as disloyally spoken , as the former , for god auert , that the peace of her maiesties state , and her realmes , do at any time stand in neede of the popes fauour , & the intreatie of the sedicious seculars . sixtly , they appealed for the auoydance of inuasions and conspiracies , as is in the fi●th obseruation ; out of which confession , i inferre these two important corollaries . first , that conspiracies and inuasions are still intended , against her sacred person , her royall throne , her crowne , her state , and dominions . secondly , that the pope is the principall actor , in all plots , conspiracies , treacheries , inuasions , and conquests ; intended against the queen , her realms , and faithfull subiects . i therefore conclude , that the seculars are this day as dangerous , in al treasonable plots , bloody practizes , and disloyall conspiracies , as they haue beene heretofore . for albeit they belabour themselues seriously , to hide and bolster out all their cursed intendements , against their dread soueraigne and natiue countrey ; especially , when they are occasioned to speake of matters of state , as they doe or may concerne their owne persons ; yet doe they but equiuocate and temporize in so doing , and that as scornefully and treacherously , as euer did the iesuites . of which point none can be ignorant , that shall seriously peruse and ponder this discourse . wherefore , as the seculars say of the iesuites , so say i of them ; that though they sweare , can yet we not safely beleeue them in state-affairs . the reason is euident , because they doe not acknowledge any magistrate vnder her maiestie , to be their lawfull and competent iudge . if they say , write , or sweare the contrary , yet giue no credite to them therein : for euen then doe they seeke to delude the magistate , by their hypocriticall and execrable equiuocations . no , no , it neither doth nor can stand with popish religion ; to thinke and beleeue that queen elizabeth , ( whom god long preserue ouer vs , ) can ordeine any competent iudge ouer them . and consequently , vntill the seculars renounce the pope and his damnable procéedings , against christian kings , their royal diademes , and sacred regalities ; they will doubtlesse delude the maiestrates , with their fondely inuented equiuocationes . this is a graue aduiso which may not beforgotten . aduiso . v. of the opinion , affection , and true meaning of the seculars , in all the treasonable practises , bloudie conspiracies , and other disloyall intendmentes , against their dread soueraigne and natiue countrie . the seculars conspire , concurre , and iumpe with the iesuites , in opinion , affection , and inward meaninge ; touching the popes authoritie , the bloudie conspiracies , inuasions , conquest , & other disloyall intendments , against most noble queene elizabeth , and our natiue country ▪ this i proue by manie strong , weightie , and irrefragable reasons . the first reason . the pretenses of such practises were generall , and common to all catholikes alike , all maintaining one & the same opinion , concerning what might be done by apostolical power & authoritie , & neuer talking of what was necessarie . thus is it written , quodl . 8. art . 9. pag. 277. but the seculars are papists aswell as the iesuites , ergo , of the same opinion with the iesuites . heere the reader may see plainely ; that the seculars iumpe with the opinion of the iesuits , touching the popes authoritie . for by apostolicall power , they vnderstand the power and authoritie of the pope . to which must be added , ( which is alreadie proued , ) that the pope hath excommunicated her maiesty de facta , and hath beene the chiefest agent , in all treasonable practises , bloodie conspiracies , inuasions , conquests , and other execrable intendments ; against her maiesties person , honour , state , and dominions . to this must likewise be added , which is also proued ; that the iesuites affirme malepeartly , damnablie , and disloyally , that the pope hath done nothing in the premisses , but that he lawfully might doe . the second reason . among many examples , of the deare loue and compassion of the popes holines towards the inhabitants and princes of this land , in times of imminent commonwealths dangers ; the chiefe since the norman conquest , was shewed in the daies and raignes of king henrie the second surnamed fitzempresse , and of his sonne king iohn the third monarke of england of a plantagenets royall race . against whom hauing vsed his fatherly correction , ( as pastor vnivniuersall ouer the whole flocke of christ , ) for their great crueltie and tyrannie vsed towards their naturall subiects ; yet vpon their repentance , mercifully receiuing them into grace and fauour of gods church againe ; his holines on the behalfe of the second , did not onely accurse and excommunicate prince lewis of france with all his adherents , forcing him to yeeld vp all the interest , right , and title , that he or his posteritie had or euer should haue to the english crowne , but also surrendred vp the said crowne of england franke and free , to king iohn and his heires and successours from of the head of cardinall pandulphus , hauing sit inthronized three daies therewith in the popes right . and thousands there are in england , that desire as much . thus is it written , quodl . 8. art 9. page . 327. out of these words it is euidently deduced , that the pope taketh vpon him , ( though most iniuriously and tyrannically , ) to translate kingdomes , to depose kings , emperours , and monarkes , and to bestow their princely diademes and royall regalities , as seemeth best to his good pleasure . yea , which is more to be admired , the seculars , ( who in outward shew of words by often and earnest protestations , affirme themselues to be most loyall subiects , ) approue the pope in so doing . for first , where the pope had excommunicated and deposed king henry , they terme it his fatherly correction . secondly , they say he did it , by his vniuersall authority ouer the whole church . thirdly , they terme the deposing of prince lewis , and the restoring of king iohn to the crowne , the chiefest fatherly compassion since the norman cōquest . fourthly , they tell vs , that cardinall pandulphus was three daies enthronized , with the crowne of england vpon his head , in the right of the pope : which forraine tyrannicall fact , they commend & approue . fiftly , they tell vs , that the pope enforced king lewis , to yeeld vp his whole title and right , that eyther he or his posteritie had or euer should haue , to the english crowne . this they likewise approue and commend . sixtly , they crie and exclayme with open mouthes , that thousands in england desire as much to be done . which is all one , ( as i interprete it , ) as if they wished the pope to send some cardinall from rome , to be enthronized three daies with the english crowne vpon his head , in the right of his holines , and then to surrender it vp to arbella , or to some other popish fauorite . for so the spaniard or other foreyner haue it not , they haue their desire . me thinke , this my glosse swarueth not much from the text . the reason is cleare , the reader can easily make application thereof . the third reason . i know , that iure ecclesiastico , and by the authoritie and sentence of the popes holines , much more may be done , then heere i will speake of . but yet i thinke it will proue in the end the best course , for men not to doe so much as they may . many things be lawfull , which are not expedient . thus is it written , quodl . 9. art . 3. pag. 293. this reason ab authoritate , ( for better reasons then their owne grants and confessions , cannot be had , ) is as strong as the former , if it be well noted with the circumstances thereof . for first , after watson , ( who speaketh in the name of the seculars , ) had told vs by the doctrine of a learned man , that if we goe no further then to the law of nature , or to the law of god , no king is depriued from his soueraigntie ouer his subiects , though it be for the sinne of apostasie from faith ; forthwith he addeth the words of this present reason , affirming peremptorily , that the pope can do more ; then he will heere set downe . secondly , he telleth vs here , that kings can neyther by gods law , nor by the law of nature , be deposed from their crownes and regalities ; and consequently , when he saith , the pope can doe more , hee must perforce affirme both impudently and senselesly , that the popes power is aboue the power of god. the latter he dare not say ; and yet hath satan so bewitched and besotted him , that it followeth necessarily of the former ▪ that is of the doctrine , which he deliuereth from the penne of a learned writer , and putteth it downe for good . now what is it , that the pope can doe more , then may be done by the law of nature and of god ? forsooth , he can excommunicate kings , depose kings from their royall thrones , and put their diademes vpon the heades of others . this is it , that watson will not say heere , because it is not expedient . yet vnwittingly ( the truth enforcing him , ) he telleth vs no lesse in another place . for , a reuerend priest ( saith he , ) and ancient gentleman , ould master middleton , was content at parsons his motion , to subscribe to the title of infanta ; vpon condition , that she should be ioyned by marriage , to some noble or péere of our land , thus they write , peruse the place quoted in the margent . againe , in another place it is thus written ; say then for the present , ( which yet is more then i would willingly put to maintaine , the time of our afflicted state considered , ) that his holines and the king of spayne might lawfully haue taken armes , against her maiestie and this her kingdome our natiue land ; yet was it a shamefull part of father parsons and his companions , to be the contriuers or instigators of 〈◊〉 . these are the expresse words , of the place quoted in the margent . out of these two seuerall assertions , the confirmations of the third reason generall ; i gather first that all the difference betweene the iesuites and the seculars , concerning the inuasion and conquest of this land , consisteth in this onely point , viz. that the iesuites would haue the ladie infanta of spayne to be the queene of england , but the seculars will haue an english man , to be king of the land . they differ not in the thing to be done , but in the manner of contriuing the thing that should be done ; not in the partie to be deposed from the crowne , but in the person that should haue the crowne ; not about taking the crowne from queene elizabeth , but about giuing the crown to the spanish ladie . the reason hereof is euident , because our quodlibetist telleth vs roundly , that old middleton consented willingly ; to giue his name to the charter of subscription ; in the behalfe of the ladie infanta of spayne ; vpon condition , that she should be married to some english noble man. which disloyall narration , the secular quodlibetist approoueth and greatly commendeth , terming the said midleton a reuerend priest and ancient gentleman . i gather secondly , that our quodlibetist watson , singeth the selfe same song with old trayterous midleton . for he putteth the case ; that the pope & spanish king should be said to haue taken armes lawfully , against her maiestie and her realme of england . that done , forsooth , he telleth vs , that he would not willingly maintain that doctrine , the time & circumstances considered . where he vnwittingly auoucheth ; that the pope and king of spayne might lawfully take armes , to depose her maiestie from her royall diademe . yea , he granteth , that he would defend the same doctrine , but that the time is not correspondent thereunto . let the words be well pondered , and this will be the sense . the fourth reason . the quodlibetist and the seculars , doe often protest their obedience to the pope , and submit themselues and all their writings , yea , euerie word sillable and title to the censure of the romane church . one place may suffice , where these words are to be read . with all humble obedience to the sea apostolike be it spoken . quodl . 8. art . 8 pag. 267. this reason doth plainely conuince , the contents of this fift aduiso to be true . for how is it possible to conceiue , that they shall in true meaning , say or write any thing against the pope on the behalfe of her maiestie ; who protest zealously before god and his angels that they will yeeld all obedienc● to the pope , & therefore do submit themselues and all their writings , sentences , words , and sillables , to his censure and iudgement ? it cannot be , they do but temporize in these state matters , they vse iesuiticall equiuocation . the fifth reason . the seminaries were willing at the first , to colour hide , and conceale all , making the iesuites causes , attempts , intents , practises , and proceedings , their owne in euery thing , vntill at last they were intangled , by penall lawes iustly made against them equally , as against the iesuites . these words are set downe , in the preface to the quodlibets , page ▪ 6. againe , in another place the priests write thus : we had some of vs greatly approued the said rebellion ; highly extolled the rebels , and pitifully bewailed their ruine and ouerthrow . many of our affections were knit to the spaniards , and for our obedience to the pope , we all do professe it . the attempts both of the pope and spaniard failing in england , his holines as a temporall prince , displaied his banner in ireland . the plot was to depriue her highnes first from that kingdome , if they could , then by degrées , to depose her from this . in all these plots , none were more forward , then many of vs that were priests . these are the expresse words of the priests , in their important considerations , page . 15. loe , this reason is so plaine , that it needeth no application . ●ll both iesuites and seminaries will obey the pope , and the pope will haue them to murther their soueraigne . these things the seculars concealed a long time , and would neuer haue discouered them , if necessitie had not constrained them so to do . for , as the common prouerbe is , when theeues beginne to reckon , true folks shall haue their owne . i therefore conclude , that the seculars doe proue themselues arrant traytors , and that when they say ought to the contrary , they doe then but temporize , dissemble , and equiuocate . to which i adde , that when they say , ( we say without all equiuocation , ) then do they equiuocate in the highest degrée , for simulata sanctitas duplex est iniquitas . the truth is this ; if we will not be deluded , we must not in state matters giue credite to them . they vtter many truthes indéede , but with an intention much like the deuils ; who speaketh the truth in the beginninge , that he may deceiue in the ending . aduiso . vi. of the popes double person , and disholy holinesse . thus writeth our graue quodlibetist ; as the prudent greeke appealed from alexander furious to alexander sober , and bishop crostrate frō pope adrian priuate to pope adrian publique , and as summus pontifex in cathedra petri ; so may the seculars , notwithstanding any decree set downe by his holines to the contrarie , by wronge information giuen ; appeale euen from the pope as clemens , vnto his holinesse as peter . these words are set downe , quodl . 6. art . 10. in the very ende thereof . by this doctrine so plainly deliuered , ( which is a constant position in the romish church , ) the seculars giue vs to vnderstand , that execrable and neuer enough detested fallacie ; wherewith the pope and his popelinges haue a longe time seduced , the greater part of the christian world . viz. that the pope may erre as a priuate man , but not as a publique person . of which absurde doctrine i haue written at large , in my treatise intituled the hunting of the romish foxe . i will therefore at this present only speake thereof , as these words giue me fit occasion . first then ; we see heere , that if we meane to wringe any truth out of the popes nose , we must haue recourse to his holinesse , at such time as hee is sober ; not when he is furious , least he become starke madde , and forget for euer the knowledge of the truth . secondly , we must haue his aduise , when he is a publique person , not a priuate man. thirdly , we must goe vnto him , not as he is indeed , this or that pope ; but as he is saint peter , that blessed apostle of our lord iesus . thus much is gathered out of this popish doctrine , by euident and necessarie consequutiō . these points , if they be well marked , will vtterly confound all popish doctrine , and turne it vpside downe . for first , it is a constant axiome in all popish doctrine that the pope and none but the pope , must iudge in all controuersies of faith and doctrine . this notwithstanding , we see by this popish doctrine ; that if the pope iudge of any matter , as he is furious , and not sober ; as he is a priuate man , and not a publique person ; as he is clemens , sixtus , adrianus , or some other like pope , and not saint peter himselfe ; then he may erre , and so both be deceiued and deceiue others . whereupon it followeth of necessitie , that euery one must examine well the popes doctrine and iudgement , before he beleeue it ; otherwise doubtlesse , he may receiue poyson for medicine , falsehood for truth , & erroneous for orthodoxe christian doctrine . nay , otherwise he cannot possibly tell when he shall appeale from the pope , as a falfe teacher and reducer of the people . secondly , the time cannot be named , in which the bishope of rome shal be the bishope there , and not a publique person at the selfe same time . for euen then , when he is a sleepe , he is a publique person , or els no bishoppe doubtlesse . for once a bishope euer a bishope , by popish indelible character . yet i grant willingly , that a publique parson may doe some act , which may be censured the act of a priuat man ; but that cannot serue their turne . thirdly , if the papists will neuer appeale to the pope , nor haue any intercourse with him , vntill he be saint peter ; they shall neuer doe it , till the worlds end . fourthly , if they will appeale from the now pope , as clemens , they must perforce appeale from him in ech respect ; or els he must be christened againe , and haue a new name . but pardon me , he was called clemens when he became their pope . be it so . ergo when they appeale from him as clemens , they appeale from him as pope . for doubtles if he be not clemens the pope , he is not pope at all . fiftly ▪ if he be peter by office or calling , then is he alwaies peter ; vnlesse perhapes he be sometime lucifer , which were a rare metamorphosis . sixtly , this popish distinction may fitly be termed , a tricke of fast and looose . for , if the pope define a truth , they may say , he defined as a publike parson . but if he define an errour , then they say , he defined as a priuate man. so doubtles it may be said indeede , that he can nener erre ; but some man in his coate , or some deuill under his pall . see the eleuenth aduiso , and note it well . aduiso . vii . of the penall statutes , against iesuites and seminaries . vntill at last they were intāgled by penall lawes , which were iustly made against them equally , as against the iesuites . thus doe the seculars write of themselues , in the preface to the quodlibets . page . 6. towards the end . againe , in an other place , i find these words . all priests & others , that are not of that seditious iesuiticall and spanish faction , are bound in charitie , as now the case stāds , to detect them to the vttermost . first , for a caueat to the ignorant multitude seduced by them , hereafter to be ware of them . secondly , perlegem talionis , returning their malice , detraction , defamation , calumniation , obloquie , and what not inuented by them against the innocent , vpon their owne heads . these words are set downe , quodl . 1. art . 4. page . 9. this is a most excellent aduiso . for first , we learne heare by the seculars their owne frée and voluntary confession , that which i could hardly haue beléeued , if i had not found it writen in their owne bookes . viz. that the penall lawes of this land , are iustly made against the iesuits and y● seminaries . oh swéete iesus ? who could haue beléeued this . this is that mightie point , against which all the papistes doe so often and bitterly exclame ; to witte , that the popish priests and iesuites are put to death for their conscience , and not for treason . for séeing they graunt those penall lawes , by which they are conninced of treason , to be iustly made against them ; they doe consequently grant , that they are executed for treason . yet it may also be said , that they die for their conscience , because their conscience is to take part with the pope , and to make warre against their soueraigne . we learne secondly by this aduiso , that the iesuites are so seditious and trayt●rous companions ; that the secular priests are bound in conscience , to detect and reueale there bad disloyall dealing . to which i must needes adde ; as a plesant adiunct , that these good fellowes the seculars ; are in the same predicament with the iesuites , and guiltie of the selfe same treasons , as is alreadie proued . aduiso . viii . of the great , strong , and mightie frends , of the iesuites and seculars . the iesuits thinke it is vnknown , vnder whose wings the arch-priest liues shrowded , or to and from whome the letter was sent on father gerards behalfe , to wish her ( after some few complements and thankes for the token shee lent him , ) to keepe her iewell ( the said gerard ) well , &c. or who they be , that plie and plead for the iesuites vnder-hand ; or by whome they are backt , to be so bould as they are both in prison and abroad ; to make their vaunt , that they haue moe & greater friends , both in the english & scottish court , then the seculars haue ; more then halfe naming some particular nobles and others , in high estéeme and authority vnder her maiestie , that are secretly entered into league with them on the spanish behalfe . these words are set downe , quodl . 7. art . 2. page . 188. againe in an other place , it it plainly written ; that the earle of essex , was solicited to be the kinge of spaines close pensioner , for furdering of the inuasions . quodl . 7. art . 2. pag. 189 a iesuite priest was sent from parsons to the said earle of essex , to moue him to take a pension of the king of spaine priuatly for the aduancement of his designements . quodl . 5. art . 8. pag. 150. in an other place they write bouldly , that foure seminarie priests were altogether at supper , with a noble person , a lord of high renoune ; who would not sit downe , vntill they all were set and placed before him . quodl . 3. art . 1. page . 51. in an other place , it is thus written ; these two noble persons are now most earnest persecutors of the iesuites and arch-priests sedition , falsehood , and faction . quodl . 4. art . 7. page . 126. in an other place thus ; and other like speaches he vsed of him , to an honorable earle who told me it . quod . 4. art . 9. page . 132. in an other place thus ; parsons , in his bookes affirmeth the infortunat howard of norfolke , to haue béene one and the chiefe cause of the ouerthrow both of the church and common wealth , yet with whome hee and his haue had ▪ ( i will not say haue , videant ipsi , ) more inward and close dealing , for the aduancement to the crowne by marriage of the ladie arbella . &c. and other means then with any other house and familie . quodl . 7. art . 9. page . 212. this is a worthy and a very golden aduiso . for by it , hee that hath but one eye may sée , what a daungerous kind of people the iesuites and the seculars bee . for to say nothing of their practises with the late earle of essex , nor of that tender and deare familiaritie , which they haue with many of the nobilitie ; this is a thing that maketh me sigh and grone , when i remember it ; viz. that some nobles and others in high esteeme and authoritie vnder her maiestie ; are secretly entered into league with the iesuites , on the behalfe of the king of spaine , for the longe intended conquest of this land . this , this , is it , which can not but grieue and wound euen to the heart ; all true hearted english , that shall heare the same . not the seminaries doubtles of themselues , but the holy ghost enforcing them thereunto , haue reuealed this notable stratageme . yea , the seculars doe acknowledge thus much themselues , where they write in this maner ; god hath most straungly and in very indeed ( as it may bee termed , ) miraculously reuealed the truth which longe hath béene hidden . quodl . 8. art . 9. pag 267. thus we sée , the priests haue discouered long hidden traytors , and detected many notorious treasons : yet not intending good thereby to quéene elizabeth , but to their owne persons in their combat with the iesuites . i trust her maiesties wise and faithfull counsellers , will haue due cōsideration of this aduiso . pauca sufficiunt sapienti . aduiso . ix . of the iesuiticall exercise and their profitable effects thereof . first iohn gerard the iesuite caused henrie drurie to enter into this iesuiticall exercise , and thereby got him to sell the mannor of lozell in suffolke , & other lands to the value of 3500. pounds & got all the money himselfe ; the said drurie hauen chosen to be a lay-brother . afterwards he sent him to antwerpe , to haue his nouitiat by the prouinciall there , by name oliuerius manerius , ( for at that time father garnet had not authority to admit any ; ) where after twelue or fourthteene daies he died , not without suspition of some indirect dealing . secoudly , the said gerrard gaue the same exercise to maister anthonie rowse , of whome he got aboue 1000. pounds . thirdly , the saide gerrard gaue the exercise to edwarde walpoole , whome hee caused to sell the manner of tuddenham , and had of him about 1000. markes . fourthly , he gaue the exercise to maister iames linacre his fellow prisoner in the clinke , from whome hee drewe there 400. pounds ; and afterwards got a promise of him of all his lands , but was preuented thereof by the said linacres death . fiftly , vnder pretence of the said exercise , he confined syr edmond huddlestones sonne and heire by sundry sleights , of aboue .1000 . pounds . sixtly , he hath drawen maister william wiseman into the said exercise so oft , as he hath left him now very bare to liue . so he dealt also with maister thomas wiseman , whose land he gotte , and thē sent him to antwerpe , where he died . seuenthly , he wrought so with maister nicholas king lately of grayes inne , as he hath gotten most of his liuing , and sent him to rome . maister roger lee of buckinghamshire hath beene in this exercise likewise , and is also by him sent to rome . eightly , in like manner he dealeth with such gentlewomen as he thinketh fit for his turne , and draweth them to his exercise ; as the ladie louell , mistresse haywood , and mistresse wiseman now prisoner ; of whom he get so much , as now shée féeleth the want of it . ninthly , he drue mistresse fortescue the widowe of maister edmond fortescue into his exercise , and so got a farme worth 50. poundes a yéere , and paide her no rent . tenthly , by this his exercise of consinage , he perswadeth such gentlewomen as haue large portions to their mariage , to giue the same to him and his companie , and to become nunnes . so he preuayled with two of maister williame wisemans daughters of broddocke ; with elizabeth sherlie , borne in leicestershire ; with dorothy buckwood maister richard buckwoods daughter of suffolke , who had a great portion giuen her by the ladie elizabeth drurie her grandmother ; with mistresse marie tremaine , maister . tremains daughter of cornewell she hauing a large portion ; with mistresse mary tremain of dorcetshire , of whome he had aboue .200 . pounds ; with mistresse anne arundle , of whom he got a great portion ; with ladie marie percie , who is now a nunne at bruxells . all these words of this holy cousinage , i would say , exercise , are set down in expresse terms , quodli . 3. art . 10. toward the end . by this aduiso wee may sée , in what sort and by what meanes , our iesuites haue enriched their coffers ; and consequently , we may haue a coniecturall prognostication thereby , that they expect a day , when to bestow the same to their aduantage . in the meane time , if they with their cōplices be permitted scot frée ; they will set the whole land on fire , with their seditious & bloudie treacheries . aduiso . x. of iesuiticall religious pollicie , neuer inough to be admired . it is a plaine testimonie of no religion in the iesuites , but flat i atheism , making religious pietie , but only a matter of meere pollicie . these words are expressely set downe ; quodl 6. art . 4. pag. 168. there is not a iesuite , nor a iesuites fautour any where to be found , but he hath a fowle tast of atheisme , either directly per●●e , or indirectly , or virtute primi & principalis agentis . the experience whereof , halfe witted men may see in england , and els where . these expresse words are set down quodl . 4. art . 4. p. 113. the iesuites haue most traytorously cast the platforme , & doe goe about so much as wit of man can deuise , to bring all kinges , princes , & states in christendome , vnder their subiection . quodl 9 ▪ art . 7. page . 313. they ( the iesuites ) haue made religion , but an art of such as liue by their wits , and a very hotch potch of omnium githerum . these words are set downe ; quodl . 2. art . 8. page . 44. the iesuites , during the time of their rebellious practises and conspiracies , against the late king henrie the 3. of france , & henry now regnant the 4. did cast at the whole kingdome and crowne of fraunce . quodlibet . 9. art . 6. page . ●11 . the seculars will be , when not one iesuite shall be left aliue in the world , ( vnlesse they amend their manners , and reforme their order , ) but all damned for heretikes , or thruste out of godes church , as aposta●a●s and atheistes , these words are to be read , quodlibet . 2. art . 7. page . 42. how the iesuites haue abused that sacred seale ( of confession ) of purpose to tyrannize ouer poore soules , as getting thereby occasion to intrude themselues for disposing and managing of their wordly causes , i leaue it to sundry reports and wofull experiences , whereof mistresse wibur in kent together with hee husband can and will be witnesses another day , against father cur●y the iesuite , vnlesse his repentance were great for it , ere he died . these words are set downe , quodl . 2. art . 4. page . 69. onely in hell and amongst heretikes ordo negligitur , ergo , the iesuites appointing vs a superiour ( without order , ) doe imitate one of these , ( the diuels , or heretikes . ) these words are set downe . quodl . 6. art . 4. pag. 164. one is in time of solemne processions , at which it hath beene noted , that the iesuites will seldome or neuer come . these words are to be read . quodl . 3. art . 1. page . 51. the power of priesthood is called into question , by these new religious scribes and pharisees , ( the iesuites . ) these words are set downe . quodl . 2. art . 7. page 42. it followeth , that they must eyther renounce the catholike churches authoritie , in crediting these false hearted , seditious , and erroneus iesuites , or else renounce the said iesuiticall doctrine . these words are set downe , quodl . 2. art . 7. page . 42. by this aduiso we see plainely , that whosoeuer followeth the doctrine of the iesuites , must of necessitie renounce christs church . fie vpon them therfore , and their badde religion . aduiso . xi . of the testimonie , that the iesuites giue to the pope . they ( the iesuites ) haue preached openly in spayne , against pope sixtus the last of all holy memorie ; and rayling against him as against a most wicked man and monster on earth , they haue called him a lutheran heretike ; they haue termed him a wolfe , they haue said , he had vndone all christendome , if he had liued . and cardinall bellarmine , being asked what he thought of his death , answered thus : conceptis verbis , qua●tum capio , quantum sapio , quantum intelligo , descendit ad infernum . thus in english ; as farre i can perceiue , vnderstand , and apprehend , our pope is gone to hell . they gaue him doubtlesse , a merie farewell . thse words are set downe . quodl . 3. art . 2. page . 57. the iesuites hold and defend this proposition , hominem non christianum posse esse romanum pontificem . a man that is not a christian , may be the bishop or pope of rome , these words are set downe in the discouerie . page . 37. quodl . 4. art . 2. page . 100. this is a worthie aduiso , which must be well marked and remembred , for it giueth poperie a deadly wound . first , we see here , that the pope may be an ethnicke or atheist , and consequently , that the church of rome may be ethnicall or atheall , such as is their head . secondly , that the pope , euen by confession of the greatest papists , may be an heretike , & that their late pope was one de facto . thirdly , that euerie pope holdeth not in euerie point , the late romish religion . for , ( if they write truly , ) this late pope sixtus disliked of popish auricular confession . fourthly , that it is lawfull to iudge both of the popes religion , and of the pope himselfe . for we see here , that the iesuites did iudge the pope . yea , our quodlibetist telleth vs in another place , that the iesuites affirmed the pope , to haue erred in absoluing the french king . quod . 4. art . 2. gage . 101. see the fourth preamble , and the sixt aduiso sup . concerning the pope , how he both hath erred and still doth erre , as also how both he hath béene iudged , and this day ought to be iudged , euen of his dearest popelings ; i haue sufficiently proued elsewhere ; neuerthelesse , for the full satisfaction of the reader . i will here adde a little , which in the former bookes is wanting and cannot but wel content , euerie indifferently affected person . master doctor gerson a famous papist , and chancellor of the viuersitie of paris , doth make the case so plaine in many places of his works , as none that with iudgement shall peruse the same , can stagger or stand in doubt thereof . some few places onely i will heere allege , referring the reader for the rest , vnto the author himselfe in his bookes . the first place is conteyned in these expresse words : cōcluditur ex hac radice duplex veritas . prima , quod de terminati● s●lius papa in his quae sunt fidei , non obligat vt pracisé est talis , ad credendum : al●●quin staret in casu , quod qui ▪ obligaretur ad contradictoria , vel ad falsum contra fidem . out of this roote is concluded a double truth . first , that the resolution or determination of the pope alone , in things belonging to faith , as it is precisely such , ( not confirmed by a generall counsell , ) doth not tie or bind a man to beleeue it . for other wise the case might so fall out , that one should be bound eyther to beleeue contradictories , or else falshoode against his faith . the said gerson , after he hath in the same place by me quoted in the margent , delated at large , that the popes erroneous doctrine must be controlled by a generall councell , addeth these expresse words : cui legi haud dubie subest papa licet hactenus multis haec veritas non placeret propter inordinatū , fauorem ad summum pontificem , vel scripta sua male suscepta , plus quam ad christī & euangelia . nunc autē opposita falsitas est haeresis expresse damnata per concilium constantiense , cum alijs multis in vtilitatem totius politiae christianae . to which law the pope doubtlesse is subject , although hitherto this truth did not please a great many , by reason of their inordinate affection to the pope , more then to christ and his gospell . but now the opposite falshood is an here●ie , slatly condemned by the counsell of constance , together with many other things for the good of all christian pollicie . the second place is conteyned in these words : concilium generale sic est supra papam , & alium quemlibet de ecelesia , quod ipsum papam potest deponere pro quocunque crimine , de quo notorie & incorrigibiliter scandalizatur ecclesia . hoe est practicatum dudum de papa ioh. 12. & nunc de ioh. 23. in cuius deiectione non inseritur , quod fuerit haereticus , vel à fide deuius . a generall councell is so aboue the pope , and euery one of the church , that it hath power to depose the pope , for what crime soeuer , whereof the church is scandalized notoriously and incorrigibly . this was done vpon iohn the 12. long sythence , and now vpon iohn the 23. of that name , in whose deiection it is not inserted , that he was an heretike , or had swarued from the faith . the third place is conteyned in these words : concilium generale potest eum quem reputat summum pontificem , nedum consultiue inducerè , sed authoritatiuè compellere ad offerendum viam cessionis , vel ad cedendum papatui , etiam sine culpa licet non sua sine causa . a generall councell may not onely by way of councell induce him ▪ whom it reputeth to be the lawfull pope ; but also by way of authoritie compell him to offer to giue place , or to depart from the popedome in verie deed ; yea , without his owne fault , though not without a cause . the fourth place is conteyned in these words : status papalis , non eximit papam à legibus purè diuinis , quae vel in euangelijs , vel generalibus concilijs positae sunt . et ex hoc consequēter patet , quod papa subijcitur legi de correctione fraterterna . si peccauerit in te frater tuus , &c. sic quod potest fraternaliter corripi , dum peccat . et si tandem nolet audire ecclesiam , quam generale concilium representat , debet haberi sicut ethu●●us & publicanus . et ita potest hoc modo per concilium , vel iudicari , vel coerceri , vel pro excommunicato haberi . the popes estate doth not exempt the pope from the pure diuine lawes , which are set downe eyther in the gospels , or in generall councels . and hereupon it is cleare consequently , that the pope is subiect to that law of fraternall correction , if thy brother offend against the , &c. so that he may be reproued brotherly , when he sinneth . and if at length he will not heare the church , which a generall councell doth represent , he must be reputed as an ethnicke and publican . and so he may this way by a councell either be iudged , or corrected , or reputed an excommunicate person . the fift place is conteyned in these words : ecclesia vel generale concilium potuit & potest congregari , sine expresso consensu vel mandato papae , etiam rite electi & viuentis , in multis casibus . the church or generall councell both might and may be called together , without the expresse consent or mandate of the pope , euen when the pope is lawfully elected and liuing , and that in many cases . againe , the same doctor hath these words : ecclesia vel generale conciliū eam representans , est regula a spiritu sancto , directa tradita à christo , vt quilibet cuiuscunque status etiam papalis existat , eam audire ac eidem obedire teneatur , lioquin habendus , est vt ethnicus , & publicanus . the church or generall councell representing it , is a rule directed of the holy ghost , and giuen vs of christ , that euerie one of what state soeuer euen papall , must heare and obey the same , or else he must be reputed as an ethnick and publican . the sixt place is conteyned in these words : concilium generale potestatem a christo immediatè habet , cui quilibet cuiuscunque status vel dignitatis etiamsi papalis existat , obedire tenetur in his quae pertinent ad fidem , & extirpationem schismatis , ac generalem reformationem ecclesiae dei , in capite & in membris . a generall councell hath power from christ immediately , to which euerie one of what state or dignitie soeuer he be , yea the pope himselfe , is bound to yeeld obedience , in those things which pertayne to faith , and extirpation of schisme , and the generall reformation of the church of god , in the head and in the members . the seuenth place is conteyned in these words : iohannes ( papa ) non est accusatus vel conuictus de haeretica prauitate , & tamen concilium vocauit & indicauit ipsum , tanquam suum subditum . vnde & in toto processu vsque post sententiam definitiuam suae depositionis , reputans est ab eodem concilio verus papa . pope iohn was neither accused nor conuicted of hereticall prauitie , and for all that the councell both called him and iudged him , as their subiect . whereupon the councell reputed him the true pope , in all the time of their proceeding against him ▪ vntill after the definitiue sentence of his deposition . the eight place is conteyned in these words : in causis fidei non habetur in 〈◊〉 iudex infallibilis , vel qui non sit deuiabilis à ●ide de l●ge communi , praeter ipsam ecclesiam vniuersalem vel concilium generale eam sufficienter repraesentans . in causes of faith there is no infallible iudge vpon earth , or which cannot swarue from the faith by the cōmon course of gods procéeding , sauing the vniuersall church or a generall councell . thus you see at large , the constant doctrine of this great doctor , and famous papist ; who was present at the councell of constance , and one of the best account in the same councell . out of whose words i gather many verie excellent documents , well worthie to be written in golden letters . first , that no christian is bound to beléeue the decrée , definition , determination , or resolution of the pope , as he is barely and precisely pope , or bishoppe of rome , without the assistance of a generall councell . secondly , that the pope may erre both priuately and publikely in resolutions of faith , aswell as other bishops and ministers of the church . thirdly , that the pope is subiect to a generall councell , and may be controlled by the same . fourthly , that the contrarie opinion is a flat heresie , condemned in the councell of constance . fiftly , that an inordinate affection to the bishoppe of rome , withdraweth many men from the truth of christs gospell . sixtly , that a generall councell is so aboue the pope , that it hath power and lawful authoritie to depose the pope , for any notorious crime whatsoeuer . which authoritie ( saith this great papist , ) was practised and de facto put in execution , both in pope iohn the 12. and in pope iohn the 23. of that name . seuenthly , that a generall councell hath full power to compell a pope lawfully elected to the place , to renounce and forsake the popedome , and to giue place to him whom the councell shall appoint . eightly , that if the pope shall withstand the councell , and refuse to obey the decrées and constitutions thereof ; he must be excommunicated , and reputed as an ethnicke and publican . ninthly , that a generall councell may be summoned and kept , without consent of the pope , that is both lawfully elected and then liuing . tenthly , that the church or a generall councell is a rule set downe by the holy ghost , and giuen vs by christ , to which all people , aswell the pope as others , must yeeld obedience , or else be as the ethnicks and publicans . eleuenthly , that neither the pope , nor any one man vpon earth is or can be an infallible iudge in matters of faith . twelftly , that the iudgement which we must rest vpon , in all controuersies of faith and religion ; is eyther the vniuersall church , or a lawful generall councell . this is sound and most catholike doctrine , though procéeding from the penne of a great papist . which doctrine as the councell of constance did approue , so do i embrace the same with all my heart ; humbly thanking god , that by the mightie power of his truth , our aduersaries are enforced to deliuer vs the truth against themselues . this doctrine is proued more at large in my my booke of motiues , and in my suruey ; in many places also of this present volume , euen by the confession of the priests vnawares ; and shall be confirmed god willing , in my golden ballance of triall , now readie to the presse . aduiso . xii . of the tolleration expected by the seculars . touching the toleration which the secular priests ayme at , i will only put downe the reasons which perswade me , that it cannot stand with the peaceable gouerment of this land , referring the decision thereof as appertayneth , to the graue consideration of higher powers . the same toleration is no lesse daungerous , in the kingdomes of scotland and ireland , a poynt that would not be forgotten . the first reason . in the booke which cardinall allen published in his owne name , when the inuasion of england was chiefely intended , with the cruell massacre of her maiesties sacred person , in the yeare 1588. ( which booke the iesuites partly framed to his hands , ) they first make their entrance into their discourse , with a most odious and shamefull declaration against her maiestie , thereby to stirre vp her subiects hearts to contempt of her highnes , and to make her beholden euerie where for odious both to god , to the world , and to all good men . secondly , in that booke the cardinall and the iesuites threaten the nobilitie , gen●rie , and all the rest of the inhabitants of this kingdome , with losse of all their goods , their lands , their liues , and with damnation besides , except that presently vpon the landing of the spaniards , they ioyned themselues and all their forces , men , munition , victuals , and whatsoeuer else they could make , with that catholike armie . the words of that booke be these ; if you will auoid ( say they ) the popes , the kings , and other princes high indignation , let no man of what degree soeuer , obey , abet , aide , defend , or acknowledge her , &c. adding , that otherwise they should incurre the angels curse & malediction & be as déeply excōmunicated as any , because y● in taking her maiesties part , they should fight against god , against their lawful king , & against their country . ergo the iesuites are vnfit men to enioy any toleration , in a well managed commonweale . and whatsoeuer i say of iesuites cōcerning this toleratiō , i vnderstand y● same indifferently of the secular priests . my reasons mouing me therunto , are manifold . first , because cardinal allen ( with whose opiniō all the seculars did euer iumpe , ) put his owne hand to this shamelesse & abhominable libell . secondly , because many of the secular priests were in the campe , as is said in the same article , which is quoted in the margent . thirdly , because ballard the secular priest , did at his comming ouer , about the yeare 1586. deliuer a like message to al reconciled persons , buzzing into their eares , to acknowledge the quéen of scotland for their soueraigne . fourthly , because all the seculars professe their obedience to the pope , and are still deuoted to him , euen as they were before . fiftly , because the seculars iumpe with the iesuites , in all things concerning the popes authoritie ; as is alreadie proued . the second reason . many nobles and others in high esteeme and authoritie vnder her maiesties , are secretly entered into league on the behalfe of the spaniard , and that by procurement of the iesuites , as i haue proued in the eight aduiso ; ergo the iesuits , and seculars are vnfit men , to enioy and toleration in a well managed common weale . the third reason . all papists must imploy their persons and forces by the popes direction , how farre , when , and where , either at home , or abroade ; as men bound in conscience to further all warres for religion , and to breake with their temporall soueraigne at the popes appointmēt . this is proued preamble . 18. ergo iesuites and seculars . &c. the fourth reason . the king of spaine plotteth and by iesuiticall faction resolueth , to proceede where his father left against england , and for this ende sundry persons are sent into england , to be agents in that behalfe . this is proued preamb. 19. ergo. the fift reason . the seculars confesse in plaine termes , that the penall statutes are iustly made against them . this is proued in the seuenth aduiso . ergo vnfit men to haue a toleration . the sixt reason . the seculars commend the pope , for taking the english diademe from the king , and highly approue the dissoyal fact of cardinall pandulphus , in kéeping the said english crowne three dayes vpon his heade in the popes right ; ergo. &c. this is proued in the first aduiso , in the second reason . the seuenth reason . all that come out of spaine , must sweare to be rancke traytors against quéene elizabeth . this is proued in the second booke , chapt . 4. page . 6. ergo. &c. the eight reason . the seminaries in spaine were intended and erected , of purpose to cause a conquest , and to bring england into the slauery of the spaniard . this is proued , quodlibet . 8. art . 10. page . 278. ergo. &c. the ninth reason . the seculars in their answere to the iesuited gentlemā , doe prowdly vaunt of their great power and forces , in the 68 page . ergo. the 10 reason . in all the blondie attempts and treasonable practises of the pope and spaniards , none were more forward then the secular priests . this is proued in the important considerations , page . 15. ergo. the 11. reason . the seminaries were willing to colour , hide , and conceale , all the attempts , intents , practises , and proceedinges of the iesuites , vntill they were intangled by penall lawes . these words are set downe , in the preface to the quodlibets . ergo. the 12. reason . all papists ( seculars and iesuites , ) maintained one and the same opinion , in all the practises and bloudie complots concerning england . this is proued , quodli . 8. art . 9. page . 277. but some seculars were as forward against quéene elizabeth , as the bloudie spaniards , as is proued in the 10. reason . ergo vnfit men to haue a tolleration , the 13. reason . the seculers granut fréely , as is allready proued at large ; that they haue many friends both of the nobility , and of the gentrie , who loue them dearely , & are deuoted to the pope . ergo. many other reasons may be gathered to this effect , out of this precedent discourse ; but i will not stande vpon the matter . her maiesties graue and wise counsellours , know best what is to be done herein . onely this i wish to be remembred , ( which is already made manifest in the second booke , chapter . 4. paragraph . 1. ) that the iesuites are banished out of the kingdome of france , for their seditious dealing there . for doubtlesse , if they be vnfit persons to dwell in that realme ; where popery is openly professed , and therefore are banished from thence ; it séemeth not to stand with christian pollicy , to grant them a tolleration to liue as they list in england . and séeing the seculars were as deepe & as forward in all bloudie practises , as y● iesuites or spaniards , ( as is alreadie proued ; ) & seeing with all , they doe still professe their obedience to the pope , her maiesties professed mortall enemie ; they seeme as dangerous , and as vnfit to enioy a tolleration , as doe the iesuites . what say i of a tolleratiō ? seeing the seculars cōfesse ( as i haue proued , ) that the penall lawes are iustly made against them ; it were not a misse thinke i , if this their generall maxime were put in execution ; viz. fiat iustitia , & ruant coeli . for as our quodlibetist telleth vs , the execution of priest-hood and treason are now so linked together by the iesuites in england ; as they cannot exhort any to the catholike faith , but dogma●●zando , in so doing they draw him in effect to rebellion . quodl . 9. art . 4. page . 304. note the next reason . the 14. reason . the pope will not suffer nor permit the iewes to dwell in rome , vnles they will orderly and dutifully heare the popish sermons in their popish churches ; and yet are the popish sermons as much against the conscience of the iew , as are the english sermons against the conscience of the papist . againe , the iewes are not the popes subiects , and so doe they owe lesse dutie to the pope , thē our english papists owe to quéene elizabeth . and consequently , if the popes practise with the iewes be made a rule , to square and measure the actions of his popish english vassals ; they must haue no toleration to abide in england , vnles they will come to the church to heare godly sermons . to which i must néedes adde , that the iewes liue peaceably in rome , and doe not any way meddle in seditious and treasonable practises ; which for all that , is a thing very common and vsuall with our english papists , as is alreadie proued . if therefore the execution of popish priesthood , be lincked inseperably with treason , as is alreadie proued ; i hope popery will bee so farre from a tolleration , as no disloyall papist shall be permitted , to haue any footinge within this land . the complement of the three former bookes paragraph . i. containing a golden redolent posie , for the iesuites and their iesuited familie ; presented by the secular priests , to signifie their amitie . the iesuites and their arch-priesbyteran or spanish faction , inueighing against the secular priests , for appealing to the sea apostolike for iustice in spiritualibus , and to the regall throne of sacred maiestie , in defence apologiticall of their innocencie in temporalibus ; do peruert all laws , customes , and orders , and arrogate to thēselues a dignitie , preheminence , & authoritie , aboue the pope and prince , & are therebie guiltie of high treason . these words are set downe , in the preface to their dialogue . note heere gentle reader , these important points ; first that by the flat testimonie of the seculars , the iesuites are censured to be guiltie of high treason ; and consequently , that they are worthily condemned by the lawes of this land for the same . secondly , that these good fellowes the secular priests , do make themselues guiltie of the same treason , though not in the same degree . for their appeale to the pope in spiritualibus , implyeth high treason against their naturall soueraigne . which to be so themselues confesse els where , as shall appeare in the next paragraph . paragraph . ii. shewing that the secular priests vnawares condemne themselues , in their owne publike writings . the seminaries were willing at the first , to colour , hide , and conceale all ; making the iesuites causes , attempts , intents , practises , and procéedings , their owne in euery thing , and yéelding to them the preheminence , fame , honor and renowne in euery action acted by them ; vntill at last they were intangled by penall lawes , iustly made against them equally , as against the iesuits . these words are set downe , in the preface to the quodlibets . note heere gentle reader , these important points with me ; first , that by the free confession of the seminarie priests , the penall statutes are iustly made against them ; and consequently , that the seminaries are iustly condemned for treason . secondly , that the penal lawes were made as iustly against the seminaries , as they were made against the iesuites ; and consequently , seeing the notorious treasons of the iesuites , were the cause of the said penall lawes ; it followeth by necessarie consequution , that the seminaries are guiltie either of the same , or at the least of other like treasons . thirdly , that the seminaries for a longe time , made all the bloudie intents and treasonable practises of the iesuites , their owne in euerie respect . fourthly , that they honoured the iesuites , euen in their bloudie attempts and cu●sed treasons . fiftly , that the seminaries did hide and conceale the treasons of the iesuits , for the space of twenty yeares together . for the iesuites began their treasons , in the yeare . 1580. as is alreadie proued ; and the seculars did not reueale them , vntill the yeare . 1601. neither then , but to be auenged of the iesuites , and to saue their owne neckes from the halter . paragraph . iii. of the cause of the discouerie of the iesuiticall treasons . now of late god hath most strangely , & in very déede , ( as it may be termed , ) miraculously , reuealed the truth which long hath béene hidden . these words are set downe , quodl . 8. art . 9. p. 267. note heere gentle reader , that god for his owne glorie , for the preseruatiō of his faithfull seruant our gratious soueraigne , and for the common good of our natiue countrie ; hath miraculously contrarie to the expectation of man , caused the secular priests to discouer the longe hidden treasons , contriued and disloyally practised both by the iesuites and themselues . the fourth booke , containing a sparing postpast , prouided by the seculars for the iesuites ; in regard of the delicate and sumptuous antepast , bestowed on their messengers at rome . after i had accomplished the three bookes aforegoing , i had a sight of a iesuiticall booke , itituled a briefe apologie ; which in pervse , i found not only to confirme the treasonable complots and bloudy practises , heretofore intended against her maiesty and this our natiue contry ; but with all to sound out alarum , to most cruell and vnnaturall rebellion in time to come ; and consequētly , i haue thought it my parte and bounden dutie , to vse my penne for the confutation and confusion , of such vnchristian villany . chap. i. of the author of this seditious apologie . although by the inscription of this libell , some iesuited priestes should bee the authors thereof : yet doe i verely thinke , that the traytorous iesuite parsons did compile the same . for first , if the stile and methode bee conferred with his other bookes , they will séeme to bee of one and the same moulde . secondly , the author thereof speaketh of himselfe in the singular number , so as the words can no way be applyed vnto many . thirdly , the author of this disloyall pamphlet , speaketh● scorn●fully and dishonourablie of her maiestie , and o others in authoritie vnder her ; which is the proper badge of that foule-mouthed wretch . for to say nothinge of manie other places , when hee hath told vs some parte of maister bluets letter to his fellow maister mush , in these wordes ; ( i haue by opening the cause vnto there honours , and to cesar , obtained &c. hee putteth downe in the margent , these wordes ; ( the queene after a sorte . ) as if hee had said , shee is depriued by the popes bull , and is not queene indéede , but by bare name only . and the very reuerend prelate maister doctor bancroft , hee termeth the false bishoppe of london . and yet this good fellowe is grieuously offended , that the seculars doe not tearme the arch-priest ( blackewell ) by the name of reuerendissimus , the most reuerent father . fourthly , they that would seeme to bee the authors of this libell , confesse fréely and plainly , that parsons himselfe did diligently enforme them , how and in what sorte they should write . and consequently he was the architect indeede , howsoeuer others haue the name . but euery wiseman will thinke , that ( seeing parsons is the partie accused . ) if his owne conscience had not condemned him in the aunswere , hee would haue put his owne name to the apologie . well , the answeare is so badde , the author may not be knowen . see more heereof , in the fourth chapter . chap. ii. of the cruell proceeding , against the messengers sent to rome . master charnocke , and master bishop two of the secular priests , who had traueiled many yeares in the popes affayres here in england , being vniustly molested by the tyrannizing iesuites ; did with the consent and counsell of many other priests , vered by the iesuites as themselues , take a long and painefull iourney to rome , to desire some mitigation of his holinesse in that behalfe . but god thanke you , parsons by the helpe of their iesuites , made such an heynous complaint to the pope against the said messengers , that the prison was made readie for them , before they came to rome . yea , at their comming they were imprisoned indeed , neither to this day could they be permitted to come to the pope . and which is more , they were inioyned at their going out of prison , to remaine in exile ; the one , in paris ; the other , in lozaine ; and not to returne into england , without speciall licence of his holines , or of the protector his deputie . which cruell decree , they were compelled to confirme with a corporall oath . heereupon the other priests exclayme and crie out ; o miserable times ? o wicked maners of men ? that their two messengers should so be handled , as to be put in prison , before they could be heard , page . 192. master collington saith , that they were kept in prison till parsons had made all sure , by getting forth a breue for confirmation of his plotted authoritie . page . 208. now what doth parsons answere , in defence of his intolerable tyrannie ? you shall heare the expresse words of the apologie , in the next chapter . chap. iii. of parsons his answere , for the punishment of the messengers . they say , that cardinall bellarmine his letter to father parsons from ferrara , a lttle before their arriuall , doth proue , that the imprisonment of their messengers was procured by parsons , for that the said cardinall wrote that the two english priests were not yet come , but should be imprisoned when they came , nor that it should be needfull for parsons to flie , or make haste to ferrara for that cause . and then the priests crie out , o tempora , o mores , that their two messengers should so be handled , as to be put in prison before they were head . but god be thanked , that worthy cardinall is yet aliue , and can testifie all this to be their fiction , and that his holines being aduertised in ferrara , from his nuncioes in fraunce and flaunders , of these mens comming , was offended at their new stirring , and willed the said father to write to rome to father parsons , so be en●ormed of them and their pretenses , before euer father parsons had written or spoken word thereof , as the said cardinall will beare witnesse . and as for the least clause of his letter , whereby he should write , that parsons needeth not to slie or make haste to ferrara ; it is added and forged by themselues , and no one such word in the letter . these are the expresse words of the apologie , in which all is saide for the iesuite parsons , that himselfe possibly could deuise for his owne defence . for eyther he was the man that penned the apologie , or at least the man that diligently instructed him , who penned it , as is alreadie proued . marke then the due examination thereof . out of these words of the apologie , we must obserue first , that the iesuite bellarmine now cardinal , wrote from ferrara to parsons at rome , telling him that the priestes were not yet come thither . secondly , that the cardinals letter was written , before the priests came eyther to rome or to ferrara ; whither it was thought they would come , because the pope was there . thirdly , that it was decréed , that they should be imprisoned , so soone as they came . these three obseruations are expresly conteyned , in the former part of the cardinals letter ; to speake nothing yet of the last clause thereof , because that part is denied . but the former part is freely granted , which may not be forgotten . fourthly , that the pope was aduertised in ferrara , by his nuntioes in fraunce and flaunders , that the priestes would come to him . fiftly , that the pope willed the cardinall to write to parsons , to be enformed of them and their pretences . sixtly , that the cardinall bellarmine can testifie all this , to be their fiction ; for so saith the apologie . these obseruations duely pondered , it will appeare to the indifferent reader , as cleare as the sunne when it shineth at the noone tide ; that the iesuite parsons is c●ndemned in his owne conscience , and knoweth now no other meanes how to defend his badde dealing , but by hypocri●ie , falshood , and impudent lying . first therefore , he chargeth the cardinall bellarmine , with false testimonie . this is euident by the first obseruation , where after hee told vs the words of the cardinals letter , he addeth immediatly to the same words , the exclamation of the priests . that done , he forthwith with an impudent mouth auouceth , that the cardinall can testifie all this to be their fiction . peruse the words in the beginning of this third chapter , and marke them well . the diuell is termed a lyer , and pater eius ; but henceforth let him giue place to parsons , in that behalf . for hauing told vs of the cardinals letter written to him , and of the contents thereof ; he forthwith affrmeth to vs , that all is false , and the méere fiction of the priests . and yet is the greater part , or rather the totall summe of their narration , conteyned in the said cardinals letter . but let vs in the way of dispute , and in fauour of our good iesuite parsons , and in regard of his trauels for the king of spayne against our natiue countrey ; suppose with him , that the priests had vttered many vntruthes , ( the contrarie whereof god willing , shall shortly be made manifest ; ) yet must the lye perforce be retorted vpon parsons , as vpon him that best hath deserued it ; for his impudent , shamelesse , and most notorious lying . the reason is euident , because he granting a great part to be true , affirmeth in the same periode , the whole to be false . but it shall be proued before the ende of this replie , that there is no falshoode therein at all ; saue that onely , which procéedeth from his owne lips . secondly , parsons to purge himselfe of bad dealing , if possibly it would bee , telleth vs in the fift obseruation , that the pope willed the cardinall to write to him , to be enformed of the priests and their pretences . heere parsons either condemneth himselfe , or else giueth the pope a mortall wound . if the pope gaue no such charge to his cardinall , then hath parsons committed a damnable sinne , in lying so egregiously vpon the pope and his cardinall . and it séemeth verie probable , that the pope was not then acquainted with the matter , but that the generall of the iesuites by parsons his information , had required the cardinall to moue the pope for their imprisonment , if perhaps they should come to ferrara , while the pope made his abode there . and for this cause did the cardinall answere , that the priests were not yet come , but should be imprisoned when they came , as we haue in the third obseruation . as if he had said , haue yee no care , i will be mindefull to gratifie you in your desire . the priests are not yet come , but i shall not faile to procure their imprisonment at their comming . for it can not be imagined , that intelligence of this matter could come to the pope , but by the consent of parsons , and as parsons did designe to be done . the reason is euident , because parsons boasteth , that he is appointed the rector of the english colledge , the prefect of the english mission , and the like . all which is true indéed , and by reason hereof , all english papists depend vpon parsons , and will doe nothing without his aduise ; the seculars euer excepted , that now oppose themselues against him , who doubtlesse would not bewray their owne cause . if the pope gaue such a charge indéed , then did he shew himselfe to be the diuels vassall . and not christes vicar , as he pretends to be . for who , but the diuell of hel , would first decrée that the priests should be imprisoned and afterward labour to know , what offence they had committed ? for if parsons say truly , the pope knew not what offence was done . wel , be this as it be may , it is confessed on all sides , that the priests with the popes knowledge , were first imprisoned , then inioyned to liue in exile , and neuer to returne into their natiue countrey without licence , and could not to this day , be permitted to speake to the pope . iustly therefore may the priests exclayme , o miserable times ? o wicked manners of men ? o cursed parsons ? o cruell bishoppe of rome ? doest thou send thy priests with the daunger of their liues , to execute thine imployments , and when they haue taken a long , painefull , and chargeable iourney , to know thy further pleasure , in their doubts and distresses in that behalfe , doest thou cause them to be imprisoned ? doest thou punish them , before thou know any cause ? doest thou condemne them , nay banish them , before thou doest heare them speake ? they truly haue deserued no lesse , because they haue taken part with thee against their naturall soueraigne . yet is it a shame of all shames for thee , to haue dealt so cruelly with them . they may see if they haue but one eye left , that thou art neither saint peter nor christs lawfull vicar . thirdly , they were more strictly imprisoned at rome , then the iesuites are this day in england , though knowen professed enemies to the crowne . for first , parsons was the chiefe iaylour . secondly , the priests were put in ●eucrall places of the prison so as the one could not speake with the other . thirdly , they could not be permitted to talke with schollers , nor the schollers to talke with them . this is a good president . ●ew to deale with tay●orous iesuites , when they shall hereafter be apprehended in this land . fourthly , the notarie that penned the examination , was a iesuite , so as parsons had his desire , in euerie respect . these things put together with the former , the last clause of the cardinals letter , of parsons his hasting to ferrara , will be euident . fourthly , parsons fearing , that the pope would make some subordination in england , laboured by all meanes possible , that blackwell might be the arch-priest . i proue this euidently . for first , the pope willed that information should be procured out of england , who were the fittest men for gouernment . and yet parsons confesseth , that the opposite seculars were not acquainted therewith ; albeit they were the fittest men , as i shall proue demonstratiuely , if any iesuite will prouoke me thereunto . secondly , the protector demaunded the opinions , of the principall english in rome . and i pray you , who were these ? parsons himselfe forsooth , and his brother iesuite baldwin , lately come ( for that intent ) out of england , haddocke also , martin array , and allen , all iesuited vassals , and at his commaund . thirdly , diuers other principall men wrote out of spayne , to signifie the sufficiencie of blackwel for his arch-presbiteran office , and that he should be the gouernour . this doth parsons or his flattering vassals at his designement , set downe in expresse termes in their apologie . now i beseech the gentle reader , who is so blind , as cannot see this malitious treacherie ? parsons seeketh by hooke and by crooke to hide his false dealing , and yet doth he vnwittingly bewray his owne villanie . men forsooth in spayne , must please parsons for their owne gaine ; and they must write to the protector at rome , that blackwell ( whose sufficiencie they know not , ) is a most sufficient man. hee and none but he , must gouerne all the priests in england . will ye know the reason ? this blackwell is iesuited , ( if not a close and secret iesuite ; ) and consequently , he being the gouernour , parsons may rule at his pleasure , and banish all that will not subscribe to his treasons . for not onely the prests , but the cardinall also ; yea , the pope himselfe must conclude and agrée , to the iesuites their designements . who so will read the instructions , which the arch-priest is inioyned to follow , can not possibly ; but be of my opinion . chap. iiii , of the fashoods , leasings , and vntruthes , conteyned in the iesuiticall apologie published to the world . paragraph . i. concerning boromoeo the late cardinall of millan . and as for that , which our discontented brethren do cite in diuers places of their bookes , of cardinall boromaeo of holy memorie , that he tooke the gouernement of one of his seminaries in millan from the fathers ; we haue informed our selues of the trueth , that the fathers of their owne will , and vpon their owne earnest suite ; left the said gouernment of the great labour and trouble thereof ; as also some little difference in opinion , about the schollers education ; which the good cardinall would haue had somewhat more bare in their diet and apparrel , then the fathers order in their seminaries did permit . for which the holy cardinall alledged no euill reason : saying , that seeing they were to be sent afterwards , abroad to poore benefices among countrey people , where they must faire hardly ; they would refuse to goe , beeing brought vppe after the diet of other seminaries . but the fathers thought it easier for them to leaue this gouerment , then to admit this difference , and so they left it . and the good cardinall did vse all the meanes possibly he could , both there & in rome , to stay it in their hands . these are the expresse words of parsons his iesuited vassals , or rather of parsons himselfe in the said aplogie . by these words , two things are cleare . the one , that the iesuites had once the gouernment , of one of the seminaries in millan , vnder the iurisdiction of the cardinall boromaeo ; the other , that the said cardinall was a good man , and of holy memorie . now the controuersie is this , whether the good cardinall disliked of their gouernment , and therefore displaced them , or that the iesuites were wearie of the place , and therefore did voluntarily leaue it . the seculars say , that the cardinall● 〈◊〉 them , the iesuites denie it . but why would the iesuites giue ouer that gouernment , which they had once taken vpon them ? because forsooth , the good cardinall would haue had the schollers , to bee brought vp more barely in their diet and apparrell . thus they say , but the contrarie is the truth . for first , eyther the cardinals allowance was sufficient , or not sufficient . if it were not sufficient , then was he not so good a man , nor of so holy memorie , as the priests do affirme . if it were sufficient , then was that excessiue , and consequently vitious , which the iesuites did require , then was their gouernment iustly disliked , then did they shew themselues to be a prude and arrogant kinde of people , that would not condescend to the cardinall , in his most lawfull demaund . secondly , doctor lewis the late bishop of cassana , a man of great credit and renowne , and who had great familiaritie with the said cardinall , did often affirme to his friends , that the cardinall could not endure them , nor like of their gouernment . master hugh griffeth , master morg●n , and master meredith , all priests this day liuing , can and will testifie this to be so . thirdly , my selfe admiring , that the iesuites kept not that place which sometime they had in millar , enquired diligently what should be the cause , for that i thought well of the iesuites , at that time indeed . and one of their owne order , being then a prefect in the english colledge , ( to say nothing of the common report of others , ) confessed fréely , that the cardinall could not brooke well their fathers , but he would not in any case , shew the cause thereof . this to be true , i protest before god , and his holy angels . fourthly , they alledge a reason which they would haue to be the cardinals but both it is from themselues , and doth consute themselues . the reason is this ; viz. because they were to be sent afterward abroad to poore benefices , where they must fare hardly . but this reason is their owne , and neuer framed by the cardinall ; and it is confuted many waies . for first , they grant , ( marke their words alreadie cited ) that the cardinals reason was good ; and consequently , that the iesuites were bad , and without all reason , when they refused to yeeld vnto reason . secondly , where shall those benefices be found , and in what country ; which are not sufficient to fill the priests belly ? no where doubtles ; for the mainteynance of popish priests , is too great euery where . yea , by the setled law of poperie , ( would god it were so in our english ministery , ) euery priest at the houre of his consecration , hath some title for his sufficient maintenance ; to say nothing of the huge commodities , that doe dayly insue vpon his priestly function . and for this cause , the papists that now come into england , where they haue no titles ; are created ad titulum sanctissimi , and so may iustly chalenge necessary maintenance of the pope ; howsoeuer he hath imprisoned the messengers , but bestowed no viaticum on them at all , neither great nor small . fiftly , it followeth of the iesuites their owne procéedinge , that they are vnfit men for gouernance . for it is against all reason , to allow larger commons and more liberall diet , to those that must be sent where no certaine maintenance is so be had ; and more bare and sparing diet , to such as must haue well setled liuings . and yet doth the case thus stand , by iesuiticall precéedings in the seminaries . for they grant as you see , that the cardinals reason was good , ( but it is their owne indeed , ) in regard of the poore benefices , which are farre larger and better , a wiseman would thinke ; then the vncertaine and accidentiall maintenance , of the seminaries in this lande . but this happely may bee gainesaide , in respect of the euerie daye expected conquest ; for other reason none can be yeelded , and yet this perforce must be reiected . paragraph . ii. of the iesuite bellarmine , now cardinall of the sea of rome . to proue the iesuite parsons an impudent and a most notorious lyer ; it is sufficient to pervse to remember , what is already said thereof in the third chapter of this booke . for after that parsons hath set downe the narration of the seculars , and freely granted the greater part thereof to be true ; yea , the whole in effect ; as there it is proued , and so needeth not here to be recounted ; he forthwith like a desperate ruffian , and as one vnmindfull what he had immediately written ; affirmeth with shamelesse lippes and rayling tongue , that the whole narration is false . which doubtles , is such a notorious vntruth ; as nothing is worthy to be of credite , that shall heare after procéede from his penne . paragraph . iii. of the students in the english colledge , parsons that arrogant iesuite , for his owne credite if it would be ; telleth vs in the apologie , in the 184. page , that vpon a certaine falling out betweene maister doctor lewes then arch-deacon of cambray , and after bishop of cassane , and the english youthes then students in the english colledge ; the said youthes aboue 30. in number , were all dismissed thence , and yet brought againe and placed in the colledge by his good meanes . thus doth this good fellow boast of his rare fauours towards the english students , and his deserts in this behalfe are excéeding great , if we will beleeue him . but i assure thee gentle reader , ( whosouer thou art , ) and i speake vpon mine owne knowledge as who was at the same time one of the same number ; that this is to be enrolled , among his other notorious vntruthes . for first , there was no disagreement at all , betwéene the late bishop of cassana and the students . againe , the contention was indeed , betweene the cardinal morone then the protector of the english , and the students , or rather the iesuites ; who like wilie foxes did all in all couertly , and yet would séeme openly , to be most vnwilling to haue the gouerment of the colledge . thirdly , parsons was at that time , a man of no reckening among the iesuits ; neither did he , or could hee doe anie thing in that behalfe . the reason hereof is euident , because he confesseth in the said apologie , that the colledge was erected in the yeare 1579. and that himselfe entered into the societie , in the yeere 1574. so that he had then béene iesuite scantly foure yeeres , whereof one must be allotted for his probation . now if any wise man wil beléeue him , that he could be of such credite with them vpon so short a tryall , he may ; but my selfe know the contrarie , and so doe many moe yet liuing ; viz. maister meredith , maister griffeth , maister morgan , m. elize , and sundrie others ; but none better then maister mush , if he list to speake the truth therein . fourthly , there were at that time iesuited english men , of long continuance in that societie ; who should rather haue done that exploit then this good father , if it had béene but for comely order sake ; but as i said afore , the iesuites would not be knowen to deale in the matter . fiftly , this good fellowe ( this good father i would say , ) will needes bee the only man , that procured the schollers to stay ; and ( a thing to bee laughed at , ) the graue and learned father toledo , ( afterward cardinall , ) was but an instrument to helpe the said parsons in his imployment . a shame it is for this fellow , to tell of himselfe such a shamelesse lye . the truth is this ; the generall of the iesuites was desirous indeed , to haue the gouernment of the colledge , committed to his societie ; as who knew right well , that it would tend both to his credit , and to his commoditie . but for feare of the displeasure of cardinall morone , who tooke part with maister morice the welch-man , whome he had designed to be the rector of the colledge ; he neither would deale openly for the schollers , neither suffer any of the societie , to concurre with thē in that behalfe . yet he did that secretly , which was the vpshot , and end of all ; viz. he commanded by a secret message , the reuerend father toledo , a great learned man and one of great reckening with the pope at that time ; that he would instantly beseeth the pope prostrate on his knees before his holinesse , and to make a most pitifull lamentation for the ouethrow of england . that is forsooth , that now were reiected the finest wits ; the most toward youthes ; the seede of poperie ; and the only hope of the english nation , who now exiled for zeale in religion , and come to be his popish vassals ; must either be trained vp in papistry after the iesuiticall manner , or els should england neuer be reclamed , world without end . this swéet narration noe sooner sounded in the popes eares , but the commanded the schollers to be receiued into the colledge againe . where note by the way what politicians the iesuites bee . this toledo was a iesuite , then remaining in the popes house with the pope , and was the popes chiefest aduiser , in all ecclesiasticall causes . he then being a iesuite , must needs doe the designement of his generall , the maister iesuite of all the rest . for his profession was , to obey at a beck . and for that he was present with the pope , in his pallace bel-v●dére , he was free to deale without suspition , in this great and weightie matter . lastly , being in high esteeme with the pope , and speaking in a cause so plausible and profitable for his holinesse , he was most likely to preuaile in his suite . which ( i protest to the reader , ) the iesuits did more then once promise to the schollers , before it came to passe . thus it is most apparant to euerie indifferent reader , that the goodly story which parsons telleth for his owne vaine glory , is a lye with a witnesse . for the first credite that euer he got , was wrought by his treacheries & treasons against his natiue country , most noble england . by reason whereof he crept into such credite with the king of spaine , that now he is able to doe all in all , both with that kinge and the pope himselfe . wherefore my opinion is this , that the seculars are ouer matched , and that howsouer they bragge , that they will haue audience , or els dye for it one after another ; yet are they more like many of them , if they goe to rome to be cast into their holy most holy inquisition . for parsons hath now by the reason of their writings , matter enough to worke vpon ; and therefore their best course is , to submitte themselues to queene elizabeth , and to bid the pope faire well with all his traytorous iesuites . paragraph . iiii. of the dealing of the iesuite parsons , during his aboad in england . the seculars write , that parsons being in england , did so exasperate the minds both of the prince and magistrates by his doings , as then first of all by that occasion , capitall lawes were appointed against priests , and their receiuers . parsons answeareth , that this is a calumniation , which hath diuerse euident falshoods , reproueable by the witnesse , of all that liued at that time in england , both catholikes and heretikes . but i reply , y● this aunsweare of parsons containeth a lye so palpable and so notorious , as i wonder how he could vtter it , without blushing . for first , diuers of the seculars in england at that time , refuse to witnes this false narration . secondly , many good christians , whome it pleased this good fellowe to terme heretikes , will witnes against him . thirdly , if all must witnes with him ; then doubtles none will witnes against him , which is most absurd to say or hold . fourthly , his owne disputation will confute it selfe . for after hee hath told vs of his great paines in preaching , teaching , and writing ; and namely in setting forth the reasons of refusall , of going to the protestants churches ; hee forthwith addeth these words ; vpon which preaching and writing , when many chiefe men refused to goe to hereticall seruice : there was called a parliament in the end of the same yeere , and the law of twentie pound a moneth for recusancie was ordained ; but no capitall law made against priests or their receiuers , vntill diuers yeeres after father parsons was gone forth of england . this is that goodly narratiō , which father wiseman maketh for his honest purgation ; if it may stand good either in law , or with right reason . let vs examin it , to know the truth therof . first , he granteth fréely , that by reason of his godly preaching and writing , the penall statutes of 20. pound the month , was imposed for recusancie . secondly he granteth fréely , y● by his traytorous preaching and writing many chiefe men refused to goe to hereticall seruice . thirdly , he granteth fréely , that he wrote against going to the protestant churches . fourthly , he granteth likewise , that he termed the godly prayers vsed in the churches of england , hereticall seruice ; and consequenly , hee termed her maiestie an heretike , like an arrant traytour as he is . and yet forsooth , we must beléeue him ; y● he did not exasperate he maiestie and her magistrates , to make capital lawes against iesuites and seminaries . who can thinke , that this fellow hath any witte ? who is so blind , as hee seeth not his contradictions ? who seeth not , how the deuill hath bewitched him ? for what was the cause of capitall lawes , against iesuites and seminaries ? doubtles , the deniall in english subjects , of their due allegeance to their naturall soueraigne & the profession of that same to the pope her mortall enemie . and yet is this consequent necessarilie inferred of the premisses , which this fellow fréely hath admitted . i cannot but admire the folly of the man , that doth not see it . for euery recusant is reconciled to the pope ; and must perforce take parte with the pope against the queene , as is already proued . and to this recusancie must be ascribed , as to the principall cause ; the enacting of all capitall lawes , and other penall mulcts whatsoeuer . i say , to this recusancie , that is , to that recusancie to which treason is annexed as an inseperable accident therof . for vntill recusancie was so linked with popish treason , that disloyaltie was thereby set a broach in euery corner , recusants did i●ioy all curtesie , libertie , & freedome , wherof this is a sufficient argument , because all the capitall and other sharpe penall statutes , did nothing at all touch the old popish recusants . albeit we sée this day , ( which is to be imputed to the traytorous iesuites , ) that other priests together with the lay-people , are as deepely drowned in treasonable practises , as the seminarie-priests . but what ? can parsons say nothing for him selfe ? yes forsooth ; he telleth vs first , that he was gon forth of england , before capitall lawes were made against priests , or their receiuers . alas , alas , what a poore shift is this ? nay , what a foolish man is this ? parsons committed treason vpon treason , and then ran away for feare of the halter . ergo the capitall lawes ensuing , were not made to preuent his and the like future treasons . euery child i weene , will sée the absurdity of this consequution . he telleth vs secondly , that in cāpions arraignment , ( which was after parsons his departure , ) there was no one action of parsons objected in particular against the state , though he were known to haue béene the superiour in that mission . to this i reply , that the silence of parsons in campions arraignment , cannot discharge parsons of the same or like treasons . besides , it may be , that the state was aduertised , how dastardly parsons ran away ; and that they thought that their conniuence and silence in the matter , would be an occasion of his returne , and then they would talke with the good fellow . he telleth vs thirdly , that parsons was the chiefe in the iesuiticall mission . which assertion doubtlesse , doth vtterly confound the man. for séeing all the capitall lawes , were enacted onely and solely against the iesuites and their fauorites ; it must needes bée granted , it cannot be denied ; that they were principally intended against the principall iesuite that is to say , against parsons who will needes be the chiefe . i therefore conclude , that the iesuite , parsons is a notorious lyar , and that the lye which he would bestowe vpon others , is iustly and fitly retorted against himselfe . see the fift chapter , in the second section . paragraph . v. of haddockes life and conuersacion . richard haddocke now doctor , ( as parsons termeth him , ) is charged by the secular priests to haue béene of no edification in england , in his life and conuersation . but parsons ( because he resisted the messengers sent to rome , and was readie at a becke to doe his designements , ) desperatly aff●rmeth with a brasen face , the contrary in these words ; as for his libertie of life ( as they call it , ) while he was in england ; it is false , that it was of any euill edification , and some of vs knew him better then these libellers , these are the words of our graue apologians . to which i aunswere breifely , that these wordes of the prophet are truely verified of parsons , who was the author of this apologie indeede . there is no faithfulnes in his mouth , there inward parts are verie wickednesse , their throats an open sepulchre , they flatter with their tongues . for my selfe knew the man , and his life right well ; and i will onely say that in few words of him , which i thinke himselfe will not deny . if he doe , it shall god willing be proued heareafter , by a multitude of honest witnesses , and by such particular knowne circumstances , of times places , and parsons , as no possible deniall can be made thereof . for it shall neuer be proued god willing , that i write any vntruth of any man liuing . god is my witnesse , that is farre from my meanining . but i wonder , that the earth doth not open her mouth , to swallow vp quicke the author of this apologie , for his manifolde notorious slanders , impudent leasings , and most excerable caluminations . and parsons is the man , as i haue proued in the first chapter . the phrase , stile , and methode , with many other circumstances concurring , doe euidently conuince it to be see . for to say , that it hath not his name , is too too vaine and friuolous . for by that reason , no man should be the author thereof , because it hath no mans name . to which i adde , that it is not the wonted manner of parsons , to put his name to his bookes . the secular priests haue truly vnfolded that secresie , in their publike writings . and parsons himselfe vnawares , reporteth no lesse in effect in this apologie . well , what doth parsons call euill edification ? richard hadocke i am well assured ▪ spent his whole time or the greater part thereof , ( subtracting time for sleeping , eating , and drinking , ) in hawking , hunting , carding , dicing , and licentious liuing , to say nothing of other more homely , but lesse comely qualities . of which manner of liuing , he was sufficiently admonished , i know when , where , and by whom , and can so decipher all the particulars thereof , as himselfe shall neuer be able to denie the same . i therefore conclude , that when parsons saith , it is false , &c. the falshood proceedeth from his owne stinking mouth . he indeed is the libeller , though it please him to bestow that name on the seculars . but such good fellowes as haddocke , must be maintained , to bolster out master parsons , and his detestable treacheries . for by his plotting to set the english crowne on the spanish infantaes head , he is become so familiar with the spanish king , and the arch-dutchesse isabella his sister , that he is able with his word to set vp or pull downe , all disloyall kil-princes in the world . who then dare write against him ? the seculars haue entered the combat , and if they faile in the conflict , a halter will be the end . he séeketh by flatterie to make them yeeld , and to bring them to submssion , but if that be once done , actum est de illis , they must enter into glorie , that is to say , into the holy inquisition , where there they must eyther remaine perpetuo , or be bondslaues to parsons and his iesuited familie . i might enlarge my selfe , in discoursing vpon many other vntru●hs , leasings , falshoods , and caluminiations , published for truths in this scandalous and most disloyall apologie . but by these falshoods alreadie discoured , it is apparant to all the world , that no credite can be giuen to the words or writings , of the notorious traytor robert parsons that bloodie iesuite . chap. v. of parsons his contradictions , peremptorily vttered in his lewde apologie . sect. i. concerning traytors like himselfe , and his confederates . parsons in one place of the apologie , hath these words ; for , ( as the common saying is , ) howsoeuer the treason be embraced , yet the traytor is hated and contemned . but in another place , he hath these words ▪ what say you of my lord cardinall allen his answere , to the english iustice ; his defence of the twelue martyrs , in one yeare ; his epistle for allowance , of sir william stanleyes rendring vp of dauentry ; his declaration against her maiestie , and the present state , in the yeare 1588. when the armado was on the seas , were these exasperating treatises , or no ? and how then is father parsons onely named by this man , as though his writings onely were the cause of all exasperation ? nay , was there any man euer knowen to be particularly troubled hitherto , for any booke written by father pasons by name ? we are sure , that neyther master mush , nor any of his , can euer proue it . these are the verie expresse words , set downe in the iesuiticall apologie , in the places quoted in the margent . out of which words , the indifferent reader may obserue these important poyntes with me . first , a notable contradiction in wordes of the iesuite parsons , who seemeth to repute himselfe the onely wiseman in the world . for in the former place he telleth vs , that howsoeuer the treason be embraced , yet the traytor is hated and contemned . but in the second place , he singeth another song , for he commendeth the notorious treason of sir william stanley , and defendeth him therein . secondly , that all traytors which take part with the pope and king of spayne , are well thought of , and deemed right honest men . it is euident in sir william stanley , a man in great esteeme with them . thirdly , that cardinall allen was a notorious traytor , euen by the testimonie of the iesuits ; though they will not grant so much in plaine termes . for of the said cardinall , this apologie affirmeth foure things , as you haue heard . first , that he wrote against english iustice , ( done vpon the seminaries . ) secondly , that hee wrote in defence of the seminaries that were executed , and affirmed them to be martyrs . thirdly , that he iustified sir william stanleys treasons , and highly extolled him for the same . fourthly , that he published a most traytorous booke , against her maiestie and the state , in the yeare 1588. when the kings armado was on the seas . adde hereunto for the complement , that the seminaries , who euer to this houre speake most reuerently of that cardinall , and did obey him during life at a becke ; could not but be vp to the eares in deepe treasons , seeing the cardinal himselfe was so forward , in all the bloodie treacheries . sect. ii. of parsons his letters written to master bishop . the iesuite parsons wrote a letter the ninth of october , 1599. to master bishop in paris , for answere ( as persons pretendeth , to certaine grieuous calumniations , which master bishop and master charnocke had spread abroad the world , of the hard and iniurious dealing vsed to them in rome ; which were contrarie to all truth , if the good iesuites words were of any credit . in one place of the said letter , he hath these words : master bishop , it beeing now diuers moneths since you departed from hence , and no one letter appearing yet from you , nor from your friend master charnocke ; it made vs maruell , considering your promise at your departure . in another place of the same letter , he hath these words ; by a state letter which i receiued this weeke from you , i perceiue &c. these are the words of the apologie . in which words , any man may easily behold a flat contradiction . for , in the former place , he denieth the receit of any one letter ; but in the latter he granteth , that he had receiued one stale letter . the seculars haue charged him with this contradiction , and he answereth that from may to nouember is more then halfe a yeare , in which time no letter was come from them , contrarie to their promises , vntill this present weeke . this is the answere . to which answere , i reply in this manner . i say first , that when parsons saith , it is more then halfe a yeare from may to nouember , he is a lyar . for , from may to nouember , are onely fiue moneths ; and yet do 12. moneths concurre , to the complement of one yeare . againe , if he begin his supputation the first day of may , ( which is to reckon from aprill rather then from may , ) yet is it but iust halfe a yeare ; and consequently , parsons affirming it to be more , is still a lyar . secondly , that his reckoning must end vpon the ninth day of october , at which time parsons wrote his letter ; and so perforce he is farre short of his halfe yeare , and consequently a lyar . thirdly , that when parsons saith , from may to nouember is more then halfe a yeare , in which time no letter was come from them , he both contradicteth himselfe , and is an impudent lyar . i proue it , because euerie child knoweth , that betweene may and nouember , intercéedeth the moneth of october ; and yet as parsons confesseth liberally , he wrote his letter to master bishop the ninth of that moneth , and the same weeke receiued a stale letter firm the same bishop . so then , it is true , that parsons receiued a letter from master bishop , in the moneth of october ; and consequently , it is false , that he receiued no letter from may to nouember . fourthly , that the word ( now ) in parsons his letter , doth connotate the time present : that is , the time of the date of his letter , to wit , the ninth of october ; at which time as he saith in one place , he had receiued no letter , but as he saith in another place , he had that weeke receiued a stale letter : ergo , parsons is a stale lyar . this lye is confirmed , in perpetuam res memoriam , by the word ( yet , ) for when he saith , no one letter appearing from you yet ; he doth flatly contradict himselfe , when he saith , by a stale letter , which i receiued this weeke from you . fiftly , that when parsons saith , the reports of the hard and iniurious dealing vsed to the messengers in rome , is contrarie to all truth ; the falshood proceedeth from his lying lips , as i haue alreadie proued . sixtly , that master bishop ( i know the man right well , ) is of better credit , then twentie iesuited standishes ; 70. iesuited haddockes ; 100. iesuited personians . sect. iii. of the secular priests , and their writings . parsons in the preface of his apologie telleth vs , that these bookes must needes be presumed to haue beene published eyther by some one or few discomposed passionate people , or by some heretike , or other enemie to dishonour them all , and to discredit their cause and nation ; and so as to such he will answere , and not against his brethren whom he loueth most intirely ; but in many other places , he singeth an other song . for page . 63. he affirmeth it to be probable by many euident arguments , that a long and slanderous narration , was written by the proper pen of the chiefe authors of all these broyles . againe , page . 8. he confesseth , that two priests ( whom he termeth the ambassadours of the secular priests , ) came to rome about the controuersie . againe , page , 9. he confesseth , that in nouember last , 1600. diuers of the discontented made a generall appeale from the archpriests iurisdictien . againe , page , 24. he saith , that his brethren doe vse so fonde a calumniation against the iesuites , as no man can but wonder thereat . againe , page . 105. he termeth the authors of the bookes , his discontented brethren . to be briefe , in maine other places he confesseth , that master bishoppe , master charnocke , master mush , master bagshaw , master champney , master collington , master warson , and others , haue written against the iesuites ; so as contradictions may be deemed a thing verie common , with our graue and holy iesuite robert parsons ; who knew right well , that the declaration sent to his holinesse , was subscribed with the hands of thirtie priests , whose names i would here put downe , but that i studie to tbe briefe . sect. iiii. of the elegant epithetons ascribed to the iesuite parsons , by iohn collington the secular priest , in his booke of defence . iohn collington hath lately published a large volume in defence of the seculars , for their appeale to the pope against tyrannizing blackwel , which book came lately to my hand , but doth so euidently conuince the arch-priest and the iesuites , specially that notorious traytor robert parsons , as i cannot omit to make briefe recitall of some parts therof , for the common peace of this our natiue countrey . in the page , 30. he hath these words , whose busie head ( he speaketh of parsons . ) & actions , haue béene the cause and increase of much trouble and persecution , in our church and realme . and who being a member of an other bodie , and professing also a mortified state , and to haue relinquished the world , seeketh neuerthelesse to be our great master , and to rule all , or to tyrannize rather . againe , pag. 31. he saith , they haue most pregnant grounds to proue , that parsons was the inditer of the cardinals letter constitutiue , for the archpriests iurisdiction . againe , page . 296. he affirmeth , that parsons writeth no booke , discourse , nor scarse any letter of these stirres , wherein he doth not recount some good act of his owne . againe , page . 297. he telleth vs , that parsons by managing of the colledge , hath gotten such store of money , as he spendeth fiue or sixe crownes a weeke , in postage for letters onely . againe , page . 253. hee affirmeth boldly , that parsons appointed the arch-priest . againe , page . 255. he termeth parsons the arch-deuiser , in getting the cardinals hand , subscription , and seale . againe , page . 206. hee chargeth parsons with many vntruthes , and to haue as little synceritie in his actions , as truth in his writings . againe , page . 256. he hath these words , it would make to the pra●se of father parsons , if religion were lesse worldlisted ▪ in him ; and state matter , and the designing of kingdomes had not so great a part in his studies . againe , page . 170. he hath these words , we assure our sel●es father parsons , that your restlesse spirit and pen , your enterprising and busie actions , haue turned heretofore our catholike professants to infinit preiudice , for to no knowne cause , can we impute so much the making of the seuere lawes of our countrey , as to your edging attempts , and vocations . againe page . 240. hee telleth vs plainely , that parsons hath proferred and reprofered the crowne of england to seuerall princes , now to one , now to another , as opportunities best serued , to entertaine the personage with the hope thereof . and to omit many testimonies , because i would not be tedious , i will heere recount one for all , which master colleton setteth downe in these words . neyther is father parsons holden onely of our magistrate for a statist , or marchandizer of the crowne & diademe , though this were enough to estrange vs from hauing any partaking in ought with him , but his trauels and negotiations this way are become so notoriously knowne , that euen pasquine in rome ( as intelligence is sent vs , ) speaketh in this manner of him , if there be any man , that will buy the kingdome of england ; let him repayre to a marchant in a blacke square cappe in the citie , and hee shall haue a verie good penny worth thereof . thus writeth colleton of parsons , who both are deuoted to the pope alike . sect. v. of parsons his birth , and expulsion out of balioll colledge in oxford . that robert parsons the iesuite , and marchandizer of the crowne of england , ( as in the former section , ) is a bastard , and a man of bad demeanour , the fift chapter of the second booke sheweth copiously . but because parsons in his apologie , laboureth to purge himselfe thereof ; i haue thought it good , to speake a little to that effect in this place . watson the secular priest hath these words ; we may not imagine , that father parsons was ignorant of his owne base estate , as being a sacrilegious bastard in the worst sense , s●il . à spurius , begotten by the parson of the parish where he was borne , vpon the bodie of a verie base queane . this then being so , and he not so senselesse as to thinke , but that he will find the canon law more strict in dispensation with him for his irregularitie , then the ciuill or common law , will be for dispensation to inherit ; there is no question to be made of it , but that some close statute and prouiso was closely made , and couertly foysted into the high councel of reformation , for enabling some bastards in the spitefullest sense , to be capable of any honour or dignitie , eyther in the church or commonwealth . and true it is , that this good father parsons ( alias cowbucke , ) filius populi & filius peccati , or the very fiend himselfe , might be chosen to a kingdome by his doctrine , if any people would be so madde , as to chuse him for their king . thus doth our quodlibetst write . the same watson in an other place , writeth of the same parsons in this manner : o monster of mankind , fitter for hell , then middle earth . if thy profession will not draw thee , to consideration of the premisses ; yet shew some signes of charitie in sparkes of grace , if it were but onely in pollicie , to moue thee to forbeare thy barbarous crueltie ; because therby thou giuest occasion for diuers , to think thou art not a méere man , but some fairies brat , or begotten by an incubus or airish spirit , vpon the bodie of a base woman , thus doth priest watson write , you haue his owne words . againe in an other place , he hath these words , diuers of father parsons bookes , letters , and treatises , we haue and doe from our verie hearts vtterly condemne them , as containing many seditious and traytorous points , and being very full of slaunderous speaches and impudent caluminiations . andreas philopater being the fruites of father parsons , and father creswell , we hold to be fraught till it almost burst againe , ( as some of my brethren els where haue noted , ) with all iesuiticall pride and poyson . and as touching the exthortation printed 1588. it is so detestable a treatise , as all posteritie cannot choose , but condemne father parsons for a most scurrilous traytor , if he had been brought vp amongst all the ruffians and curtizans in christendome , he could not haue learned to haue writ more vilely , prophainely , and heathenishly . moreouer , the said father parsons and his fellow father creswell , doe glorie in the said booke , that they haue caused not onely it , but also maister saunders treatise de schismate , to be translated into the spanish tongue , and doe reioyce , that thereby the spaniards are brought already into a greater detestation of her maiestie , her gouernment , and proceedings , then they had before . thus writeth maister watson ; and in an other place he telleth vs plainely , that he was a lewde boy in his youth , that during his aboade at oxford , his conuersation was seditious , wanton , and factious , and that for his libelling and other misdemeanour , he was thrust out of balyoll colledge . againe in an other place , he hath these words , i meane the great emperour illegitimate , irregular , abstract quintessence of all coynes , coggeries and forgeries , parsons the bastarde of stockgersey beyond cosinage in somersethire . this is that famous conqueror , who hath bathed all england by his seditious libels in priests bloud . this is that worthy excellent , that lies , dissembles , and equiuocates , at euerie word . this is that learned counseller , that must rule , ruffe , and range , through euery state . this is that same parsons , whome pope , prince , and peere , with all true english hearts , haue cause to hate . this is he , of whome maister blackewell ( now his darling ) said ; that his turbulent head and lewd life , would be a discredite to the catholicke cause . and in few , the generall conceite of all , that haue throughly conuersed with him , is this ; that he is of a furious , passionate , hote , cholericke , exorbitant working humour , busie headed , and full of ambition , enuy , pride , rancour , malice , and reueng . cursed bee the houre , wherein he had the name of a priest , nay of an irreligious parson , nay of a temporall lay-man iesuite , nay of a catholike , nay of a christian , nay of a humane creature ; but of a beast , or a deuill ; a violater of all lawes ; a contemner of all authoritie ; a staine of humanitie ; and impostume of all corruption ; a corrupter of all honestie and a monopole of all mischiefe . these are the words of william watson , the popish secular priest . quodl . 8. art . 5. page . 236. see the fift chapter of the second booke , in the first , second , and third sections . by these sections , especiallie the fourth and fift , euery man may easily see , that the iesuite parsons is not onely acommon impudent lyar , but also a most bloodie and scurrilous traytor , the monopole of all mischiefe , and the wickedst man vpon the face of the earth . the reports recounted of this iesuite , cannot but seeme strange , if not incredible , to all that shall pervse the same . i know it is sinne to lie on the deuill ; and therefore i will not affirme any lye of this iesuite , nor of any other man. that which i haue written of him , is most true and sincere , in such sort as i haue put in downe . i name my authors , and their words , the tale , and the tale-teller ; the assertions , and the places where they are to bee reade . i graunt willingly , and will it not denie , that i haue set downe in this discourse , many sharpe obseruations , annotations , correlaries , & illations , but all are deduced by necessary and euident consequutiōs , out of those premises and antecedent propositions ; which the secular priests and iesuites haue published in printed bookes , to y● view of the whole worlde . in regard whereof ; neither my selfe , nor any others guided by the prescript of right reason , can but giue credit to the same . for first , the authors thereof are many , and the same of iudgement and learning . and yet doe they charg the iesuits with murdering of kings . secondly , they professe euen to death , the selfe same religion with the iesuites . thirdly , they all yeeld themselues in all thinges , to the censure of the pope ; at whole tribunall the iesuite must needes preuaile , if his case and cause bée good . fourthly , they are subiect to such satisfaction , if their accusations should be false ; as publique pennance must néedes be inioyned them , and that worthily ; so as they shall neuer be permitted to exequute priestly function , while there liues shall endure . fiftly , they know , that if such haynous accusations , powred out against their fellow-priests , especially against their religious fathers , were false and vttred of malice ; they should thereby heape gods heauy wrath , and vengeance vpon themselues . sixtly , they cannot be ignorant , that all the world would hate and detest them to their liues end , if such their reports of killing of princes and the like , should be proued false and slaunderous . so then , the reports made of the iesuite parsons supposed to be true , and constantly admitted for such ; it followeth of necessitie , y● his owne bare deniall in his owne cause , of his bastardie , expulsion , and whatsoeuer els ; neither is , nor can be demed a sufficient purgation , to any indifferently conceited man. read the next chapter throughout , and note it well , with the obseruations thereof . chap. vi. of the iesuites heere in england , and of their demeanour . paragraph . i. of the iesuite garnet . the iesuite garnet the prouinciall for england , hath vsed the libertie of his tongue against the secular priests ▪ of this garnet , thus writeth iohn collington . father garnet the superiour of the iesuites , affirmed that we ministred and receiued sacraments in deadly sinne ; that we gaue poyson in liew of medicine ; that we were such by the opinion of all the learned , as his brother lister had censured vs to be ; that our criminous , sinfull , irregular , and excommunicate state , was so plaine and notrious , as none vnder sinne could forward , or assist vs in the exercise of our funcions . thus writeth maister colleton , out of the iesuite garnets letter the tenth of nouember . againe in an other place , the same iesuite hath these words ; ye haue in the iudgement of all the learned , incurred the most shamefull note of scisme . you haue so intangled them whom you-haue brought to christ , or whose pastor and father you haue béene ; as if they shall receiue sacraments of you ; if they shall induce you to say masse , or shall assist you in celebrating ; they seeme to partake with you in the crime of exercising your function vnworthily , and in liew of medicine , carry a way poyson . thus writeth colleton out of garnets letter , dated in march , 1599. paragraph . ii. of the iesuite lister lister the sawcie and malepeart iesuite , in a foolish and very malicious treatist hath these words ▪ ye are rebels , ye are schismatikes , ye are fallē from the church and spouse of christ. yea hane troden vnder foote , the obedience you owe to the pope . ye haue offended against all humane faith and authoritie , by reiecting a morall certaintie in a morall matter . ye haue runne headlong into excommucation , and irregularity , ye haue lost the faculties , by which you shold haue gained soules to christ , ye haue raised vp ; such great scandall in the minds of all the godly ; that as infamous parsons , you are tenesed in euery mans mouth . ye are no better then sooth sayers , and idolaters ; and in regarde ye haue not obeyed the church , speaking to you by the highest bishoppe , you are as ethinkes and publicans . thus writeth colleton of lister the iesuite . paragraph . iii. of the iesuite iones . father iones the iesuite gaue forth , and our superiour said the position was true , that whosoeuer maintayned vs not to bee the abandoned creatures , which father lister iudged vs to be ; in curred ipso facto for there defending of vs , the censures of the holy church . thus writeth maister collington , of our reuerent father iesuite iones . againe , in an other place the same colleton telleth vs ; that the same iesuite iones affirmed peremptorily , that whosoeuer should stifly mainteyne , that their refusall to the subordination appointed before the arriuall of his holinesse breeue , did not make them schismatikes . incurred by such his patronage of the secular priests , the censure of holy church . thus much of this iesuite . i will here surcease to speake of the iesuite holtbie , and the rest of that crew , and vse a conuenient , ( if not necessarie , ) conuersion , to our archpriest of the new religion : because by very pregnant presumptions , he seemeth to be a couert and close iesuite , or at the least so iesuited , as he dareth to doe nothing but after their command . paragraph . iiii : of blackewell the iesuited arch-priest . that all men may know , what a man this new-hatched arch-priest is , the golden epithyte which the seculars haue bestowed on him , shall heere be set downe for a preamble to the rest . now all catholikes , say the priests , must depend vpon the arch-priest , and the arch-priest vpon garnet , and garnet vpon parsons , and parsons vpon the diuell , the author of all rebellions , conspiracies , treasons , murthers , disobedience , heresies , and all such other diabolicall and bloudie desigments , as this wicked iesuite hath hitherto deuised . this is the doctrine deliuered by the secular priests . discouery , page . 70. quodl . 5. art . 8. page . 151. the next thing to be considered , is this ; that this arch-priest was appointed , by the procurement of robert parsons the iesuite , of whose honest demeanour you haue heard sufficient y. this to be so is proued already , if all thinges bewell ma●rked ; but maister collington maketh better proofes thereof . father parsons saith he , in the eight chapter of the apologie , cunningly fassioneth a narration lasting for foure of the first leaues , but with addition of moe vntruths , then he vsed full points in the tale . hence suddenly arose an vrgent , or as it were , a fatall necessitie in father parsons conceit ; of making a superiour in england , ouer the secular priests , if witnes be demanded at our hands , we will ( saith collington , ) name no other , but father garnet and father parsons themselues , hauing their owne words for testimonie . for when father garnet asked maister iohn bennet , for his name ( to olim dice bamnr ) that is , to a pretensed letter of thankesgiuing to his holinesse , for institution of the authoritie , and found him vnwilling to giue his name ; he told him , that the subordination was the fact and prosecution of father parsons his old friend , and therefore stood assured , he wold not denie the graunt of putting to his hand . likewise father parsons in his speeches with m charnocke at rome , among other thinges fréely acknowledged ; that hearing how we went about in england to make a superiour among our selues , he thought it wisedome to preuent the effecting of such our indeuours , by choosing and promoting one to the roome , whom they knew to be their frind , and would comply with them . thus writeth colleton , with many moe wordes to the same effect . the third thinge to bee pondered , is the notorious bad dealing of the arch-priest our iesuited blackewell . first then , he said he had receiued a resolution from the mother city , that the refusers of his authoritie were schismatikes , and therevpon denied absolution to such as made no conscienced thereof . and yet by his owne affirmance , hee receiue that resolution either from father warford , or father tichburne two english iesuites at rome . and yet blackwell did so propose & grace the said resolution ; as many then did , and as yet some doe beleeue , that it came as a definitiue sentence from the pope . colleton , page . 199. secondly , blackewell in his letter to m. i. m. bearing date the 22. of feburarie , 1600. writeth thus ; i determined , that hereafter whosoeuer had faculties of me , he should first be content to recall his peeuish opinion ; terming the opinion péeuish , that doth not hold vs for schismatikes . furthermore , your reuerence affirmed the assertion of father iones a priest of the societie to bee true , auowing all those to incurre presently the censure of holy church , who should stiffely defēd , that we were no schismatikes . which position you againe ratified , in your letters the 14. of march 1600. thus writeth colleton ▪ pag. 195. thirdly , blackewell sent forth a most arrogant , absurd , and diabolicall decrée , against both the clergie and the laity , in these words ; i george blackewell arch-piest in england , in vertue of holy obedience , and vnder paine of suspension from your office , and losse of all faculties in the deede it selfe to be incurred , doe prohibite al priests to divulge any booke , set out within these two yéeres , or heareafter to be set out , by which the lawfull state may be disturbed , or the same of any clergie catholike person of our english nation may be hurt by name ; and the same commādement is giuen to the laity , vnder paine of being interdicted , the 17. of ianuary , 1599 thus reporteth iohn colleton , pag. 197. fourthly , when the famous vniuers●ty of paris , after full & mature consideration had of the matter , did deliuer their censure on the behalfe of the seculars , affirming thē neither to be scismatikes , nor to haue committed any sinne at all , in that fact of not obeying the new arch-priest in it selfe cōsidered ; then our m. arch priest of the new religion , thundred out an execrable curse , ( as it were frō the m. diuell of hell , ) commanding strictly in vertue of obedience , & vnder paine of suspencion from diuine offices , and losse of faculties in the fact if selfe to be incurred , all ecclesiasticall persons , and also al●●ay catholikes vnder paine of being interdicted , semblablie in the fact it selfe be incurred , that neither directly nor indirectly , they maintaine or defende in word or in writing , the censure of the vniuersitie of paris ; whether it be truely giuen or forged , whether vpon true information or otherwise , as being preiudicial to the dignitie of the sea apostolike , and his holinesse breue . thus writeth maister colleton , of the arch-priests decrée published the 29. of may. 1600. out of these sections and paragraphes of the fift and sixt chapters , i note first , that the iesuites are most impudent lyars . secondly , that they are most arrant traytors . thirdly , that they are most cruell tyrants . fourthly , that they are most seditious libellers . fiftly , that they are most insolent , arrogant & sawcy companions . sixtly , that they endeuour by flatterie , falshhood , bribes , and tyranny ; to raigne and rule as lords independent , ouer this realme of england . seuenthly , that they respect neither right nor wronge ; neither truth nor falsitie ; neither iustice nor iniustice ; neither the iudgement of many nor of few , neither of vniuersities nor of countries , neither false nor true informatiōs ; in their manner of procéeding . eightly , that their owne wills , terrene respects , & sensuall appetites , are y● sole & only rule by which they measure all their actions . that they haue made religion by their new dealing , but an art of such as liue by their wits , and a very hotch potch of omnium githerum , as the secular priests are hold to write of them . and consequētly , that foolish and senselesse may they be thought , who referre thēselues , their soules , their bodies , and all they haue , to be managed by such bad fellowes , & lewd companions . chap. vii . of the disloyall dealing of the seculars , in state-affaires . i haue deliuered my opiniō cōcerning the seculars , in this behalfe , where i shewed by their owne frée cōfessions , y● they were sometime , ( howsoeuer they be now , ) as déepely drowned in bloody treasonable practises & defignments as are their brethren by hopish profession , the lordly & insolent disloyall iesuites . i therefore meane here to set downe no other thing , but that only which the iesuite parsons in his apology , sendeth vnto thē in way of salutation . if he meane ( saith parsons speaking of m. bluet , ) any other causes of offence as practising against the state or the like , then is it calumnious to them both . first , to all the iesuites in england , who are no lesse innocent vpon our consciences in this point , thē other priests , and secondly , to the order of secular priests themselues , especially the better sort adhering to their superiour ( blackewell the arch-priest , ) who are as innocent also in this behalfe , as this mans ( most part . ) for whiles all other both priests & iesuits , haue beene quiet & silent in statematters , these men haue béene busie , as farre as their power or credit wil reach , or as any prince would hearken to them , or deale with them . and this appeareth , for that they haue sent of their owne men euen to scotland , to deale with that prince in matters of succession , and haue tempered also with the king of france , by others of their consorts to like effect , as the lords themselues of her maiesties councell cannot but know , and at their going ouer into france , we doubt not , ( and so we heare it alreadie by some of their counsell , ) but they meane to offer themselues wholy to that kings disposition , for the next succession of our crowne , thereby to gaine his grace & fauour . and yet they vant euery where , that they and theirs are innocent in these affaires , & onely iesuites and their friends doe deale therein , and so master bluet told the queene , and counsell . out of these words i note first , that the secular priestes are heere charged with disloyall dealing , against their naturall soueraigne , by plotting not onely with the king of scotland , but also with the king of france . i note secondly , that the seculars are as guiltie of traytorous practises and treasonable complots , as the hautie nocent iesuites . i note thirdly , that the iesuite parsons doth héere vnawares , confesse himselfe and his brethren to be traitors . for he doth not simplie and absolutely affirme them to be innocent , ( marke well my words , ) but respectiuely and relatiuely , to be nolesse innocēt then other priests , that is to say , to be nocent & guilty in very déed . for towards the end of his narration , he chargeth them with double treason , aswell by plotting in scotland , as in the realme of france . and in the marginall note , he saith watson was sent with some others . i therefore conclude this discourse , that seeing on the one side , the iesuites are impudent lyars , notorious cousiners , and arrant traytors , euen by the testimonie of the seculars , and seeing on the other side , that the secular priests are bad fellowes , no better then southsayers and idolaters , and that by the verdict of the iesuites , and séeing withall , that both the secular priests and the iesuites , professe one and the same religion , and are all deuoted to the pope alike , all men and women , noble and ignoble , learned and vnlearned , rich and poore , young and olde , after mature deliberation had of these matters and this whole discourse , must perforce and of meere necessitie , loath , detest , and abhorre , both them , their pope , & their popish faction . from which and all treasonable practises , good lord deliuer vs , amen . a profitable and compendious appendice , for the better confirmation of the reader . vvhosoeuer can and will seriously peruse , the printed volumes of many famous writers , of great account , and high estéeme euen in the church of rome , cannot but behold as in a glasse of christall , that the late romish religion , commonly called of the people , the olde religion , is but a newly coyned religion , and by piece-meale crept into the church . i say ( the late romish religion , ) because the ancient roman religion was in déed sincere , and agréeable to the holy scripture , but the late romish religion , is quite contrary to the same . this i proue by two means : first , by late practicall experience , for that the institution or papall bull , by which an arch-priest is designed the gouernour ouer the cleargie and laitie ouer all england , is a thing neuer hard of before in the church of god , as the priests themselues do willingly & truly grant ▪ this is confirmed by the late order of the capuchenes , who affirme thēselues to be nothing else , but only reformed franciscans , as the secular priests doe know , and can it not denie . for as the francans did by little and little , neglect and abolish the ancient rules of their order , and brought into their societie , nouelties and new deuises in stead therof , and therefore were reformed by the capuchenes , and called home again to their old setled rules , euen so the late bishops of rome , haue neglected , and swarued from the ancient doctrine of the primitiue church , and brought into the church nouelties & new deuises of their owne inuention in stead thereof , and therfore godly and zealous princes endeuour to reforme the church , and to abolish such superstitious nouelties ▪ after the examples of iosaphat , ezechias , and other godly kings of iuda . wherof i haue discoursed more at large , in my booke intituled the golden ballance . secondly , by the flat testimonies of best approued popish writers . the great learned popish scholeman & spanish fryer victoria , writetth in this maner , paulatim ad hanc &c. by little & little we are brought to these inordinate dispensations , & to this so miserable state where we are neither able to endure our owne griefs , nor remedie assigned for the same . and therefore must we perforce inuent some other way , for conseruation of the lawes . giue me clements , lines , siluesters , and i will commit all things to their charge . but to speake nothing grieuously against these latter popes , they are doubtles inferiour to popes of old time , by many degrées . loe heere gentle reader , the popes owne renowned doctor and professed frier , telleth vs plainly , that the bishops of rome in his time , were not like the bishops of ●o●●er ages , but did degenerate , from the ancient doctrine and discipline of the church . he telleth vs in like manner , that this deflection from the truth , was not done all at once , but was brought by little and little into the church . thus you see or may see , that the doctrine i teach , is the selfesame , which i receiued from the best learned papists . the popes famous canonist covaruvias , writeth to the same effect in these words . ne● me latet , &c. neither am i ignorant , that s. thomas affirmeth after great deliberation , that the bishop of rome cannot with his dispensation , take away from monks their solemne vow of chastitie . this notwithstanding , we must defend the first opinion , least those things which are practised euery where , be turned vp side downe . thus writeth coueruvias , out of whose doctrine , many godly & profitable lessons may be learned . first , that the papists cannot agree about the popes authority . secondly , that great learned papists , among whom thomas aquinas is one , ( whose doctrine sundry popes haue confirmed to be sound , ) do denie the popes authoritie in the premisses . thirdly , that the contrarie opiniō must be defended , for the honesty & safegard of the popes pretensed soueraigntie . fourthly , that most miserable is the popes religion , which stand in need of such poore and beggerly shifts , for the vpholding & maintenance therof . fiftly , that the papists haue no cause to exclaime against the mariage of priests , seeing the pope dispenseth with his owne munks to marry at their pleasure . sixtly , that the doctrine of aquinas which the pope himselfe hath approued , doth vtterly ruinate and batter to the ground , the lately inuested religion of the church of rome . now , for the better satisfaction of the ignorant , i will heere briefely recount the originall , of the chiefest points and articles in the late romish religion . first , the church-seruice was made in the vulgar tongue euery where , in the old , ancient , and primitiue church . secondly , popish primacie began , in the yeare , 607. and that by the tyrannie of the emperour phocas , at the earnest suit of boniface then bishop of rome , & third of that name . thirdly , the popes pardons were neuer heard of , vntill the yeare , 1300. fourthly , the mariage of priests was not prohibited , till the yeare , 385. at which time siritius then bishop of rome , made a wicked law in that behalfe . fiftly , popish ●urgatory tooke not root in the romish church , till the yeare , 250. sixtly , popish pilgrimage began in the yeare , 420. seuēthly , the merit of works de condigno , was disputable about the yeare , 1081. eightly , the popish inuocation of saints & adoration , was not known or heard of , til the yeare , 350. ninthly , the communion vnder both kinds was neuer thought vnlawful , till the yere , 1414. tenthly , the popes buls were not authenticall , till the yeare , 772. eleuenthly , auricular confessiō was not established , till the yeare 1215. twelftly , generall co●ncels were euer summoned by the emperours . thirteenthly , the popish english archpriest began his new no religion , in the yeare 1006. and that by the tyranny & treasons of the iesuites . all these important points , are soundly proued in my booke of suruey , whither i referre the gentle reader , for better satisfaction in that behalfe . god grant , that these my painfull studies may tend to his glory , and the common good of his church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a table alphabeticall , conteyning the principall matters handled in this worke . the letter ( p. ) signifieth the page , and the letter ( v. ) noteth the verse . a allen the cardinall was a traytour . page . 93. vers. 7. p. 92 vers . 28. allen set forth a trayterous booke . pag. 108. vers . 5. allen iustified sir william stanleyes treason . pag. 13. vers . 19. pag. 166. p. 167. arch-priest setteth vp a new religion . pag. 89. v. 8. p. 179. v. 30. arch-priest a traytor . pag. 89. vers . 8. arch-priest is an idoll . pag. 104. vers . 2. arden and someruile . see treason . authors true dealing in this discourse . pag. 1. vers . 7. b blackwell raigneth as a prince . page . 104. vers . 7. bookes written by parsons , are traytorous . pag. 173. ve . 7. pag. 80. vers . 7. pag. 106. vers . 9. bishop of cassana prayed for by the iesuites . pag. 20. ver . 21. bellarmine against the messengers . pag. 152. vers . 26. borromeo reiected the iesuites . pag. 156. vers . 12. bull renewed by allen. pag. 85. vers . 9. babington . see treason . birket the priest . pag. 85. vers . 24. c cardinals letter indited by parsons . page . 170. vers . 27. cardinall allen. see allen. cardinall bellarmine . see bellarmine . cardinall boromeo . see boromeo . cardinals poysoned by iesuites . pag. 107. vers . 19. pag. 37. vers . 34. cardinall toledo was parsons boy . pag. 159. 27. cardinall pandulphus crowned in the popes right . pag. 120. pag. 20. capuchenes why they agree with the iesuites . page . 80. vers . 20. conquest of england threatned by the iesuites . page . 32. vers . 22. coaches vsuall to iesuites . pag. 9. vers . 20. pag. 7. vers . 17. pag. 25. vers . 18. coozenage practised by iesuites . pag. 59. vers . 16. confession dissliked by pope sixtus . pag. 134. vers . 16. church of rome hereticall pag. 134. vers . 9. confession vsed tyrannically by iesuites . pag. 39. vers . 12 constitutions of the iesuites are mutable . pag. 56 campion his martyrdome . pag. 97. vers . 11. chaunge expected by the papists . pag. 101. vers . 9. cogging of the iesuites . pag. 29. crichton the iesuite a traytor . pag. 45. vers . 11. pag. 75. vers . 28. pag. 181. vers . 12. d deuill brought iesuites into england . pag. 84. vers . 22. pag. 86. vers . 8. doctrine of iesuites is contrarie to the truth . pag. 133. vers . 21. duke de medina threatned to kill all . pag. 11. vers . 3. duke of parma intituled to england . pag. 23. p. 79. duke of guise should haue inuaded england . pag. 75. pag. 84. vers . 32. duke of alua purposed to inuade this land . pag. 83. deuill brought the iesuits into england . pag. 84. pag. 83. v. 22. deuill ruleth and raigneth in the iesuites . pag. 68. vers . 3. dissention betweene the priests and iesuites . pag. 19. day of channge expected . pag. 101. vers . 9. e equiuocation of the iesuites . pag. 29. pag. 35. vers . 13. expences of the iesuites . pag. 34. vers . 15. pag. 26. vers . 31. exercise vsed by the iesuites . pag. 29. vers . 6. pag. 130. examination of the popes dealing . pag. 94. vers . 16. f french ambassadour . pag. 82. vers . 5. french king murdered by iesuites . pag. 37. vers . 34. pag. 107. vers . 34. french king banished the iesuites . pag. 36. vers . 3. firebrands of sedition . pag. 36. . vers . 21. pag. 80. vers . 1. ferdinando earle of darbie . pag. 22. vers . 33. felton set vp the popes bull. pag. 83. vers . 38. figges giuen by iesuites . pag. 107. vers . 3. g gerrarde the iesuite a good hunter for money . pag. 29. grains hallowed for treason . pag. 86. vers . 28. gybseys-iesuites . pag. 77. vers . 35. h hesket a messenger for treason . pag. 22. vers . 33. haddocke a badde fellow . pag. 30. vers . 9. pag. 165. vers . 8. high councell of reformation . pag. 80. vers . 8. pag. 81. v. 5. hallowed grains . see grains . i iesuites by secret vowes . pag. 78. vers . 9. iesuites are arrant traytors . pag. 75. vers . 35. pag. 12. pag. 11. pag. 44. vers . 5. pag. 22. vers . 17. iesuites are great lyers . pag. 53. pag. 35. vers . 13. pag. 77. vers . 27. pag. 58. insuites are cruell tyrants . pag. 80. pag. 73. vers . 6. pag. 132. vers . 34. iesuites make a triple vow . pag. 17. vers . 35. pag. 46. pag. 47. iesuites are states-men . pag. 2. iesuites ride like earles . pag. 24. vers . 22. pag. 34. vers . 12. iesuites must haue their chambers perfumed . pag. 7. vers . 17. iesuites are murtherers . pag. 107. pag. 7. vers . 12. pag. 42. pag. 37. vers . 34. pag. 23. pag. 107. vers . 18. iesuites are diuels . pag 133. vers . 8. pag. 8. iesuites are right machiuels . pag. 21. vers . 20. pag. 15. iesuites will not come at processions . pag. 133. vers . 10. iesuites are theeues . pag. 25. vers . 3. iesuites are proud men . pag. 24. vers . 21. pag. 25. pag. 26. vers . 23. vers . 32. pag. 33. vers . 24 iesuites ride in coaches . pag. 25. vers . 18. pag. 7. vers . 16 iesuites are scribes and pharisees . page . 133. vers . 14. iesuites commaund gentlewomen to pull of their bootes . pag. 7. vers . 19 iesuites trowle vp and downe from good cheare to good cheare . pag. 7. vers . 15 iesuites promise to restore men to their liuings , pag. 32. vers , 21. iesuites doe threaten a conquest . pag. 32. vers . 22 iesuites are franke gamsters . pag. 2. vers . 6 iesuites cannot abide cloysters . p. 2. vers . 14 iesuites vse great penance . pag. 7 iesuites are firebrands of sedition . pag. 21. vers . 7. see firebrands , iesuites how they pray . pag. 20. vers . 21 iesuites the wickedst men vpon earth . pag. 15 isabella of spayne must haue the crowne . pag. 11. pag. 12. pag. 22. pag. 23. k kinge of france murdered by the iesuites . p. 107. v. 19. p. 37. v. 34. kinge of france banished the iesuites . p. 36. v. 3. kinge of spaine intendeth to conquer england . p. 14 ▪ king of spaine is the life of poperie . p. 3. v. 4. kinge of spaine did resist the pope . p. 66. v. 15. v. 7. kinges cannot be deposed by the pope . p. 90. v. 13. p. 88. kinges haue beene deposed by popes . p. 106. v. 19. p. 119. v. 35. p. 120. l lopez would haue poysoned the queene . pag. 22. vers . 38. league made by the nobilitie to spaine . pag. 128. vers . 24. lawes are iustly made against papists . pag. 119. page . 124. vers . 10. lands promised to be restored in the conquest . page . 32. vers . 21. leases may not be let to any , but by iesuites . page . 31. verse . 19. m murders done by iesuites . page . 107. vers . 19. page . 37. vers. 34. page . 38. vers. 30. medina will kill all afore him . pag. 11. vers . 4. mendoza is a iesuite . pag. 84. vers . 34. martyrdome of iesuites . page . 97. vers . 9. miracles done by iesuites . pag. 51. vers . 14. mutabilitie in ies. religion . pag. 55. n noble men in league with the spaniards . pag 128. vers. 24. 129. noble men take part with the iesuites . pag. 128. vers . 24 : noble men assist the priests . pag. 128. vers . 33. v. 30. new religion of the iesuites . page . 89. vers . 8. p. 179. v. 29. o olim dicebamur preferred by the ies. to the pope . pag. 178. vers. 14. order of the iesuites . page . 56. outcries of the secular priests . pag. 21. outcries of the iesuites . pag. 19. p pope may be iudged of any man. pag. 94. vers . 13. pope sixtus damned , saith our iesuite . pag. 133. vers . 38. pope sixtus a monster on earth . pag. 133. vers . 29. pope may be an ethnicke . pag. 134. vers . 5. pope may be an heretike . pag. 133. verse . 29. pope obeyed against kings . page . 13. vers . 17. pope cannot depose kinges . page . 88. pope can play trickes of fast and loose . p. 125. v. 23. pag. 126. pope cannot erre , and how . page . 125. pope erreth not , but sathan vnder his pall . pag. 127. uers . 4. pope will depose kinges . pag. 120. pope not the lawfull bishoppe of rome . pag. 3. vers . 22. pope deluded by the iesuites . pag. 30. vers . 12. pope is the cause of all rebellion . pag. 82. v. 30. pag. 85. vers . 12. pope is a cruell tyrant . pag. 153. pag. 157. page . 82. poperie is annexed with treason . pag. 143. vers . 29. priestes die not for religion , but for treason . pag. 167. pag. 127. vers . 12. vers . 32. page . 145. page . 86. priests expect a change . pag. 110. vers . 9. priests are bound in conscience to detect the iesuites . pag. 127 vers . 15. priests confesse that treasons are reuealed miraculously . p. 129. vers . 29. priests must adore the deuill . pag. 8. vers . 4. pag. 86. . vers . 32. priests sware to become traytors . page . 86. vers . 33. papists must depend vpon the deuill . pag. 8. vers . 4. pag. 68. v. 3. parsons is an arrant traytor . pag. 92. vers . 33. pag. 76. vers . 8. pag. 73. pag. 162. vers . 13. parsons is a bastard . pag. 69. pag. 71. vers . 24. parsons would be a cardinall . pag. 71. vers . 8. parsons a monster of mankind . pag. 71. vers . 34. parsons is impudent , and will affirme or denie any thing . p. 76. vers . 23. parsons is a gypsey . p. 77. v. 34. parsons setteth the english crowne on sale . 171. parsons is the wickedst man vpon earth . pag. 174. p. 173. parsons spendeth fiue or six crownes weekely in postage . pag. 170. vers . 32. parsons is a notorious lyar . pag. 77. pag. 76. vers . 23. pag. 178. vers . 6. pag. 161. vers . 15. pag. 168. vers . 36. parsons can rule the pope . page . 82. vers . 24. pasquin in rome talketh of parsons treasons . pag. 171. vers . 30. parsons is an incestuous person . pag. 71. vers . 24. parsons an heretike of the familie of loue . pag. 71. vers . 30. parsons drunken spunge . pag. 71. ver . 28. parsons was begotten of some incubus . pag. 71. ver . 36. parsons hath written traytorous bookes . p. 173. ver . 7. p. 106. p. 80. see bookes . q qverimonie of priests against iesuites . pag. 21. querimone of iesuites against the priests . pag. 19. queene of scots , pag. 75. v. 20 , pag. 45 , v. 11. r rebellion in the north. pag. 83 , vers . 17. religion of the iesuites is of the deuill . pag , 68. v. 3. pag. 59. pag. 57 , v. 17. p. 63. p. 133. pag. 15. v. 8. religion of iesuites is new . p. 179. v. 29. p. 89. v. 8. religion of the iesuites brought from the deuill . pag. 84. v. 22. p. 67. v. 21. religious parsons how they are distinguished . p. 4. recusancie is linked with treason inseperably . p : 143. v. 28. religion of the iesuites is mutable . pag. 56. religion of iesuits is flat cooznage . pag. 59. vers. 16. religion of iesuites is an hotch potch of omnigitherum . page . 67. pag. 15. vers . 8. richard hesket sent to the earle of darbie . pag. 22. vers . 30. riston the priest. pag. 85. vers . 24. s sanders the priest the architect of rebellion . p. 84. v. 12. secular priests sworne to be traytors . pag. 75. v. 36. page . 86. vers . 32. seculars doe equiuocate . page . 118. vers . 19. seculars must enter into glorie . pag. 165. vers . 28. seculars are traytors . pag. 98. vers . 10. page . 119. seminaries erected for treason . pag. 86. vers . 19. spies made of gentlemen . pag. 32. vers . 24. standish a lying fellow . page . 30. vers . 7. t treason in the north . pag. 84. vers . 5 treason of throckmorton . pag. 84. vers . 35. treasons of parrie , arden , and summeruile . pag. 84. pag. 85. treasons of northumberland and babington ▪ pag. 85. treason of sir william stanley . pag. 85. treason of norfolke . pag. 83. treasons of saunders , webbe and morton . pag. 83. treasons of hesket , walpoole , &c , pag. 22. pag. 23. treasons reuealed miraculously . pag. 75. vers . 28. p. 146. v. 9. theft of the iesuites . pag. 25. vers . 3. traytors may eate gold , if they will. page . 12. vers . 13. v vowes of the iesuites . pag. 46. p. 47. p. 48. p. 49. verlets with iesuites are honest men . pag. 77. vers. 4. w vvealth of iesuites . p. 26. v. 32. p. 34. v. 13. vebbe . see treason . walpoole a traytor . page . 23. vers . 8. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a07760-e110 esd. 3. vers . 42. quodl 8. art . 9. page . 267. phil. 3. vers . 15. see quodl . 7. art . 8. page . 199. the duke of norfolke . the duke of alua. ann . 1578. ann . 1579. ann . 1580. 1581. 1583. the iesuits sludie nothing but treason . 1586. 1587. 1588. 1592. loe , all traytors are welcōe to our iesuites . 1592. 1592. 1. cor. 3. ● . 6. notes for div a07760-e1770 primò principaliter . peruse the second booke , the fift chapter in the first section , & note it wel : see also the second section and forget it not . see the second book , fourth chapter , & sixt paragraph . quodl . 1. art . 4. p. ●● . 9. quodl . 9. art . 4. p. 304 notes for div a07760-e2320 the iesuits are courtiers . the iesuits loue nothing worse then a cloyster . the iesuits haue an oare in euery mans boat . a notable epithet for the iesuites . see the second booke and the 4. chapter in the 6. parag the iesuits are poore monkes by profession , but lordly fellowes in all their conuersation . see the reply to parsons libell . fol. 8. b. see the apologie . page . 22. o tray●e●●●s 〈◊〉 , & cursed broode 〈◊〉 the deuil . see the complemēt of the third booke , and note it well . notes for div a07760-e4370 90. prieste do hold against the iesuites . quod l. 2. art . 6. pa. 39. in fine . ergo , their number is great in england . the iesuites affirme in their apologie , page . 118. that 300. seminar●e priests are on their side . irgo the number of all is very great . ●ee the ●●d preamble of the first booke . 〈…〉 loe , the iesuites are flat hipocrites . the iesuites are charged with theft . chap. 3. behold here 〈◊〉 mē to guide mēs soules . loe , the iesuites are malitious slandere 15. a godly ies●●●●call prayer . the iesu●●● seeme to be most worked and hypocritical men . yet , they a●● ac●●ted of that theft chap. 3. marke well this lesson . the iesuites are disloyal wretches . they are charged with theft . chap. 3. loe , the iesuites are seditious and arrant traitors . oh bloodie , 〈◊〉 iesuite . holt , and other iesuites are traytours , euen by the confession of se minarie priests . the iesuites are wholy bent , to traiterous practises euerie where . the iesuites are commonly iudged , to be great lyar . money taken for dispensations . the priests are saints , in their owne iudgment . oh braue religious fryers ? where is the pouertie ye professe ? the iesuites are verie honest men , and faithfull collectors . 500. li. who will not hang their soules vpon such religious fathers ? 2200. li. page . 19. 20 my selfe 〈◊〉 able to testifie this to be true . o faithfull 〈◊〉 imprisonment of iesuites , is 〈◊〉 become great libertie : this yeare would be looked into . oh poore begging fryer ? the iesuites cannot be but rich , though they professe pouertie . the iesuits are good hunters , in seeking gold and money . see book third , aduiso . 9. see more therefore in the third booke , and 9. aduiso . the iesuits are giuen to lying & cogging . that they vse equiuocations , it is gra●ted in the apologie , page . 205. this standeth is a iesuited priest . ●oe , the pope 〈◊〉 deceiued by his holy priests . what great crueltie or tyrannie can be vsed ? loe , the iesuites haue vowed to forsake the world , and yet are wholy occupied , in worldly affaires , behold here tyran ny & ambition , in iesuiticall proceedinge . o cruell tyrannie , o tyranous crueltie . loe the iesuites proudly do promise a conquest . iohn gerard the iesuite said to the ladie markhā of notinghame shire that the iesuits would make the seculars leape at a crust , ere it be longe . quodlib . 3. art . 10. p. 83. what a malepeart ●aucinesse is this ? what greater pride can be found ? 〈…〉 o braue gallan●● o humble le iesuits ● o poore 〈◊〉 . o iesuits where is your vow 〈◊〉 pouerty ? loe , i pray you , the iesuites cā steale . the iesuites surpasse the false steward in the gospel . loe , the iesuits are men of good credit . all is fish , that come to the iesuites hāds , see the next paragraph . the iesuites are seditious . all religious men hate the iesuites . the iesuites are banished out of ●●ance , for their seditious dealing . o what a cursed crew is this ? o deepe gulfe of sedition ? iohn chaste●'l ●as brought vp in the iesuites schoole . o w●he foxe ? o religious iesuits . what a 〈◊〉 is here ? zauier or xauier . the iesuites are iuglers . ma●ke well my discourse . see the 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 , and note them well . loe , the pope cannot depose kinges , nor translate their kingdomes . the pope is readie to curse , slow to blesse . loe , the bearers of the pope bull , were set vpon the pillory . pervse the fi●t chapter in the first section , ● note it well . lo , the iesuites vse to preferre factious heads . the archpriest must be a witnes , against his good master . parsons the author of the trayterous booke of titles . see more of this fellowes treasons in the next chapter . loe , parsons hath the trade of lying . remember the memorable caue●● . the high counsell of reformatiō loe , the pope purposely intended rebellion . the duke of norfolke a traytour . king philip appointed the duke of alua , to aide the duke of norfolke . ergo the pope may erre . rebellion in the north. 1569. loe , euery thing tendeth to rebellion . the priest saunders , was the ringleader ●●●bellion . loe , the deuill brought the iesuits . into england . ano. 1580. mendoza is a iesuite . see impors ▪ cōsid p. 22. 24. p. 23. 18. important considerat . p. 22 24. & p. 23. 18. gregory 13. see the 16. preamble . see the fourth chapter , in the 11. paragraph . see the 4. chapter . the 6. paragraph . the pope is the cause of all rebellion . read the 4. chapter , in the 10. & 11. paragraph . see the 4. and 5 chapters , and note then w●ll . this doth confound the secular priests . o gracelesse cardinall . o most cruell and bloodie villaine . see the third booke in the third aduito . fie , s●e shal the 〈◊〉 depend vpon the courtisie of the spaniard●● goodly new no recompence to all . it is lawfull for euerie christiā to judge of the popes do●trine . see the sixt quodlibet art to infine and the apologie . page . 17. for the proofe , see the fift aduiso in the third real● and note it well . see the fourth booke and fourth chapter , in the .5 . section , see the fourth aduiso , in the answere to the sixt reason . see the preface to the discouerie , in the end . campion is canonized for a saint . the secul●● are either traytors , or not sound papistes . this worthy man was . cardinall 〈◊〉 . quadl . s. art . 5. page . 223. see quodl . 8. art . 6. page . 243. ●ehould , how god inforceth the papists to disclose the very truth● truth will euer preuaile in time . see quodl . 9. art . 8. pag 8. pag. 27. et . quod● . 8. art . 9. pag. 277. the secular priests in matters of treason and state , seeme to equiuocate . the authors booke 〈◊〉 iustifid by , the priests . see more hereof in the third booke , in the fourth aduiso , in the latter end . page . 68. it is good and necessarie , to keepe the papists vnder . see quodl . 8. art . 9. page . 270. loe , the papists expect a day , as esau did when be meant to kil his brother . gen. 27. 41. loc , their popish archpriest is an idol . notes for div a07760-e16150 the king of france murdered by the iesuits . loe , the iesuites are most skilfull phisitions . preābles . 7 ▪ and 8. deut. 32. v. 35. rom. 15. 19 psal. 82. 6. iohn . 13. 1. rom. 13. 1. mat. 26. v. 52. if a like , ergo treasonablie . quod. 8. art . 1. pag. 223. see the answere to the 〈◊〉 gentleman . page . 24. quodlib . 8. art . 1. page . 223. the seculars are insolent fellowes . corall . 1. corall . 2. see the 10. chapter in the 3. paragraph in the second booke . in the second booke , chap 3. 〈…〉 . quodl . 8. art . 9. pag. 277. loe , thousands are bent and wish disloyaltie . the pope hath greater power then god. quod. 9. art . 5. pag. 306. quod. 8. art . 6. page . 24● . marke this well , that ye may vnderstand it aright . loe , the secular priests are as traytorou , as the iesuites . see the fi●t reason . imp. consid . p. 43. quodlib . 342 p 267. & p. 361. loe ▪ the penall lawes are iustly made against the seminaries . loe , the seminarie priests are traitors . see the 3. reason . see the 4. booke and 7. chapter . this is a maxime in the romā church . see d. elyes notes vpon the apologie p 93. 31. et p. 103 6. the pope may be iudged , euen by popish doctrine . see booke . 2. cap. 9. ●euel . 3. how the pope cannot erre , but the diuell in his coate . note this word ( iustly ) for it is of great importāce . the priests are bound to detect the iesuits . loe here , the priests confesse freely , that they are traytors . note this point well ; it is to be admited , and to bee sought into carefully note this point well . marke well for christs sake . see the replie to parsons libell , fol. 68. 3500. pounds . 100. pounds . 1008. markes . 400. pounds . 1000. pounds . see the sixt aduiso and note it well . king henry now regnant . gerson . pri . part . de examin . doctrinar . confider . 2. gerson , vbi supra . gerson . pripart . in serm . pro. viagio regis roman . part . 3. direct . 1. gerson in pri . part . in serm . pro ●agio regis rom. direct . 2. gerson pri . part . d●●stati●us ecclesiastic . consider 3. gerson in serm . co●● . concil . constan . k. prim . part . gerson ibidem . gerson in serm . pro viagio regis romanorii , direct . 1. prim part . gerson p● . parte , in tractatu de appellatione à papa circa medium . gerson vbi 〈◊〉 in 2. prop●it . see the apologie , page . 172. and note it well . loe , the like treason was neuer hard of to this day . these words are set downe . quodl . 8. art . 7. page . 247. this my selfe know to be so . quodl . 7. art . 7 p 196. i speake this of my owne knowledge ▪ notes for div a07760-e22420 see the ● chapter & the secon● section . apologie page . 2. see colling●ons defence . page . 123. p. 124. p. 126. apologie , page . 211. apologie page . 162. page . 10. apologie . page . 194. it is not parsons manner , to put his name to his bookes . see the apologie . page . 172. o tyrannie of all tyrannies in world . see d. elies notes vpon the apologie . p. 108. p. 111. p. 112 vers . 20. apologie , page , 139. page . 154. how would these iesuites intreat others , that deale so cruelly with the popes friends ? aske my brother , if i bea a these . apologie . page . 193. iohn . 8. vers . 44. o blessed iesuitical , cardinall . seruant of the diuell . page . 199. note this dilemna . the pope is a most cruell tyrant . apologie . page . 193. page . 191. apologie . page . 99. apologie . page . 99. see collington . page . 126. page , 127. and note them well . apologie . page . 4● . note this 〈…〉 . see the r●p●●e to 〈…〉 . see colleton , page . 224. see the second booke in the fift chapter . apologie . p. 184. 1579. 1574. parsons would very gladly haue credite , but it will not be . apologie . page . 183. apologie page . 183. parsons hath lost his wi● . note this point well . apologie . page . 183. apologie , page . 167. psal. 5. v. 9. see colleton , page . 126. see also the 5 & 6. chapter follow . see the second booke and third chapter , in the 〈◊〉 paragraph . see the ●eply to parsons libell , fol. 96. a. see colleton . page . 1●● . apologie . page . 172. see colleton , page . 126. see also the fift and sixt chapters following . see colleton . page . 294. apologie page . 221. & 222. apologie . page . 22. apologie . page 172. see the second booke and ninth chapter , in the sixt obseruation . note here , that the secular priests dostil commend cardinal allen in al things . see colleton . p. 282. apologie , page . 177. apologie . page . 176. see the third chapter . parsons loueth the priestes dearly , as appeareth by the int●●ati● of then messengers sent to rome . see apolog . pag. 〈…〉 . parsons spendeth 5 or 6. crowns a weeke in 〈…〉 . loe parsons studideth deepe diuinitie . parsons the cause of sharp lawes see & note page . 297. loe , the crowne of england is set on sale . quodl . 4. art . 2. page . 109. quodl . 8. art . 5. page . 238. quodli . 7. art . 10. page 184. quo●l . 7. art . 10. page , 217. quodl . 8. art . 5. page . 236. loe , parsons is purtrayed in his best be seeming colours of the vttered by parsons , see colletō page . 126. colleton , page . 179. collingtō . page . 194. page . 281. colleton . pag. 163. collingtō , page . 180. collingtō . pag. 272. marke wel , all iesuites & iesuited persons , do depend ●pon the diuell . parsons is a great lyar , well worthey of the wet-stone . behold deceitfull dealing . colleion , page . 126. page . 127. collington , page . 147. quodli . 2. art . 8. page . 43. apologie . page . 212. they sent watson with others . ●ge , the seculars are traitors like the iesuites . when theues begin to reckon , then true men shall come to their owne . notes for div a07760-e28280 see the 4. chapter towards the end . let this be well marked . 2. reg. 18. 2. par. 19. 2. reg. 23. 2. 34. victor de potest . papae . & concil . relect . 4. pag. 139. couarr . 10. 1. cap. 20. par . 11. in med .