a bosome opened to the jewes holding forth to others some reasons for our receiving them into our nation. tomlinson, william. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94745 of text r211680 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[22]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94745 wing t1846 thomason 669.f.20[22] estc r211680 99870386 99870386 163439 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94745) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163439) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[22]) a bosome opened to the jewes holding forth to others some reasons for our receiving them into our nation. tomlinson, william. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for giles calvert, at the black-spread-eagle at the west end of pauls, london : 1656. signed at end: w. tomlinson. annotation on thomason copy: "january 12 1655"; the 6 in the date has been crossed out and replaced with a 5. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng jews -england -early works to 1800. a94745 r211680 (thomason 669.f.20[22]). civilwar no a bosome opened to the jewes: holding forth to others some reasons for our receiving them into our nation. tomlinson, william 1656 879 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a bosome opened to the jewes : holding forth to others some reasons for our receiving of them into our nation . to me the receiving of them is acceptable , and my spirit embraces them with gladnesse , for they are to me beloved for the fathers sakes , abraham , isaac , jacob , joseph , moses , joshua , samuel , david , daniel , and all the worthyes , and righteous men , and prophets of the lord , which have sprung up among them ; whose breasts , some of them , we suck to this day ; and who stand as worthy ensamples to us , upon whom the ends of the world are come : of whom also our lord came , that hath brought life and immortality to light to us gentiles ; who hath taken down the partition wall , that was between the jewes and us gentiles , so to take away the enmity , and of twain to make one . though they yet see not this , yet my heart is enlarged towards them to place them in its love ; and not mine onely , but many others . againe , we look that they shall come in and believe , and that the time of their restoring is very nigh : why should we not then desire to have them with us , that when god opens their eyes to see him whom they have pierced , they and we may rejoyce together , after the mourning , zech. 12. againe , why should we not be desirous of their comming in ( if there be any love in us towards them ) that so if it be possible we may become instruments of their conversion ; holding forth before them a heavenly conversation to convince them ; and that they may come to see that christ jesus hath followers that are innocent and blamelesse in the world ; for this nation doth afford such . and so that great stumbling block of the wickednesse of the lives of seeming christians , who have got the name ; and that other great stumbling block of the superstition and idolatry of their worships , may be taken out of their way : for god hath among us such as bear testimony against both these . againe , they are to obtaine mercy thorow our mercy , rom. 11. 31. if then our mercy be shut up against them , how shall they obtaine mercy thorow ours ? what manner of spirit is this , that shuts them out from mercy , or hardens their hearts , by shutting up their own bowels of mercy against them , thorow which their mercy is to spring : as on the contrary , our mercy sprang up to us thorow their unbeliefe , rom. 11. 30. how unthankfull , how unkinde is such a spirit . againe , it s said , rom. 11. 12. if their fall be the riches of the world , and their diminishing be the riches of the gentiles , how much more their fulnesse ; now we looking for this , why should we not desire the furtherance of their conversion , even for our own sakes . againe , it is agreeable to the spirit and precepts of jesus christ , to give to him that askes , and not to be forgetfull to entertaine strangers : now why should we not put in practice these precepts towards the jewes , seeing they are strangers , scattered in the earth , and peaceably ask and entreat for a habitation among us : except we can shew reason why they are to be excluded in this case , and not comprehended in those precepts . againe , lastly , the jewes being scattered from their country , and lying under the severity of the lord ; this is a time for us to shew mercy , and not to help forward the affliction , zech. 1. 15. these things i am moved to publish , as out of love to the nation of the jewes ; so also out of love to my owne country , which i would not have to be found a rejecter of them being strangers in the time of their calamity , they seeking to come in and live peaceably among us . but chiefly , that they may not returne and say , they have prayed for us but they will not receive us ; and so the name of christ be blasphemed and evill reported of by them . let that lying-prayer lye upon the heads of those onely , in whom all other lying-prayers are found ; that the name of christ may not be blasphemed with it abroad ; as it is with all the rest of their abominations : for there are many in this nation whose bowels are as well enlarged to receive them , as they have been to pray for them . w. tomlinson . london : printed for giles calvert , at the black-spread-eagle , at the west end of pauls . 16●6 . a new letter concerning the jevves written by the french ambassador, at constantinople, to his brother the french resident at venice ; being a true relation of the proceedings of the israelites, the wonderful miracles wrought by their prophet, with the terrible judgments that have fallen upon the turks. chaumont, alexandre, chevalier de, d. 1710. 1666 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32751 wing c3737a estc r39210 18271730 ocm 18271730 107280 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32751) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107280) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:110) a new letter concerning the jevves written by the french ambassador, at constantinople, to his brother the french resident at venice ; being a true relation of the proceedings of the israelites, the wonderful miracles wrought by their prophet, with the terrible judgments that have fallen upon the turks. chaumont, alexandre, chevalier de, d. 1710. [2], 6 p. printed by a. maxwell for robert boulter ..., london : 1666. caption title, p. 1: the translation of a letter from constantinople, written by the french ambassador monsieur de cheaumont, &c. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -history -70-1789. jews -migrations. jews -restoration. turkey -history -mehmed iv, 1648-1687. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new letter concerning the jevves , written by the french ambassador , at , constantinople , to his brother the french resident at venice . being a true relation of the proceedings of the israelites , the wonderful miracles wrought by their prophet , with the terrible judgments that have fallen upon the turks . london , printed by a. maxwell for robert boulter , at the turks-head in cornhil , 1666. the translation of a letter from constantinople , written by the french ambassador monsieur de cheaumont , &c. here are great novelties about a messiah of the jews ; he is expected here in brief . it 's said , that the grand signior will be content to yeild him the crown of whole palestine . the most part of the jews here meddle no more with trading , but prepare to go for jerusalem : at the first we mocked at them , and made no account of it ; but now by all appearances we fear that it is good earnest . from a french consul at smyrna , unto one sir rosano a christian at livorn . here are great novelties by the arrival of a king of the jews in this town , who is a person of great consideration , and of great wisdom , of whom the turks have great esteem . our nation remains in some fear , god grant it may not cause us some damage . from paris , febr. 19. 1666. the rumour concerning the jews , continues here daily , and that they are gathering together under one man , who saith not , that he is the messias , as it is reported ; but only , that by divine revelation he is raised , and sent to gather up the whole nation of the jews from all parts of the world , and to teach them to know the messiah to come , which hitherto they have not known : it 's said , that something of god appears in him . abraham perena , a rich jew of this town , parted on monday last with his family for jerusalem , after he had taken his leave of our magistrate , and acknowledged his thankfulness for the favour he and his nation in their dispersion had received here , &c. it 's said he offered to sell a countrey-house of his worth three thousand pounds sterling , at much loss , and that on this condition , that the buyer should not pay one farthing till he be convinced in his own conscience , that the jews have a king. on the tenth of march came divers letters from gaza , smyrna , livorn and venice , bringing our jews such comfortable news , that yesterday they testified such joy , as never was seen here before : the matter was this , that now the four prophets which the king sabbathi expected from aleppo , to accompany him for constantinople , were come ; and that on the 18th of december , the king , who a while had kept in at smyrna , went forth in publick ; which the turks perceiving , went to the cadi of the town , saying , there was one that professed himself to be king of the jews : the cadi or sherif of the town judging that matter pertained to the bassa , sent to him about it . he at first grew angry , resolving to massacre all the jews , and to that purpose gave order to his captains to be ready for the next morning : but that very night appeared to them the prophet elias in a fiery colomn , saying to him , take heed of doing any harm to the jews . this so terrified and struck down his mind , that he craved pardon ; and consequently , instead of executing his cruel design , he g●ve forth order , not to do any harm to any jew . and from thenceforth the king marched up and down the city without any molestation . on a night as the king went to bathe himself in a river , ( that is , as is the manner of penitents , to wash themselves with cold water , yea , in the midst of winter ) the constable of the watch met him , and asked if he was a jew ; and because the king did not answer , he lift up his staff to strike him ; but feeling his arm grow st●ff , and not able to move it more ; he cryed out , i now acknowledge thou art the king , pray pardon me : he said , stay till it be morning ; and then he restored him in the name of the god of israel . on the 5th or 6th of january , the king with his four prophets took ship to go to constantinople , without any mariner , ( as some say ) or pilate . he being aboard the ship , was taken up in a fiery colomn , and went so swift , that the king commanded to take some port , because he was to arrive at constantinople not before the 17th of schebet ( or january 21. ) note , that the number of prophets doth encrease daily , amongst women and children , as well as amongst men ; and that elias had shewed himself at constantinople , smyrna , aleppo , and divers other places , and that publickly , speaking unto the people openly . there are prophets likewise at constantinople . and by reason of elias his appearing and speaking to them , there was celebrated great joy in their synagogues . this the great turk having heard , sent for some of the chiefest of the jewish synagogue , and askt them about their king : they said , they knew none but himself : he commanded them to deliver him into his hands within seven days , if not , that they all should be put to death . this made a great stir at constantinople amongst both jews and turks : the mother of the great turk being warned by elias himself , came to her son , beseeching him to revoke his sentence ; but to no effect . the next day arose a great obscurity in the town , which lasted two dayes and two nights , so that one could not see another ; and afterward there fell a showr of hail stones as big as hens eggs , able to kill a man ; whence the common people were so affrighted , that they cryed out , that all this was occasioned by the sentence pronounced against the jews ; and prayed the great lord to revoke his sentence : but all this was in vain , had not god sent to him the prophet elias , warning him not to do any harm unto the jews , and instructing him how he should deal with the king. this then being hapned , and the great turk being quite changed , he sent again for the chief rabbies , and told them , he would send an ambassadour for their king and receive him honourably , as he did indeed . but it came not to smyrna , till after the departure of the king. so much for a compendium of those forenamed letters . now concerning the arrival of the king , at constantinople , it 's affirmed from venice jan. the 6. that the great lord received him with much respect ; setting him on horseback , and on his right hand , &c. but to be sure in these particulars , we must expect yet one seven-night longer . as for the two tribes and half , they are said by these letters not to be in , but near gaza . the copy of a bill , written by mr. plettenberg , resident for the emperor at dresden , feb. 6. he that dispersed israel , will gather him : the mouths of all from the east are enlarged concerning the new king : of which it is said , psal . 149. sing unto the lord a new song , thou mayst say , i pray sir your opinion , whether an earthly king may satisfie the hope that hath been conceived touching the messiah ? lift up your heads , this is the wonderful year , feb. 26. 1666. much beloved , and brother in the hope of israel : being returned out of north-holland , i found your most acceptable letters , dated feb. 9. wherein i see how to you , to m. i , & m. k , my news concerning the progress of the israelitish affairs , have been most welcome . now that i may add this to your joy , i would have you take it for certain , our jews yesterday received from alcaire , livorn , and venice , so many letters , and of so great credit , that all of them publickly in their synagogues do now believe , that the tribes of ruben , gad , and the half of manasseh are come to gaza , as the prophet nathan foretold . and that at smyrna , king sabbathai levi , doth now publickly shew himself abroad , and professeth himself to be king of the jews . for hitherto , for a time he lay incognito , untill by signs and many wonders ; he had demonstrated he did act in the name of god , and not in his own . among which signs whereby he proved himself to be sent of god ; is , that he foretold the sudden death of some men , and the very day thereof . and that he premonished men of an obscure darkness , with a marvelous showre of hail . and especially he commanded a fire to be made in a publick place , in the presence of many be holders ; as well of christians , as of turks , and jews ; and entered into the fire twice or thrice , without any hurt to his garments , or to an hair of his head : with these , and the like prodigious signs he hath now gained so great authority to himself ; that he is not afraid to go in the streets of the city in kingly manner , with a great retinue of attendants . yea , moreover the king said ; he is suddenly to go to constantinople ; and that in the month of june next , the redemption of israel will be published throughout the whole world. and which is more , now came some letters from venice , and vienna , which affirm the king is arrived at constantinople , and is there reverently received : which thing , if true , this day or the next , tidings from constantinople will tell us . the cause wherefore our merchants at smyrna have hitherto written nothing concerning this king , is , that by reason of the incredulity of the jews , as well at smyrna , as at constantinople , he kept himself so long in private . now by the passages and votes of all , he is come forth from his private withdrawing , and will go straight on to constantinople , and that in the company of 400. prophes , sent to him from aleppo ; and with a great multitude of jews : so that the doubting touching the fact will cease , when the great turk shall spontaneously yield the king his request : but there will remain a dispute touching the equity . behold here the title of a little book of prayers , written and prescribed by nathan the prophet for all the jews ; which takes much among the jews , and hath some esteem among christians . i have begun to translate it . thou shalt meditate therein day and night . the order of dayly prayers to prepare every man , that he may order his steps in the way which is right and straight before god , and may turn himself to the lord ; that he may have compassion upon us ; and we may behold the delight of the lord , and view ; and behold his temple . in the year , wherein god bestowed upon me an annointed of my people . zecb . 8. 7. finis . the case of the jevves stated: or, the jewes synagogue opened. with their preparations in the morning before they go thither, and their doings at night when they come home: their practices in their synagogues and some select actings of theirs in england, upon record. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78250 of text r173462 in the english short title catalog (wing c1094a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78250 wing c1094a estc r173462 45097614 ocm 45097614 171221 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78250) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171221) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2568:11) the case of the jevves stated: or, the jewes synagogue opened. with their preparations in the morning before they go thither, and their doings at night when they come home: their practices in their synagogues and some select actings of theirs in england, upon record. prynne, william, 1600-1669. [1], 6 p. printed by robert ibbitson, london, : 1656. authorship uncertain; has been attributed to william prynne. reproduction of original in the california state library, sutro branch. eng antisemitism -great britain -early works to 1800. blood accusation -england -early works to 1800. jews -england -early works to 1800. a78250 r173462 (wing c1094a). civilwar no the case of the jevves stated: or the jewes synagogue opened. with their preparations in the morning before they go thither, and their doing [no entry] 1656 2659 9 0 0 0 0 0 34 c the rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2009-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of the jevves stated : or the jewes synagogue opened . with their preparations in the morning before they go thither , and their doings at night when they come home : their practises in their synagogues and some select actings of theirs in england , upon record . london , printed by robert ibbitson , 1656. the case of the jews stated , or , the jews synagogue opened . the jews had near 500 synagogues in jerusalem , and many in all the cities of judea ; and from time to time as they are dispersed among the gentiles labor to build them synagogues among them ; the 48 cities of the levites first began them , in which jews called archisynagoges were instead of levites and prophets . in their synagogues they dispute and preach sitting . the elders sit it chairs , the meaner sort in seats , and the meanest of all on the floor upon mats . they pray in their synagogues standing , and sometimes sitting . when they were in england ( as matthew parris hath recorded in 34 h. 3. ) the jews used every year to steal a young boy ( the child of a christian , and to circumcise him , and then in their synagogue sate in a solemn assembly , chusing one of themselves to be pilat , who out of their devillish malice to christ and christians condemned the child , and crucified him to death ; and this was discovered at norwich , where they circumcised a christian child and called him jurnin , and condemned him to be crucified , it was discovered , for which four jews being convicted were drawn at horses tails , and hanged on a gibbet , and 18 jews were drawn and hanged for thus crucifying of one hugh lincoln . there were banished 1605 11. in 18. ed. 3. and their houses was given to the master of the rolls . by the statute they were to wear all above seven years old , peeces of woollen cloth on their breasts to be known . in the morning before they go to their synagogue , the wife is to waken her husband and the parents their children , who after thirteen years of age are subject to their laws . they are to awaken before day , that they may make their morning prayer whilst the sun is rising , and not later , for then they say is the time of being heard , from lam. 2. 19. they then frame to sadness for jerusalem , and pray for the rebuilding of that city . they say when they shed tears in the night the stars and planets mourn with them , and if their enemies decree any thing against them , those tears will blast it , from p●a . 56. 9. and that if any rub his forehead with those tears it will blot out certain sins there written , they say that in the beginning of the night all the gates of heaven are shut , and that there are evil spirits then sent into the world which hurt all they meet , but after midnight the angels are commanded to open heaven again , and that the cocks in the world hear that voyce , at which they clap their wings and crow , at which they use these words , blessed art thou , o god , lord of the whole world , who hast given understanding to the cock . they use filthy blasphemous words when they go out of their chamber to the stool . they say they must not touch their bodies before they have washed their hands in regard of the evil spirits which have rested in the night thereon , and that if they should touch their eyes they should be blind , or if their ears , they should be deaf , the nose dropping , the mouth stinking , the hands scabbed , if not first washed , because their hands are venomous if not washed first , first they pour water three times on the right hand , then three times on the left , then wash them , and after the face , and mouth , and then they say , blessed be thou o god our god , king of all the world , who hast commanded us to wash our hands . when they come to the synagogue to their mattins , they endeavour chearfulness , they make clean their shooes at the door , and he that hath pantables must put them off , and at their entring in , cast in every one a halfpenny at the least into the treasury , and then bow themselves towards the arke in which the book of the law is , using certain words out of the scirpture , as in num. 25. 5. psal. 5. 7. and others , expressing a high esteem of the house of god . then they begin to pray out of their common-prayer book , in which their prayers are in hebrew , in meeter , and after their first prayer they say 100 benedictions grounded on deut. 10. 12. now israel what doth god require of thee , they read not mahschoel but meahschoel , he requireth 100 which they have short , and twice a day repeated . 1. for the washing of their hands . 2. for the creation of man . 3. for that they are made full of holes , one of which if should be stopped they should die . 4. a confession of the resurrection . 5. for understanding given to the cock to discern day and night asunder , and with his crowing to awake them . 6. that god hath made them jews , or israel●tes . 7 ▪ the masters that they are not servants , the men that they are nor women , the women that god hath made them according to his will . 8 : that god exalteth the lowly . 9. that he maketh the blind to see . 10. that he raiseth the crooked . 11. that he cloatheth the naked . 12. that he raiseth them up that fall . 13. that he brings the captives out of prison . 14. that stretcheth the world upon the waters 15. that prepareth and ordereth the goings of man . 16. that hath prepared all things necessary for this life , 17 ▪ that girdeth israel with strength . 18. that crowneth israel with comliness , 19. that giveth strength to the weary . 20. that taketh sleep from the eyes , and slumber from the eye lid● , &c. then they pray to be preserved against sins , evill spirits , and ●vil men ; and confessing their sins , they comfort themselves in the covenant made to abraham , saying , we are thy people , and the children of thy covenant , &c. o happy we , how good is our portion , who every morning and evening may say , hear israel , the lord our lord is one god ; gather us that hope in thee from the ends of all the earth , that all the inhabitants of the earth may know that thou art our god . our father which art in heaven be merciful unto us , &c. then after some other short prayers they go on to their sacrifices , and they repeat an history of sacrifice , and a prayer of the use of the law , and how many ways it may be expounded . and then pray for the re-edifying of the temple , and rising with great joy and acclamation , they sing a prayer of praise in hope thereof . then they read a long prayer , which they conclude with the last words of the prophet obadiah , the saviour shall ascend into mount sion to judge the mount of esau , and the kingdome shall be the lords ; which they spake in hope of the destruction of christians , whom they call edomites , and of their own restitution . and in some of their private writings , which it is hard for any christian to come to the sight of ; they speak very blasphemously of jesus christ , and say that the soul of esau entred into the body of christ , and that christ and christians are no better then esau . then they fall to singing again , and after that to prayer again turning their heads to the four corners and winds of the world , because the letter daleth signifieth four , in their repeating the lord is one , and echad containing in numeral letters 245. whereunto they add three , god our lord is true , in all 248. so many members in mans body , they make so many short prayers , saying a prayer secures each . they use words for charming of evill spirits , and working miracles . and they have another prayer which they call schone esre , that is eighteen , consisting of 18 particulars by which they think all sin is pardoned , of equal esteem as the papists have the popes pardons , when they say it , one foot must stand on the ground as fully as the other , from ezek , 17. their foot was a right foot , and in it they use these words , holy , holy , holy , lord god of hosts , at which they leap up three times as high as they can ; and they say that he that speaks a word whilst the chief chanter of the synagogue saith this prayer shall have burning coles given him to eat after his death ; and these 18 parts they say are for the 18. bones in the back bone , at the saying whereof they all bend it . after this follows a prayer against the jews revolted to christianity , against all christians , saying , these which are blotted out , shall have no more hope , and all unbeleevers shall perish in the twinckling of an eye , and all thine enemies which hate thee , o god , shall bee destroyed , and the proud and presumptuous kingdome shall quickly be rooted out , broken , laid even with the ground , and at last shall utterly perish , and thou shalt make them presently in our dayes obedient to us . then they pray for themselves , and for their proselites , and rebuilding their temple , the comming of the messias , and restauration of their kingdome , and pray for peace among themselves , at which they go backward three paces , bow themselves , bending their head first on the right hand , and then on the left , that they may not turn their hinder part on the ark , and so with a slow pace they return out of their synagogues . the good-wife against her husbands return home , sweeps the house , that nothing may ( as they say ) disturb his holy cogitations , and layeth him a book on the table , either the penteteuch of moses , or a book of manners to read , which he doth for about an hours space . about eleven a clock his wife hath prepared his dinner , clean meats purely drest , there is clean water , in which the houshold first washeth , then the wife , and last of all the goodman , and must not keep on a ring on their finger , for fear some uncleanness remain under it , insomuch that rabbin akiba , having but so much water as would serve either to wash his hands , or quench his thirst , hee washed with it , and dyed for want of more to drink : then the master of the house cuts a cut of the cleanest and best baked part of the bread , and then setting it down layes his hands on it , giveth thanks , and breaking that off he hath cut , dips it in some broth , or some thing on the table , and eats it , and then takes the loaf , and cuts for the rest , and the like for wine , or other drink , except water . their bread they have in that honour , nothing must be set upon it , and they say that a spirit called nabal , is deputed to observe such as ( through negligence ) tread it under foot , and to bring them in to poverty . they say that elias , and every mans proper spirit attendeth at the table , to hear what is said if they talk of the law ; but otherwise an evil angel cometh , and causeth brawls and diseases . they have several blessings they use , and when they have done , there must not bee one crum left in their mouths . they pray in the place where they have eaten , or else they shall lose the benefit of burial . about five a clock , their clerk , or scholae pulsator , knocks at their doors to give them notice of evening prayer , they go to the synagogue and there they pray , and then the chief chorester or chanter , sings a prayer , and they all sing the prayer of eighteen parts used in the morning aforesaid , and coming out of his pulpit , he kneels down upon the steps before the ark , and all the people fall down with their faces on their left hand confessing their sins , and praying for mercy and pardon , and conclude with prayer , and return home again . in their time of pawsing between their vespers and their n●cturns , if strife be between any , and reconciliation cannot bee made , then he which cannot reconcile his neighbour goeth to the common-prayer-book , and shutting it , knocketh thereon with his hand , saying anikel●● , i conclude the business , as if he should say , i conclude praying , till mine adversary be reconciled to me , until which thing be effected , they may not pray further , though for divers daies together , when one party is stubborn . these praiers are much against christ and christians , and for the coming of their expected messi●s . at supper they behave themselves as at dinner , going to bed they put off their left shoe , before the right , and in their prayer psal. 4. 5. must be their last words , commune with your own 〈◊〉 on your bed , and be still , and if they cannot by and by sleep , it must be repeated over until they can , because they say thereby their sleep shall prove good to them . they lye with their heads toward the south , and their feet towards the north that they may bee fruitful ( as they say ) in male-children ? and their chamber morals are so lascivious written upon their walls , as is unfit for chaste ears , besides their base words that they use against christ , and against christians . 1 cor. 16. 22. if any man love not the lord jesus , let him be anathema maranatha . finis . some questions and answers for the opening of the eyes of the jews natural that they may see the hope of israel which hath so long been hid from them : with some questions and answers for the direction, comfort, help and furtherance of god's spiritual israel in their travels in spirit from spiritual egypt through the spiritual wilderness to spiritual canaan ... / by isaac penington, the younger. penington, isaac, 1616-1679. 1661 approx. 113 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 63 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54063 wing p1201 estc r28795 10759247 ocm 10759247 45705 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54063) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45705) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1407:47) some questions and answers for the opening of the eyes of the jews natural that they may see the hope of israel which hath so long been hid from them : with some questions and answers for the direction, comfort, help and furtherance of god's spiritual israel in their travels in spirit from spiritual egypt through the spiritual wilderness to spiritual canaan ... / by isaac penington, the younger. penington, isaac, 1616-1679. 125 p. printed for robert wilson, london : 1661. imperfect: pages torn, faded and stained. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -conversion to christianity. christian life -quaker authors. society of friends -controversial literature. 2005-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-07 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some questio●● and ansvvers ▪ for the opening of the eyes the jews natural , that they may see the hope of israel , which hath so long been hid from them . with some questions and answer● for the direction , comfort , help and ●●●therance of god's spiritual israel , in 〈◊〉 travels in spirit from spiritual 〈◊〉 through the spiritual wilderness to spi●●●●al canaan , which is the land where 〈◊〉 redeemed soul flourisheth in the life 〈◊〉 with god and worshipping him 〈…〉 and truth . by isaac penington , the you●●●● london , printed for robert wilson , 〈…〉 le grand , 1661. the preface . several things hath the life , begotten by the eternal vertue , breathed in me towards my father for , in relation both to my self and others , from my childhood . as touching my self , first , that i might be a vessel for him , that i might be freed from the bondage of corruption and brought forth in the image of his life . secondly , that i might be filled with his life , that i might be satisfied in the presence and with the fulness of the spring of my life : even that i might have enough of my god in my heart continually . thirdly , that he would of his own meer goodness both preserve the vessel and dwell in it for ever : that so my tenure and possession of him , and fitness for him might be of his grace , of his love , of his good will , of his own nature , depending wholly and altogether on him , and not at all on any thing that can be expected from the creature-hood in its purest state. and likewise , that if he pleased to use me in any service , it might be of him , and for him , and to him : that he would bring me so low in my self , that i might not be able to detain any of his glory and vertue from him , but the meanness of the vessel might still so appear to me , and also be so sensibly discerned and acknowledged by all other eyes also , that the excellency of the power and of the glory might run back entirely into his pure bosom . besides these , there have been vehement desires in me concerning others also . first , towards mankind in general , that they might have an exceeding merciful and powerful day of visitation , even that the whole earth might be touched with the power of life and drawn out of the darkness . o how hath my soul breathed for poor lost mankind , and how hath my spirit travelled ( with unutterable pangs and earnestness ) for unheard of , unthought of , and altogether unexpected mercy and good will towards the sons of men in general ! secondly , towards my brethren in spirit , that they might know the day of redemption and power in spirit , and not alwayes lie groveling on the earth , and groaning and mourning because of the lusts and corruptions , but might know deliverance in power , and might sing the song of moses and the song of the lamb ( because of their feeling victory over pharaoh and the dragon ) and might serve and worship the living god in spirit and truth , without fear of interruption , and captivity from the enemy any more . thirdly , towards the jews after the flesh , that their iniquity might be blotted out , their wound healed , the pure eye opened in them , and the pure glory revealed to them : that they might know the shepherd of israel in spirit , the spiritual tents of jacob , the beauty of the footsteps of the spiritual flock , and might travel out of their darkness , earthliness and litteral knowledge into the land of pure life , rest ▪ peace and fresh joy in the living god ( whereof their land of canaan , with all the good things thereof , was but a shadow ) and might be annointed with the fresh oyl of the salvation of the messiah , and might become indeed an holy nation , yea , a kingdom of priests to offer up spiritual sacrifices on god's spiritual altar . my soul still breatheth to the lord , and waiteth on him , for all these things : and as he draweth my spirit forth , so am i ready in spirit to be serviceable unto him therein . these present drawings and openings of my life , in the questions and answers following , are both towards the jews in flesh , and also the jews in spirit ; that they may meet in one , even in the one path and pasture of life , where there is one shepherd , one seed , one flock , one spirit , one beginning , one progress , one end in one and the same circle of life . the lord my god take it into his own hand , dispose of it for good , mannage and bless it according to his pleasure . j. p. some questions and answers for the opening of the eyes of the jews natural , that they may see the hope of israel , which hath so long been hid from them . question . what was the rise of that people the jewes ? ans . they came of abraham after the flesh , who was god's friend , whom god took from his father's house and from his native country ( where he was worshipping and serving idols ) to be the stock and pattern of the faithful , both of the jews according to the flesh , and of the jews in spirit . of this root , of this stock came this people according to the flesh , who were an holy nation , a circumcised people , a sanctified people outwardly : and ( as long as their day lasted ) were the beloved of god , the pitied , the pardoned , the redeemed ones , even until the shadows were finished , and the season came , for the substance to appear and be set up in the world ; whereof they had the first offer also , and out of whom was the first gathering for the spiritual building . but they generally hardening their hearts , and cleaving to the wisdom and knowledge which their wise ones had taught them ( from their mis-understanding the letter of the scriptures ) missed of the spirit , rebelled against the redeeming power , and so lost their share in the inward glory , and by god's righteous hand were cut off from their outward also , their day being spent , and the blood not onely of the prophets , but of the son and heir himself also required at their hands . quest . how came this people to be the chosen people at first , and so long to continue such ? answ . it was not for their righteousness , not for their loveliness , or plyableness to god above other people : but because it pleased the lord freely to love them , and to pitch upon them for the people of his choice after the flesh , in the free covenant which he made with abraham . the earth is the lord 's with the fulness thereof , and he may chuse whom he will to fill with his inward and spiritual glory ( even with the manifestations of his pure love , life and presence ) and he may also chuse whom he will to make outwardly or typically beloved , great and glorious . he chose abraham freely , he gave to abraham an heart to follow him , he gave him the faith and obedience which made him accepted with him : and he chose his seed after the spirit to be his eternal heir , and his seed after the flesh to be his temporary heir . thus of isaac in spirit came the children of the promise in spirit , and of isaac after the flesh came the seed of promise after the flesh . sarah after the flesh bare one of these , the sarah represented by her ( or the free woman which is from above ) bare the other . and of isaac comes jacob , worm jacob , who serves for his wife , who flies from the face of esau , yet afterwards finds favour in his eyes : from this worm do the twelve patriarks branch forth , who were the heads of the tribes of israel . thus hath it been with that nation according to the letter ; & thus it hath also been and is still inwardly in spirit , as the israel of god , the jews in spirit ( who are learned in the law of the spirit of life ) can very well read . thus outwardly israel was god's child , ephraim his dear , his beloved , his pleasant son ; judah his praise , whom his heart was towards , and to whom he stretched forth his arm of salvation all the day long . in all their affliction he was afflicted , and the angel of his presence saved them : and he said , surely they are my people , children that will not lie , so he became their saviour . thus it was with them till the day of israel after the flesh expired , and the day of israel in spirit was to succeed in the sight of the world. quest . what was the end for which god chose that people ? answ . it was to be a vessel for him to form , to try and experiment what his love could bring them to , and bring forth in them in that way of manifestation and operation . this god opens to jeremiah concerning them , bidding him go down to the house of the potter , where , in a parable , they might read their own state , and what they were to expect from god , even to be formed by god unto the utmost , untill he had made a perfect tryal of them , and then to be broken and laid aside , as a vessel that could never be fitted for the master's use in this way of dispensation , jer. 18.4 . on the lord's part there was no defect towards his child , his spouse , his vineyard , his garden of pleasant plants ( as this people was in that dispensation : ) for he was still a father to them , faithful in covenant , tender in bowels , abundant in loving kindness and mercies : yea what could be expected from the lord towards a people , according to that dispensation , which the lord failed in ? but they were still faithless , continually breaking covenant , erring from his dear and tender love , and drawing down the strokes of his wrath upon them , forsaking the guide of their youth , forgetting the love of their espo●sals , continually starting aside from the right state , wherein god pleased at first to set them , or at any time afterwards in any measure to reduce them . q. how did god exercise and try them to the utmost , even till at length it was plainly manifest , that there was no firm keeping a people to him by vertue of that dispensation , but he must necessarily cut them off , chuse another people , and take another course , if he would have a people for his heart to love and delight in , and for them to injoy and possess him ? answ . he tryed them several ways , and in several states and conditions : as first , in a state of captivity in the land of egypt . secondly , in a state of straits and continual dependance upon god , even for necessaries , in the wilderness . thirdly , in a state of enlargedness in the land of canaan , which flowed with plentiful provisions for the outward man ( which were also shadows and instructions concerning the inward blessedness . ) fourthly , in often captivities . fifthly , in returns to their land again , with settlement and peace and many blessings therein . quest . how did god try them in egypt ? answ . first , with sore bondage and oppression from pharaoh and the egyptians . secondly , with giving them the feeling of their state , the sence of their bondage , and causing them to cry unto the lord for deliverance . thirdly , in raising up a deliverer , and giving them a sign of the deliverance by the hand of the deliverer , in his smiting of an egyptian and saving an hebrew . fourthly , in sending the deliverer to them with promises of deliverance , and with signs and symptoms of the delivering power . fifthly , in pardoning their unbelief and rebellions against him in egypt , and shewing many signs and wonders for them in that land , till at length he had brought them forth by his mighty outstretched arm , even against the will and mind of pharaoh and their task-masters . quest . how did god find them in egypt upon this tryal ? ans . very unbelieving , very stubborn , mis-interpreting his sign of deliverance , reasoning against his promise , because it came not so soon and after the manner they expected . when he lift up his hand to them to redeem them from under pharaoh , to bring them forth of the land of bondage , to the good land he had espied for them , and bid them forsake the idolatrous worships of egypt , and not defile themselves any longer therewith ; because he was now to become the lord their god , & to appear in his power for them ; yet they would not , ezek. 20.5 . &c. when moses would have reconciled and hebrew to his brother , he would not hear him , but upbraided him for slaying the egyptian , not waiting on god to understand the figure , but mis-interpreting and abusing it in the fleshly mind . when the deliverance succeeded not according to their expectations , they murmured against moses and aaron : and when god sent them again with a fresh promise , they would not mind it . yet god bare with all this in them , and did not cast them off , but asswaged his wrath , and stirred up his love to make a further tryal of them . quest . how did god try them in the wilderness ? ans . by many temptations , signs and wonders ; by powerful appearances for them against their enemies ; by bringing them into many straits ; by unexpected and impossible supplies ( i mean impossible to the sight or expectation of the outward eye ) as with bread from heaven , multitudes of quails , water from the rock , keeping their cloaths and shoes from wearing out and decaying . likewise he gave them an holy and righteous law to inform their minds in equity and righteousness , directing them in an holy way , walking with god , and one towards another , and chalking out unto them an acceptable path of worship : and this law was delivered in great majesty , dread and terrour , to cause a deep impression thereof upon their minds . quest . how did god find them in the wildernesse ? answ . full of discontent , full of murmuring , full of self-will , full of doubts and questionings concerning god's power . they did not wait on him , who had delivered them out of the hand of pharaoh , and from under the egyptian task-masters , but they murmured against him . they did not wait for food , or water when they wanted , but distrusted and complained , repining at moses and aaron , and sometimes talking of making a captain to lead them backward . neither were they content with the provision which god allotted them ( that was mean in their eyes ) but they would have flesh : though the manna , the light bread ( as they esteemed it ) of god's choice and with god's blessing , had been far better for them , then the flesh with his curse , upon that lust which asked it , and would not be content without it . again , they would not go on towards canaan or fight when god would have them , and when his strength would have gone along with them : but when he forbad them , of their own will , and trusting to their own strength , they would go on and fight . it is a sad record which moses their tender shepherd ( who with the eye of true light had faithfully observed them ) left concerning them , deut. 9.24 . you have been rebellious against the lord , from the day that i knew you . quest . how did god deal with them in reference to the land of canaan ? answ . first , he prepared them for it . secondly , he dispossessed their enemies , and placed them in it , giving them an inheritance according to his will. thirdly , he poured down blessings upon them therein . quest . how did god prepare them for the good land ? answ . eirst , by many afflictions and exercises in the wilderness , wherein he judged and wore out the rebellious generation ( who were consumed with dying ) and raised up their children in the awe and dread of his mighty power . secondly , by giving them a righteous law to walk by in every respect , that they might not be to seek how to please god , or how to walk one towards another , or towards the heathen among them , or round about them , but in every thing might be rightly instructed . thirdly , by warning them of their own proneness to err from god , and of the danger thereof , both in relation to the loss of mercies and drawing down of judgements , that they might watch against the erring nature and transgressing spirit in their hearts . fourthly , by appointing a way of sacrifice and mediation , whereby god might be atoned either for particular persons , or for the land in general . fifthly , by directing them to a principle as near to them , and more strong than the unrighteous principle ; whereby they might be preserved in the obedience of the law , and from out of the reach of the curse . quest . how did god find them in their own land ? ans . that generation which was thus prepared , thus taught , thus directed , walked sweetly with the lord , and was a precious savour in his nostrils : but soon after the evil thing sprang up again in the generations following , and they did quickly corrupt themselves , departing from the lord , and running a whoreing after their own hearts lusts , judg. 2.7 , &c. quest . how did god deal with them then ? answ . he brought judgment upon judgement , still weightier and weightier upon them , according as their need required , exercising loving kindness and mercy towards them , as much as possibly their estate could bear . he sent his prophets to forewarn them of the wrath , that they might be spared , if possible : and when his judgments and severity came , he mingled mercy therewith , that by both he might try to the utmost , what they might be wrought to . he tryed them a long while under the judges , and a long while under the kings , often recovering them and setting them to rights , expecting the fruit of his rod and of his love towards them . quest . what was the result of god's trying them under the judges and kings ? answ . they wearied out god's prophets , yea , they wearied out the lord also in that way of his dispensation . they chose the false prophets before the true , lying divinations before the openings of life , and dead idols before the living god. the kindnesses and mercies of god were wasted upon them , for with his love they were not drawn : the bellowes also were burnt , the lead consumed , the heat of the furnace spent upon them , and yet their tin and dross not purged away . under the judges they tired out the lord 's patient expectation of good from his delivering hand , insomuch as he resolved to deliver them no more , judg. 10.13 . under the kings they were as unruly ( whether good kings or bad kings , given in love or wrath ) insomuch as the lord said , why should ye be stricken any more ? ye will revolt more and more , isai . 1.5 . there was indeed no bending of israel after the flesh & keeping him strait to god , in that way of dispensation : therefore must he be cast off , even becoming reprobate silver in the sight of the whole earth , because the lord would reject him . quest . how came israel after the flesh to be rejected ? answ . his day of flesh was out , and the day of spirit was come , wherein the spiritual glory ( which was to succeed the shadows of the fleshly ) was to be set up : and so he not seeing that , nor entring into that , his own sun set , and he hath abode in the darkness unto this day . quest . how came he not to see the spiritual glory ? ans . because the eye of the flesh was open in him , which eye cannot see it . he read the law in a gathered light , in the light of the earthly wisdom , and not in the light of the spring from whence it came : and then how could he possibly understand the law aright ? could he then chuse but set up the shadows of the law , in the stead of the substance which was vailed therein ? he read moses with the eye which can see but to the vail , and not to the glory which was revealed to moses , & which moses hid under the vail . and thus likewise he beheld the prophets , in the dayes of their appearance ; not in the light in which they appeared , but in the light of his own reason and imaginations : and upon this ground the jews still chose and cryed up the false prophets , but persecuted the true. now not seeing moses in spirit , nor the prophets in spirit , how could they see him who was greater then the prophets , he looking so contemptibly to the sight of that eye , wherewith they expected to see him ? it is the jew in spirit , who alone can see and own the messiah in spirit : yea , no fleshly jew could possibly discern him then , whose eternal life ( light and power ) was hid under so mean a vail . he must be more than a jew after the flesh , who can own so much as the law , or any of the prophets in spirit : and then surely it can require no less than inward jewship , to discern the messiah himself . they knew by the letter , that then he was to come and to appear ; but they could not know by their observations from the letter , which was he , but alone by the pointing of the finger of the spirit , which they were unacquainted with . quest . what did they do to him , not seeing his glory ? an. they dealt with him as they had dealt with the prophets before him , disdained him that he should claim to be the son of god , slighted him , reviled him , reproached him , preferred moses and the prophets above him ( who all did but declare of him ) yea at last they preferred a thief and murderer before him , and put him to death after that manner that the prophets had foretold they would do . quest . did the prophets foretel that the jews would put the messiah to death ? answ . yea , very manifestly , with the manner and circumstances thereof . daniel said plainly that the messiah should be cut off ; though not for himself , chap. 9.26 . isaiah shews the cause why he was cut off , to wit , for the transgression of my people was the stroke upon him , chap. 53.8 . he was the lamb without spot , there was no iniquity found in his heart , nor guile in his mouth , but he offered up his spotless soul ( through the eternal spirit ) as a ransom for the souls of transgressors , and with his bruise are they healed . david shews yet more particularly how he should be cut off , they pierced my hands and my feet , psal , 22.16 . and zachary saith , that afterwards in the day of their visitation , they shall look upon him whom they have pierced , ch. 12.10 . was he not betrayed by one of his own table ? ( psal . 41.9 . ) did they not cast lots for his garments ? ( psal . 22.18 . ) was not gall also given him , and vinegar to drink ? ( psal . 69.21 ) were not his bones kept from being broken , according to the paschal lamb the type ? ( exod. 12.46 . ) o that the jews could read the words of their own prophets in the light of the prophets , and not in the light of man's imagination , and then they could not but bow before the spring & fountain of that light , as it was revealed in flesh according to the scriptures , and see how that body was prepared for the light to shine in , and for it to do the will in , and to offer up the sacrifice which god would have , that so an end might be put to all the sacrifices and offerings which god would not have , psal . 40.6 . dan. 9.27 . quest . what was to befall the jews for refusing the day of their visitation by the messiah , and for the putting of him to death ? answ . they were to be cast off , to become no people , their covenant to be broken , their glory turned into shame , their light set in obscurity , their house made desolate , and the hand of god pursuing this desolate people , making them a scorn and reproach throughout all nations ( dan. 9.27 . and is not this come to pass upon them ? for what person hath been more hateful and hated than a jew , who was once the glory and envy of all nations ? yea , hardness and blindness hath so happened to them , that they cannot see the plainest things written in the prophets , concerning the expiration of the day of moses with all his shadows , and the succeeding of the spiritual glory in the dayes of the messiah , but their eyes and hearts are still blinded and held captive in the figures of things . quest . is there any scripture of the prophets , which declareth that they should be thus blind and hard ? answ . the spirit of the lord in the prophet david ( the beloved king and figure of the messiah ) prayed for this righteous recompence to them . let their table become a snare before them , and for welfare a trap. let their eyes be darkned that they see not , &c. let their habitation be desolate , &c. psal . 69.22 , &c. what is their table ? where and on what do they feed ? is it not on the writings of moses and the prophets ? now all the meanings , observations and hopes which they gather from these ( being under the curse , and out of the spirit of the prophets ) cannot but be their snare and trap : and that which entangleth them deeply to this day is , their mis-understanding and mis-interpreting of moses and the prophets . o lord my god , in the abundant riches of thy goodness at length pity them , and let the fierceness of thine indignation abate towards them , and in thy love open their eyes to see their state , & what they have refused , and against whom they have lift up their heel in their conceited wisdom & knowledge , which they have gathered from moses and the prophets writings , that they may mourn after thee , and wait for thee in the way of thy redemption . quest . how long is this desolation and hardness to abide upon them ? ans . until god visit them with his spirit , and open their eyes to see his spiritual glory , and turn their hearts towards it . then their outward expectations , and desires after an outward glorious kingdom , will soon come to an end ; and the messiah will be known , owned and received by them in spirit : yet any outward glory that the lord god sees good for them , they shall not want neither . this the prophet isaiah plainly relates to the ear that is spiritual , chap. 32.15 . ( until the spirit be poured upon us from on high , and the wilderness be a fruitfull field , and the fruitful field be counted for a forrest . ) they must lie wast , until the lord god please to let forth his spirit upon them , to gather them into his spiritual glory : for the day of their outward glory did end , and a spiritual succeeded , which they are to be gathered into , when the days of their distress and tribulation are accomplished . the spirit was once poured down from on high on the disciples of the messiah , upon his ascending into his glory , and the wilderness then became a fruitful field , and the fruitful field was accounted for a forrest : but over that glory the defence was not so stretched forth , but that a night overtook that day , and the wild beasts made a prey of that vineyard and fruitful field also , as well as of the former . but there is to be a more general pouring out of the spirit , even upon all flesh , and the wilderness is more generally to be visited & become a fruitful field , and the fruitful field is more generally to be blasted & made a forrest : insomuch as all flesh every where shall appear grass , and the glory thereof as the flower of the field , which shall fade and wither before the breath of god's spirit . then judgment shall dwell in the wilderness which is then visited , and righteousness shall remain in the field which is then made fruitful : and righteousness shall be powerfully-operative , working out the lasting peace , and the effect of it shall be quietness and assurance for ever ▪ no more war , no more fighting with creatures , no more burthening and oppressing of the creation , no more sinning and offending against the creator , no more being dispossessed of his life and glory , but the dwellings , which god reareth up in the last dayes for israel his people , shall be peaceable habitations , sure dwellings and quiet resting-places for evermore . o let israel feel that which is able to awaken him , and wait for this . quest . how shall they be visited and gathered ? answ . by the new covenant , by by the new law of the messiah , which is to go forth out of the new sion , and by the word of the lord , which is to issue out of the new jerusalem . not by the covenant of moses ( their eyes may fail in hoping and looking out that way ) but by the covenant of the messiah , where the law of life is written , not in tables of stone or outward writings of the letter , but in the heart by the spirit . there they shall be cleansed by inward water , receive the inward circumcision and mark of the inward jew , be sprinkled with the everlasting blood of the lamb , and taught to offer up the spiritual sacrifice , and shall hear the voice which will tell them of the way , and which will lead them in paths they have not known . there the spiritual seed , the spiritual israel shall find the shepherd of israel , who leads into the land of life , puts forth his sheep into the pastures of life , gives them of the living streams to drink , begetting them as heirs of , and bringing them up in the everlasting power and dominion of the life . quest . how may old israel enter into this path , and so become new israel ? answ . by waiting on the lord for the closing of that eye , which is wise according to the flesh ; and for the opening of that eye which is at first weak in spirit . there must be a low beginning . israel must know and not despise the day of small things , if ever he will grow up into the riches and inheritance of this glory . there is a light in every heart , which gives a sound in the natural vessel , which is very hardly at first distinguishable from the natural , till ( by obedience and subjection thereto ) its living touch , vertue and power comes to be felt and distinguished : but in the meek , humble , believing and obidient , it daily appears more and more , and makes it self more clearly manifest to them , who are walking on unto the kingdom and inheritance in it , while others are disputing about it . quest . how may israel believe , and become subject to the light ? answ . when there is a drawing felt in the heart , either to good , or against evil , he must not dispute concerning it on the one hand , nor run on in the forwardness on the other , ( for both these wayes , the breathings of the spirit on him , and springings up of the good seed in him are easily quenched ) but in the fear he is to trust himself with what his heart certainly feels in the drawing vertue , and in the humility to give up the members to the good and to withhold them from the evil , waiting for strength from the fountain of strength towards both . by this means there is a travell and removal , out of the corruption and filth of the heart , into the pure holy law , nature , image and will of god. quest . where doth god find the heart , when he first visiteth it with his light ? answ . in egypt , in the darkness , in the bonds and captivity of death . quest . what doth the lord do with it there ? answ . he exerciseth it a while there , till he hath made it fit for a wilderness-state . quest . what doth he do with it then ? ans . he bringeth it into the wilderness , which he hath fitted it for . quest . what doth he do with it in the wilderness ? answ . he prepareth it for , and leadeth it towards the land of life . quest . what doth he do with it then ? ans . he giveth it an entrance into the everlasting kingdom ( which is the land of life ) according as he hath prepared and fitted it . that which is new-begotten , new-created and formed , new-born in the messiah's eternal light , findeth an entrance into and an habitation in the light , and is not turned back into the land of darkness , it abiding in the vertue and principle of its life , although sometimes it may be exercised with the darkness for its further advantage . thou art our habitation from everlasting to everlasting , saith the child of light unto the father of spirits , in all ages and generations . now that israel after the flesh may the better understand the path of the spiritual israel in the way of redemption , by the powerful visitations of the light of the messiah in their hearts and consciences ; & may know the gospel of his salvation , which is able to effect that , which the law of moses could not , because of the weakness of the flesh on their parts ; let them in fear and silence of the natural wisdom , and in waiting on the lord in spirit , consider these questions and answers following , relating to spiritual israel . some questions and answers , for the direction , comfort , help and furtherance of god 's spiritual israel , in their travels in spirit from spiritual egypt , through the spiritual wilderness to spiritual canaan , which is the land where the redeemed soul flourisheth in the life , walking with god and worshiping him in spirit and truth . quest . what is the gospel ? answ . a good message or glad tydings to man in the fallen estate , concerning a promise of redemption out of it . quest . is man then in a fallen estate ? answ . his present temper , constitution , disposition and whole course , upon the least touch of god upon his spirit , do in some measure discover his fall unto him ; though the insensibleness , which is come upon him by his grievous wound and death through the fall , maketh him very unapt to take notice thereof . quest . what was his estate before his fall ? answ . a state of glory and blessedness , wherein he came pure out of the hands of his creator , was fitted for his use , service , enjoyment and delight , even for him to appear or disappear in , and exercise according to his pleasure . quest . wherein did his glory and blessedness consist ? ans . chiefly in these four things , to wit , in the light ; in the life ; in the liberty in which the vessel was formed ; and in the indwelling and appearing of the creator there , according to his pleasure . quest . open this a little further . answ . man was made a vessel of light , a vessel of life , a vessel of pure freedom . he was formed in the eternal image , and had a pure being in that image . he was light in the lord , living in the lord , free unto all good , and from all evil in the lord. this was the state of his being at first , and thus was he made in the image a pure resemblance of the eternal purity and blessedness : but besides this he had the eternal life , the eternal substance , the eternal purity it self dwelling in the vessel , shining in it , and manifesting it self from it according to its pleasure . quest . how came man to fall from this estate ? answ . not willingly , not of an inclination of his own , but he was deceived , through the subtilty of temptation , to entertain a desire of enlarging his blessedness , out of the limits of the will of his creator . quest . how could such a temptation enter man , he being pure and holy , inclined to good and against evil , after the image of his creator ? answ . man was not made to enjoy a perfection in himself separate from his creator , or to live of himself , but by dependance . now though he had no inclination in him not to depend , or to seek a life in himself out of the fountain , yet there was a capacity of so doing : before which capacity the tempter laid his bait of advancing him to a greater wisdom , glory and excellency , than his creator had placed him in ; with which he consulting out of the dependance upon his creator , fell from that which alone was able to uphold him in the pure state , wherein he was made . thus was he taken in the snare of misery and brought to that loss , which all the sons of adam lie groveling under to this day , when the lord at any time awakens the sence thereof in them . quest . what was the state of man in and since the fall ? answ . a state of darkness , a state of death , a state of deep captivity , wherein his soul , body and spirit are become dark as to the light of god , dead as to the life of righteousness , and captive unto that spirit which hath entred them by their hearkning thereto , who dwelleth and ruleth in them in the darkness , as god did before in the light. quest . how is man dark ? how is man dead ? is his soul or body dead as to their being ? or how else is it ? answ . man is not dead as to his being either in soul or body , but as to the right , pure and sanctified state of each . the vessels still remain the same in being , but they are emptied of their proper liquor , and filled with other wine . the understanding is the same , the reason the same , the will the same , the memory the same , the bodily members the same as to their being or matter : but they are all otherwise leavened , and another king now dwells in them and reigns over them . quest . then there needs not any dissolution of man's reason , or bringing it to nothing , in relation to man's recovery , but onely a changing of the leaven . answ . man is become another thing by degeneration from the life . he is so poisoned by sin and corruption , that he is to be wholly broken down and brought to nothing , even in the very naturals , that he may be new made and built up in the newness of the spirit . thus he is to become as a fool , as a little child , or rather as a seed to be cast into the womb of life , there to be formed and born of the spirit . and as he springs up in the life , he is to forget his own country , living in the spirit and walking in the spirit : where watching to the spirit , and against his own reason in the pure childishess , in the simple instinct and naturalness of the life , he shall at length find a reason new formed and springing up in him , which waiting on the lord in obedience and subjection , shall be taken into unity with the life : but if the eye of reason open too fast , and be not kept down to the light of life , the betrayer will enter again at that door , and bring the soul into death , after it hath had sweet and precious tasts of the redeeming vertue and power . quest , can man in the fall see his fallen estate , and so seek after a recovery out of it ? answ . it is not possible for him so to do , without some light shining upon him from the redeemer . how can darkness discover darkness ? that which maketh mamanifest the darkness is light. when the vessel is dark , and the prince of darkness filleth it and dwelleth in it , what can that eye see but according to the darkness , judging evil good and good evil , bitter sweet and sweet bitter ? quest . but there is no man but hath some light , no man but at some time or other seeth good or evil in some measure . answ . that ariseth not from the light of man's nature , as it now stands in the fall ( which being wholly in the enemie's hands , and being it self become darkness , cannot at all give man notice of or light him out of the darkness ) but from a fresh visitation of the life , which giveth all men a day of visitation by the shining of its light , wherein is some manifestation to man , and some certain sight by him both of the good and of the evil : and not onely so , but there is also the living spirit striving with him , and attracting him from the one to the other , according to the lord 's good pleasure , whose is both the light , and also the determination of the proportion of every man's visitation by it . quest . but hath not man naturally a light in the fallen estate , which discovereth unto him good and evil ? answ . not a true light , not a true discovery , but onely somewhat which the enemy setteth up in man as such , to keep him in the entanglements of the deceit , and out of the suspition of it . for the enemy entring into him , by his subtilty blindeth and deceiveth his eye ( that he may the better hold him captive in the deceit ) insomuch as he discerneth not the false image which the enemy hath stamped upon him : for though the enemy bringeth man into a state of real darkness , death and captivity ; yet these do not at present appear to man what they are , but are miscoloured or painted to appear what they are not , the better to deceive , bewitch and entangle man therein . the enemy did not represent darkness in its black hue , death and captivity in its dreadful appearance to adam ; but as wisdom , as light , as a better life , as a greater freedom . and thus he still enters man , and after this manner he still dwells in man , until the true light pursue him , opening and discovering his deceit , and drawing man back from this false paradise of pleasure in wisdom and liberty out of the life , into a sence of his want of , and breathings after the true garden of the living god. q. is man then mistaken in his judgment of good and evil since the fall ? answ . yes , altogether : and by this means doth he so pleasingly scituate himself , and take up his habitation in the kingdom of darkness , wherein are strong holds and wise reasonings against the true god , and for the false appearances of good , which the enemy of the soul strongly makes men believe to be such as he represents them for , in the darkness . thus in particular persons , and also in societies evil is pursued after , and advanced for good , and the true good suppressed as evil , through the working of the mystery of darkness in mens hearts . quest . what then is the proper estate and condition of man in the fall ? answ . a state of false light , of false life , of false liberty . he seemeth to himself advanced in wisdom above the low , empty , naked estate of innocency , which is nothing and hath nothing , but by a continual dependance on the goodness of the creator . he seemeth also advanced in life , advanced in liberty . he can speak his own words , think his own thoughts , do his own will , seek himself , please himself , satisfie himself . the life of righteousness is a yoak , a bond in his eye : he is free from the restraint of it . he hath life in himself , and is exceeding wise in the compass of his own dominions . thus doth the enemy transform the kingdom of darkness and death , giving fallen man a share with him in it , while he remains his willing subject . and here the goods of the enemy , the heart estranged from god , yea , not onely the devout and zealous worshipper in invented forms , but also the gross sinner , the envious , lustful and wicked mind , the perverse tongue , the bloody hands and feet are at peace , and have joy and pleasure in their course and circuit in the earth . but all this is but the deceit of the enemy , wherewith he hath cheated man , with false appearances and representations instead of the true , as man himself will see , when ever the eye of his soul comes to be throughly awakened by the eternal light , whether here or hereafter . quest . what is the work of redemption ? answ . to purge this old leaven out of the vessel , to purifie the vessel from all the false appearances of light , to batter down all the strong holds of the enemy in the mind , all the reasonings , thoughts , imaginations and consultations , which are not of the pure nor in the pure ; and so to new-create and new-form the vessel in the image of the wisdom and purity , wherein it was at first formed . quest . who doth this work , or who is man's redeemer out of the fall ? answ . the eternal word or son of the father , even the wisdom and power which went forth from the fountain in the creation , the same goeth forth from the bosome of the father to purifie the creature , and so bringeth the creature back ( being purified and cleansed ) into his bosom again . quest . with what doth this word or redeemer redeem ? answ . with his own life , with his own blood , with his own eternal virtue and purity . he descendeth into the lower parts of the earth , becomes flesh there , sows his own seed in his prepared earth , begets of his flesh and of his bone in his own likeness , and nourisheth up his birth with his flesh and blood unto life everlasting . quest . what is this life , or how doth it first manifest it self in the darkness ? answ . it is the light of men. it is that which gave light to adam at first , and again to him after the fall , and to all men since the fall. it enlightens in nature , it enlightened under the law : it did enlighten under the gospel before the apostacy , and again since the apostacy . quest . how doth the light enlighten ? ans . by its shining . the eternal word moves , the life opens , the light shines . this in the least degree is a beginning of redemption ; in its fulness it is redemption perfected . quest . how doth the light work redemption in its shining ? ans . two wayes . first , by turning the heart from the darkness towards it self . secondly , by exercising the heart being turned . quest . how doth it turn the heart from the darkness ? answ . the light by its shining and enlightening findeth out it s own , openeth it , toucheth it with a secret virtue , which perswades out of , and draws the heart , from the principle and power of death and darkness , towards its own native spring . quest . may not these drawings be quenched , and the work of god stopped ? answ . the plant of the lord is exceeding tender , his pure spirit jealous , the enemy very strong and subtil ; insomuch as the plant it self may easily be crushed , the spirit grieved and quenched , and the captivity redoubled . quest . if adam was betrayed in his full strength , how shall this poor weak plant spring up and grow , without being supplanted by the violence and treachery of the enemy ? or how shall the grieving of the spirit be avoyded , by an heart so full of corruption and provocations , us man in the alienated state is , when the light first visits him ? answ . the lord god is nigh to help , nigh to pitty , nigh to pardon , nigh to watch over and support worm jacob , yea nigh to revive life and spirit in him freely , and to heal his backslidings and multiply pardons , or it could never be . yea , the creature can never be brought so low or so far lost , but there is still help in the nature of god concerning him , though there may not be help in any revealed promise . quest . how doth god exercise the heart that is turned ? ans . in faith and obedience through very great varieties and changes of conditions . he exerciseth it in believing his voyce , and in obeying his voyce and following him , in what ever and into whatsoever he draws and requires . quest . how is the voyce of god known ? doth not the enemy speak inwardly also , and resemble his voyce ? how then is the voyce of the redeemer distinguished from him , who counterfeiteth the shepherd and his voyce ? ans . by these two means . first , the soul lying low , out of the wisdom in which the enemy appears and forms his likenesses , in the simplicity which the lord hath begotten , the life opens to it , and the true light appears , which manifests the false light and false appearances of the deceiver . secondly , in that which is begotten of god there is not an hastiness or suddenness to determine , but a silent waiting on the lord in subjection , till the life speak and make things manifest . thus the knowledge and light of the child is held in the will of the father , and received from his hand and according to his pleasure . thus what he will he hides , and what he will he makes manifest , and the child which is born of his will is content with his will ; and lying down there , it keeps out of the enemie's territories , and out of the reach of his temptations . quest . what are the several estates or conditions , wherein god exerciseth the spirit of man in faith and obedience ? answ . the particular estates and conditions are innumerable , but they may be referred to these three general heads . first , an estate of breaking down the former building . secondly , an estate of devastation or preparation to be new-built . thirdly , an estate of rebuilding . god doth not forget , but exercise his people in egypt , even while they are in bondage , before they come to receive his law : he is visiting them in the dark land , opening the eye that can see the captivity , causing groans and sighs in their oppressed spirits ; and then holding forth to them the promise , and preparing them for a departure from that land. secondly , he hath a time of stripping them , of nurturing and bringing them up under his discipline and close exercises , wherein they are desolate and ready to sin and perish every moment , but as they are wonderfully provided for and abundantly helped and pardoned . thirdly , there is a state of rebuilding the stones , when they are prepared therefore , into a new-building for the life to dwell in , and for their entrance into the land of life . quest . declare these estates and the exercises therein more plainly , and first shew what is the estate of the soul in egypt spiritually , when the lord visiteth it there with his light ? ans . an estate of deep bondage and groaning under the powers of darkness , whose bitter oppressions thereof increase , even as the sensibleness and tyredness of the soul increases . the soul then sees its captivity from the life , and finds a building of death and corruption raised up in it , in which the prince of darkness dwells and bears rule : and then o how it groans and longs after departure from that land , and waits for the promise of redemption out of it ! but yet it is still left in the hand of the enemy , and dayly feels the bitter bondage , from the powerfull law of sin and death springing up in the heart , and issuing out through the members . quest . how is faith and obedience here exercised ? answ . in believing the promise , in waiting for the promise , in feeling some remote drawings of the life and uniting therewith , so far as is possible in this dark and captived estate . there is an acknowledgement of the true prince , and a bowing to him even in this estate of captivity , until he please to break the bands thereof and receive under his guidance . quest . what is the estate of the wilderness spiritually ? answ . it is an estate of waiting for the guidance of the leader , of receiving direction and laws from the leader , of following the leader as he pleaseth to lead , through the entanglements , temptations , straits and necessities , which he seeth fit to exercise the spirit with , for the wearing out of that which is not to inherit , and for preparing the heir for the inheritance . quest . how is faith and obedience here exercised ? answ . in waiting on the light for the leadings in the law of life , and then in subjecting to the leader , being content with all his dispensations therein : with the time he chuseth for standing still , and with the time he chuseth for travelling on , with the proportion of light and leading that he judgeth fit , with the food and cloathing which he prepares and preserves , with the enemies which he sees fit to have avoided or encountred with . hereby the own wisdom , the own will , the own strength , the own desires , the own delights , with all the murmurings , weariness and discontents , which arise from the earthly part , are by degrees worn out , and a pure vessel prepared for the pure birth to spring up and appear in . quest . what is spiritual canaan , or the heavenly-built state or state of the gospel ? answ . a state of regenerating or renewing in the life and pure image , where the building is reared up which is made without hands , where there is a sweet and peaceable growth in the life , and a fresh and satisfactory enjoyment of the life . quest . how is faith and obedience here exercised ? answ . in abiding in the vine , in drawing from the vine , in returning the sap and vertue back into the vine , and living according to the will and in the free dispensation thereof . thus works are excluded with self from whom they proceed , and the vine becomes all in all . quest , are egypt with the wilderness and canaan spiritually as distinct estates , as they were litterally ? answ . there are such distinct several estates spiritually , wherein a man may be spiritually in egypt , and neither in the wilderness nor canaan . so there is an estate in the wilderness , which is out of egypt and not in canaan : and an estate in canaan , which is beyond both egypt and the wilderness . yet these estates in spirit are oftentimes inter-woven , with the exercises thereof : insomuch as the soul may in part , or in some respect ( to his own understanding ) be in egypt , in part in the wilderness , and in part in the rest , life and peace . but these things are not to be curiously sought into , lest a wrong wisdom and knowledge get up ; but abiding low and little in the little seed , the kingdom and everlasting inheritance grows dayly in the soul , and the soul dayly shoots up into it and is enlarged in it . quest . is there any return back into egypt or into the wilderness , after the state of the soul is advanced higher , the entrance into the everlasting inheritance being administred , and the soul partly taken into and having found a place of rest in the life ? answ . the enemy lies near to deceive : and while he hath power to tempt , if there be an hearkening to his temptations , there is a departure from the pure life , and a return of the captivity or bewildering in some measure . in the faith and in the obedience to the light of life is the preservation , out of it is death and destruction eternally . quest . is not the pure being untouched by death and destruction ? and shall not the creature , when it is redeemed into him , be as he is ? answ . the pure being cannot be impure , evil cannot enter upon him , it hath no place in him , his nature excluding it : nor can it enter into the principle of life that comes from him , and is always preserved by him : nor can it enter upon that man , who is begotten of that principle , abideth with it and is preserved in it . but so to be in him , as to abide and not go forth is a great state , even higher then the first adam knew . quest . but is not light and darkness , good and evil all alike to god ? & shall they not be so also to him , who is in perfect unity and fellowship with god ? answ . all the light and darkness , good and evil which can issue from the creature , cannot reach god's being as it is in it self , but only so far as he hath pleased to expose his life ( in the various manifestations thereof ) to be reached thereby . yet his eye seeth the evil and the good , the perfection & the imperfection , and his nature is perfectly excluded from all evil and imperfection ; insomuch as he cannot possibly lie or deceive , or be unrighteous or unmerciful in any of his dispensations : and that which is gathered into him , is thus one with him . but that which can do any thing which is sinful and evil in it self , is not in the true unity with the eternal being , but in the deceit of that spirit which erreth from him , and centereth the creature in the imagined likeness of his life and happiness . quest . how far may persons go , and yet be lyable to the enemies snare ? answ . very far . they may come out of egypt , they may pass through the wilderness , they may receive an inheritance or portion in the holy land , they may have houses and vineyards which they builded not nor planted , they may have had deep draughts of the life , deep incomes of the love , large riches of the grace , and precious tasts of the fulness : they may have been in the paradise of god , may have been anointed by god , may have stood upon his holy mountain , and walked up and down in the midst of the stones of fire , &c. and yet the enemy may have leave to tempt , and may find entrance for his temptation , advancing above this estate in the deceiveableness , and increasing the glory in the eye of the wisdom which he steals in , and so hold the spirit captive in his golden chains , and lead it back again to the chambers of death . quest . how doth or can the enemy prevail over persons in so glorious an estate ? answ . by opening a larger eye in them , than is given them in the life to see with . the eye of life is limited in man , and man is to be held within the limits and openings of life , and his heart and mind to be bounded within the desires and delights , which arise from the life : he is to wait on the life for its living , moving and being all in his being : and here he shall be large enough , and full enough , and wise enough , and happy enough . but there is somewhat which presents to him a kingdom , a riches , a dominion , a vastness of perfection in himself & at his own command ; the which he beginning to listen unto , the same opens an eye in him to see the beauty and glory thereof , and then immediately his heart is taken , and he cannot avoid the snare : nor can he henceforth know where he is , until that which he hath forsaken , again please to visit him , and to discover to him his iniquity and errour from the true root . quest . what is the way of safety , when god enlargeth the territories of life in the soul , and causeth his love and grace to abound ? answ . to drink the draughts of joy and sweetness in the pure fear and trembling , not departing therefrom in what ever it doth for god or receives from him , till the salvation be wholly wrought out and perfected , the habitation of unspotted love prepared , and the soul led into , and seated in its compleat mansion therein . and then the name of fear is no more heard of in the land of life , though the principle from whence the fear sprang , and the birth and building ( which was begotten , raised up , formed and perfected in the fear ) abideth for ever . so that the pure love doth not cast out the pure fear ( wherein is no bondage of the life , but the preservation of the life from the bondage ) but swallows it up and comprehends it : for the pure fear is but love descended , and the pure love is but fear ascended , the eternal principle or substance being one and the same in both . quest . is there then such a state of safety , upon which the enemy cannot intrench ? answ . there is a state of such union with the life , as the enemy cannot come between , where there is lying down and rising up in the power of the life , and no beast of prey can make afraid any more ; nor can any root of bitterness spring up from within , to trouble or make any disturbance between the life and the soul any more . some questions and answers conducing towards the further manifestation , and opening the path of redemption and eternal life to the eye of spiritual israel . quest . how doth the son of god , or eternal word , in whom is the light of life , redeem man out of the fallen estate , out of the kingdom of darkness and death , into the kingdom of everlasting righteousness and peace in the life ? answ . three wayes . first , by wounding him in the natural and corrupt estate , and so breaking his peace and pleasure in the kingdom of darkness and making him weary thereof . secondly , by weakening him under the teachings and chastizements of the law. thirdly , by healing and binding him up with the oil of salvation in the power of the endless life , which is the gospel . quest . how doth god wound him in the natural and corrupt state ? answ . by pursuing him with his light , which letteth him see what it is , discovering the evil and danger of it , and so weaning his heart from it , and making him look out after , and long for a redeemer . o how burthensome is the captivity to the awakened soul , when he hath a glimpse of what man was before his fall ( when he had a place and being in the life , with a spirit suitable to the life ) and what he is now in his estate of estrangedness and alienation from the life , and whither he is going in his paths of unrighteousness , estrangedness and alienation ! and while his heart is thus turning from the land of death and captivity , and longing after the redeeming power and vertue of the life , the enemy ( the power of darkness ) layes load upon him , drawing him more and more under the chains and bonds of iniquity to the utmost of its strength . so that now lusts abound , evils increase , temptations and snares multiply ; and in the land of captivity their strength is great , the soul weak and faint , and the redeeming power and vertue seems very far off . now this is the estate of conversion ; when the lord , in the midst of the powers of death and darkness , turns the heart from them towards himself , causing it to wait ( under the captivity ) for the appearance of the arm of his strength , to break the yoke of the oppressor from off the necks of the oppressed , and so to bring out of the land of death and darkness , into the travels towards the land of promise , where the peace , the life , the liberty in the lord , the rest , the joy , the full content and happiness is reaped by the soul , which follows the lamb thither . quest . how doth god weaken the creature under the teachings and chastisements of the law ? answ . by exercising him towards good and evil , and correcting him for his unbelief and disobedience , as he finds good , just and necessary for him . quest . how doth god exercise him towards good and evil , and correct him ? ans . when he hath brought him from under the power of darkness in some measure , and in some measure set the spirit free there-from , by the vertue of his life springing up in the heart , then he exerciseth the heart and conversation towards the good and from the evil : then he giveth out laws for , or against things , according as he findeth most proper to the estate of every particular soul. now upon the giving forth of the law ( the life being in some measure raised ) there is that which loves its teachings and pure path , and there is that also which draws back from it ; and that being yet strong , there come many strokes and chastisements from the lord upon his own dear child . and these are bitter ; and to be forced into the sin which it loaths and in heart is turned from , and to be kept from the good which it longs after , & in heart is united to , ( partly by the strength of the enemy , and partly by reason of its own weakness and negligence ) this is bitter also : insomuch as it cryeth out day after day , and findeth this administration of the law almost as heavy a yoke , as the land of captivity it self was , because of the weakness of it through the flesh , and the strength and advantages which the corruption of the heart and prince of darkness gather thereby . quest . what is the benefit of these exercises upon the soul ? answ . they melt , they break , they make the heart tender and fit to be moulded by the eternal vertue and power , into a vessel for the power . quest . what frames of spirit do they work the heart or mind into ? answ . into very many precious ones . as for instance , first , they make the spirit poor . the daily inroads of sin and corruption dashing against the holy and righteous law of life , the over-bearing the strong desires after purity and forcing into the defilement , hindring the soul from doing what it loves , and making it to do what it hates and would not ; this makes it become poorer and poorer , and more afflicted day by day . upon some visitations of the pure life and some fresh vertue received , oh how strong doth the soul seem ! but when it suddenly forfeits its mercies , loses its freshness , and is plunged deeper in the pit than before , how poor and weak doth it then feel it self , trembling at the next openings of the life and springings up of the vertue thereof in it , not knowing what weakness , captivity , entanglements and misery from the snares of death remain to follow ! secondly , they bring into a mourning estate . they fill the eyes with tears and the heart with sorrow , yea they cause an entrance into the house of mourning . to be accustomed to wounds , bruises , snares , grieving of the spirit , provoking of the deliverer , furthering and giving advantages to the enemy , &c. the sence of this overwhelms the heart with grief , and causeth continual sorrow and lamentation to that which is upright towards god. thirdly , they bring into a meek , merciful and tender-hearted frame towards others . he that is tempted , he that often falls , and is so often wounded and made miserable , he pitties those that err , he mourns over the miserable . his heart is broken with the sins and afflictions of others , and he knoweth not how to be hard towards them , feeling such continual need of abundant mercy himself . it is the rich man , the sound man in religion , that is rough and hard : but he that is once throughly melted in the furnace and made up again , is made up tender , and retaineth the impression of the meekness , love and mercy for ever . now a broken estate in religion , or a state of waiting for the life is much more precious , than that which is rich and full by what it had formerly received and still holdeth , out of the immediate feeling and fresh vertue of the life . fourthly , they bring into an hungry and thirsty state after holiness and righteousness . o how the soul , that is sensible of its filth , longeth to be washed ! how it panteth after the pastures of life , the food of life , the living waters : to appear before and enjoy god in the land of the living ! o how doth the heart , that is dayly afflicted with its unbelief , and disobedience , long for the faith that stands in the power , and the obedience that flowes from the power ! o teach me thy statutes , shew me the pure path of obedience in the way of life , guide my feet in the way everlasting : o write thy fear in my heart , that i may not depart from thee : create a clean heart in me , and put thy spirit within me to be my strength . o continue thy loving-kindness to them that know thee , and thy righteousness to the upright in heart . o what unutterable breathings dayly issue out from the broken spirit , towards the spring of its life ! fifthly , they bring into a pure frame , into a cleanness of inside . cleanse first the inside of the cup and platter , said christ to the pharisees , and he doth so in his disciples . with the mind i serve the law of god , said paul when he cryed out , o wretched man that i am , who shall deliver ! it is not conceiveable what purity of heart is formed by god in his israel , by the fire which he kindleth in his sion , and by the furnace which he setteth up in his jerusalem : for though in the furnace the dross still appears , the sight whereof is apt to grieve and afflict the precious heart , yet the melting and purifying sweetly goes on , and the soul ( which abideth the heat ) is effectually cleansed thereby , as is very manifest afterwards , when righteousness springs up with the quiet fruit thereof ; but this cannot be discerned , while the flames are discovering and taking hold of the unrighteousness . sixtly , they bring into a patient frame ; fit to bear reproaches and persecutions from the world , who in the midst of all this weakness ( misery and distress ) lay load upon the poor soul , persecuting him whom god hath smitten , and speaking to the grief of him whom god hath wounded . god smites for want of obedience , for too much propensity to please the world , for not coming soon enough out of their customes , vanities , earthly wayes and worships : and so soon as the heart and conversation is given up in obedience to the lord , the world is discontent , and they smite and persecute because of the obedience . now the more the spirit is broken by the hand of the lord , and taught thereby to fear him ; and the less strength it hath in it self , to grapple with the persecuting spirit of the world , the fitter it is to stand in god's counsel , to wait for his strength and preservation , which is able to bear up its head , above all the rage and swelling of the waters of the worldly spirit in the men of this world. much more might be said , but this may suffice . what is behind will be felt inwardly , as the soul waits on god in the leadings of his spirit , through the teachings , chastisements and distresses of the law. quest . with what kind of things doth the lord exercise the spirits of his israel , to bring their hearts into these and such other like precious frames ? ans . with several sorts and kinds of things both outward and inward . as , first , with oppositions , reproaches and interruptions from the earthly part , both in the men of this world and in themselves . there is abundance within and abundance without to resist , disdain and interrupt the work of god in the heart to oppose and withstand that which he hath begotten there , his leadings of it and its obedience to him . secondly , with temptations from the enemy , even of many kinds , natures and degrees , according to the present temper and condition of the soul : as either to doubt and so despaire , or be confident in the flesh from knowledge received , out of the pure fear and fresh feeling of the life : so again either to halt and draw back , or to be over-hasty and forward : so likewise either not to obey and act for god , or to act in that will and wisdom which is against god. now these , with such like , are very numerous , frequent , and sometimes very violent 〈◊〉 ●●petuous . thirdly , by withdrawings o● 〈◊〉 life and sweet presence of god 〈◊〉 the soul. these are very frequ●●● from the lord towards his peop●● , insomuch as he is called by this title ; " the god that hideth his face from the house of jacob , " isai . 8.17 . chap. 45.15 . fourthly , by buffettings and prevailings of the enemy . when the spirit is grieved , the life wounded and withdraws inward , the enemy often gets ground , giving wounds and causing bruises to the soul ; not onely tempting , but finding entrance and taking in the snare the bird , which once escaped & was delivered . fifthly , by doubts , fears and confused reasonings concerning the voice of god and the voice of the enemy . in the hour of darkness ( when the lord seeth good to let forth the power thereof , and to withdraw the beams of his light ) how 〈◊〉 ●●at be clearly distinguished , 〈◊〉 alone is known and seen in the 〈◊〉 ? how can the motions , draw●●●● and pure low-workings of the 〈◊〉 be discerned , from the false images and transformings of the enemy ? o the misery and anguish of the poor soul in this condition ! how is the poor upright-heart pained between faith and unbelief , obedience & disobedience , &c , not knowing when it is drawn forward or backward , or by whom ! quest . when do these exercises begin , and how long do they continue ? answ . the lord doth begin to exercise the soul even in egypt : for after the promise ( of deliverance from spiritual pharaoh ) the bonds increase , the yoke grows more heavy , pharaoh grows more violent and furious , the captivity increaseth much ; but there is no sight of redemption at all , save to that eye which is weak and easily over-born in israel . but the exercises are much more full 〈◊〉 sharp in the wilderness , where is●●●● is led about , tried , afflicted , c●●sumed day by day , as if he sho●●● never come to the holy land , 〈◊〉 any of israel be left to enter therei● ▪ yea in canaan , in the rich possession , in the plenteous overflowings of the life , there is still somewhat left to try israel and bring him low with , if at any time he be exalted with the glory and fulness of his own estate , and begin to forget his god. quest . why doth god thus exercise his israel ? why doth he lead them in such a knotty , and not in a more easie and ready way to the everlasting possession , and to the fulness thereof ? answ . because their estate and condition requires it . they could not be so purified and fitted for the life , their vessels would not be so inlarged to receive it in , nor they so safely enjoy it , were it not for this course of wisdom , wherein god ●●●●●ises and tryeth every cranny of 〈◊〉 spirits , until he hath perfected 〈◊〉 and stopped up the entrance of ●●●th every where . quest . how do these exercises puri●● and enlarge them ? ans . first , they try the strength and vertue of the life in them , and discover to them their further want thereof . in the time of the soul's prosperity there seems to be enough : but the day of distress maketh manifest the estate and condition as it is . then the faith , the love , the patience , the meekness , the constancy and chastness to the spouse ( loving him , and cleaving to him above all , and in all ) many times is found to be less , then it was judged to be . secondly , it brings to a waiting on god for support , and for receiving of more from him . then the life breaths vigourously , and the soul hankers after , cleaves to , and sees its need both of the presence and increase of the vertue of the life . then he that was rich becomes poor , and he that was full becomes empty and nothing : yea he that had enough to live on and to spare , is now pressed with hunger , want and penury . thirdly , it prepares for a clear●● entrance into and safer enjoyment of the fulness . as the soul is more emptied of the strength and riches it received from god : so it is more prepared to enter into and live in the pure being it self . for nothing can live there , which vails . in the life god was , and is , and is to be all in all for ever . that therefore which enters there , and lives and abides there , must be poor , empty , naked , nothing , and remain nothing for ever . as it gathers any thing from the fulness and becomes any thing in it self thereby , it is shut out . quest . how doth god heal and bind up that , which he hath wounded and broken to pieces with his various and frequent exercises ? answ . by opening the power of the endless life , in the vessel which he hath throughly purified and prepared , and filling it with the power . the free power of life , that 's the gospel . to the meek , to the broken-hearted , to the cleansed it is promised : and when the work of cleansing is finished , the wound made wide enough and kept open long enough , and the death to the first husband fully accomplished , then the perfect oyl is perfectly poured in , and everlasting health and salvation obtained . this is the end , which god aims at in the visitations and leadings of his seed : happy are they that pass through the vail of misery , and drink off the dregs of the cup of trembling , not fainting nor sitting down by the way , but following the faithful shepherd and leader of israel , till they arive here . quest . what is the great danger in the path of life ? answ . the great danger is of ascending a step higher , then the present estate and condition will bear : for by this means the aspiring mind gets up , and is exalted and holdeth somewhat received from the life , out of the pure fear which preserves the heart clean , and out of the sencible feeling which keepeth fresh and living to god ; and then the simplicity is betrayed , and a wrong spirit lives , and a wrong eye is opened : so that there is nothing now but whoredom from the life , and the heart exalted and conceited in the way of its whoredoms , as if it were the pure bed and most excellent way of enjoyment of the life . quest . what way is there of preservation here-from ? ans . watching to the life , keeping low in the fear and close to the feeling . here the aspirer is shut out , or soon espied at his beginning to enter , and then the living cross received , which crucifieth and driveth him back . and indeed there is no way of safety in the travels towards the enjoyment of life , or under any enjoyment before the state of perfect death , but under the cross to that spirit and nature which would dwell there , and please it self therewith , and be somewhat therein , and so forget the pure everlasting spring . adulterating with the streamings forth of it . man was made for god , to be a vessel of his pleasure , and to receive his content , enjoyment and happiness by reflection . so that man's proper work was to watch to the spring from whence he came ; to be disposed of , ordered , and to be according to his pleasure . this was natural to man before his fall , till a corrupt spirit by deceit entred him & corrupted him . and while any thing of that corrupt spirit or fallen nature remains , he is apt to aspire in the self-hood , and to seek the enjoyment of what comes from the fountain ( yea and of the fountain it self also ) in and according to the will and wisdom of the selfhood . and here let man receive what gifts soever from god , be advanced to never so high an habitation in the land of life , yea have the very fountain it self given him , yet by this means he will corrupt , lose the gift or spring , be separated from it , and adulterate with what he can still retain or gather in his own principle . and here do deep travellers lose their way , falling from their portion in the land of life and from their enjoyments in the paradice of the pleasure of the life , into the earthly and sensual spirit , holding things wisely and richly there in the earthly principle , not knowing the remove of their habitation thither , nor thinking that they are there . he that readeth these things , let him not strive to comprehend them , but be content with what he feeleth thereof suitable to his own present estate : and as the life grows in him and he in the life , and he comes to meet with the things and exercises spoken of , the words and experiences concerning them will of themselves open to him , and be useful and serviceable to him so far as the lord pleaseth , he keeping to the leadings , savour and principle of life in in himself , wherein alone his knowledge , sight , growth and experiences are safe . now he that would travel safely in spirit unto the land of life , let him wait to have these things following , written by the finger of god in his heart , and the sence and impression thereof preserved fresh in him . first , it is the free grace of god which begins the work of redemption , which causeth the light to shine , which worketh the repentance or turning from the dead state , and also the belief in and turning towards the living god. secondly , it is the same grace alone , that can preserve and cause the plant of grace to grow . if there be a withdrawing of the light , a withholding of the free influence , that which depends thereupon cannot retain its freshness : which the lord may do as often as he pleaseth , for the chastisement of the rebellious part , or for the tryal of his pure life and vertue in his plants . thirdly , the grace of god visiting the soul in the death , in the darkness in the fallen estate , begetteth life anew in it , maketh it in some measure light in the lord , openeth an eye in it to see the things of god , an ear to hear and distinguish between the sound of life and of death , an heart to turn from and refuse the vanity , and to turn towards and abide in the living substance . fourthly , the spirit of god carryes on the work of redemption by drawing , leading and acting the quickened soul , by exercising that which he hath begotten in the life , under the law of the life . thus the life draws the soul dayly nearer and nearer towards the everlasting spring , and from the fading emptiness of sin , vanity and the creature-hood ; and the soul , by the enlivened vertue , dayly follows on after the life , in the leadings , spirit and power thereof . there is a living soul begotten by the vertue of the grace , and the living soul dayly lives in the grace , and travels in the vertue thereof from the unbelief to the faith , from the enmity to the love , from the perversness to the straitness , from the iniquity to this righteousness , even from all the territories of the darkness , and also from the weak measures and degrees of the grace and life towards the fulness it self , even until it perfectly center in , and be fully filled therewith . fifthly , where there is a stopping of the vertue received from the grace , and not an answer of it in the heart , there the work of redemption is stopped . if the soul follow not in the drawing , the drawing is lost , as to it . if the ear open not to hear the voyce of the word , or if it be not mixed with faith in the heart hearing , it proves ineffectual . if strength issue forth from the lord , yet if the soul receive not the strength which issueth forth and bubleth up in it , or answer it not in giving up to it and travelling on , the soul abideth where it was at least , if it also retire not backward from that estate and condition , whereto the life had advanced it : for if the vertue of the life and grace be refused , there is an advantage given to death to re-enter , and gain ground by its contrary vertue and power . sixthly , mark therefore diligently , how the lord doth carry on the dispensation of his love and free grace , even as if there were much done by the strength and diligence of the creature . what wounding of it self by repentance ! what striving to believe ! what wrestling against enemies and for the influences of the grace , and to keep the hope up and the distrust out ! what strict watching and waiting , even as if the creature did work out its whole salvation ! seventhly , though the creature seemeth to do much it self ( having received life from the grace , and acting abundantly towards god in the grace ) yet it is the grace and vertue which comes from the creator ( who is also the redeemer ) which indeed doth all : for though the creature repent really , and turn from the darkness with its whole heart , yet the repentance is of the vertue which flows from the grace , and not of the creature which receives the grace : and so likewise is the faith , the love , the obedience , the meekness , the patience , the watching , the waiting , the hoping , &c. yea the very receiving the grace , is not of the creature , but of the grace : for the creature is dead , until it be visited by the grace ; and by the visitation of the grace alone is made alive , and able to receive it . behold then the mystery of redemption . god is all in redemption . god doth all therein as fully as in creation ( it is a new creation ) even the whole work thereof ; yet the creature quickened and renewed is in unity with him in his operations , phil. 2.12 , 13. he whose eyes are opened can read the mystery , and in true understanding say ( if he hath been led and hath proceeded so far ) i am able to do all things through christ that strengtheneth me ; yet not i , but the grace of god in me . now to bring the creature to this , the lord exerciseth it dayly in obedience unto him , in the life and vertue which floweth forth from him , causing it to feel its weakness as it forgets the vertue , or aspires to live of it self on the vertue received , out of the sensible feeling of its dependance upon the spring . and indeed , the vertue that comes from god can alone answer god , and the creature is onely accepted with the spring and father of life , as it is found therein . quest . but if the work of redemption be wrought by god's creating power , how cometh it to meet with so many rubs and interruptions , and sometimes overturnings ? can any thing stop god's creating power ? answ . so far as god absolutely pleaseth to create , nothing can stop or hinder : but the entrance of that , which he beginneth to create , into the creature and its getting a being there , as also the growth and preservation of it there , may be hindred by the force of spiritual enemies , if the lord please to permit , or by the grieving and provoking of that free power , which alone begetteth and preserveth life in the heart . object . then the work of redemption is not carryed on by an absolute free-creating power . answ . the creating power and preserving power is the same , but the work is somewhat different , both in the outward visible creation , and in the inward new-creation . the preservation of that which is created and planted ( unto its growth and perfection ) is by the same power which created and planted : but rather in a way of care , industry , art and skill , than of such immediate force and power , though by the exercise and putting forth of the same vertue and power . there are three things in redemption . first , there is the issuing out of the free grace , love , vertue and divine power towards the creature . secondly , there is the opening of the estate of the creature thereby , convincing and drawing it out of the alienation from the life , towards unity with the life . thirdly , there is the following of the creature after the life , in the quickening vertue of the drawings , through all the snares , temptations , diversions and oppositions of the enemy . now there is no hindring of the issuing forth of the free grace towards the creature , or of those convictions and inclinations of the creature to follow , which necessarily ensue thereupon . but the pursuit and progress of the creature ( or its abiding with the quickening vertue and power ) may many wayes be interrupted and diverted , and so the creature drawn from under the influence of the free covenant : for though the covenant be free , yet the creature onely partakes of it , as it is drawn into it and preserved in it . therefore let those fear , who feel the power and redeeming vertue , and know , that notwithstanding the free and certain promise to the seed , yet the creature is as clay in the hands of the potter , which may be made a vessel of honour or dishonour , as he pleaseth to favour it or take occasion against it . and who ever would pass through the work of salvation and redemption , unto the salvation and redemption it self ; in the living vertue received from the life , let him keep fast hold on the good pleasure , and in it give all diligence to make his calling and election sure , working out his salvation with fear and trembling , because god worketh in him both to will and to do of his good will. and walking diligently and industriously in this path , he may attain the seal of the redemption , even that mark which can never be worn out , and to full assurance of faith in the redeeming power : though it is also possible for him afterwards , through much negligence & grieving the spirit whereby he was sealed , to lose the sight of the mark and the comfort of the assurance , which was once fresh and clear in his spirit . for a close at this time , i shall add a few words concerning the unity of god's grace ( or free light of his spirit ) notwithstanding the various estates and conditions of man whom it visits , and the variety of its operations . there is a threefold state of man , wherein the grace of god visits him . first , the gentile-state , or state of nature . secondly , the jew-state or administration of the law , wherein god takes him under his own tuition , making known his will to him , and requiring obedience of him : and not only so , but also directs him to the inward teacher , and to the principle of the pure fear , which is the place of wisdom's teaching and instructions . thirdly , the gospel-state , or state of faith , where the principle is raised , the seed lives , and that is felt springing up , known and enjoyed , which does the will and receives the promise . now in all these the law , the light , the life , the wisdom , the power is one and the same ; but the administrations are different . in the gentile-state or state of nature , the ●ight which man receives there ( to discover evil and work him into good ) is of the spirit and by vertue of the promise . for he had been everlastingly shut up in the darkness , had it not been for the promise : and it is for the promise sake and from the free grace , that he hath any visitation in the state of nature , and any desires after or leadings towards the good and from the evil ; which spring not nor can spring from corrupted nature , but from the free fountain of the new life . in the law-state the light grows more clear , the teacher is there discerned and acknowledged , his drawings , warnings , instructions and reproofs felt more distinctly , and the soul ( that is watchful ) continually exercised therein . in the gospel-state the principle of life is raised , the promised seed come , the power which doth the will received , and the light of life entring into and possessing the vessel . now this is the whole of man , to wait on the ministration of the life to him in his present-estate , whether he be yet in the estate of nature , or under the law or under grace . to know whence his redemption springs , and to wait on the redeeming arm for the beginnings , progress and perfecting of it : and if he be in the feeling of that vertue , it is enough : or if he be but kept longing and panting after it , it is well : yea , if there be but a desire in him after a thirst , there is hope : nay , if there be but the least feeling of his dead , barren and sensless estate , there is some life in him , which the lord loves and will find a time to express his bowels towards : yea , that which is wholly in the darkness and shut up in the pit , the lord hath bowels in him towards , and after many dayes may please to visit . oh the height , the depth , the length , the breadth of the riches of the mercy and love of god! who knows his yearning towards souls , and his wayes of visiting and redeeming ! o my soul , hope thou in the lord for evermore , and leave not breathing towards him , till thou and his whole creation be filled and satisfied with him ; and then fetch the full breath of life in him for ever . the end . a post-script . i have been treating of the inward work , as it is wrought in the heart by the power , and brought to the sensible experimental knowledge of the creature ; yet would not be so understood , as if i made void what was done without by christ in his own person , or any of those ends and purposes for which it was wrought , and appointed so to be done by the father : though this i know , that the knowledge of those things with the belief therein , or any practices and observations therefrom without the life , can no more profit now , than the jews literal knowledge of the law could profit them , when they were rejected therewith . and since the apostacy , of this latter age especially , i have clearly seen in the spirit of the lord , that the professors knowledge of the letter of the gospel , and cleaving to their apprehensions which they gather therefrom , is become a snare and trap to them , to keep them from feeling the power , and living in the sensibility of the vertue of the grace , even as the jews table ( or gathered knowledge from moses and the prophets ) became their snare and trap. the lord open their eyes in his due time to discern it , that they may not withstand that ministration and revelation of his everlasting gospel , which god seeth good to visit the apostatised world with , after this long dark night of the apostacy ; whereof those that stick in forms , or knowledge of things from the letter without the power , cannot but prove the greatest enemies , opposers and persecutors . now to help them a little , if the lord please , in the rouling of my bowels towards them i find my heart opened , to lay a few things before them . first , with my heart , in the sight of the lord do i own that principle , which formerly wrought in some of them , which i my self was wrought upon by , and knew not onely the outward knowledge which they were acquainted with , but also the inward work : and i also knew what i called the light of nature , and what i called the light of the spirit , the one whereof was not the other , but differed as far as spirit and flesh . second●● i also own all the openings and refreshments which they received from the lord in reading of the scriptures , in their publick or private exercises , and the experiences which they had from god in their own hearts : and i know that these things in themselves were true , in their proportion ; however their present sence , and holding of them out of that wherein they received them , may justly be judged by the spirit of the lord in his servants . thirdly , though those things were true in their day , and in their proportion and measure , yet in them they might lose their vertue and die ; and so they not retain the thing in its life , in its own principle , in the newness of the spirit , in that birth to which god gave it , but onely an image of it in the natural understanding , in the earthly part , in the dead principle : and then their knowledge of god and their experiences cannot but be corrupted , and now become the possession of death , and the engines of death in their hearts . again , god had somewhat further to manifest , even to bring forth that , which they so earnestly prayed for in that day ; which they , having abided in that vertue wherin they prayed , might easily have discerned and embraced : but being out of that , and pleasing themselves with the litteral knowledge of the things they then received , holding them in the wise earthly part , that part cannot but stumble at the low and contemptible appearances of god , which are still offensive to that part . the great glory of god is hid in a little seed , and how can the great eye of the fleshly-wise see it ? we have moses and the prophets , said the jews after the flesh ; but as for this man , we know not whence he is . even so it is now : we know the relation which the scriptures have given of christ by the apostles , we are sure this is of god , say the professors ; but as for this little seed of the kingdom , or light of god in the heart , we cannot believe that all we want is to spring up in it . now fourthly , there is a necessity both of the knowledge of persons to pass away , and also of their experiences to be given up and let fall , in these two cases following . first , when the vertue is withdrawn from them , when death hath caught them , when they become death's goods . for that which is received from the life , is onely profitable to the soul in the vertue of the life . when the earthly part hath caught them and seated it self there , they then become the strong holds of the enemy , and the engines of death to the heart ; so that then life and true relief is not to be had in them , but where the eternal vertue pleases next to appear . secondly , when god hath somewhat to bring forth further in the world or in any particular heart , to make way for it , he brings death upon that which was before living . thus when god is pleased to bring forth a greater measure of faith and power of his spirit , he distresseth the heart , making the fore-going faith and power appear weak and pass away , and many times for a season shutteth up the soul in the unbelief , until the fresh faith and fresh power spring up and arise . and this causeth the necessity of the further dispensations of his eternal vertue to appear , and the beauty of them to shine , which they would not have done so abundantly , had it not been for the fore-going distresse of the hea● ▪ the●●●●●e yet some things further weighty upon my heart to lay before them , needful for them to consider of , which may be serviceable and helpful to them in their present condition , if the lord please to open their hearts and impress them thereon . they are four propositions , relating to the right knowledge of the things of god , which are these following . first , that the knowledge of the things of god comes from the spirit . as the scriptures themselves came from the spirit : so the true knowledge of them is alone given , to any man which receiveth it , by the same spirit . and no man living can know the mind of the words which the spirit spake , but as the same spirit which spake them , gives the meaning of them . secondly , that the knowledge of god ( the living knowledge the serviceable knowledge ) is 〈◊〉 held in the spirit and in the birth which is of the spirit . man's natural part is not the true treasury , nor is man's reason to be master of any of the things of god's spirit ; but that which holds the knowledge of the kingdom , the grace of the kingdom , the living experiences , is that which is born of the seed of the kingdom ; and man's reason is for ever to be shut out of the things of god , further than it bowes , is limited and subjected . thirdly , that the knowledge received from the spirit , is still to be tryed by the spirit . the spirit alone can keep it living , and the spirit alone can tell whether the life and vertue be still in it , or whether death hath caught it : whether it be manna fit for the soul's food ; or manna once given , but now corrupted . o my dear friends , wait to understand my experience concerning this thing , which is this . that which i had certainly received from god , and which the true birth at first had fed on , the earthly birth would be catching at , laying hold of , and treasuring up to feed on at another time . likewise in my reading of the scriptures , i lay open to this great snare of reading in my own will , and of gathering from thence in mine own understanding , & so growing wise concerning the things of god after the flesh : for though , at that time , i was not without living knowledge and experiences of god , yet i knew not how to turn from the death , nor to keep to the life ; and so the bad , the lean , the earthly , the ill-favoured overgrew the good and wel-pleasing to god , and brought it into bitter misery and death . o that ye knew being begotten of the will of the father , and keeping the will of the father , & receiving the bread dayly from his hand . that which man conceiveth concerning the scriptures , is not the pure milk of the word , but that which the breasts gives out : that is it which hath the immediate life , vertue and true nourishment in it . and this must be returned back into the treasury , and not held in the earthly part , in the earthly will and understanding , but received from the life again when it is again needed : yea , this have i often known , that when i have been in great distress , i have received fresh comfort from the lord : but running to that afterwards , it never was able to comfort me , but more deeply wounded me . and thus hath the lord been teaching me to live upon himself , and not upon any thing received from him , but upon the life it self , the mercy , the good pleasure , which proportions out the living bread dayly to the living birth . fourthly , it is easie receiving of knowledge in the earthly part , in the earthly wisdom , out of the spirit and living vertue . when one readeth a scripture , it is easie conceiving and apprehending a meaning ones self , or taking in another man's meaning ; but it is hard abstaining from all conceivings and reasonings of the mind , and waiting for the pure will and opening of the spirit therein . also it is easie retaining of knowledge , and making use of it in the will and wisdom of the earthly mind ( for both these are natural ) but it is hard denying the reason , the thoughts and imaginations , and watching to the spirit . o professors ! wait for the living appearance of god , even for the freshness of his spirit in your spirits , that in that which cometh from the spirit ye may know the spirit , and may also know how to turn to him and abide with him , having the watch set against that wisdom in your selves , which in all ages and generations is eternally shut out of the things of the kingdom , although it may gather , get and hold a vast knowledge of the things of the kingdom in the earthly treasury . thus fleshly israel hath the wisdom of the letter , but spiritual israel the wisdom , vertue and life of the spirit in all ages and generations . and though he that is born after the flesh , despiseth him who is born after the spirit , yet this is god's heir : and the bond-woman , the earthly wisdom , with all her children ( even the greatest giants in knowledge , profe●●●●n of religion and scripture o● 〈◊〉 ) must be cast out , and 〈◊〉 inherit the land of life . this is written that that might be raised in you by the power , which is to inherit the life eternal : and ye not find your souls deceived when the light of that day fully opens , which hath already dawned . i was in a poor low condition , when the lord formerly visited me ; as lost , as undone , as miserable as any . what knowledge , what life , what precious vertue i then received , was from god's grace ; which was still his own , and he might call for it at his pleasure . and surely , he which hath received from the fountain , ought to trust and to give back again to the fountain , when he calleth for it ; and then to remain empty ▪ naked and desolate , until he be 〈◊〉 freely visited . this is an hard ●●ss●n , who can learn it ? who can trust his life with the fountain , and lie open to what follows ? yet this did the lord require of me : and my heart being not willing to part with my life , but striving to retain it , and grow in the first way of the dispensation of the grace unto perfection , he brake it after an unutterable manner , and brought such a misery & desolation upon me as i could not possibly have suspected , having been sealed by him . and now he is teaching me to live more fully upon his grace , or rather upon the spring , where i am nothing , where i can be nothing for ever : but he is and will be what he will be , and when he will be ; and nothing in me can be satisfied with him , but what is of him and lives in him . and here all that i have known , or formerly tasted of him , springs up again at his pleasure ; and i drink of the old wine and also of the new , but have nothing at my own dispose . and when i catch at any thing or would be any thing , i lose the spring and am corrected for my backsliding and adultery of spirit , but am still again visited with fresh love , and the springings up of the fresh power and life , and fresh visitations of the rich mercy and grace , which the everlasting fountain naturally openeth in its own . the pearl is exceeding rich , the treasure of life unutterable ; and he that will possesse it must sell all for it , even all his lusts and corruptions , yea all the riches of his nature ( the best of his will , the best of his wisdom most refined ) nay not onely so , but all the riches of his spirit , all that he hath held or can hold out of the life . then , when he is poor in spirit , and hath nothing in himself but emptiness , nothing so much as to receive or retain the life , but what is formed , groweth up in , and is preserved in the life according to its own meer will and good pleasure ; then alone is h● fit to be comprehended and brought forth in the eternal spring . perfectly happy is he , who is perfectly possessed thereof : yet he is not without a proportion of blessedness also , who is mourning after it and travelling towards it ; which can never be attained by the natural part 's retaining the letter of any spiritual revelation or knowledge , but onely by beginning in the eternal vertue , abiding in it and travelling from death to death , and from life to life , till all be slain which is to die and perish in the way , and all be raised and perfected which is to receive , and live in the kingdom and crown of life for ever ; which the lord layes before all to run after , but none but the spiritual seed ( begotten of and abiding in the spirit ) can obtain . mind then this brief summ. the lost creature , the undone creature , is graciously sought after and visited by the fountain of its life and being . being visited with the mercy and grace , and impressed , it receiveth somewhat of the grace and living vertue from the fountain . having received somewhat , the creature is apt to retain it in the creaturely vessel ( even in the own will , and to inlarge the own wisdom thereby , and so to become somewhat again in it self ) forgetting the spring . as the creature retaineth any thing in the natural part out of the immediate feeling of the living vertue , it corrupts , it adulterates 〈…〉 the living spring . and that , which any one hath thus adulterated with , must be taken from him , and he be made dead to it , and it to him , before he can be recovered into a living state , fit to enjoy what he formerly received , or further to receive of and grow up in the fresh living vertue . the end . the history of the three late, famous impostors, viz. padre ottomano, mahomed bei and sabatai sevi the one, pretended son and heir to the late grand signior, the other, a prince of the ottoman family, but in truth, a valachian counterfeit, and the last, the suppos'd messiah of the jews, in the year of the true messiah, 1666 : with a brief account of the ground and occasion of the present war between the turk and the venetian : together with the cause of the final extirpation, destruction and exile of the jews out of the empire of persia. evelyn, john, 1620-1706. 1669 approx. 152 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38790 wing e3490 estc r17074 12102375 ocm 12102375 54134 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38790) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54134) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 66:12) the history of the three late, famous impostors, viz. padre ottomano, mahomed bei and sabatai sevi the one, pretended son and heir to the late grand signior, the other, a prince of the ottoman family, but in truth, a valachian counterfeit, and the last, the suppos'd messiah of the jews, in the year of the true messiah, 1666 : with a brief account of the ground and occasion of the present war between the turk and the venetian : together with the cause of the final extirpation, destruction and exile of the jews out of the empire of persia. evelyn, john, 1620-1706. [16], 126 p. printed for henry herringman ..., in the savoy : 1669. "the epistle dedicatory" signed: j.e. attributed to john evelyn. cf. bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ottomano, -padre, b. 1641? mehmet bey. shabbethai tzevi, 1626-1676. jews -iran. venice (italy) -history -turkish wars, 17th century. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the three late famous impostors , viz. padre ottomano , mahomed bei , andsabatai sevi . the one , pretended son and heir to the late grand signior ; the other , a prince of the ottoman family , but in truth , a valachian counterfeit . and the last , the suppos'd messiah of the iews , in the year of the true messiah , 1666. with a brief account of the ground , and occasion of the present war between the tvrk and the venetian . together with the cause of the final extirpation , destruction , and exile of the iews out of the empire of persia . in the savoy , printed for henry herringman at the sign of the anchor in the lower-walk of the new-exchange . 1669. to the right honourable henry , lord arlington , &c. principal secretary of state . my lord , these ensuing discourses intitle their original to the noble industry , and affection to truth of an illustrious person ; and to the great and worthy ingenuity of a persian stranger , lately amongst us , from whose mouth i have received the two following first narrations , and from whom i have been abundantly satisfied , that the particulars are of undoubted verity . for the third and last , which concerns the story of that impudent iew , it will need little analogy ; since it proceeds not onely from an eye-witness , but from the hand of a person , who has already gratified the publique with the fruit of many rare and excellent observations , and which becomes due to your lordship upon a just claim ; so as your lordship having been so pleas'd with the first relation , cannot be less with the following , though i should never have presum'd to be their deferent in this unpolish'd dress , had i not receiv'd some assurances of your pardon . it will doubtless appear very strange , that impostures of this magnitude should so long abuse the world , were there no other interest in it than the vanity of the persons , who assume to themselves the titles : whatever the reason of it be ; here we have matter of fact ; and it was more than time the world should at last be disabus'd , which has been so long impos'd on , and even labour'd under the common mistake , that , the cause of this obstinate war and quarrel 'twixt the turk and the venetian was grounded onely upon the taking of sultan osmon and his mother ( pretended son and wife of sultan ibrahim ) by the gallies of malta . this was , my lord , the believed report at my being at venice the very year this action fortun'd ; and it has since gain'd credit , and fill'd our ears , and all the histories of this age , as a thing unquestionable ; but , with what pretence of truth , these papers will both inform your lordship , and give day to some other passages worthy the notice of inquisitive men , and of a conjuncture so seasonable for it ; while the eyes and thoughts of all europe are intent upon the success of candia . what concerns the valachian vagrant will be a service both to his majesty and other christian princes , whom this bold impostor has had the front to abuse ; but eripitur persona — the mask is now off , and i have no more to add , than that of being my lord , your honors most obedient , obliged , and humble servant j. e. to the reader . the great scaliger was wont commonly to say , omnis historia bona , that all history was good ; meaning , that it was worthy of notice , so it were true , and matter of fact , though the subject of it were never so trivial . this , though but a pamphlet in bulke , is very considerable for the matters it containes , and for that it endeavours to informe , and disabuse the world of a current error , which has mingled , and spread it selfe into divers grave relations that have been printed , and confidently published many yeares without suspition . how i came to be enlightned for these pieces , i have in part declar'd in my dedicatory addresses ; and if i forbear to publish the name of that intelligent stranger , and that other person , from whom i receiv'd my informations ; you are to know , that it is not out of fear of being detected of imposture , whil'st we declare against it , and which cannot serve any interest of the relators ; but because , being strangers , or itinerants , and one of them upon his return into his native country ( which may possibly engage them to passe by malta , and other levantine parts obnoxious to these discourses ) it would appear but ingrateful in us to expose them to an inconvenience . let it suffice to assure you , that they are persons of no mean parts , ingenuity and candor ; well acquainted with the eastern countreys and affaires , and that have themselves been witnesses of most of these transastions . it were to be wish'd that our christian monarchs had alwayes near them some dextrous person of this gentlemans abilities ; were it but to discover such cheates as frequently appearing under the disguise of distressed princes , merchants , &c. are , to truth , but spies , and bold impostors , and whom otherwise 't is almost impossible to detect ; not to suggest the many other good offices , as to the eastern commerce and affaires , they might be useful in : but this is more than i have commission to say from those who have no other design in what they relate , than their affection to truth . it is not yet a full year since there went a crafty varlet about the countrey , who pretended himself to be the brother of the famous peter serini ( whose brave and heroick actions had so celebrated him against the turkes ) and related a story by his feign'd interpreter , how he fortun'd to be cast on shore on the west of england , as he was conducting supplies from abroad . this he perform'd with a confidence and success so happily , as caus'd him to be receiv'd , presented , and assisted ( like another mahomed bei ) by divers persons of quality , and some of them my nearest acquaintance , in his pretended iourney to court ; but being at last discover'd in a tipling-house on the rode , where un-mindful of his part and character , he call'd for a pot of ale in too good english , and a more natural tone than became so great a stranger , and the person he put on , we heard no more of the gamester : i wish our fin-land spirit , who is of late dropt out of the clouds amongst us , prove not one of his disciples ; for the age is very fertile ; and i am told , that our mahomed having receiv'd his ajuda de costo from the bounty and charity of a great person of more easie beliefe , is slipt aside for fear of the porters-lodge , and yet 't is possible you may hear more of him before his ramble be quite at a period . you have at the end of the last impostor an account of the jews exile out of that vast empire of persia , happening but the other day ; which , together with the miscarriage of their late messiah ( the twenty-fifth pretender to it ( as i am credibly inform'd , it stands in their own records ) might , one would think , at last open the eyes , and turne the hearts of that obstinate and miserable people : but whil'st the time not yet accomplish'd , i could wish our modern enthusiasts , and other prodigious sects amongst us , who dreame of the like carnal expectations , and a temporal monarchy , might seriously weigh how nearly their characters approach the style and design of these deluded wretches , least they fall into the same condemnation , and the snare of the devil . errata . page 15 , line 17 , read defide . l. 28 r. dignità , 18. 6. r. spina longa , 21 l. 12. r. detected . 24 l. 23 , r. wafer . 30. 14. dele and 58. l. 17. essendo . l. 21. promessa per gli suoi profeti e padri nostri . 59. l. 2. r. digjuni . 66. 11. r. should be wrought . 77 l. 18. r. not onely . 85. 22. r. one that ( as it was said . 93. l. 22. r. tenor . 97. 15. dele which , and read it . 99. 7. r. as that . 110. l. 12. r. cymeterie . the history of padre ottomano , the first impostor . sultan ibrahim began his reign in the year 1049 , according to the turkish hegira or period , which was of our style anno 1640. he was about nine years emperor , and had born to him ( after the first three years ) a son nam'd mahomed , who is the present grand signior now swaying the ottoman scepter : the halaki or great sultana his mother ( for by that adjunct of great she is distinguished from the rest of that high title ) being extreamly weak after her delivery , necessitated them to seek out , and provide a fitting nurse for the new-born infant . but , before we can proceed in the event of that , some other circumstances require the readers attention . it fortun'd that from the year 1640 , to 44 there liv'd in constantinople one giovanni iacobo cesii native of persia , but descended from a noble family in rome , who , being by profession a merchant , did use to traffique not onely in this port , but held commerce likewise in divers other places of the levant ; so as being a man of more than ordinary note , he came at last to be particularly favour'd by the grand signiors chief eunuch , whose name was iumbel aga , otherwise called keslar agasi , a great minion of sultan murad , who deceasing a while after , his following successor confirm'd to him his former charge , which was to take care of the ladies , who were kept in the seraglio , and superintended the women ( for so the name imports ) nor is the dignity of less esteem than that of the visier himself , within the precincts of the seraglio ; since it intitules him to the same access to the emperour his lord and master , whom he serves as pimp of honour ; if there be any true honour in so vile an employment . this kefler aga , eunuch as he was , and of no denomination for sex , ( for his lower-belly was par'd as smooth as his chin , ) would for all this , be thoughr a lover of women ; not for his ability and furniture ; or that he took pleasure in their embraces ; but because it is the style of the countrey , and a mark of good breeding and courtly grandeur . it was upon this occasion that he one day sent for iacobo cesii , and desir'd that he would search out and purchase for him the most elegant and handsome wench he could possibly light upon , amongst such slaves as are daily expos'd to sale in the turkish dominions . the merchant was not longbe'r he happen'd upon a very beautiful creature , of a modest countenance , and , as near as could be guess'd , a virgin. he bought her , and brought her to the aga , who being extreamly taken with her shape and mine , pay'd him for her 450 dollers , which was the price she was valued at . but this pretty girle had , for all her simpering and innocent demeanour , been corrupted , it seems , before she came to the eunuch ; and after some time that she had been with him , ( for he kept her in a house of his own , and not in the seraglio ) ▪ was suspected to be with child . her lord was wonderful importunate to sift out who it was that might be the father of her great belly ; but she would by no means be induc'd to discover it ; which so incensed him , that the aga forthwith causes her to be turn'd out of doores ; and thus for some time she remained in disgrace , though in the house of her major damo , to whom he had given her to be disposed of , till she was at last brought to bed of a goodly boy . some time after the child was born , the aga , whether mov'd with compassion or curiosity , we need not enquire , begins to discover a most passionate desire to see the little bastard ; which was no sooner brought to him , but being exceedingly pleas'd with the babe , he immediately orders it a rich vest , and other fine things to wear , though it was then not above eight or nine moneths old ; commanding that it should still be kept in his stewards house , where it was born . it fortun'd , that not long after was the birth of the present turkish emperour ; and the great sultana ( as we said ) being indisposed , the grand aga was sent for to provide a nurse for the young prince , that care belonging likewise particularly to his charge : immediately the aga reflects upon his disgrac'd slave , whom he speedily sent for to him , and brought to court , ( together with her pretty by-blow , the present padre ottomano ) recommending her for a nurse to the royal infant , upon which account she stay'd near two whole years in the seraglio : sultan ibrahim ( father of the young prince ) during this time grew so taken with the nurses boy , as being much a lovelier child than his own , that he grew infinitely fonder of him ; which so inrag'd and displeas'd the great sultana , that being now no longer able to dissemble her resentment , she grew in wroth with ibrahim , and gave a second and more cruel exilement to the unfortunate nurse , and her darling child ; whom she banish'd out of the seraglio , and could never after abide the aga that introduc'd them . this violent action of the sultana made , you may imagine , a foul house in the court , and it grew at last to that height , that the emperour ( who took it greatly to heart , his pretty favorite should be thus thrown out of the seraglio , running one day to the sultana , he snatches his son out of her arms , and threw him into a piscina or large fountain , which was near them , where he had like to have been drown'd . this passionate and unnatural action of ibrahim inrag'd the sultana now more then ever against the aga , so as she sought all occasions possible to put him to death , as imputing the ill-nature of her lord the emperour to some wicked impressions of his favorite ; but chiefly , for his bringing the fair slave and her bastard into the seraglio . the continual hatred and machinations of the g. sultana caused the aga to consult his safety ; and besides , he was not a little apprehensive of the capricious and unconstant humour of ibrahim , who being of a weak complexion and understanding , he feared might in time be wrought upon by the sultana to destroy him ; and therefore makes suit to the emperour that he would permit him to go on pilgrimage to mecha , since absence might possibly mitigate her fury ; and for that he was now grown aged , and less capable of doing him service in his charge , which he desired he would give him leave to resign . but ibrahim , finding him by long experience to be a discreet person , and one that had faithfully served the emperour his brother , would by no means hearken to his request , or permit him to go from him ; since as the constitution of the seraglio stands , that had been to have for ever depriv'd him of a servant , whom he so dearly loved . for you are to understand , that whoever obtains leave to go that holy pilgrimage , is ipso facto made free ; no eunuch belonging to the seraglio ( being slaves of honour to the grand signior ) can obtain his liberty , but by the emperours especial grace ; which also entitles him to a certain annual pension , arising from the revenue of grand cairo , set apart for such rewards : and for this reason it was , that ibrahim was very unwilling to part with his eunuch : however , being vanquish'd at last with his continual importunity , and for that it was upon condition , that notwithstanding the custom● and style of the seraglio in such cases , he should go but as his slave , and having perform'd his devotion , return to him again , and to the office which he would have resign'd ; he grants him his request . upon this stipulation he dismisses his favourite , and the eunuch prepares for his iourney in the caravan of alexandria ; the grand signior having at that time never a man of war in the port. the whole fleet consisted of but eight vessels , whereof giafer commanded the first , mahumed the second , arab ogli the third , ( this arab o●li was pa●tner with the above-nam'd gio iacobo cesii ) cura mahumed commanded the fourth , memi the fifth , bodur the sixth , nicola a christian the seventh ; and ian● another christian captain the eighth , who brought up the rear : these being ready to set saile , the aga embarkes with his family , and whole equipage ( amongst which was his beautiful slave , and her little son ) in the first ship , whereof , as we said , giafer was commander : and now directing their course towards alexandria , they touch'd a while at scio ( an island in the archipelago ) where lingering some little time , they happen'd to meet with a certain dominican fryer ( well beloved of the chief of the country ) whom , for a former prevarication with them in matter of religion , they would needs have constrained to abjure his faith , and become a turke ; which the religious man refusing to do , the cruel eunuch caus'd him to be immediately burnt alive : this was in the year 1644. loosing from scio , they were surpriz'd with a dismal tempest , which caus'd them to put in at rhodes , where they were likewise forc'd to continue for some dayes e'r they durst adventure out ; but at last pursuing their intended voyage from thence ( being now about 15 leagues distant from rhodes ) they discover six gallies : it fortun'd to be a great calme , and yet they were hardly within ken , so as to distinguish what they were ; yet supposing they might be the gallies of bailer ( who are certain turkish guardians of the archipelago ) that were making towards them , they seem'd not to be so much concern'd : but when a little after they came to find their mistake , and that they belonged to malta , they were strangely surpriz'd , and in great confusion what to resolve on ; for divers vessels of their company were so dispers'd , by reason of the calme , that they could not possibly joyn them ●or want of vvind . this happen'd upon the tenth of may , in the year 1644. well , for all this , the aga resumes courage , prepares for the conflict ; and upon their approach , begins bravely to defend himself . the fight continues for some time ve●y fiercely on either part , and not without mutual loss ; till by an unlucky broad-side from one of the malta-gallies , the eunuch receives a canonade on his breast , which dash'd him into the sea ; and at the same instant , there was also fallen dead the fair sciabas , ( for so was that female slave nam'd , a russe by nation , and mother of our padre ottomano ) without any mark or wound , or so much as the least bruise to be found , which made divers believe she dy'd of very fright and apprehension ; and with these perish'd likewise divers others in that vessel ; upon which the rest immediately struck saile , and submitted to mercy . the maltezes now boarding their prizes , and seeing so many women , eunuchs , and other passengers ( for as we recounted , one of these vessels was wholly taken up by the aga , and his domesticks ) asked , what pretty child that was ? the distracted people , partly out of terror , and haply , upon hope of better quarter , tell them , that he was the son of sultan ibrahim going to meca to be circumcis'd . greatly pleas●d with their success , they set saile immediately for malta , where the hopes of their fancied prize had so far exalted them , that they soon noys'd it over all christendome , that they had taken the grand signiors son , and the sultana his mother , with many like stories which pass'd about the vvorld for current , and it gain'd credit , and was indeed generally believ'd by themselves : nay , the whole colledge , and religion of malta were so elated and possess'd with the conceit of it , that they began seriously to consult of proposing an exchange for rhodes , which had been their antient seat , and which they almost made themselves as good as sure of . the great master , and the grand croci were absolutely of th●s opinion ; and did thereupon write letters to constantinople , to smyrna , and to several other places and correspondences , to certifie where they might find their young prince , and his mother , provided they would come up to their conditions . for though she were dead in the combate , yet it seems they had either drest up a property to personate her amongst the she-slaves that were taken , or willing to have it believed so , and both her own , and the portrait of her young son , were painted to the life , and familiarly sold in italy and france , for the better confirmation of this beliefe : but after long expectations , receiving no answer to their satisfaction , they begin to be in some doubt , and could not well divine what to make of it , and whether they were not all this while deluded of their boast , and entertain'd in suspense to abuse them ; for so it appears they were to the very year 1649. but how farr this contributed to the quarrel with the venetians , whom they unexpectedly surpriz'd soon after , will be made appear by the sequel . it was in this year that the person who gives us this information ( returning from rome , where he had finish'd his studies in the colledge de propaganda fide ) into his native country of persia , happen'd in his journey to arrive at malta ; where making some stay , he came to be known to divers of the order , and principal persons there ; as namely to the treasurer , several of the grand croci , to the great master himself , the commandator , the general of the gallies , and most of the nobility there . the grand master was then iohannes lascaris , the grand commandator , monsieurde la helle , the general monsieur de beauchamp , &c. to omit the rest . these enter into a solemn consultation , what was to be done to fift out the truth , and value of their prize ; that is , to know whether the child were indeed sultan ibrahims son or no ; and finding this person , as they conceiv'd , a fit instrument for their purpose , as being well experienc'd in the turkish language , and the customes of their country , and for some other relations of his at the port , and one who had given them good markes of his capacity and faithfulness , they resolve to dispatch him forthwith to constantinople , accompanyed onely with three or four turkish slaves , who had redeem'd themselves , and with instructions to their envoye how the design was to be managed . signior pietro ( for so we will now call him ) sailes from malta , arrives at constantinople ; makes friends in the seraglio ; enquires with all the sedulity imaginable , whether any child of the grand signiors were missing ? and whether it were true , that the hasaki , or great sultana , had some years since been lost , or taken by the maltezes in her pilgrimage towards mecha ? &c. but after all the dilligence he could possibly make , he could never discover any likelihood , or so much as shadow of it : in sum , he finds there was not a syllable of it true ; and that the religion of malta had all the while but abused themselves in their credulity , and all christendom in the report of it . pietro writes back to the religion , and assures them by many indubitable evidences , nay oathes and affidavit's , which he had procur'd , and several other effects of his dilligence , that it was all imposture , and that they ought to give credit to the romance no longer , or hope for the least advantage by it : this was in the year 1650 ; for so long , and somewhat longer it was , e'r they would be dis-abus'd : and now at last they begin to defend themselves , and by little and little to let their boasting dye , and to neglect any farther ceremony to their pretended royal captive ; in short , they now grew very cold , hardly made any more account of him ; yet so , that having for a long time abus'd the world , as asham'd at their credulity , and to prevent reproach , they continually endeavour'd to have it still thought true ; and therefore gave the boy the title of ottomano , which he weares to this day , non per dignitatem ( sayes our ingenious informer ) ma per la vanita . this is the true and real history of the so much talk'd-of padre ottomano , and consequently of that groundless and vulgar opinion , which has been spread so long about , that this accident alone was the onely sourse and cause of the grand signiors quarrel with the venetians , but of which there is so little appearance ; the interest of that republick , being so different from that of the maltezes , who are sworn never to be at peace with those miscreants ; whil'st the venetians , on the contrary , were in a profound , and un-interrupted league with them . it is indeed commonly pretended , that contrary to a stipulation with the grand signior , the venetians had protected the knights of malta , after this exploit of surprizing the sultana and her son , going with an infinite treasure to mecha ; but the truth is , finding no occasion to commence the war upon this suggestion , they give out another , and which is believed was the more real ground of it . in the reign of sultan amorat , there were destroy'd and burnt by the venetians no less than five and twenty fusti barbaresche , or barbary gallies , who were rovers and pyrats upon those seas , and greatly infested the commerce ; these they attaqu'd in the port of avelona , demolishing withal their castle : complaint hereof being made to morud , he was provok'd to declare war against them as the first aggressors ; though in truth this had been no violation of any article between them : however , upon their earnest instigation , amurat seems highly to resent the affront , as done against his allies ; hereupon the venetians offer to give them two galeasses in satisfaction , and to pay for all the losse which they had sustain'd . but in this interim the grand signior ingag'd in the war at babylon , dyes soon after his return , and leaves the quarrel to his brother isruhim ; who , insensed also somewhat more for the vessels that were destroy'd , upon the neck as it were of this , by the maltezes , when padre ottomano was taken by them , and his favorite aga slain ( his design , which was first against the maltezes failing ) without the least pretence of renewing his predecessors qua●rel with the venetians , or declaring any formal war ) with a fleet of near 500 saile , he lands an army of threescore thousand men near the city canea , and in little time became master of that , and of the whole kingdome beside ; candia the metropolis , spina songa , carbusa , suda , and some very few posts more excepted , and leaves the pursuit of this war to his son mahomed , who has continued it to this present day . by what accident the maltezes contributed to the fatal rousing of this immane lyon we have seen , but without the least appearance of intituling it to the merit of this supposititious child and his mother , upon which yet it is so vulgarly and so weakly founded . but what may farther elucidate the utter impossibility of ottomano's title , as heir to that family , 't is notoriously known , that the last emperor of the turks ( father to the sulran now reigning ) never had but three sons ; that the present grand signior was alwayes the eldest ; and that the other two ( by an extraordinary effect of their brothers good-nature , or address of the present valadir or do●ager ) are still living in the seraglio , out of whose precincts they are never allow'd to stir abroad , but in company of the grand signior , and under the strictest guard : next , that no prince of the ottoman blood , or the sultana her self , does ever travel to any place whatsoever out of the palace , but when the emperor goes himself in person . this being so , how probable and likely it is , he should hazard the great sultana , and the heir of the crown in a weak and ordinary caravan , with so small an equipage , and so little concernment for their losse , as never so much as to treate about their release , &c. let any rational man determine upon mature consideration , and prospect of the circumstances . besides , as our intelligence argues and assures us , those of malta are so insatiably covetous , that if they could sell even the very maltezes themselves , they would not stick to make money of them ; and that it is familiar with these holy corsaires , to spoil all the oriental christians , without distinction , who come in their way ; neither regarding their faith , nor their profession : so as when ever they surprize any miserable slaves , who for the diead of torment have been forc'd to turne renegadoes ; but would now most chearfully revert to their faith again ; the maltezes will not hearken to them , but sell them a second time to the turkes , to satisfie their prodigious avarice : how much more then ( as our informer concluded ) had it been to their advantage , to have sold this pretended royal boy , being a natural turke ; than to have suffer'd him to become a christian ? but they reserv'd him upon furture hopes , and when they perceiv'd that fail them , to rid their hands of the expense of the mock-state , they had so long been at , and yet to preserve their reputation , make out their boast , and credit their rel●gion ; they find a pretence of sending him to be bred in italy , and now suffer him to be made a dominican fryer forsooth , under the pompous title of padre ottomano . the story of mahomed bei , who calls himself ioannes michael cigala ; being at the writing hereof in the court of england ; where this second impostor was first delated . the better to acquaint our reader with the successful impudence of this famous impostor , he is to understand , that this rodomontade had lately publish'd a book , at his being not long-since in france , to which he had procur'd the french kings licence , with all the formalities of it , which he intitles , the history of mahomet bei , or iohn michel de cigala , prince of the imperial blood of the ottomans ; to which he annexes other his dignities , bassa and soveraign plenipotentiary of ierusalem , and of the kingdome of cyprus , trebizond , &c. dedicated to the french king with a front of steele . in this treatise , or rather romance of his knight-errantry , he sums up the antiquity of the family of cigala , which he extracts out of several grave and sober authors ; intituling it to most of the royal houses and crown'd-heads of europe ; making himself at last to be descended from scipio , son of the famous vicount de cigala , who was taken prisoner by the turkes anno 1561 , after that signal battel and victory of the great andrea● oria. this scipio , being now a captive with his father , and perswaded to renounce the faith , was , as he pretends , advanc'd to the dignity and charge of grand visier , by solyman the magnificent , under the new name of sinan bassa ; after that honour , he was made prime aga , or generalissimo of the ianizaries ; then seraschier or general of the whole army ; sometimes higher , and sometimes lower ; and at last again first visier , and second bassa of the port , and had above all this preferred to him in marriage several great ladies , whom he names , and amongst the rest , canou salie sultana , daughter of sultan achmet , sister of osman , and sultan amurad ( who took babyl●n ) and of ibrahim father to the emperour now reigning . from this illustrious mother our bei deriving himself , he goes on to relate the story of his princely education under the mufti , and of the strange and prodigious accidents that advanc'd him first to tephlici or vice-roy of the holy-land , where we have the miraculous dream and vision , and the assistance of the good hermite , and his own christian physitian , by which he became converted to the faith , and diverted from his sacrilegious purpose of plundering the chappels of the holy sepulchers in ierusalem of the silver lamps , and other sacred treasure , which he reports to be there in great abundance ; but that still dissembling his profession , he got to be advanc'd to the government of cyprus , &c. here he acquaints the reader how he came to be made absolute commander of all the forces design'd against candy ; and that being of the first who entred that city , he privately heard , and assisted at mass , deliver'd many christian slaves , &c. hence , after two years gallantry , and notorious exploits , ( which no man ever heard of but himself ) the succeeding emperor constituted him soveraign of babylon , caramania , magnesia , and divers other ample territories . in his iourney about these governments another miracle confirms him at iconium , by the wonderful iuster of an inclosed host , in which a splendid child appear'd through the chest or cabinet of a certain christian woman that had procur'd and lock'd up a consecrated water , for fear of her jealous and unbelieving husband ; to this adding the phaenomenon of no less than nine extraordinary and refulgent stars , which appear'd for divers nights over a place where certain christians had lately been martyr'd . coming back from iconium to candy a second time , he communicates his resolution of openly declaring his conversion , and consequently of quitting his high employments : but the poor iesuit ( his ghostly father ) unhappily dies before it could be accomplished , and so , as fate would have it , does that other intimate confident of his designs , lazaro moccenigo , the venetian general . upon this disaster our illustrious bei conveys himself again to constantinople , where he is made vice-roy of trabisond , and generalissimo of the black sea in order to his purpos'd retreat . upon the confines of this it was , that he trusts a vast treasure of iewels , &c. to a great person whom he had redeemed out of slavery from the tartars , and dispatch'd before him into moldavia , which was the rendezvous agreed upon , and where he had appointed to meet him upon the first opportunity of totally renouncing the grand signiors service , to declare himself the christian , which he had hitherto but disguiz'd . chamonsi ( for so was this confidents name ) in stead of receiving his friend and benefactor at the place design'd , plotted with the governour of moldavia to have perfidiously surprized and slain him ; but our don herchio bei , after wondrous proofs of his valour , and giving death to almost all that oppos'd him , escapes their hands , though extreamly wounded ; in this plight , he meets with a poor shepherd , with whom he changes his princely robes for the shepherds gray coat , and travels on his ten-toes a tedious and unknown way for many days together . in this unfortunate encounter it was that he lost his faithful counsellour , another iesuite , and all his glorious retinue , who were every one of them kill'd upon the spot , save one poor honest iew , and in this lamentable condition came our devout prince on foot , and in the snow to the cossaque army , then in hostility against the muscovite , amongst whom he found three souldiers that he had formerly freed from turkish captivity . these were the first who made his quality known to their chief , by whom he was civilly treated , and p●●swaded to honour muscovy with his intended baptism : but our prince designing from the beginning to make his solemn profession at rome , and receive that sacrament from his holiness's own hands , the captain being , it seems , a schismatick , and of another church , neglects and despises him , whom he had hitherto so generously treated . upon this the prince steals secretly away from the cossaques , and by the assistance of another vertuous iew , ( who likewise knew him ) he at last got safe into poland , where the then queen , lovize de gonzagues , hearing the report of his approach , and illustrious quality , receives him ( as himself relates it ) with infinite respect ; and , in fine , prevails with him to honour the cathedral of warsovia with his baptism , which is perform'd by the archhishop of the place , the queen her self standing at the font , and giving the name of iohn , to our cousen german of the ottoman emperour : here we have a relation of the extraordinary pomp of that ceremonie , as well as of that of his confirmation which dignified him with another name . taking now leave of warsovia he travels towards lauretto in pilgrimage to our lady ; from thence he goes to rome ; at first ●ncognito , making himself known on●●● to 〈◊〉 sa●ctity , with a brief recapitulation of his ●●ventures . this was to alexander 〈◊〉 viith , whose benediction 〈◊〉 , he returns into poland again to 〈◊〉 and pay his duty to his royal god-mother . in this journey he was known to divers great persons travelling through germany , especially to the famous n. serini , and this being at a time when the emperour was at difference with the turk , our hero could not but shew some marks of his courage , and affection to the cause he had espoused , which he now signalizes , in not onely offering himself a voluntier , but by fighting hand to hand with the turkish general himself , whom he kill'd upon the spot before both the armies , performing other stupendous exploits , which would have seem'd incredible had not himself related it . for this , and other his egregious services , his imperial majestie after a thousand caresses and presents of infinite value , creates him captain guardian of his artillery , and 't is a wonder how he escap'd the golden fleece . but nothing of all this would prevail with him to stay longer at vienna . for the peace being now concluded , he returns incognito to lauretta again , thence makes an excursion into sicily to visit some aliances and great kindred , which he had living there . excessive are the complements and presents which he received from the great princes of germany and italy in this progress . arriv'd in sicily , don pedro d' arragon receives and treats him in his palace , and the whole city of messina meet and attend him , acknowledging him of the illustrious house of the cigala's , from which that countrey had , it seems , received many great benefits . from sicily he passes through calabria towards rome again , visiting divers of his friends and kindred in the way , and arriving at naples has done him the same honors of the vice-roy and nobility there , and so by sea imbarks for rome , into which he now makes his publike entry , and obtain'd audience accordingly of clement the ixth , before whom in a bravado he draws and flourishes his dreadful cimeter , in token of his defiance of the enemies of the church . here it is you have him received , and presented by the pope , the nephew , the cardinals , ambassadors , and in summe by all the nobility of this mistress of the world ; till resolving to bless france with his presence , touching a little at venice and turino , he at last arrives at paris , where he was received of that great monarch , who no sooner hears of his arrival , but he forthwith commands the duke of st. agnan with coaches and an equipage sutable to this princely guest , and to introduce this glorious stranger . the king receives him according to his high quality , so nearly related to his antient allie the turk ; and so does monsieur the dauphin , his altess-royal , and all the grandees of that court , not forgetting the grand prior , and to be sure , the knights of malta , &c. a palace being assign'd him , and at last a present made him , no less than two chains of gold ( they should have been doubtless something else ) with the king and queens effigies medalized at his taking leave of that kingdom . thus far goes the printed relation of our errant , i had almost said , recreant knight , with the elogies latine and french , which prepare the reader for the wonders and adventures of his life . but now if upon examination of all this geer and enormous rhapsody , we take the boldness to deplume our gallant of his mutuatitious and borrow'd feathers ; and that our ottoman prince , who has brav'd it so long and so successfully amongst the birds of feather , shall prove at last but a iack-daw . spectatum admissirisum teneatis , amici ? this impudent vagabond then , and pretended mahound bei , that has indeed abused the french king , and believ'd he should have done the same to his majestie of england , is in fine a natives of walachia , born of christian parents in the city of trogovisti : they were formerly very opulent and well to pass , and his father in good esteem with the prince matthias vaivoda of moldavia . his father dying , our pretended cigala was taken into the service of the prince , as his father had been before him , and sent in the retinue of his resident to constantinople about twenty years since ; after some time spent there , he returns into his countrey , where he grew intimately acquainted with a married priest ( as in that place they are permitted to be ) and made love to his wife ; but the woman , the better to colour and conceal the familiarity and courtship that was between them , makes her husband believe he had a kindness for her daughter , and in so honorable and decent a way , that the simple man believes her , and entertaining him more like a domestique now than a lover , suffers him even to govern his little family . but it seems our rampant amoroso could not so govern himself , but the priest began to suspect and discover his villany ; for either he did , or would have lain with both mother and daughter . upon this he is complained of to the vaivoda , who sought all means possible to have apprehended and executed him according to their law ; and that not only for this his inhospitable crime ; but for sundry other most notorious delicts and misdemeanors , of which he had been formerly convicted . but , it seems , having timely notice of it , he gets away again to constantinople , where he remained till the decease of prince matthias , after which he comes back impudently into walacria again , thinking all had been now forgotten , and that by some address or other , he might procure to be receiv'd amongst the great men of his countrey ; but when upon some attempts that he made , he perceived they had discovered who he was , and would have laid hold on him , and chastiz'd him for his former insolencies ; to constantinople he retires a third time , where despairing after a while of his designs at home , he makes himself turk , and turns perfect renegado . since these exploits he has rang'd from place to place about christendom , and in countries where he was wholly unknown , with that specious story , or rather monstrous imposture of his being so nearly related to the present grand signior , and the dignities and charges he has quitted for the love of christ ; by which he has rom'd about the world , been caress'd and really presented by divers great persons , and especially by the french king , &c. with this confidence and expectation he came lately into england , had the fore-head to present himself , and the legend of his life to his majestie . frequented the court in his ottoman garb and eastern-mode , till a person of great quality , who had seen him the last year at vienna in austria ( where he durst pretend to nothing of all this ) del●ted the imposture , and a persian gentleman lately a stranger , and by meer accident here at that time , confirms this relation of him , from whose mouth we receiv'd it , together with this account of the illustrious family of the cigala , which with a few reflections upon some passages of the pamphlet we mention'd ( which does abundantly discover this audacious hypocrite ) shall dispatch this second impostor . sinen bassa otherwise called cigala , had but two sons , grand-children of sultan soliman : the eldest son of sinen was named alii ; the second mahomed : alii deceas'd after his father . sinen a little since , and the second remained alive . this mahomed married the sisters daughter of sultan mahomed about the year of their hegira 1003 and of our aera 1594 of which daughter he had born a son called also mahomed after the name of his father . this youth was of a singular good disposition , ingenious , and of a sprit-full wit , without great ambition , or affecting of command , but add●cted rather to the sof●er pleasures of life , and was in summe , the darling both of sultan mahomet , and achmet , and indeed of all that succe●ded in the empire to the reign of sultan mahomed han the present grand signior , who called him gioran capuci pasha , a title the emperor usually bestows on those who are dignified with the office of secret porters of the seraglio , and whose charge it is to attend upon all extraordinary occasions , and that are sometimes dispatch'd to cut off the head of a visier , or bassa , and such signal executions . this capuci pasha we find afterward made general in candia , and by degrees ascended to be grand visier , but he enjoys not that honor long ; for he died in that war about fifteen or sixteen years since . this is what we can yet discover concerning sinen , otherwise , cigala . but there is indeed besides this , another very noble family of the cigala's about scio : who are , 't is believ'd , a branch of the race of the genoveses , and who are at present called at scio , cigal ogli , which imports as much to say as son of cigali , or sons of meni pasha c●gala . this meni pasha had two sons that arriv'd both to be bassa's and captains of gallies ; one of which was called beker pasha , the other holein bassa . beker died some while since , and holein is yet , i suppose , living : it is not believed that our impostor mahomed bei is brother to holein , as he somewhere boasts himself ; because it is against all appearance of truth ; neither is it probable , that though some of the cigali might be merchants , that therefore any of them should go into ch●istendom to change their religion , and renounce a government so great and glorious as that of being sole moderator of the whole ottoman empire ( for to no less does this impost●r pretend ) without that ever we should hear of it but from his own trumpet . if conjecture may be admitted in this case , how this braggadocio comes to assume the name of cigala , 't is possible his fathers name may be found to have been cigo ; which founding near that of cigala , might prompt him to usurp the title of that illustrious house . there are innumerable instances throughout his legend which fall under the same suspicion ; some whereof are notorious falsities , divers of them incongruous and contradictory ; and if there were no other than that of his egregious ignorance in the turk●sh language ( which he pretends to be his maternal tongue , but blatters very imperfectly ) besides his gross unskilfulness in the ottoman court and oriental affairs , it were sufficient to disabuse the world , and to brand him for a most impudent impostor . some passages out of his book animadverted . page 14. that the vicount cigala dying in constantinople in the time of his captivity , his funeral was openly solemniz'd by permission of solyman ; his corps publiquely carried through the town with the cross and holy-water , followed and accompanied by all the ambassadors of christian princes then at the port , and all the religious orders of the city to the church of saint francis , where he was interred according to the forms of christian burial ; almost every particular of which carries a notorious confutation , as all who understand any thing of that time and place do well know . page 1. selim made cipio cigala visier , and second bassa of the port : consider if this were likely , that being a descent ; and page 21. whether to be captain bassa be a greater honor than to be prime visier ? page 45. whether the grand signior uses to permit any officer to suspend execution , or use ceremony in decollation , when he is the highest incensed ? page 58. whether there be any such treasures of plate , &c. and other precious things among the poor friers at the holy sepulchre in ierusalem . page 86. whether the turks make use of any christian physicians ? page 90. whether the war with 〈◊〉 venetian was onely for the surprising of ibrahims eldest son by the knights of malta with the sultana his mother , as she went to have him circumcised at meca ? which we have already confuted ? page 112. 't is to be considered how timely he makes his two iesuites and maccenigo die , the chief and onely authentique testimonies of his conversion and pretended exploits . page 150. that this happens to be known by none save two or three poor slaves , and as many iews , neither of which appear with him . page 167. that he produces not his story 'till after the death of both the queen of poland his god-mother , and , i suppose , the archbishop too , who he pretends to have baptiz'd him . page 167. the captain guardianship of the emperors artillery , is , ( as we are informed ) no more than master of the carriages , which is all he had to produce here for his grand diploma , without a word of any thing else to the purpose of the rest of his high pretences . the history of sabatai sevi , the pretended messiah of the iewes , in the year of our lord , 1666. the third impostor . according to the predictions of several christian writers , especially of such who comment on the apocalyps , or revelations , this year of 1666 was to prove a year of wonders , of strange revolutions in the world , and particularly of blessing to the iewes , either in respect of their conversion to the christian faith , or of their restoration to their temporal kingdome : this opinion was so dilated , and fixt in the countreys of the reformed religion , and in the heads of phanatical enthusiasts , who dreamed of a fift monarchy , the downfall of the pope , and antichrist , and the greatness of the iewes : in so much , that this subtile people judged this year the time to stir , and to fit their motion according to the season of the modern prophe●ies ; whereupon strange reports flew from place to place , of the march of multitudes of people from unknown parts into the remote desarts of arabia , supposed to be the ten tribes and halfe , lost for so many ages . that a ship was arrived in the northern parts of scotland with her sailes and cordage of silke , navigated by mariners who spake nothing but hebrew ; with this motto on their sailes , the twelve tribes of israel . these reportes agreeing thus near to former predictions , put the wild sort of the world into an expectation of strange accidents , this year should produce in reference to the iewish monarchy . in this manner millions of people were possessed , when sabatai sevi first appear'd at smyrna , and published himself to the iewes for their messiah , relating the greatness of their approaching kingdome , the strong hand whereby god was about to deliver them from bondage , and gather them from all partes of the world. it was strange to see how the fancy took , and how fast the report of sabatai and his doctrine flew through all partes where turkes and iews inhabited ; the latter of which were so deeply possessed with a beliefe of their new kingdome , and riches , and many of them with promotion to offices of government , renown , and greatness , that in all parts from constantinople to buda ( which it was my fortune that year to travel ) i perceiv'd a strange transport in the iewes , none of them attending to any business unless to winde up former negotiations , and to prepare themselves and families for a journey to ierusalem : all their discourses , their dreames , and disposal of their affaires tended to no other design but a re-establishment in the land of promise , to greatness , glory , wisdome , and doctrine of the messiah , whose original , birth , and education are first to be recounted . sabatai sevi was son of mordechai sevi , an inhabitant , and natural of smyrna , who gained his livelihood by being broaker to an english marchant in that place ; a person , who before his death was very decrepit in his body , and full of the goute , and other infirmities , but his son sabatai sevi addicting himself to study , became a notable proficient in the hebrew and metaphysicks ; and arrived to that point of sophistry in divinity and metaphysicks , that he vented a new doctrine in their law , drawing to the profession of it so many disciples , as raised one day a tumult in the synagogue ; for which afterwards he was by a censure of the cho●hams ( who are expounders of the law ) banished the city . during the time of his exile , he ●ravelled to thessalonica , now called salonica , where he marryed a very handsome woman ; but either not having that part of oeconomy as to govern a wife , or being importent towards women , as was pretended , or that she found not favour in his eyes , she was divorced from him : again , he took a second wife , more beautiful then the former , but the same causes of discontent raising a difference between them , he obtained another divorce from this wife also . and being now free from the incumbrances of a family , his wandring head mov'd him to travel through the morea , thence to tripoli in syria , gaza , and ierusalem ; and by the way picked up a ligernese lady , whom he made his third wife , the daughter of some polonian or german , her original and parentage not being very well known . and being now at ierusalem he began to reforme the law of the iewes , and abolish the fast of tamnz ( which they keep in the moneth of iune ) and there meeting with a certain iew called nathan , a proper instrument to promote his design ; he communicated to him his condition , his course of life , and intentions , to proclaime himself messiah of the world , so long expected and desired by the iewes . this design took wonderfully with nathan ; and because it was thought necessary according to scripture , and antient prophesies , that elias was to precede the messiah , as st. iohn baptist was the fore-runner of christ : nathan thought no man so proper to act the part of the prophet as himself ; and so no sooner had sabatai declared himself the messiah , but nathan discovers himself to be his prophet , forbiding all the fasts of the iewes in ierusalem ; and declaring , that the bridegroom being come , nothing but joy , and triumph ought to dwell in their habitations ; writing to all the assemblies of the iewes , to perswade them to the same beliefe . and now the schisme being begun , and many iewes really believing what they so much desired , nathan took the courage and boldness to prophesie , that one year from the 27th of kislen , ( which is the moneth of iune ) the messiah shall appear before the grand signor , & take from him his crown , and lead him in chaines like a captive . sabatai also at gaza preached repentance to the iewes , and obedience to himself and doctrine , for that the coming of the messiah was at hand : which novelties so affected the iewish inhabitants of those partes , that they gave up themselves wholly to their prayers , almes , and devotions ; and to confirme this beliefe the more , it hapned , that at the same time that newes hereof , with all perticulars were dispatched from gaza , to acquaint the brethren in forrain partes : the rumour of the messiah hath flown so swift , and gained such reception , that intelligence came from all partes and countreys where the iewes inhabit , by letters to gaza , and ierusalem , congratulating the happiness of their deliverance , and expiration of the time of their servitude , by the appearance of the messiah . to which they adjoyned other prophesies , relating to that dominion the messiah was to have over all the world : that for nine moneths after he was to disappeare ; during which time the iewes were to suffer , and many of them to undergoe martyrdom : but then returning again mounted on a caelestial lyon , with his bridle made of serpents with seven heads , accompanyed with his brethren the iewes , who inhabited on the other side of the river sabation , he should be acknowledged for the sole monarch of the universe ▪ and then the holy temple should descend from heaven already built , framed , and beautified , wherein they should offer sacrifice for ever . and here i leave you to consider , how strangely this deceived people was amused , when these confident , and vain reports , and dreams of power , and kingdomes , had wholly transported them from the ordinary course of their trade , and interest . this noise and rumour of the messiah , having begun to fill all places , sabatai sevi resolved to travel towards smyrna , the country of his nativity ; and thence to constantinople the capital city , where the principal work of preaching was to have been performed : nathan thought it not fit to be long after him , and therefore travels by the way of damascus , where resolving to continue some time for better propagation of this nes doctrine ; in the meane while writes this letter to sabatai sevi , as followeth . 22. kesvan of this year . to the king , our king , lord of our lords , who gathers the dispersed of israel , who redeems our captivity , the man elevated to the height of all sublimity , the messiah of the god of jacob , the true messiah , the coelestial lyon , sabatai sevi , whose honour be exalted , and his dominion raised in a short time , and for ever , amen . after having kissed your hands , and swept the dust from your feet , as my duty is to the king of kings , whose majesty be exalted , and his empire enlarged . these are to make known to the supreme excellency of that place , which is adorned with the beauty of your sanctity , that the word of the king , and of his law , hath enlightned our faces : that day hath been a solemn day unto israel , and a day of light unto our rulers , for immediately we applyed our selves to performe y●ur commands , as our duty is . and though we have heard of many strange things , yet we are couragious , and our heart is as the heart of a lyon ; nor ought we to enquire a reason of your doings , for your workes are marvellous , and past finding out : and we are confirmed in our fidelity without all exception , resigning up our very souls for the holiness of your name : and now we are come as far as damascus , intending shortly to proceed in our iourney to scanderone , according as you have commanded us ; that so we may ascend , and see the face of god in light , as the light of the face of the king of life : and we , servants of your servants shall cleanse the dust from your feet , beseeching the majesty of your excellency and glory to vouchsafe from your habitation to have a care of us , and help us with the force of your right hand of strength , and shorten our way which is before us : and we have our eyes towards jah , jah , who will make hast to help us , and save us , that the children of iniquity shall not hurt us ; and towards whom our hearts pant , and are consumed within us ; who shall give us tallons of iron to be worthy to stand under the shadow of your asse . these are the words of the s●rvant of your servants , who prostrates himself to betrod on by the soles of your feet , nathan benjamine . and that he might publish this doctrine of himself , and the messiah more plainly , he wrote from damascus this following letter , to the iewes at aleppo , and parts the●eabouts . to the residue or remnant of the israelites , peace without end . these my words are , to give you notice , how that i am arrived in peace at damascus , and behold i go to meet the face of our lord , whose majesty be exalted , for he is the soveraign of the king of kings , whose empire be enlarged . * according as he hath commanded us and the 12 tribes to elect unto him 12 men , so have we done : and we now go to scanderone by his command , to sh●w our faces together , with part of the principal of those particular friends ▪ to whom he hath given licence to assemble in that same place . and now i come to make known unto you , that though you have heard strange things of our lord , yet let not your hearts faint , or fear , but rather fortifie your selves in your faith , because all his actions are miraculous , and secret , which humane understanding cannot comprehend , and who can penetrate into the depth of them . in a short time all things shall be manifested to you clearly in their purity : and you shall know , and consider , and be instructed by the inventor himself ; bl●ssed is he who can expect , and arrive to the salvation of the true messiah , who will speedily publish his authority and empire over us now , and for ev●r . nathan . and now all the cities of turky where the iewes inhabited were full of the expectation of the messiah ; no trade , nor course of gaine was followed : every one imagin'd that dayly provisions , riches , honours , and government , were to descend upon them by some unknown and miraculous manner : an example of which is most observable in the iewes at thessalonica , who now full of assurance that the restoration of their kingdome , and the accomplishment of the time for the coming of the messiah was at hand , judged themselves obliged to double their devotions , and purifie their consciences from all sins and enormities which might be obvious to the scrutiny of him who was now come to penetrate into the very thoughts and imaginations of mankinde . in which work certain chochams were appointed to direct the people how to regulate their prayers , fasts , and other acts of devotion . but so forward was every one now in his acts of pen●nce , that they stay'd not for the sentence of the chocham , or prescription of any rules , but apply'd themselves immediately to fasting : and some in that manner beyond the abilities of nature , that having for the space of seven dayes taken no sustenance , were famished to death . others buryed themselves in their gardens , covering their naked bodies with earth , their heads onely excepted , remained in their beds of dirt until their bodies were stifned with the cold and moisture : others would indure to have melted vvax dropt upon their shoulders , others to rowle themselves in snow , and throw their bodies in the coldest season of winter into the sea , or frozen waters . but the most common way of mortification was first to prick their backs and sides with ●ho●es , and then to give themselves thirty nine lashes . all business was laid aside , none worked , or opened shop , unless to clear his vvarehouse of merchandize at any price : who had superfluity in houshold-stuffe , sold it for what he could ; but yet not to iewes , for they were interdicted from bargaines or sales , on the pain of excommunication , pecuniary mulcts , or corporal punishment ; for all business and imployment was esteemed the test , and touchstone of their faith. it being the general tenent , that in the dayes that the messiah appeares , the iewes shall become masters of the estates and inheritance of infidels ; until when they are to content themselves with matters onely n●cessary to maintain and support life . but because every one was not master of so much fortune and provision , as to live without dayly labour , therefore to quiet the clamours of the poor , and prevent the enormous lives of some , who upon these occasions would become vagabonds , and desert their cities , due order was taken to make collections , which were so liberally bestow'd , that in thessalonica onely 400 poore were supported by the meer charity of the richer . and as they indeavour'd to purge their consciences of sin , and to apply themselves to good vvorkes , that the messiah might find the city prepared for his reception ; so , least he should accuse them of any omission in the law , and particularly in their neglect of that antient precept of , increase and multiply ; they marryed together children of ten yeares of age , and some under , without respect to riches , or poverty , condition or quality : but , being promiscuously joyned , to the number of 6 or 700 ●ouple , upon better and cooler thoughts , after the deceipt of the false m●ssiah was discover'd , or the expectation of his coming grew cold , were divorced , or by consent separated from each other . in the heat of all this talk and rumor , comes sabatai sevi to smyrna , the city of his nativity , infinitely desir'd there by the common iewes ; but by the chochams , or doctors of their law , who gave little or no credence to what he pretended , was ill receiv'd , not knowing what mischief or ruine this doctrine and prophesie of a new kingdome might produce . yet sabatai bringing with him testimonials of his sanctity , holy life , wisdom , and gift of prophesie , so deeply fixed himself in the heart of the generality , both as being holy and vvife , that thereupon he took courage and boldness to enter into dispute with the grand chocham ( who is the head , and chief exposi●er of the law and superin●endent of their will and government ) between whom the a●guments grew so high , and language so hot , that the iewes who favoured the doctrine of sabatai , and feared the authority of the cho●ham , doubtful what might be the issue of the contest , appear'd in great numbers before the cadi of smyrna , in justification of their new prophet , before so much as any accusation came against him : the cadi ( according to the custome of the turkes , ) swallows mony on both sides , and afterwards remits them to the determination of their own justice . in this manner sabatai gaines ground dayly ; and the grand chocham with his party , losing both the affection and obedience of his people , is displaced from his office , and another constituted , more affectionate , and agreeable to the new prophet , whose power daily increased by those confident reports , that his enemies were struck with phrensies and madness , until being restor'd to their former temper and wits by him , became his friends , admirers , and disciples . no invitation was now made in smyrna by the iewes , nor marriage , or circumci●ion solemnized , where sabata● was not present , accompanyed with a multitude of his followers , and the streets cover'd with carpits , or fine cloath for him to tread on ; but the humility of this pharisee appear'd such , that he would stoop and turne them aside , and so pass . and having thus fixed himself in the opinion and admiration of the people , he began to take on himself the title of messiah , and the son of god ; and to make this following declaration to all the nation of the iewes , which being wrote originally in hebrew , was translated for me faithfully into italian , in this manner . l'unico figliolo , e primogenito d' dio , sabatai sevi , il messiah , e salvatore d' israel eletti di dio pace bessendo che sete fatti degni di veder quel grangiorno della deliberatione e salvatione d' israel , e consummatione delle parole di dio , promess per li sua profeti , e padri notri , per il suo diletto figlio d' israel , ogni vestra amaritudine si converta in allegrezza , e li vestri diginguiti facino feste , per che non piangerete o miei figliole d' israel havendovi dati iddio la consolatione inenarrabile , festegiate contimpani e musiche , ringratiando quello chi ha adempito il promesso dalli secoli , facendo ogni giorno quelle cose che solete fare nelle callende , e quel gi●rno dedicato al● ▪ afflictione e mestitia , convertite lo in giorno giocondo per la mia comparsa , e non spaventate niente , per che haveret● dominio sopra , le genti , non solamente di quelle , che si vedodono in terra , ma quelle che sono in fondi del mare , il tutto pro vestra consolatione & allegrezza . which translated into english , runs thus ; the onely , and first-borne son of god , sabatai sevi , the messiah and saviour of israel , to all the sons of israel , peace . since that you are made worthy to see that great day of deliverance , and salvation unto israel , and accomplishment of the word of god , promised by his prophets , and our fore-fathers , and by his beloved son of israel : let your bitter sorrowes be turned into joy , and your fasts into festivals , for you shall weep no more , o my sons of israel , for god having given you this unspeakable comfort , rejoyce with drums , organs , and musick , giving thanks to him for performing his promise from all ages ; doing that every day , which is usual for you to do upon the new-moons ; and , that day dedicated to affliction and sorrow convert you into a day of mirth for my appearance : and fear you nothing , for you shall have dominion over the nations , and not onely over those who are on earth , but over those creatures also which are in the depth of the sea. all which is for your consolation and rejoycing . sabatai sevi . notwithstanding the disciples of sabatai sevi were not so numerous , but many opposed his doctrine , publiquely avouching that he was an impostor , and deceiver of the people , amongst which was one samuel pennia , a man of a good estate and reputation in smyrna , who arguing in the synagogue , that the present signs of the coming of the messiah were not apparent , either according to scripture , or the doctrine of the rabbins , raised such a sedition and tumult amongst the iews , as not onely prevailed against arguments , but had also against his life , had he not timely conveyed himself out of the synagogue , and thereby escaped the hands of the multitude , who now could more easily endure blasphemy against the law of moses , and the prophanation of the sanctuary , than contradiction , or misbelief of the doctrine of sabatai . but howsoever it fell out , pennia in short time becomes a convert , and preaches up sabatai for the son of god , and deliverer of the iews : and not onely he , but his whole family ; his daughters prophesie , and fall into strange extasies ; and not onely his house , but four hundred men and women prophesie of the growing kingdom of sabatai , and young infants who could yet scarce stammer out a syllable to their mothers , repeat , and pronounce plainly the name of sabatai the messiah , and son of god. for thus farr had god permitted the devil to delude this people , that their very children were for a time possessed , and voices heard to found from their stomacks , and intrails : those of riper years fell first into a trance , foamed at the mouth , and recounted the future prosperitie , and deliverance of the israelites , their visions of the lion of iudah , and the triumphs of sabatai , all which were certainly true , being effects of diabolical delusions : as the iews themselves since have confessed unto me . with these concomitant accidents , and successes , sabatai sevi growing more presumptuous , that he might correspond with the prophesies of greatness , and dominion of the messiah , proceeds to an election of those princes which were to govern the israelites in their march towards the holy-land , and to dispence judgement and justice after their restoration . the names of them were these which follow , men well known at smyrna , who never ( god knows ) had ambition to aspire to the title of princes , until a strange spirit of deceit and delusion had moved them , not onely to hope for it as possible , but to expect it as certain . isaac silvera . king david . salomon lagnado . was salomon . salom lagnado jun. named zovah . ioseph cohen . uzziah . moses galente . iosaphat . daniel pinto . hilkiah . abraham scandale . iotham . mokiah gaspar . zedekiah . abraham leon. achas . ephraim arditi . ioram . salom carmona . achab. matassia aschenesi . asa. meir alcaira . rehoboam . iacob loxas . ammon . mordecai iesserun . iehoachim ▪ chaim inegna . ieroboam . ioseph scavillo . abia. conor nehemias . was zarobabel . ioseph del caire . named ioas. elcukin schavit . amasia . abraham rubio ▪ iosiah . elias sevi had the title of the king of the king of kings . elias azar his vice-king , or vizier . ioseph sevi , the king of the kings of iudah . ioseph inernuch his vice-king . in this manner things ran to strange height of madness amongst the iews at smyrna , where appear'd such pageantry of greatness , that no comedy could equal the mock-shews they represented , and though none durst openly profess any scruple , or doubt of this common received belief , yet for confirmation of the iews in their faith , and astonishment of the gentiles , it was judged no less than n●cessary that sabatai should shew some miracles , whereby to evince to all the world that he was the true messiah : and as the present occasion seemed to require an evidence infallible of this truth , so it was daily expected by the vulgar , with an impatience sutable to humors disposed to novel●ie ; who out of every action and motion of their prophet began to fancy something extraordinary and supernatu●al . sabatai was now horribly puzzled for a miracle , though the imagination of the people was so vitiated that any legerdemaine , or slight of hand would have passed more easily with with them for a wonder than moses striking the rock for water , or dividing the red sea . and occasion happening that sabatai was , in behalf of his subjects , to appear before the cadi , or judge of the citie to demand ease , and relief of some oppressions which aggrieved them : it was thought necessary a miracle should now or never , when sabatai appearing with a formal and pharisaical gravitie , which he had starcht on : some on a sudden avouched to see a pillar of fire between him and the cadi , which report presently was heard through the whole room , filled with iews that accompanied sabatai , some of whom , who strongly fancied it , vow'd , and swore they saw it ; others in the outward yard , or that could not come near to hear , or see for the crowd , as speedily took the alarm , and the rumour ran , and belief receiv'd by the women and children at home in a moment , so that sabatai sevi returned to his house triumphant , fixed in the hearts of his people , who now needed no further miracles to confirm them in their faith . and thus was sabatai exalted , when no man was thought worthy of communication who did not believe him to be the messiah : others were called kophrim , infidels or hereticks , liable to the censure of excommunication , with whom it was not lawful so much as to eat : every man produc'd his treasure , his gold and jewels , offering them at the feet of sabatai ; so that he could have commanded all the we●lth of smyrna , but he was too subtil to accept their money , least he should render his design suspected by any act of covetousness . sabatai sevi having thus fully fixed himself in smyrna , and filled other places with rumors of his fame ; declared that he was called by god to visit constantinople , where the greatest part of his work was to be accomplisht ; in order whereunto he privately ships himself , with some few attendants in a turkish saick , in the moneth of ianuary 1666. least the crowd of his disciples , and such who would press to follow him , should endanger him in the eyes of the turks , who already began to be scandal●zed at the reports and prophesies concernning his person . but though sabatai took few into the vessel to him , yet a multitude of iews travell'd over land to meet him again at constantinople , on whom all their eyes and expectations were intent . the wind proving northernly , as commonly it is in the helespont and propontis ; sabatai was thirtie nine days in his voyage , and yet the vessel not arriv'd , so little power had this messiah over the sea and winds , in which time news being come to constantinople that the iews messiah was near , all that people prepared to receive him with the same joy and impatience as was exprest in other parts where he arrived ; the great vizier ( then also at constantinople , being not yet departed on his expedition for candia ) having heard some rumors of this man , and the disorder and madness he had raised amongst the iews ; sent two boats , whil'st the saick was detained by contrary winds , with commands to bring him up prisoner to the port , where accordingly sabatai being come , was committed to the most loathsom and darkest d●ngeon in the town , there to remain in farther expectation of the viziers sentence : the iews were not at all discouraged at this ill treatment of their prophet , but rather confirmed in their belief of him , as being the accomplishment of the prophesie of those things which ought to precede his glory and dominion ; which consideration induc'd the chiefest persons amongst the iews to make their visits and addresses to him with the same ceremony and respect in the dungeon as they would have done had he then sat exalted on the throne of israel : several of them , with one ana●ago , by name , a man of great esteem amongst the iews , attended a whole day before him , with their eyes cast down , their bodies bending forward , and hands crost before them ( which are postures of humility , and service in the eastern countre●s ) the undecency of the place , and present subjection , not having in the least abated their high thoughts , and reverence towards his person . the iews in constantinople were now become as mad and distracted as they were in other places , all trade and trafficque forbidden , and those who owed money , in no manner careful how to satisfie it : amongst which wild crew some were indebted to our merchants at galata , who not knowing the way to receive their money , partly for their interest , and partly for curiosity thought fit to visit this sabatai , complayning that such particular iews , upon his coming , took upon them the boldness to defraud them of their right , desired he would be pleased to signifie to these his subjects , his pleasure to have satisfaction given : whereupon sabatai with much affectation took pen and paper , and wrote to this effect . to you of the nation of the iews , who expect the appearance of the messiah , and the salvation of israel , peace without end . whereas we are informed that you are indebted to several of the english nation : it seemeth right unto us to enorder you to make satisfaction to these your just debts : which if you refuse to do , and not obey us herein : know you , that then you are not to enter with us into our joys and dominions . in this manner sabatai sevi remained a prisoner at constantinople for the space of two moneths ; at the end of which , the vizier having designed his expedition for candia ; and considering the rumor and disturbance the presence of sabatai had made already at constantinople , thought it not secure to suffer him to remain in the imperial citie , whil'st both the grand signior and himself were absent : and therefore changes his prison to the dardanelli , otherwise called the castle of abydos , being on the europe side of the helespont , opposite to se●tos , places famous in greek poetrie . this removal of sabatai from a worse prison to one of a better air ; confirmed the iews with greater confidence of his being the messiah , supposing that had it been in the power of the vizier , or other officers of the turks , to have destroyed his person , they would never have permitted him to have lived to that time , in regard their maximes enforce them to quit all jealousies and suspitions of ruine to their state by the death of the party feared , which much rather they ought to execute on sabatai , who had not onely declared himself the king of israel , but also published prophesies fatal to the grand signior and his kingdoms . with this consideration , and others preceding , the iews flock in great numbers to the castle , where he was imprisoned , not onely from the neighbouring parts , but also from poland , germanie , legorne , venice , amsterdam , and other places where the iewt reside : on all whom , as a reward of the expence , and labours of their pilgrimage , sabatai bestowed plenty of his benedictions , promising encrease of their store , and enlargement of their possessions in the holy-land . and so great was the confluence of the iews to this place , that the turks thought it requisite to make their advantage thereof , and so not onely raised the price of their provision , lodgings , and other necessaries , but also denied to admit any to the presence of sabatai , unless for money , setting the price , sometimes at five , sometimes at ten dollers , or more or less , according as they guessed at their abilities , or zeal of the person , by which gain and advantage to the turks no complaints or advices were carried to adrianople either of the concourse of people , or arguments amongst the iews in that place ; but rather all civilities , and libertie indulged unto them , which served as a farther argument to ensnare this poor people in the belief of their messiah . during this time of confinement , sabatai had leisure to compose and institute a new method of worship for the iews , and principally the manner of the celebration of the day of his nativity , which he prescribed in this manner . brethren , and my people , men of religion inhabiting the city of smyrna the renowned , where live men , and women , and families ; peace be unto you from the lord of peace , and from me his beloved son , king salomon . i command you that the ninth day of the moneth of ab ( which according to our account answered that year to the moneth of iune ) next to come , you make a day of invitation , and of great joy , celebrating it with choice meats and pleasing drinks , with many candles and lamps , with musick and songs , because it is the day of the birth of sabatai sevi , the high king above all kings of the earth . and as to matters of labour , and other things of like nature , do , as becomes you , upon a day of festival , adorned with your finest garments . as to your prayers , let the same order be used as upon f●stivals . to converse with christians on that day is unlawful , though your discourse be of matters indifferent , all labour is forbidden , but to sound instruments is lawful . this shall be the method and substance of your prayers on this day of festival : after you have said , blessed be thou , o holy god! then proceed and say , thou hast chosen us before all people , and hast loved us , and hast been delighted with us , and hast humbled us more than all other nations , and hast sanctified us with thy precepts , and hast brought us near to thy service , and the service of our king. thy holy , great , and terrible name thou hast publi●hed amongst us : and hast given us , o lord god , according to thy love , time of joy , of festivals , and times of mirth , and this day of consolation for a solemn convocation of holiness , for the birth of our king the messiah , sabatai sevi thy servant , and first-born son in love , through whom we commemorate our coming out of egypt . and then you shall read for your lesson the 1 , 2 , and 3 chapters of deut. to the 17 verse , appointing for the reading thereof five men , in a perfect and uncorrupted bible , adding thereunto the blessings of the morning , as are prescribed for days of festival : and for the lesson out of the prophets usually read in the synagogue every sabbath : you shall read the 31 chapt. of ieremiah . to your prayer called mussaf ( used in the synagogue every sabbath and solemn festival ) you shall adjoyn that of the present festival ; in stead of the sacrifice of addition , of the returning of the bible to its place , you shall read with an audible voice , clear sound , the psalm 95. and at the first praises in the morning , after you have sang psalm 91 , and just before you sing psalm 98 , you shall repeate psalm 132 but in the last verse , where it is said , as for his enemies i shall cloath them with shame , but upon himself shall his crown flourish ; in the place of ( upon himself ) you shall read upon the most high : after which shall follow the 126 psalm , and then the 113 to the 119. at the consecration of the wine upon the vigil , or even , you shall make mention of the feast of consolation , which is the day of the birth of our king the ●es●iah sabatai sevi thy servant , and first-born son , giving the blessing as followe●h : blessed be thou our god , king of the world , who hast made us to live , and hast maintain'd us , and hast kept us alive unto this time . upon the eve of this day you shall read also the 81 psalm , as also the 132 and 126 psalmes , which are appointed for the morning praises . and this day shall be unto you for a remembrance of a solemn day unto eternal ages , and a perpetual testimony between me , and the sons of israel . a●dite audiendo & manducate bonum . besides which order , and method of prayers for solemnization of his birth , he prescribed other rules for divine service , and particularly published the same indulgence and priviledge to every one who should pray at the ●omb of his mother ; 〈◊〉 if he had taken on him a pilgrimage to pray , and sacrifice at ierusalem . the devotion of the iewes toward this pretended messiah increased still more and more , so that onely the chief of the city went to attend , and proffer their service toward him in the time of his imprisonment , but likewise decked their synagogue with s. s. in letters of gold , making for him on the wall a crown , in the circle of which was wrote the 91 psalm at length , in faire and legible characters ; attributing the same titles to sabatai , and expounding the scriptures in the same manner in favour of his appearance , as we do of our saviour . however some of the iewes remain'd in their wits all this time , amongst which was a certain chochan at smyrna , one zealous of his law , and of the good and safety of his nation : and observing in what a wilde manner the whole people of the iewes was transported , with the groundless beliefe of a messiah , leaving not onely their trade , and course of living , but publishing prophesies of a speedy kingdome , of rescue from the tyranny of the turk , and leading the grand signior himself captive in chaines ; matters so dangerous and obnoxious to the state wherein they lived , as might justly convict them of treason and rebellion , and leave them to the mercy of that justice , which on the least jealousie and suspicion of matters of this nature , uses to extirpate families , and subvert the mansion-houses of their own people , much rather of the iewes , on whom the turkes would gladly take occasion to dispoile them of their estates , and condemn the whole nation to perpetual slavery . and indeed it would have been a greater wonder then ever sabatai shewed , that the turkes took no advantage from all these extravagances , to dreine the iewes of a considerable sum of money , and set their whole race in turky at a ransome , had not these passages yielded them matter of pastime , and been the subject of the turkes laughter and scorne ; supposing it a disparagement to the greatness of the ottoman empire , to be concerned for the rumors and combustions of this dispersed people . with these considerations this cocham , that he might clear himself of the blood and guilt of his countrey-men , and concern'd in the common destruction , goes before the cadi , and there protests against the present doctrine ; declaring , that he had no hand in setting up of sabatai , but was an enemy both to him and to hi● whole sect. this freedome of the chocham so enraged and scandalized the iewes , that they judged no condemnation or punishment too severe against such an offender and blasphemer of their law , and holiness of the messiah ; and therefore with money and presents to the cadi , accusing him as disobedient in a capital nature to their government , obtain'd sentence against him , to have his beard shaved , and to be condemn'd to the gallies . there wanted nothing now to the appearance of the messiah , and the solemnity of his coming , but the presence of elias , whom the iewes began to expect hourely , and with that attention and earnestness , that every dreame , or phantasme to a weak head was judged to be elias ; it being taught , and averred , that he was seen in divers formes and ●hapes , not to be certainly discovered or known , before the coming of the messiah ; for this superstition is so far fixed amongst them , that generally in their families they spread a table for elias the prophet , to which they make an invitation of poor people , leaving the chief place for the lord elias , whom they believe to be invisibly present at the entertainment , and there to eate , and drink , without dimunition , either of the dishes , or of the cup , one person amongst the iewes commanded his wife after a supper of this kind , to leave the cup filled with wine , and the meat standing all night , for elias to feast , and rejoyce alone ; and in the morning arising early , affirmed , that elias took this banquet so kindly , that in token of gratitude , and acceptance , he had replenish'd the cup with oyle , in stead of wine . it is a certain custome amongst the iewes on the evening of the sabbath , to repeate certain praises of god ( called havdila ) which signifies a distinction , or separation of the sabbath from the prophane dayes ( as they call them ) which praises they observe to performe in this manner . one takes a cup filled with wine , and drops it through the whole house , saying , elias the prophet , elias the prophet , elias the prophet , come quickly to us with the messiah , the son of god , and david ; and this they affirme to be so acceptable to elias , that he never failes to preserve that family , so devoted to him , and augment it with the blessings of increase . many other things the iewes avouch of elias , so ridiculous , as are not fit to be declar'd , amongst which this one is not far from our purpose , that at the circumcision there is alwayes a ch●ir set for elias : and sabatai sevi being once invited at smyrna to the circumcision of t●e first-borne-son of one abraham gutiere , a kinsman of sabatai , and all things ready for the ceremony , sabatai sevi exhorted the parents of the child to expect a while until his farther order : after a good halfe hour , sabatai order'd them to proceed and cut the prepuce of the child , which was instantly perform'd with all joy and satisfaction to the parents : and being afterwards demanded the reason why he retarded the performance of that function , his answer was , that elias had not as yet taken his seat , whom , assoon as he saw placed , he ordered them to proceed ; and that now shortly elias would discover himself openly , and proclaime the newes of the general redemption . this being the common opinion amongst the iewes , and that sabatai sevi was the messiah , being become an article of faith , it was not hard to perswade them , that elias was come already , that they met him in their dishes , in the darke , in their bed●chambers , or ●ny where else invisible , in the same ma●ner as our common people in england believe of hobgoblins , and fairies . for so it was , when solomon cremona , an inhabitant of smyrna , making a great feast , to which the principal iewes of the city were invited , after they had eaten and drank freely , one starts from his seat , and avouches , that he saw elias upon the wall , and with that bowes to him , and complements him with all reverence and humility : some others having in like manner their fancies prepossessed , and their eyes with the fume of wine ill prepared to distinguish shadowes , immediately agreed upon the object , and then there was not one in the company who would say he did not see him : at which surprize every one was st●uck with reverence and awe ; and the most eloquent amongst them , having their tongues loosed with joy , and wine , directed orations , encomiums , and acts of thankfulness to elias , courting and complementing him , as distracted lovers doe the supposed presence of their mistresses . another iew at constantinople reported , that he met elias in the streets , habited like a turke , with whom he had a long communication ; and that he enjo●n'd the observation of many neglected ceremonies , and particularly the zezit , numb . 15. v. 38. speak unto the children of israel , and bid them that they make fringes in the borders of their garments , throughout their generations , and that they put upon the fringe of the border a ribbon of blue . also the peos , levit. 19. v. 27. ye shall not round the corners of your head , nor marr the corners of your beard : this apparition of elias being believed as soon as published , every one began to obey the vision , by fringing their garments ; and for their heads , though alwayes shaved , according to the turkish and eastern fa●hion , and that the suffering hair to grow , to men not accustomed , was heavy , and incommodious to their healths and heads ; yet to begin again to renew , as far as was possible , the antient ceremonies , every one nourished a lock of hair on each side , which might be visible beneath their caps ; which soon after began to be a sign of distinction between the believers and kophrims , a name of dishonour , signifying as much as unbelievers ; or hereticks , given to those who confessed not sabatai to be the messiah ; which particulars , if not observed , it was declared , as a menace of elias , that the people of the iewes , who come from the river sabation , as is specifyed in the second esdras , chap. 13. shall take vengeance of those who are guilty of these omissions . but to return again to sabatai s●vi himself , we find him still remaining a prisoner in the castle of abydos upon the hellespont , admir'd and ador'd by hi● brethren , with more honor then before , and visited by pilgrimes from all parts where the same of the coming of the messiah had arriv'd ; amongst which one from poland , named nehemiah cohen , was of special note , and renown , learned in the hebr●w , syriack , and chaldee , and versed in the doctrine and kabala of the rabines , as well as sabatai himself , one ( of whom it was said ) had not this sevi anticipated the design , esteemed himself as able a fellow to act the part of a messiah as the other : howsoever , it being now too late to publish any such pretence , sabatai having now eleven points of the law by possession of the office , and with that the hearts and belief of the iewes : nehemiah was contented with some small appendage , or relation to a messiah ; and therefore to lay his design the better , desired a private conference with sabatai : these two great rabbines being together , a hot dispute arose between them ; for cohen alleadged that according to scripture , and exposition of the learned thereupon , there were to be two messiahs , one called ben ●phraim , and the other ben david : the first was to be a preacher of the law , poor , and despised , and a servant of the second , and his fore-runner ; the other was to be great and rich , to re●tore the iewes to ierusalem , to sit upon the throne of david , and to perfo●me and act all those triumphs and ●onques●s which were expected from sabatai . nehemiah was contented to be 〈◊〉 ephraim , the a●●licted and poor messiah ; and sabatai ( for any thing i hear ) was well enough contented he should be so : but that nehemiah accused him ●or being too forward in publishing himself the latter messiah , before ben ephraim had fitst been known unto the world. sabatai took this reprehension so ill , either out of pride , and thoughts of his own infallibility , or that he suspected neh●miah , being once admitted for ben ephraim , would quickly ( being a subtile and learned person ) perswade the world that he was ben david , would by no means understand , or admit of this doct●ine , or of ben ephraim for a necessary officer : and thereupon the dispute g●ew so hot , and the controve●sie so irreconcileable , as was taken notice of by the iewes , and controverted amongst them , as every one fancy'd : but sabatai being of greater authority , his sentence prevail'd , and nehemiah was rejected , as schismatical , and an enemy to the messiah , which afterward proved the ruine and downfal of this impostor . for nehemiah being thus baffled , and being a person of authority , and a haughty spirit , meditated nothing but revenge ; to execute which to the full , he takes a journey to a●rianople , and there informes the chief minsters of state , and officers of the court , who ( by reason of the gai● the turks made of their prisoner at the castle on the hellespont ) heard nothing of all this concourse of people , and prophesies of the revolt of the iews from their obedience to the grand signior ; and taking likewise to his counsel some certain discontented and unbelieving chochams , who being zealous for their nation , and jealous of the ill-consequences of this long-continued , and increasing madness , took liberty to informe the chimacham ( who was deputy of the great vizier then at candia ) that the iew , prisoner at the castle , called sabatai sevi , was a lewd person , and one who indeavoured to debauch the mindes of the iewes , and divert them from their honest course of livelihood , and obedience to the grand signior ; and that therefore it was necessary to clear the world of so factious and dangerous a spirit : the chimacham being thus informed , could do no less then acquaint the grand signior with all the particulars of this mans condition , course of life , and doctrine ; which were no sooner understood , but a chiaux , or messenger , was immediately dispatched , to bring up sabatai sevi to adrianople . the chiaux executed his commission after the turkish fashion in hast , and brought sabatai in a few days to adrianople , without further excuse or ceremony ; not affording him an hours space to take a solemn farewel of his friends , his followers and adorers ; who now were come to the vertical point of all their hopes and expectations . the grand signior having by this time received divers informations of the madness of the iews , and the pretences of sabatai ; grew big with desire and expectation to see him : so that he no sooner arriv'd at adrianople , but the same hour he was brought before the grand signior : sabatai appeared much dejected , and failing of that courage which he shewed in the synagogue ; and being demanded several questions in turkish by the grand signior , he would not trust so farr to the vertue of his messiahship , as to deliver himself in the turkish language ; but desired a doctor of physick , ( who had from a iew turned turk ) , to be his interpreter , which was granted to him ; but not without reflection of the standers by ; that had he been the messiah , and son of god , as he formerly pretended , his tongue would have flown with varietie , as well as with the perfection of languages . but the grand signior would not be put off without a miracle , and it must be one of his own choice : which was , that sabatai should be stript naked , and set as a mark to his dexterous archers : if the arrows passed not his body , but that his flesh and skin was proof like armour , then he would believe him to be the messiah , and the person whom god had design'd to those dominions , and greatnesses , he p●etended . but now sabatai not having faith enough to stand to so sharp a trial , renounced all his title to kingdoms and governments , alledging that he was an ordinary chocham , and a poor iew , as others were , and had nothing of priviledge , or vertue above the rest . the grand signior notwithstanding , not wholly satisfied with this plain confession , declared , that having given publique scandal to the professors of the mahometan religion , and done dishonour to his soveraign authoritie , by pretending to draw such a considerable portion from him , as the land of palestine ; his treason and crime was not to be expiated by any other means then by a conversion to the mahometan faith , which if he refus'd to do , the stake was ready at the gate of the seraglio to empale him . sabatai being now reduced to extremitie of his latter game ; not being the least doubtful what to do ; for to die for what he was assured was false , was against nature , and the death of a mad man : replyed with much chearfulness , that he was contented to turn turk , and that it was not of force , but of choice , having been a long time desirous of so glorious a profession , he esteemed himself much honored , that he had opportunity to own it ; first in the presence of the grand signior . and here was the non plus ultra of all the bluster and noise of this vain impostor . and now the reader may be pleased to pause a while , and contemplate the strange point of consternation , shame , and silence , to which the iews were reduc't , when they understood how speedily their hopes were vanished , and how poorly and ignominiously all their fancies and promises of a new kingdom , their pageantry , and offices of devotion , were past like a tale , or a midnights dream : and all this was concluded , and the iews sunk on a sudden , and fallen flat in their hopes , without so much as a line of comfort , or excuse from sabatai ; more than in general , to all the brethren . that now they should apply themselves to their callings and services of god , as formerly , for that matters relating unto him were finished and the sentence past . the news that sabatai was turned turk , and the messiah to a mahumetan , quickly filled all parts of turky . the iews were strangely su●prized at it , and ashamed of their easie belief , of the arguments with which they had perswaded one the other , and of the proselytes they had made in their own families . abroad they became the common derision of the towns where they inhabited : the boys houted after them , coyning a new word at smyrna ( ponftai ) which every one seeing a iew , with a finger pointed out , would pronounce with scorn and contempt : so that this deceived people for a long time after remained with confusion , silence , and dejection of spirit . and yet most of them affirm that sabatai is not turned turk , but his shadow onely remains on earth , and walks with a white head , and in the habit of a mahumetan : but that his natural body and soul are taken into heaven , there to reside until the time appointed for accomplishment of these wonders : and this opinion began so commonly to take place , as if this people resolved never to be undeceived , using the forms and rules for devotion prescribed them by their mahumetan messiah : insomuch that the chochams of co●stantinople , fearing the danger of this error might creep up , and equal the former , condemned the belief of sabatai being messiah , as damnable , and enjoyned them to return to the antient method and service of god upon pain of excommunication . the style and tenure of them was as followeth . to you who have the power of priesthood , and are the knowing , learned , and magnanimous governours and princes , residing in the citie of smyrna , may the almighty god protect you , amen : for so is his will. these our letters , which we send in the midst of your habitations , are upon occasion of certain rumors and tumults come to our ears from that citie of your holiness . for there is a sort of men amongst you , who fortifie themselves in their error , and say , let such a one our king , live , and bless him in their publique synagogues every sabbath day : and also adjoyn psalms and hymns , invented by that man , for certain days , with rules and methods for prayer , which ought not to be done , and yet they will still remain obstinate therein ; and now behold it is known unto you , how many swelling waters have passed over our souls , for his sake , for had it not been for the mercies of god , which are without end , and the merit of our forefathers , which hath assisted us ; the foot of israel had been razed out by their enemies . and yet you continue obstinate in things which do not help , but rather do mischief , which god avert . turn you therefore , for this is not the true way , but restore the crown to the antient custom and use of your forefathers , and the law , and from thence do not move ; we command you that with your authoritie , under pain of excommunication , and other penalties , that all those ordinances and prayers , as well those delivered by the mouth of that man , as those which he enjoyned by the mouth of others , be all abolished and made void , and to be found no more , and that they never enter more into your hearts , but judge according to the antient commandment of your forefathers , repeating the same lessons and prayers every sabbath , as hath been accustomary , as also collects for kings , potentates , and anointed , &c. and bless the king , sultan mahomet , for in his days hath great salvation been wrought for israel , and become not rebels to his kingdom , which god forbid . for after all this , which is past , the least motion will be a cause of jealousie , and you will bring ruine upon your own persons , and upon all which is near and dear to you , wheresore abstain from the thoughts of this man , and let not so much as his name proceed out of your mouths . for know , if you will not obey us herein , which will be known , who , and what those men are , who refuse to conform unto us , we are resolved to prosecute them , as our duty is . he that doth hear , and obey us , may the blessing of god rest upon him . these are the words of those who seek your peace and good , having in constantinople , on sunday the fifth of the moneth sevat , underwrot their names . ioam tob son of chananiah ben-iacar . isaac alnacagna . ioseph kazabi . mana●seh barndo . kalib son of samuel . eliezer castie . eliezer gherson . ioseph accohen . eliezer aluff . during the time of all these transactions and passages at constantinople , smyrna , abydos , upon the helespont , and adrianople , the iews leaving their merchantlie course , and advices , what prizes commodities bear and matters of traffique , stuffed their letters for italy and other parts , with nothing but wonders and miracles wrought by their false messiah . as then when the grand signior sent to take him , he caused all the messengers immediately to die , upon which other ianizaries being again sent , they all fell dead with a word only from his mouth ; and being desired to revive them again , he immediately recall'd them to life ; but of them onely such who were true turks , and not those who had denied that faith in which they were born , and had profest . after this they added , that he went voluntarily to prison , and though the gates were barr'd and shut with strong locks of iron , yet that sabatai was seen to walk through the streets with a numerous attendance , and when they laid shackles on his neck and feet , they not onely fell from him , but were converted into gold , with which he gratified his true and faithful believers and disciples . some miracles also were reported of nathan , that onely at reading the name of any particular man , or woman , he would immediately recount the story of his , or her life , their sins or defaults , and accordingly impose just correction and penance for them . these strong reports coming thus confidently into italy and all parts , the iews of casel di monferrato resolved to send three persons in behalf of their society , in the nature of extraordinary legates , to smyrna , to make inquiry after the truth of all these rumors , who accordingly arriving in smyrna , full of expectation and hopes , intending to present themselves with great humility and submission before their messiah and his prophet nathan , were entertain'd with the sad news , that sa●atai was turned turk , by which information the character of their embassy in a manner ceasing , every one of them laying aside the formalitie of his function , endeavoured to lodge himself best to his own conveni●nce . but that they might return to their brethren at home , with the certain particulars of the success of the affairs , they made a visit to the brother of sabatai ; who still continued to perswade them , that sabatai was notwithstanding the true messiah , that it was not he who had taken on him the habit and form of a turk , but his angel or spirit , his body being ascended into heaven , until god shall again see the season , and time to restore it , adding further , that an effect hereof they should see by the prophet nathan , certified , now every day expected , who having wrought miracles in many places , would also for their consolation , reveal hidden sec●ets unto them , with which they should not onely remain satisfied , but astonished . with this onely hope of nathan , these legates were a little comforted , resolving to attend his arrival , in regard they had a letter to consign into his hands , and according to their instructions , were to demand of him the grounds he had for his prophesies , and what assurance he had , that he was divinely inspir'd , and how these things were reveal'd unto him , which he had committed to paper , and dispersed to all parts of the world. at length nathan arrives near smyrna , on friday the third of march , towards the evening , and on sunday these legates made their visit to him : but nathan , upon news of the success of his beloved messiah , began to grow sullen and reserved ; so that the legates could scarce procure admittance to him ; all that they could do was to inform him , that they had a letter to him from the brother-hood of italy , and commission to conferr with him concerning the foundation and authority he had for his prophesies ; but nathan refused to take the letter , ordering kain abolafio a chocham of the city of smyrna to receive it ; so that the legates returned ill contented , but yet with hopes at nathan's arrival at smyrna to receive better satisfaction . but whil'st nathan intended to enter into smyrna , the chochams of constantinople , being before advised of his resolution to take a journey into their parts , not knowing by which way he might come , sent their letters and orders to smyrna , prussia , and every way round , to hinder his passage , and interrupt his journey ; fearing that things beginning now to compose , the turks appeas'd for the former disorders , and the minds of the iews in some manner setled , might be moved , and combustions burst out afresh , by the appearance of this new impostor ; and therefore dispatc●ed this letter as followeth . to you who are the shepherds of israel , and rulers , who reside for the great god of the whole world , in the citie of smyrna , which is mother in israel , to her princes , her priests , her iudges , and especially to the perfect wise men , and of great experience , may the lord god cause you to live before him , and delight in the multitude of peace , amen , so be the will of the lord. these our letters are dispatched unto you , to let you understand , that in the place of your holiness , we have heard that the learned man , which was in gaza , called nat●an , benjamin , hath published vaine doctrines , and made the world tremble at his words and inventions ; and that at this time we have receiv'd advice , that this man some dayes since , departed from gaza , and took his journey by the way of scanderone , intending there to imbarke for smyrna , and thence to go to constantinople , or adrianople : and though it seem a strange thing unto us , that any man should have a desire to throw himself into a place of flames , and fire , and into the sparkes of hell ; notwithstanding we ought to fear , and suspect it ; for the feet of man alwayes guide him to the worst : wherefore we under-written do advertise you , that this man coming within the compass of your jurisdiction , you give a stop to his journey , and not suffer him to proceed farther , but presently to return back . for we would have you know , that at his coming , he will again begin to move those tumults , which have been caused through the imaginations of a new kingdome ; and that miracles are not to be wrought every day . god forbid that by his coming the people of god should be destroy'd in all places where they are , of which he will be the first , whose blood be upon his own head : for in this conjuncture , every little error or fault is made capital . you may remember the danger of the first combustion : and it is very probable that he will be an occasion of greater , which the tongue is not able to express with words . and therefore by vertue of ours , and your own authority , you are to hinder him from proceeding farther in his journey , upon paine of all those excommunications which our law can impose , and to force him to return back again , both he , and his company . but if he shall in any manner oppose you , and rebel against your word , your indeavours and law are sufficient to hinder him , for it will be well for him and all israel . for the love of god , let these words enter into your eares , since they are not vain things ; for the lives of all the iewes , and his also , consist therein . and the lord god behold from heaven , and have pitty upon his people israel , amen . so be his holy will : written by those who seek your peace . ioam tob , son of chanania iacar . moise benveniste . isaac alce-nacagne . ioseph kazabi . samuel acazsine . caleb son of chocham , samuel deceased . moise barndo . elihezer aluff . iehoshuah rap●ael benveniste . by these meanes nathan being disappointed of his wandring progress , and partly ashamed of the event of things contrary to his prophesie , was resolved , without entring smyrna , to returne again : howsoever he obtained leave to visit the sepulcher of his mother , and there to receive pardon of his sins ( according to the institution of saba●ai before mentioned ) but first washed himself in the sea , in manner of purification , and said his tephilla , or prayers , at the fountain , called by us the fountain sancta veneranda , which is near to the cymetry of the iewes , and then departed for xio , with two companions , a servant , and three turks , to conduct him , without admitting the legates to audience , or answering the letter which was sent him , from all the communities of the iewes in italy . and thus the embas●y of these legates was concluded , and they returned from the place from whence they came , and the iewes again to their wits , following their trade of merchandize and brokage as formerly , with more quiet , and advantage , then the meanes of regaining their possessions in the land of promise . and thus ended this mad phrensie amongst the iewes , which might have ●●st them dear , had not sabatai reno●●●t his messiaship at the feet of mahomet . the history of the late final extirpation and exilement of the iewes out of the empire of persia . you have heard in the foregoing ●tory from what glorious expectations the whole nation of the iewes were precipitated by the impostorious , but improsperous vilany of their late pretended messiah : you will in this relation perceive farther , how signally the hand of almighty god ( about the same time ) went out to their yet greater shame and extermination : and if any thing were capable to reduce that miserably deluded people , certainly one would think these continu'd frownes , and accents of his displeasure against all their enterprises ; as it ought to confirme the truth of the christian profession , so it should even constraine them to hasten to it ; for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . in the reign of the famous abas , sop●y of persia , and grand-father to the present emperour , the nation being low , and somewhat exhausted of inhabitants , it entred into the minde of this prince ( a wise and prudent man , and one who exceedingly studied the benefit of his subjects ) to seek some expedient for the revival and improvement of trade , and by all manner of pr●viledges and immunities to encourage other contiguous nations to negotiate and trade amongst them ; and this project he fortified with so many immunities , and used them so well who came , that repairing from all partes to his countrey , in a short time the whole kingdome was filled with multitudes of the most industrious people and strangers that any way bordered on him . it happened , that amongst those who came , innumerable flocks of iewes ran thither from all their dispersions in the east ; attracted by the gaine , which they universally make where ever they set footing , by their innate craft , sacred avarice , and the excessive extortions which they continually practice . and it was not many years but by this meanes , they had so impoverished the rest , and especially the natural subjects of persia , that the clamor of it reached to the eares of the emperour ; and indeed it was intollerable , for even his own exchequer began to be sensible of it , as well as his peoples purses , and estates , which they had almost devoured . how to repress this inormity , and remedy this inconvenience , without giving umbrage to the rest of those profitable strangers now setled in his dominions , by falling severely upon the iewes on the sudden , he long consulted ; and for that end call'd to his advice his chief ministers of state , the muf●i , and expounders of the law : after much dispute 't was at last found , that the iewes had already long since fo●feited their lives by the very text of the alcoran ; where it is express'd , that if within six hundred yeares from the promulgation of that religion , they did not universally come in , and profess the mahumetan faith , they should be destroy'd . the zealous emperor would immediately have put this edict in execution ; but , by the intercession of the mufti , and the rest of the doctors , 't was thought fit to suspend it for the present : but that these growing evils might in time have a period , his maj●sty commanded that all the chachammi , rabbins , and chiefe amongst the iewes , should immediately appear before his tribunal , and make answer to some objections that were to be propounded to them . the iewes being accordingly conven'd , the sophy examines them about several passages of their law , and particularly concerning the prophet moyses , and those rites of his which seem'd to have been so long annihiliated amongst them , since the coming of isai ( for so they call iesus ) after whom they pretended their mahomet was to take place , and all other predictions to determine . the iewes much terrified with the manner of these interrogatories , and dubious what the meaning and drift of them might signifie , told the emperor ; that for christ they did not believe in him ; but that they expected a messiah of their own to come , who should by his miraculous power deliver them from their oppre●sors , and subdue all the world to his obedience . at this reply the sophy appear'd to be much insenc'd : how ! sayes he , do you not then believe christ , of whom our very alcoran makes so honorable mention ? as that he was the spirit of god , sent down from him , and returning to him , &c. if we believe him , why do not you ? what say you for your selves you incredulous wretches ? the confounded iewes perceiving the emperour thus provoked , immediately prostrated themselves on the ground , humbly supplicating him to take pity on his slaves , who acknowledged themselves altogether unable to dispute with his majesty ; that for the christians , they seem'd indeed to them to be grosse idolaters ; men , who did not worship god , but a crucified malefactor , and a deceiver : which still the more displeased the sophy ; not induring they should so blaspheme a person for whom their alcoran had so great a reverence : however , for the present he dissembles his resentment ; ' ●is well , sayes he , you do not believe the god of the christians : but , tell me , what think you of our great prophet mahomet ? this demand exceedingly perplex'd them , not knowing what to reply : and indeed it was contriv'd on purpose , that convincing them of blasphemy ( as they esteem'd it ) against their prophet , the sophy might find a specious and legal pretence to ruine and destroy them , without giving any jealousie or suspition to the rest of the strangers , who were traficking in his country , of several other religions , but who were not in the least obnoxious to his displeasure . after a long pause , and secret conference with one another , it was at last resolved among them , that though they had deny'd christ , they would yet say nothing positively against mahomet : therefore they told the emperour ; that though their religion forbad them to believe any prophet save moses , &c. yet they did not hold mahomet for a false prophet , in as much as he was descended of ismael the son of abraham ; and that they desired to remaine his majesties humble vassals and slaves , and crav'd his pity on them . the sophy easily perceiving the cunning and wary subterfuge of their r●ply , told them ; this should not serve their tu●ne : that they were a people of dissolute principles and tha● under pretence of their long expected messiah , they pe●sisted in a false religion , and kept off from proselyting to the true beliefe ; and therefore required of them to set a positive time , when their messiah was to appear ; for that he would support them no longer , who had impos'd on the world , and cheated his people now so many yeares ; but , withal assuring them , that he would both pardon and protect them for the time they should assign , provided they did not go about to abuse him by any incompetent procrastinations , but assign the year precisely of his coming ; when , if accordingly he did not appear , they were sons of death , and should all of them either renounce their faith , or be certainly destroy'd , and their estates confiscated . the poor iewes , though infinitely confounded with this unexpected demand , and resolution of the sophy ; after a second consultation among themselves , ( which the emperor granted , ) contriv'd to give him this answer . that according to their books and prophesies their messiah should infallibly appear within seventy years ; prudently ( as they thought ) believing , that either the emperor or they should be all of them dead before that time ; and that , in the interim , such alterations might emerge , as all this would be forgotten , or averted ; and that at the worst , a good summe of money would reverse the sentence . but that something was of necessity to be promis'd to satisfie his present humorous zeal . the emperor accepts of the answer , and immediately causes it to be recorded in form of a solemn stipulation between them ; that in case there were no news of their messiah within the seventy years assign'd ( to which of grace , he added five more ) they should either turn mahumetans , or their whole nation utterly be destroyed throughout persia , and their substance confiscated : but with this clause also inserted ; that if their messiah did appear within that period , the emperor would himself be obliged to become a iew , and make all his subjects so with him ; this drawn ( as we said ) in form of instrument , was reciprocally sign'd and seal'd on both parts , and the iews for the present dismiss'd ; with the payment yet of no less than two millions of gold ( as my author affirms ) for the favour of this long indulgence . since the time of this emperor abas , to the present sophy now reigning , there are not onely these seventy years past , but one hundred and fifteen expir'd ; during which the persians have been so molested by the turks , and by continual warr in the east indias , &c. that the succeeding princes no more minded this stipulation of their predecessors ; 'till by a wonderful accident in the reign of the second abas , ( father of him who now governs ) a person extreamly curious of antiquities , searching one day amongst the records of his palace , there was found this writing in the iournal of his father , intimating what had so solemnly pass'd between him , and the chiefs of the iews in the name of their whole nation . upon this the sophy instantly summons a council , produces the instrument before them , and requires their advice , what was to be done ; and the rather , for that there began now to be great whispers , and some letters had been written to them from merchants out of turkey , of the motions of a pretended messiah , which was the famous sabatai : this so wrought with the emperor and his council , that with one voice , and without longer pause , they immediately conclude upon the destruction of the iews , and that this wicked generation of impostors and oppressors of his people were no longer to be indured upon the earth . in order to this resolution proclamations are issu'd out and published to the people , and to all that were strangers and inhabitants amongst them , impowering them to fall immediately upon the iews in all the persian dominions ; and to put to the sword man , woman , and child , but such as should forthwith turn to the mahumetan belief : and to seize on their goods and estates without any remorse or pity . this cruel and bloudy arrest was accordingly put in execution first at ispahan , and suddenly afterwards in all the rest of the cities and towns of persia. happy was he that could escape the fury of the inraged people , who by vertue of the publique sentence , grounded upon the declared stipulation , and now more encouraged by the dwindling of their pretended messiah , had no commiseration on them , but slew and made havock of them , where-ever they could find a iew through all their vast territori●s ; falling upon the spoil , and continuing the carnage to their utter extermination ; nor did the persecution cease for several years , beginning from about sixty three till sixty six , at ispahan , the cities and countries of seyra , ghelan , humadan , ardan , tauris , and in summe , through the whole empire , without sparing either sex or age ; excepting ( as was said ) such as turned mahumetans , or escaped through the deserts into turkey , india , and other farr distant regions , and that without hopes of ever re-establishing themselves for the future in persia , the hatred of that people being so deadly and irreconcileable against them . and in truth this late action and miscarriage of their pretended messiah has rendred them so universally despicable ; that nothing but a determined obstinacy , and an evident and judicial malediction from heaven could possibly continue them in that prodigious blindness out of which yet , god , of his infinite mercy , one day , deliver them , that they may at last see and believe in him whom they have pierced ; and that so both iew and gentile may make one flock under that o●● shepherd and bishop of our souls , iesus christ the true messiah . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a38790-e15100 * sabat●●●rote ●rote a letter to elect one man out of every tribe . the iews scruple to say , the head of israe● . the glorious kingdom of christ, described and clearly vindicated against the bold asserters of a future calling and reign of the jews, and 1000 years before the conflagration and the asserters of the 1000 years kingdom after the conflagration : opening the promise of the new heaven and earth and the everlastingness of christ's kingdom against their debasing it, who confine it to 1000 years ... : answering mr. tho. beverley ... in his twelve principles and catechisms, &c. / by richard baxter ... baxter, richard, 1615-1691. 1691 approx. 188 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 48 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26934 wing b1277 estc r5007 12318058 ocm 12318058 59413 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26934) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59413) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 201:3) the glorious kingdom of christ, described and clearly vindicated against the bold asserters of a future calling and reign of the jews, and 1000 years before the conflagration and the asserters of the 1000 years kingdom after the conflagration : opening the promise of the new heaven and earth and the everlastingness of christ's kingdom against their debasing it, who confine it to 1000 years ... : answering mr. tho. beverley ... in his twelve principles and catechisms, &c. / by richard baxter ... baxter, richard, 1615-1691. [6], 73, [1] p. printed by t. snowden, for thomas parkhurst ..., london : 1691. dedication: to mr. increase mather, the learned and pious rector of the new-england college (now in london). advertisement: p. 73 and p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in british library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng beverley, thomas. -catechism of the kingdom of our lord jesus christ, in the thousand years. eschatology -early works to 1800. millennium. jews -restoration. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the glorious kingdom of christ , described and clearly vindicated , against the bold asserters of a future calling and reign of the jews , and 1000 years before the conflagration . and the asserters of the 1000 years kingdom after the conflagration . opening the promise of the new heaven and earth , and the everlastingness of christ's kingdom , against their debasing it , who confine it to 1000 years , which with the lord is but as one day . answering mr. tho. beverley , who imposed this task , by his oft and earnest challenges of all the doctors and pastors , and his censure of dissenters as semi-sadduces of the apostasie , in his twelve principles and catechisms , &c. by richard baxter , whose comfort is only the hope of that kingdom . 2 peter 3. 13. we according to his promise look for new heavens and a new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness . ( after the conflagration . ) london , printed by t. snowden , for thomas parkhurst at the bible and three crowns , the lower end of cheapside . 1691. to mr. increase mather , the learned and pious rector of the new-england colledge ( now in london . ) worthy sir , when it befalleth me to differ from men more judicious , it is not because i have a greater esteem of my intellect than of theirs , but because that which to me seemeth evidence constraineth me . and when i publish that seeming evidence , it is not in expectation that any receive it , save those that by impartial deliberate thoughts , discerning it , are convinced by it . i therefore craved your censure of these papers , because i found that you had long and laboriously studied the controversie , and were confident of much of that which i write against : i have read no man that hath handled it with so much learning and moderation as you have done : and therefore i knew no man fitter , if i err , to detect my errours . and as your candour is rather for my publishing , than suppressing these papers ; so truly i am so far from disliking a true confutation of this ( or any errour that i shall publish ) that i therefore direct these lines to you , to intreat you , to write ( whether i be alive or dead ) your reasons against any momentous or dangerous errour which you shall here find : that as we thus friendly consent to such a collision , or rather communication , as may kindle some further sparks of light , the readers may be helpt by comparing all , the better to find out the truth . seeing the chief writers for the millennium are conformists , ( and men of greatest learning and piety among them ) as jos . mede , dr. more , dr. twisse , ( then conformable ) dr. cressoner , mr. beverley , mr. j. m. &c. i hope they will not take it for scandalous in you and me herein to differ . you have partly relieved me against some accusations of singularity , when you tell your readers ( in the preface to your english mystery ) that so many think the thousand years past already , viz. that aretius , bilney , wickleffe , walter brute , benno cardin , &c. thought that the time began at the birth of christ . that viegas , pererius , augustine , primasius , beda , andreas , thought it began at the passion of christ : that junius , pareus , dent , broughton , bibliander , usher , thought it began at the destruction of the jewish state : and that even brightman , majer , forbes , willet , gerhard , guild , cartwright , as well as alcaser castiglius , begin it at constantines inthronization ; which is as the same with john fox ( acts and mon. vol. 1. p. 111. ) grotius , hamond , and many others that begin it at the fall of maxentius , or licinius , or at constantines edict for christians , from whence to the ottoman empire say they was just a thousand years : and that the conversion of the jews will not be till the present state of this world be near its end , you hold with beda , estius , acosta , stella , zanchy , perkins , vossius , finnus . and page 20. you believe that the 1290 years in dan. are past long ago , as you say , arnold . de villa nova , the author of the problem mr. stevens , mede , alsted , lud. capellus , dr. twisse ( to whom i may add many more . ) though you are plain , that the thousand years are not before the conflagration , and that antichrist shall not be finally destroyed till then ( though rome shall ) and that a thousand years will be but a part , a morning of the last great day , in which the just only shall rise , and that the evening will be the time of the rising of the unjust to destruction , and the space that is till christ give up the kingdom , &c. ] yet because oft-times you joyn the jews earthly monarchy so obscurely with the resurrection , without mentioning the intervening conflagration , i intreat you in your next to make your self therein more intelligible : and give some proof that the wicked shall not be raised nor judged till after the thousand years , ( neither those dead before , nor those found alive at the conflagration : seeing many words of christ and paul seem plainly to assert a common judgment , of sheep and goats , just and unjust , at the same time of christs coming . as to my opinion , that pagan rome was babylon , i have so much to say for it , as must not here be repeated : if that cast away my reputation with any or many , let it go : he is unworthy of reputation that cannot give it up for truth . the revelation hath much plain and easie to them that read it without prejudice ( who i doubt are few . ) i only fix on so much , and leave the rest to wiser men , without dishonouring of their judgments , so be it they give not up our cause to the papists , by laying it upon things doubtful or untrue , while we have sure and plain proof enough against them . your unworthy fellow-servant , rich. baxter . london , decemb. 19. 1690. the contents . chap. i. the kingdom of christ as described in the scripture . chap. ii. an answer to mr. tho. beverleys twelve principles , and much of his catechism of the millennium , necessitated by his many provocations , and challenge to all the doctors and pastors of the church , and his censure of dissenters as semi-sadduces of the apostasie . his first principle examined . of delivering up the kingdom to the father . christs kingdom began before the ( disputed ) thousand years , proved . his enemies much subdued before . what is meant by giving up the kingdom ? the longer continuance of christs kingdom , proved . of christs being subject to the father . and god all in all. whether it be true that christ was eternally a man , having an eternal kingdom as man ; but not as the son of man after the millennium ? whether out union with god and christ , joh. 17. be that then god shall be all in all as before the world began ? whether we were in god before the world began , and how ? the tendency of this doctrine . of mr. t. b's ambiguous language . his 2d , 3d , 4th , 5th and 6th principles . the 7th principle . that those found on earth shall be presently caught up at the lords coming , and not stay a thousand years after ; proved fully : and the limitation of a thousand years confuted . the 8th principle . the thousand years further confuted . the 9th principle more of the giving up the kingdom . the 10th , 11th and 12th principles . of the fifth monarchy , &c. more of mr. b's . ambiguities . chap. iii. of those millenaries that place the thousand years reign before the conflagration . chap. iv. that the ten tribes will never be found and called , if they never were so heretofore . chap. v. the ten tribes were not lost nor extinct , proved . chap. vi. what conversion the twelve tribes have already had ? chap. vii . whether there be any jerusalem monarchy of jews , or any further conversion of them , more than of other men promised by god ? the pretended proofs examined . chap. viii . reasons for the negative humbly offered to tryal . and some objections answered . chap. ix . of the new earth ; what is certain , and what uncertain ? chap. i. the kingdom of christ , as described by the s. scriptures . being by mr. t. beverleys importunate requests and challenges , and his heavy accusation of dissenters from him as semi-sadduces of the apostasie , urged to give an account of the reasons of my dissent from him and others of the millenary judgment , it is meet that i first tell him what i take for the true scripture doctrine of the kingdom of christ , which i am to defend . premising my desire to the reader , that he will first read as presupposed truth , the judicious treatise of my dear brother mr. john corbet , of the kingdom of god with men : and cluverus his arguments against the millennium . i. god made man in his own image ( natural , moral , and of supereminence ) in wisdom , righteousness , and true holiness ; to know , love , and obey his creator : therefore they err that say , adam had no spiritual holiness , and did no act of holiness and obedience before his fall : for else he had lived in great and constant sin : for it could be no better for him , not to esteem god to be the chief good , and amiable object ; or not to love him whom he knew to be the best ; or not to serve and obey him whom he knew to be his creator . in this state god was to govern him as a righteous subject , by the law which obliged him to personal , perfect , perpetual obedience ; revealed partly by the creation , and partly by express prohibitions and commands . ii. upon mans fall and forfeiture , god first pronouncing part of the penalty which he would inflict , declared his decree so far to forgive the rest of the penalty , as to reprieve and yet continue his faln creature ; and to give them a redeemer that should overcome the serpent that had overcome man , and to make him the captain of salvation , and to put faln man , and all things , and power into his hand , for the accomplishing of this recovering work , for the glorifying of his love and mercy thereby . the eternal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the second person in the trinity , being designed to this great undertaking . iii. whether this eternal word , did first unite it self to the prime being of the creation ? and whether that prime being was the universal soul of the world , or there were any such universal soul , save god that is more than a soul , or it be not universal , but yet of the highest created species , and had any causality in the creation or production of the rest of the world ? and whether it ( and the world , as aristotle thought ) was ( except revolutions and alterations ) an eternal effect of an eternal first cause , and many such cases about the original of souls , are questions that god having not clearly decided by natural or scripture light , i cannot peremptorily decide , but am lost in difficulties when i attempt it . iv. till the incarnation of christ , the world was governed by god , as the god of mercy and redemption ; by a regiment of grace ; which may be called the kingdom of christ , as christ was the undertaker of future redemption : and the world being all under a pardoning law of grace , that alloweth repentance on hope of mercy ; god dealt with none upon the meer terms of the law of perfection or innocence ; which ceased cessante capacitate subditorum : be innocent and live , or sin and die , is not the law that any are judged by . v. god that first made this law of grace to faln mankind in adam and eve , renewed it to all in noah . vi. abraham pleasing god above others by faith and full obedience , god chose him to be the father of a peculiar people , promising him that his seed should be multiplied into an eminent policy , and that the saviour incarnate should be of his seed , in whom all the nations of the earth should be blessed : not ending the law of grace to the rest of the world , but priviledging abrahams seed with the state of peculiarity . vi. by moses god brought abrahams seed into the promised political state , and gave them a law to be a rule to their political governours , when to punish , and in what sort and degree : and god being their absolute soveraign , and their government a theocracy , he reserved to himself the power of legislation in all the necessary parts , and the choice of their chief rulers under him . and what the magistrate failed to punish according to his law , he would punish himself . this law was but the rule of their obedience , supposing them believers of the promise to abraham , justified by faith : but the carnal jews were so taken up with the outward ceremonies and works , that they lost the understanding of that justifying promise , and the very use of all the types and ceremonies , and thought to be justified by the bare works or doing of what the law required of them as their duty . and because god had not done so by any other nation , they were proud of their law , and yet only outwardly obeyed it . viii . in the fulness of time the messiah came incarnate ( after 4000 years ) and then that which before was only in decree , became a law of mediation or redemption , or a covenant between the father and the son in flesh ; christ being obliged in habit , act and suffering , to do all imposed for the recovery of man , and for this was to be king and lord of all , and having finished his undertaken work , to reign for ever as god-man with the glorified recovered society as his reward in heaven for ever . and all power to this end was given to him , and all judgment or government committed to him , to be exercised on lapsed man for recovery , the father judging no man , as meer creator of innocent man , till this work is done . ix . when christ incarnate came the king came from heaven , and therefore john preached that the kingdom of heaven was at hand , and christ first preached that it was come and was among them ; that is , the king promised from heaven to rule the world for their salvation . and when he had first wrought miracles enough to prove it , that faith might not be precarious , and built upon his bare affirmation , he openly claimed first the kingdom of judea , as of the line of david , and caused the people to applaud him with hosanna's . but being to redeem us as a sacrifice by his blood , and to conquer death , and confirm his gospel , by dying and rising again , he oft foretold all this to his disciples , and the rejecting of him by the jews , and their nations , cities and temples ruin for it , and his purpose to cease the mosaical politie , and to make his church more great and catholick by the calling of the gentiles ; especially the roman empire . x. at his resurrection he took more solemn possession of his kingly government . and first commissioned the twelve apostles whom he had before made preachers to the jews , to continue their ministry to them ( in a number related to the twelve tribes ) till persecution should expel them , and then to do their best to make all nations ( as such ) his disciples , baptizing them ( as the entrance into his kingdom ) into the name of the father , the son , and the holy ghost , and there teaching them to observe all his commands delivered to those apostles , and promising to be with them to the end of the world. xi . by this and more it appeareth that a great triumphant kingdom on earth , and national churches , which are nothing but christian kingdoms , was at first in christs intention , though the embrio and infancy anteceding , it was to be first in execution : for he commanded the discipling of nations , and would have gathered jerusalem , and not cut them off , nor taken the kingdom of god from them , but for their unbelief . and the number of twelve was by matthias to be made up , to shew their relation to the jews national church state , till persecution drove them to the gentiles , and then paul and barnabas were added . the apostles have successors in all the parts of their office , which is to be continued to the end , but not in the parts that were extraordinary , peculiar and temporary . xii . christ by the holy ghost ( which he promised to send to be his powerful agent ) propagated a holy generation , and by his messengers preaching ( his resurrection and kingdom especially ) and the miracles which they wrought , he confirmed his gospel ; and converted quickly many myriads of the jews , and after far greater numbers of the gentiles : thus preparing materials or subjects for his more visible kingdom of power on earth ; himself reigning over all in heaven . xiii . that his subjects might know the nature and terms of his covenant and government ( which was to bring them to a heavenly kingdom ) he not only required their covenant-consent to forsake the flesh and this world , and the devil , for that eternal life which he had promised them , but he was pleased to put them on the actual exercise of this agreement , and to try their sincerity , by putting them often upon sufferings and martyrdom : and therein he exercised his heavenly power , in strengthening them , and making them more than conquerors , while they went as sheep to the slaughter ; to the honour of their lord and faith , and the confusion of their persecutors . xiv . yet did he so over-power the spirits of the pagan persecutors , that of forty emperors , there were at most but ten that persecuted them ; so that in this captivity and wilderness state by their liberty their numbers so increased that they became a considerable party in their dominions and armies . xv. of all these persecutors , the cruellest were nero , domitian , maximinus and decius , but far above all , the last , who were seven together ( dioclesian , max. herculius , max. galerius , max. daya , severus , licinius , maxentius , ( and constantius not wholly innocent ) the cruelty of their tormentors , and the great numbers tormented and martyred , is frightful even to read : by all which christ shewed his heavenly power , in the terrible punishment of all their persecutors : first in the dreadful destruction of the cursed part of the jews ; who were by vespasian and titus so destroyed that 110000 of them were killed , and about 700000 captivated : and their state , city and temple overthrown , and saith origen and chrysostom , it is certain that they shall never ( that is , the infidels ) return to that land. and afterwards by trajan and adrian , in revenge of the murders of barcocheba an antichrist , near as many more were killed ; which must needs leave the infidels few in so small a land , when london is supposed not to have near one million of inhabitants . and as to the great pagan empire , ( the greatest that ever the world had ) christ rode on the white horse against them conquering , and executed on them all the plagues gradually numbered in the apocalypse , the seals , the trumpets , the vials , till he had utterly overcome them and all their confederates : he dealt so severely with them , that of forty emperors there were scarce ten or seven that died without murder a natural death : but they were still in bloody wars with other nations , and with one another , so that [ the beast that was , and is not , and yet is , ] became a fit description of their state : as notably suited to domitian at first , and to dioclesian , herculius , and their fellows at last , so all along to the ordinary succession : to day there was an emperor ; the next day he was kill'd , and there was none ; and yet another presently succeeded him , and so there is one again ; the soldiers selling the empire to him that would give most for it , or was likest to advance them . how dreadful a destruction did christ by one constantine bring on the seven heads and ten horns at last , in a very little time . so that heaven and earth triumphed with joyful praise that babylon was fallen , and the kingdoms of the world were become the kingdoms of the lord and of his christ , and he had taken to himself his great power and had reigned , and was setting up the new jerusalem ( as a fifth monarchy ) the embrio of the coelestial jerusalem in its visible reigning power . i am none of those that will secure papal rome from an answerable name , and guilt , and fate : but he that will convince me that pagan rome was not the babylon there meant , or that it is not fallen , must first convince me that he is of more credible authority than the apocalypse . xvi . o how great a change was it for poor christians throughout all the empire , to be brought from scorn and torments , and the martyrdom of many thousands , after 294 years captivity , to be suddenly made freemen , to celebrate christs worship in the most solemn assemblies , and to be made lords of their persecuting , captivating , idolatrous enemies , lately so great that no nations could stand before them . who did the godly desire should be in power , rather their bishops that came newly out of the furnace of tryal ? o what a change ! o what a joyful day ! and shall the success of the devil , that quickly sowed the tares of covetousness , pride and contention among the clergy and laity , tempt us to undervalue gods great mercy to his church which angels and saints gave him so much praise for . emperours also had their odious crimes ; even constantine killed his eldest son crispus , and after his step-mother for accusing him , and banished athanasius : shall we therefore be unthankful for a christian empire , which was christs own visible kingdom ? theodosius killed the thessalonians : arcadius banished holy chrysostom-theodosius the second , a saint , was called an eutychian , and so of others . david committed murder and adultery : solomon was a monster of lust and voluptuousness , and at last of revolt to favour idols ; yet were they the peculiar kings of gods peculiar people ; and few better followed them . all this sheweth that christ all this while reigned , and left it not wholly to the resurrection , to make his enemies his footstool . xvii . it is not unlikely that this delivered , exalted state of the church ( though after corrupted by temptation to pride ) was the new jerusalem in the embrio , of which constantinople was the capital seat , as the porch or infancy of the heavenly city of god , and that one as the infant heir , and the other as the possessor of the inheritance , is described in rev. 20. 21. 22. but of this more fully elsewhere . xviii . the dragon being bound up a thousand years from the churches deliverance ( from constantines edict to the ottoman empire ) the church after grew corrupted : and papal rome imitated pagan rome , though under more plausible names and pretences , and exceeded them in cruelty . and mahomet the eastern antichrist , compassed and conquered constantinople the holy city ; and christs revenge on gog and magog , the turk and tartarian ( with the rest of the infidel world ) are yet to come , and therefore dark . xix . at the end of this world , which shall be burnt with fire , god will make a new heaven and earth ; in which shall dwell righteousness without sin . and all things shall be restored , and the creature delivered from the bondage of corruption , into the glorious liberty of the sons of god. how god will people this new earth , he hath not told us ; whether by creation , as by adam , or by transmigration : nor yet how long it shall continue , unless for ever as part of the endless kingdom . scripture giveth us no confinement of it to a thousand years , but the contrary . xx. christs glorious appearance and judgment , will be both the triumphant concluding parts of the kingdom of redemption , and grace , which he will deliver up when his recovering work is done : and the beginning of the kingdom of glory : in which , as his reward , he will for ever in humane nature be glorified , as the mediator of fruition , as he was of acquisition ; and that in the heavens . his coming in the air is not there to reign a thousand years , but presently to judge the world , as in matth. 25. he describeth it : and to confine his kingdom in humane nature , and ours with him to a thousand years , and confine it to the air , and the survivers on earth , is a fiction full of contradictions , dishonourable to christ and his kingdom , uncomfortable to his church . xxi . there is but one thousand years mentioned in scripture , from whence they can fetch the least shew for their limitation ; and that is only in rev. 20. but it is most evident that the thousand years there mentioned was to be before the conflagration , and new earth , and the resurrection : for it was to be before satan was loosed , and before gog and magog , and their numberless armies assaulted the holy city ; and before the fire from god came on them . and the paradise restored state of the new earth , in which dwelleth righteousness , is not consistent with so much wickedness of the inhabitants , and satans power over the nations : nor with a laodicean lukewarmness , and danger of being spued out . they therefore that well expect a thousand years reign before the resurrection , have no pretence to expect another millennium after . xxii . to expect a thousand years , and that after the fall of papal rome , before the resurrection , is a supposition that this world will endure a far longer time than christians have hitherto believed : and that the great sabbatism is to be before the new earth : and what a sabbatism that will be , the description of gog and magog , and of their laodicea , may tell you : far unlike a paradise state , when all things shall be restored , and the groaning creation be delivered from the bondage of corruption , into the glorious liberty of the sons of god. xxiii . they that assign this thousand years on this side the conflagration and resurrection , for the setting up a fifth monarchy of the converted jews at jerusalem , are the grossest feigners of all the rest . well did jerom say , that the millenaries fetch their errour from the jews , and would set up judaism by it . ( he that dwelt so long at bethlehem knew the jews opinions . ) for ( to pass by what else is after to be said ) their very fiction is a contradiction . were our jews converted , they would in less than a hundred years be no longer a jewish nation : for their state of peculiarity with the mosaical policy is abolished by christ , and must never be restored : and they must and would marry with gentile christians , and fall into the catholick church as rivers into the sea , and lose the name of jews : so did their converted predecessors . xxiv . and seeing it is not like that our now infidel jews are one to a hundred of the posterity of the first believing jews that have been propagated these sixteen hundred years , why should a glorious monarchy be set up of this self-cursed remnant , excluding all the first-fruits , both the sealed , rev. 7. and all since ? but if the posterity of all those old holy jews were now sought for , to be sent to jerusalem , not one man of them would be found and known ; ( of which more after . ) xxv . it is a marvel that the great disagreement of the millenaries among themselves , yet hindereth not their seeming concord , while they can but cry up the thousand years reign , though most of them know not what the words mean. some of them say , the thousand years are on earth ; and some say , they are only of the souls of the martyrs and confessors in heaven : some say , they are both in heaven , or in the air , and on earth at once . some say , that they shall be a jewish monarchy at jerusalem ; and some , that it shall be of the godly all over the world. some say , christ will reign there visibly in his humane nature : others , that he will only sometime appear , as he did after his resurrection : and some , that he will rule there only by reforming christian princes . some hold but one thousand years , and some two , ( one being after the other . ) some hold two new jerusalems , and some but one . some say , that the day of judgment is the thousand years ( and yet that scripture hath not told us how long christ will be judging us . ) and some , that it is only the beginning and the end of the thousand years , that the judgment will take up , and the rest will be in other government . some think that execution on men and devils will be but that thousand years ; which some decry . some think that the first resurrection , is from an aereal vehicle or body into an ethereal ; and others that it is from earthly dust to a heavenly body by transmutation of elements : and others that it is to be a paradise body , like adams before he sinned . other differences seem almost reconciled to some , by the bare name of a thousand years reign . xxvi . it is a far more glorious christian monarchy which christ by constantine set up , than most of the millenaries give any probability of . 1. it was a deliverance from the cruellest persecution . 2. and from the dragons most potent empire . 3. a deliverance of all christians as well as of jews . 4. without confinement to the narrow land of israel . 5. a setting up of a national-provincial church in judea . 6. with the great charges of promoting it , by new churches , monasteries , bibles , bishops ! what could he do more ? the knowledge of what hath been done long ago , would have prevented many mens expectation of the same . xxvii . if it prove that their millennial doctrine , and the calling of the jews , prove a meer mistake , it will not be so small as should suspend our detection of it . because it is an adding to gods word , and fathering on him many untruths , and so a taking of his name in vain ; and a corrupting of his worship while we preach , write and pray for that which we ought not ( further than we must pray for the conversion of all sorts of men ) and a turning of mens zeal to promote untruths , and corrupt mens minds . xxviii . we find it so easie to possess men with a fervent zeal for the millenary opinion , and so hard to make them zealous in holy love to god and man , and in a heavenly conversation , as may make us suspicious that both sorts of zeal have not the same original : i am not willing to name some tremendous instances of men nearly known to me , hereabout . xxix . our worthy brother that hath more learnedly opened that cause than any else that ever i read , by moderation hath brought the difference into so narrow a compass ( in his diatriba de signo filii hominis ) that except , 1. the calling of the jews , 2. and the extending of the day of judgment to a thousand years , and that the general resurrection and judgment of the wicked , shall begin after the thousand years are expired , there remaineth to great and weighty disagreement of such with the judgment of the churches . xxx . seeing we ascribe to christs kingdom so much more than they that we oppose , why should they be thought to extol his kingdom more than we ? 1. is not eternity longer than a thousand years ? 2. and heaven a more glorious state than the air ? 3. and a new earth inhabited only by the righteous , better than one that is laodicean , or that hath such enemies of saints as gog and magog ? 4. and this new earth either everlasting , or of undetermined time , better than one but of a thousand years duration , which is but with the lord as one day , and about a sixth part as durable as this corrupted world , that is under sin and curse ? is this doctrine , or the other , more honourable to christ , and more comfortable to believers , and more evident in the word of god ? chap. ii. an unwilling answer to mr. tho. beverleys twelve principles , and his catechism of the millennium ; necessitated by his many provocations of many ministers , and me by name , and his challenge of all the doctors and pastors of the church , and his censure of the denyers of that millenary reign , as semisadduces of the apostasie . § 1. reverend and truly beloved brother , i take it for no wonder that great and many disagreements in matters of religion are among us , while in professions of less mystery ( law , policy , physicks , medicine , &c. ) there are so many ; that [ so many men , so many minds ] hath so long been a proverb : and in such tolerable cases as much endanger not church and souls , few men are more for mutual forbearance and charitable construction than i am : therefore the millennial opinion i have never been a censorious opposer of , while men kept up peace and charity with it . but the case lately is altered , and is made a matter of necessary zeal , as part of the creed and the lords prayer , if not essential to the gospel and christianity : and very many of the antinomian , and separating opinion , that least understand it , lay much of their religion on it : and the just honour of many conformists , of the most peaceable principles otherwise promoteth it ; such as mr. jos . mede . dr. h. more , dr. cressoner , your self , mr. m. author of the midnight cry , mr. r. m. the publisher ( most pious men both ) and many others . and we must not now be suffered to be silent , but must answer your provocations , or be grosly guilty of the evil that will follow your success . § 2. the millenary opinion was indeed early received by some followers of papias : but the universal opposition of the christian church that hath exploded it ever since , tells us that it was a singular opinion : and is he a humble man that now calleth the christian church for sixteen hundred years , and all those learned and holy divines of england , and other reformed churches , that differ from your conceit , by the name of [ semi-saddvces of the apostasie . ] bear with my freedom . is it humility that so loudly challengeth all the pastors and doctors of the churches to answer you ? have you answered all them ? or so much as one cluverus alone , or james calvert whom you promised me to answer ? was it humility that cast a glove for an answer to two or three trifling fallacies about the pagan babylon , when i had given you an answer to them long before , and you modestly sent it back without a confutation ? i have had long by me , as a learner , some humble queries to you , and no bookseller will print them , because they say men look on you as diseased with prophesying self conceit , and will not read a confutation . your leader dr. more saith , that the papists not answering my books against them , is , because they despise them , as unworthy of an answer . may not your case be much the same ? men have greater matters to mind , than to trouble themselves with you and me , or answering our challenges . § 3. but i come to your chain of principles : and 1. it 's a half and fallacious description of christs kingdom , to say it is his as the son of man. there be millions of sons of men that have no such kingdom . it is his kingdom as god-man , the redeemer and recovering mediator . this kingdom is to him as the eternal word , and the son of man in one person of a redeemer . and because you confessed to me , that if you err , the misunderstanding of the delivering up the kingdom to the father , that god may be all in all ] is your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will first prove that you grosly err in this your foundation . § 4. 2. you say oft , that christs kingdom begins at the millennium , as if he had none before : and you distinguish not the several gradations of his kingdom , as from the conception and embryo to its maturity : as it began in the promise to adam , and renewed to noah , and proceeded to the covenant of peculiarity , made to abraham and his seed , settled in a common-wealth by moses , renewed to david : and as it came from heaven in the person of the incarnate messiah , shewing his kingly power by his miracles and doctrines , and in his transfiguration , and acknowledged by hosanna's , and owned to the death before the roman judge . nor his entrance on the more open exercise of it , by his resurrection , ascension , and sending down his paraclete the holy spirit , and by it in his commissioned apostles and witnesses , convincing and converting the world. you take little notice of his going forth conquering on the white horse , as king of kings , and lord of lords , and calling all the fowls of the air to eat the flesh of kings and captains , and his utter subversion of pagan babylon , taking to himself his great power and reigning , when heaven and earth triumphed , with joy , that the kingdoms of the world were made the kingdoms of the lord , and of his christ , and christ set up christian princes as his officers representing him to rule as in his name ( as his ministers do in preaching in his name . ) if you say that these things were not done , your unthankful slander of providence and the revelation , is confuted by the whole stream of the roman and church history : what more will be done hereafter is a further question . the fulness of the gentiles then came in . and is all this no kingdom and reign of christ ? § 5. compare christs words of his kingdom and yours , matth. 12. 28. the kingdom of god is come unto you . matth. 21. 43. the kingdom of god shall be taken from you , and given to a nation that will bring forth the fruit thereof . luk. 11. 20. no doubt the kingdom of god is come upon you . luk. 9. 27. there are some here that shall not taste of death , till they see the kingdom of god come in power . luk. 17. 21. the kingdom of god is among you ( or within you . ) matth. 13. likeneth the kingdom of heaven to a sower , to a grain of mustard-seed , to a treasure hid , to rich pearls sought , to a little leaven , to a fishers net , to a field of corn and tares , luk. 19. 12 , 15. when christ ascended , he then received for himself a kingdom , before he came to judgment , joh. 5. 22. the father judgeth no man , but hath committed all judgment to the son. matth. 28. 19. all power in heaven and earth is given me . joh. 17. 2 , 3. all things are delivered to him . luk. 23. 42. he that prayed christ to remember him when he came in his kingdom , was told that he should be in paradise with him that day . § 6. abraham , isaac and jacob , are now in the kingdom of god , and others shall sit down there with them . god is not the god of the dead , but of the living . lazarus was in abraham's bosom : moses and elias appeared with christ on the mount of glory : and enoch was translated . christ is not in heaven alone without any company but angels : and if moses and elias be there , more are there , to make the superiour part of his kingdom . he hath there a nobler reign now , than is exercised in this dark , distracted world , that is drowned in wickedness , and torn by mutual enmity and malice . it would not else have been better for paul to be dissolved and to be with christ . those that follow him , shall be where he is , joh. 12. 26. we live , because he liveth , as branches in him the vine . § 7. either this world is governed now by god , or not : if not , he is not a god to it ; or kings are more to it than god : if yea , it is by christ that he governeth it . are there any divine laws , or not ? if there be , they are christs laws , and the execution is christs execution of them . and sure the exercise of legislation , judgment , protection , rewards and punishments , are the exercise of kingly government . you deny christ , if you deny him to be king : will you not obey him as king , till the trumpet sound , and he come to the final judgment ? § 8. but where is the present kingdom of christ , more gloriously described than in the prophecies which you call your self the humble reader of ? and especially in the apocalypse ( if it be not you only that understand it ? ) it would swell this writing to name all the texts that expresly assert it . isa . 9. 6 , 7. to us a child is born , to us a son is given , and the government shall be upon his shoulder , and his name shall be called wonderful , counsellor , the mighty god , the everlasting father , the prince of peace ; of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end ; upon the throne of david , and upon his kingdom , to order it , and to stablish it with judgment and with justice , from henceforth even for ever . is this only at the millennium . he is a prince and a saviour to give repentance and remission of sin . god hath made him lord and christ , acts 2. 16. to be lord is to be king : to deny this is to say that we owe him no obedience , and is apostacy indeed . how could he make us kings and priests to god , if he were not king himself ? even a priest after the order of melchizedeck , and a prophet raised up like moses that was king in jeshurun . but enough of this to real christians . § . 9. but what is all this to you ? do you deny it ? 1. if you do not , it is not christs kingdom , but the consummation of his kingdom , and his glorious appearing in it that is to begin at judgment after the conflagration . 2. but it is your words and not your thoughts that are published in print , and if you have written contrary to your heart , recant it , and pity them that you deceived . in your catechism of the millennium you say , pag 5. q. when doth christs kingdom begin ? ans . it begins at the coming and appearance of christ , and at the resurrection of his saints at his coming and appearance . ] and page 6. the apostle without any other mention of his kingdom saith , he must reign till he hath put all his enemies under his feet . now when did this reign begin but at his coming ? or where did the apostle give any intimation of his reigning but at his coming ? and when he comes and descends , and no longer sits at the right hand of god , then god first maketh his enemies his footstool : not when he sits , but when he comes : and then he begins to reign . — his kingdom and the resurrection of his saints begin together . ] § 10. i confess this doctrine well agreeth with doctor more 's life of tryal in the air , and mr. mede's conclusion that our salvation is not ascertained to us till the resurrection : indeed it maketh all our preaching , and religion in this life of little moment , in comparison of that which is after both death and resurrection : for if christ reign not till then , he maketh no laws till then ; he bindeth us to no obedience to him till then ; he punisheth no sin till then ; he setteth up no magistrates till then , to be governing officers in his kingdom : he executeth no discipline in the churches as king ▪ o how have independents and presbyterians been deceived then , who have lamented the neglect or suppression of christs kingly government in the church ! it is then under his thousand years government that men must obey to secure their salvation . § 11. but the contrary is fully evident by the effects . 1. what new laws he will make in the air , you must prove : but we can prove that he made laws for government on earth : 2. else the world hath had no king or government of god : 3. nor no authorized prince or pastor . 4. all saints can say that he giveth rewards on earth to believers . 5. and he is the protector of his church . 6. he here is known by the judgments which he executeth , and maketh his enemies his footstool , though their final fall be at the last . did he not in that kingly glory described by john , execute all those plagues on pagan rome , and its beast , which are gradually described in the seals , the trumpets and the vials till it fell ? if you say that all this is meant of papal rome , sure i am , it was done first on pagan rome : and you that tell us how shortly turk and pope shall fall , sure take it to be before the resurrection ! and doth not christ then make his enemies his footstool by his kingly power ? 12. what it is for christ to subdue his enemies , must be known by his office and undertaking , which is to overcome satan , and to save his people from their sins . and did he not conquer satan as a tempter , and triumph even on the cross ? and doth he not conquer the dominion of sin in all his members ? is he not mortifying them in us day by day ? and is not this treading down his enemies ? and is he not taking off the curse , the fruit of sin ? these are christs enemies , because they are ours ; even the diseases which he came to cure ? § 13. is it not unreconcileable self-contradiction , for you to extol the doctrine of dr. crisp , who saith , that we are so fully saved by christ , even before conversion , that we have no sin , it being none of ours , but his ; nor can any sin hurt us ( much less other mens ) nor any penalty befal us , nor any place left for any duty to do us the least good ; and yet that christ our saviour , subdueth not his enemies before the resurrection ? yea your self assert , that we are righteous by gods essential righteousness , and that as our only justification and holiness : and yet doth not christ tread down his enemies ? hath he trod down in you , no pride , no lust , no errour , no injustice ? doth he not tread down greater enemies than turkish swords , or papal inquisitions in every soul that he converteth ? when we fight not against flesh and blood , but against principalities and powers , and spiritual wickedness in high places ? and when we are but killed , and counted as sheep to the slaughter , in all this we are more than conquerours , and need not fear them that kill the body . § 14. rev. 5. 12 , 13. the numberless host of heaven cry , worthy is the lamb that was slain , to receive power and riches , and wisdom and strength , and honour and glory , and blessing , ( and is not that a kingdom ? and is it not till the resurrection ? ) and every creature which is in heaven , and on the earth , and under the earth , and such as are in the sea , and all that are in them , heard i saying , blessing , and honour , and glory , and power be to him that sitteth on the throne , and to the lamb for ever and ever . ] this is before the resurrection . § 15. rev. 12. 7. if michael be not christ , he is christs servant . and there was war in heaven , and michael and his angels fought against the dragon , and the dragon fought and his angels , and prevailed not ; neither was there place found any more in heaven . and the great dragon was cast out , that old serpent called , the devil and satan , who deceiveth the whole world : he was cast out into the earth , and his angels were cast out with him . and i heard a voice saying in heaven , now is come salvation and strength , and the kingdom of our god , and the power of his christ , for the accuser of our brethren is cast down , who accused them before our god day and night : and they overcame him by the blood of the lamb , and by the word of their testimony , and they loved not their lives unto the death : therefore rejoice ye heavens , and ye that dwell in them : woe to the inhabitants of the earth and of the sea ; for the devil is come down to you , having great wrath , because he knoweth that he hath but a short time . ] he may make his own faith , that will affirm , that this describeth no kingdom of christ , or no conquest of his enemies ; or that all this is after the resurrection , or yet to come , and none of it yet fulfilled . § 16. rev. 14. 7 , 8. fear god , and give glory to him , for the hour of his judgment is come . — babylon is faln , is faln , ] this is a judgment and a treading down enemies before the final judgment : and so is the reaping and the wine-press mentioned , ver . 13. to the end . § 17. were all the seven vials poured out after the resurrection ? c. 16. or were there no treading down of the enemies of king jesus ? ch. 17. 12 , 14. the beast and his ten kings make war with the lamb , and the lamb shall overcome them ; for he is lord of lords , and king of kings , and they that are with him are called , and chosen , and faithful . ] this is a conquest before the resurrection . ch. 18. is yet more full herein , about all the fall and plagues of babylon : over whom heaven and earth are called to rejoyce . and it was certainly before the resurrection , that the kingdoms of the world are said to become the kingdoms of christ . and the three last chapters describing the glory of the delivered church on earth , as representing the heavenly glory , is yet the fullest proof of all . § 18. by all this it is evident , that you call that christs kingdom as begun , which is but his kingdom in triumph and maturity , as if a man were no man till he is at full age. but it is your not distinguishing the kingdom of mediatorial redemption , recovery and acquisition , from the kingdom of mediatorial glory and fruition , that is , the errour that corrupteth all your confident discourses . the office of our redeemer is to recover sinful man to god , and restore him to purity , from sin , and all the curse or punishment for sin ; yea and to advance him to a more perfect and confirmed state . and christs reward for this , is the everlasting joy that was set before him , in the fruition of the divine complacency , and in the perfect and glorious headship to his perfected glorified church for ever . let us consider , 1. which of these is given up to the father ; and 2. what giving up to the father is ; and 3. when it is done . § 19. 1. the first all grant is to be given up : the kingdom of recovery ; but not the kingdom of fruition : that of grace , not that of glory . as a prince commissioned to be general for the reduction of revolted rebels , brings them down by degrees , and having slain some , and reduced the rest , he giveth up his commission , and is general no more ; for his work is done . but he hath after the promised reward and honour , and may under the king , rule them as recovered . or as a physician that hath an hospital or infected city to cure , giveth up that work when it is perfectly finished : so christ giveth up the kingdom of redemption when he hath done that work . 2. but this giving up is no deposing of christ , nor is he less , but more gloriously king than before . nor is god the father any more king than before . it 's no diminution to christs royalty , nor any addition to the fathers . i shall prove this before i go further . § 20. 1. by comparing this text with joh. 5. 22. the father judgeth no man , but hath committed all judgment to the son : ] and yet the father governeth no less than he did before , and is not deposed by giving up all government to the son : only the quality of the subject , and the terms of his government are altered . creation is in scripture eminently ascribed to the father , and redemption to the son. the father as creator governed man in his integrity , to preserve and perfect him : man being faln into sin and misery , the son as redeemer governeth man as a physician his patients , in order to his cure . the father now judgeth no man as sinless according to the law of innocency , but hath committed the government of all to the son as his administrator and physician , in order to their cure . this is but altering the way of government . and it is the subjects of the kingdom that are called the kingdom , who are now restored , and delivered up to the father , without blemish , spot or wrinkle , that he may henceforth govern them as a perfectly healed people , according to the law of perfection . the father now judgeth no less by the son , than before in another way . § 21. 2. i prove the continuance of the kingdom of the son , in the way of fruition and glory , by the promise hereof made to him by the father . the covenant of mediation , hath obligations laid on the son , and promises of a glorious kingdom , as merited by his performance of his part . and doth his performance dispossess him of his promised reward , when it was the condition of his title to it ? it 's tedious to cite all texts that prove it . § 22. 3. the promises are made to christ , that his kingdom shall be an everlasting kingdom , and have no end : and therefore ceaseth not by the delivery mentioned . and though the hebrew word commonly translated [ for ever ] oft signifie but a long time , or many generations ; yet in the texts intimated , there is no reason for such a limitation . if god say , that of his kingdom there shall be no end , let the deniers prove their denial . § 23. 4. christ hath promised to make them that overcome , pillars in his temple , and they shall go out no more ; which he could not perform if he go out himself , or lose his kingly power . and he saith , that the children of god and the resurrection are equal to the angels , and die no more : and sure he can make their state no more durable than his own . and it is called life eternal which we shall possess : and shall christ have less than we ? § 24. 5. christs humane nature will be perpetuated , and therefore so will his glorious kingdom . no text speaketh of his ceasing to be man ; but many contrary . and who should then presume to assert it ? i know smeckfeldius held , that christ ceased to be man as soon as he entred heaven : but the church called it a heresie . as on earth he was to be man like us in flesh , so in heaven where flesh and blood cannot enter ; yet he will make our vile bodies like to his glorious body . § 25. 6. the state of reward is an advancement , and not a diminution , as to us , so to christ , phil. 2. 9 , 10. wherefore god also hath highly exalted him , and given him a name which is above every name , that at the name of jesus every knee shall bow , of things in heaven , and things on earth , and things under the earth , and that every tongue should confess that jesus is lord , to the glory of god the father . § 26. 7. christ hath promised us that we shall be with him where he is , and prayed that we may there behold his glory ; which is plainly to say , that when he hath been the mediator of redemption , he will be the mediator of fruition ; that is , that we shall see gods glory as shining to us in the glorified humanity of christ : for as we shall have bodies in heaven as well as souls ; so our bodies will have a suitable medium of communion with god. § 27. 8. if christs humane nature should cease its glory , ours by the same reason would do so too . but that is contrary to the hopes of faith. § 28. 9. angels glory and being is perpetuated : and therefore christs humane kingdom and glory , who is above them , will not cease . § 29. 10. there is executive government by christ to be exercised after the supposed thousand years : therefore he shall reign after to perform it . the redeemed believers must be rewarded to eternity , and he must save to the utmost all that come to god by him : he must continue and perpetuate their reward and happiness : for they must live as his members , because he liveth : and i doubt not but if you are for ending christs kingdom after a thousand years , you will be for the ending of ours . and he hath his enemies to punish longer than a thousand years , luk. 19. 27. and i believe that you are for ending their punishment then , if you would end christs kingdom then , rev. 6. 16. it is the wrath of the lamb that is to be executed on the enemies of the lamb : it was against him and his grace that they sinned ; and it is he that cometh in flaming fire to execute judgment on all that know not god , and obey not the gospel . and doth punishment end with your thousand years ? the very nature of the glory of the glorified body of christ , is to live as branches in him the vine : our life is hid with christ in god : and if his kingdom be given up , all our life and security is also given up . the same cause must continue that began , the reward of believers ( in whom christ will be admired more than a thousand years ) and the punishment of unbelievers . the kingdom of glory therefore continueth when the restoring kingdom hath done its work . § 30. 11. the devil hath reigned by gods penal permission , over this sinful world as to the far greatest part , about 6000 years within 314 , and shall christ reign but one thousand ? prove it before you affirm it . § 31. 12. how frivolous is your reason from gods being all in all ? what do you think those words do mean ? it 's neither any addition to god , nor any exclusion of christ : but gods governing mankind as fully recovered according to the law of his perfect nature , and without any more medicinal recovering grace ; and his filling them with the grace and joy of his inhabiting complacence . 1. it cannot mean that god in essence is nearer the creature than before . for in him we live and move , and be. he is all in all now as the god of nature . 2. it cannot mean that god will be more the cause of grace or glory , for christs ceasing to be a cause . for god is no less a cause when he useth second causes , than if he used none . 3. it can no more be an exclusion of christ from being a cause of our heavenly communion with god , than an exclusion of all second causes from their office : and if all second causes be excluded , and there be no cause but god , there will be no being but god , and this is but to reduce the world into god or nothing ; which you must not feign unproved . § 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being plural cannot mean that god will end all things , and so be nothing in any thing , but himself : all things in all signifieth the existence of those all things . and shall not christ and his kingdom then exist ? not in its paradise or heavenly state ? § 33. can it possibly mean any more than of him , and through him , and to him are all things ? and so they are now , rom. 11. 36. or that he is above all , and through all , and in us all : and so he is now , eph. 4. 6. and that he worketh all in all : and so he doth still , 1 cor. 12. 6. and that he filleth all in all : and so he doth still , eph. 1. 23. even christ is said to be all in all , col. 3. 11. and shall he cease to be so . he is appointed heir of all things , he upholdeth all things by the word of his power . for whom are all things , and by whom are all things ? heb. 1. 1 , 3. & 2. 10. and why must he be deposed ? by him are all things , 1 cor. 8. 6. god gathereth all things in one in christ , eph. 1. 10. who filleth all things , eph. 4. 10. till we come to the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god , unto a perfect man , to the measure of the stature of the fulness of christ , ver . 13. we are growing toward this before the resurrection . and if then we attain it , must it endure but a thousand years ? the perfection of the church of christ , is not like that of fleshly bodies , that when they are at the top of age , go downwards again ; nor apples and pears , that when they are mellow soon rot . § 34. obj. but christ must then be subject to the father . ans . and was he not always subject to him ( in his humanity ? ) he tells us oft that he doth not his own will , but the will of him that sent him . the father worketh , and he worketh . he were not the true christ if , as man , he were not subject to god : but paul saith not that then he begins to be subject to the father : but that he shall still be so . when his war is over , and he hath done his work as general , or conquering redeemer , he shall be still as man , a subject to god , and glorified as the reward of his redemption , and be the glorified head and king of his glorified redeemed kingdom . § 35. i suppose you will say that christ and his saints shall not die , nor be deposed , but have such a glory in which god shall be all in all. ans . very good ; who denyeth that god is or will be all in all ? but the doubt is , whether christ shall be ever the less christ , or king ? or the church ever the less his kingdom at the end of a thousand years ? i forget not your distinction of christ as man , and as the son of man. you confess that christ shall be man for ever , but not as the son of man : that is , as dr. more , and you , and john turner say , he is an eternal man , or life , and hath say you , and dr. m. an eternal body , flesh and blood , from whence you plead for transubstantiation . ans . you could scarce speak to a man that hath been more tempted to follow you in such intimations , as embolden reason to be too presumptuous ; and i confess that the insinuated opinions of peter sterry , dr. more , and j. turner , and you , do strongly flatter emboldened reason : but i take it but for a temptation , while scripture is against it , as well as the judgment of the universal church . when paul tells us that flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of god , i must in charity suppose that by flesh and blood eternal , dr. more and others , mean ( not properly but catachristically ) the natura mentalis , or the intellectual nature , which they suppose to be the same in christ , angels and men. it is not improbable that the highest of creatures , is in order of nature , a prior effect of the divine production before the lower . whether this shall be called an emanation or a creation you are not agreed . nor whether this prime created nature , be vniversal life , and vniversal matter , and so be the soul and body of the world , considered as before modal mutations ; or whether it be only some nobler sort of spirit and matter that is made before the more ignoble , and perhaps maketh the rest . but it is concluded that christ is the life or spirit and second person in the trinity , and the holy ghost the matter , and so the third person : and that christ , the soul , and the holy ghost the matter , are one ; which some call a creature , and some call god , and some both . peter sterry's is the plainest way , that the divine nature first produceth and uniteth it self to the universal intellectual nature , which is christ the first creature , including the holy ghost : and that this first intellectual nature , uniteth it self at the incarnation to the humane nature : and so that christ hath three natures . 1. divine . 2. superangelical created . 3. humane . but still it is unresolved whether the prime created nature , be a soul to the incarnate body , or christ took both soul and body of man , besides the first mental nature . apollinarius was for the godhead being instead of a soul. now you come and tell us that [ the eternal word in humane nature hath a kingdom throughout eternity , but not as the son of man , but as the eternal word : the glory in which christ is seen with his saints , being the glory which he had with the father before the world began : of the same nature wherein he is now at the right hand of god till he appears : and the union in that eternal state is by god to god , by the word to the father ; so the son as man is subject , and god all in all. catech. p. 21. it seems by the high expressions of god , who is purest spirit , being all in all , and by the lake of the second death , and even the new heaven and new earth after the thousand years flying away , there is no bodily or material nature continued , no not of the sons glorious body , who is then subject , nor of the saints . ans . scripture having declared no such thing , no such thing can be supposed , but that christ and his saints shall be in bodies . so high expressions can fit no state but of god all in all ; even as he was before the foundation of the world all in all , and to which state our lords words so much refer , joh. 17. when all the saints are thus one with god in christ , then he is thus all in all , as before the world began . though this kingdom of christ be so holy , so heavenly , so pure , so much of god in it — yet because it is the kingdom of the man christ jesus , and of his saints in a visible created glory , and not the highest union to god all in all , christ gives this last declaration of the name , that is , of the nature and glory of god ; he freely delivereth up this his kingdom , and the son as in humane nature suffers most willingly that glory of himself , and of his saints , to be swallowed up by god all in all , and unites them with himself to the father , as he is the eternal word , and so they are with him for ever , beholding the glory which he had with the father before the world was , which is the highest instance of self-denial of all created glory , and giving up all to god all in all that could be given , joh. 17. 5. § 36. here you do but confound mens minds with many things at the best unproved . 1. that christ was an eternal man ; ( of which your transubstantiation-book hath more . ) 2. that his eternal manhood is so distinct from his being the son of man , that he hath a twofold manhood ; one from eternity , and one at his incarnation . 3. that christs kingdom as the son of man , that is , in his manhood which he had by incarnation , endureth but a thousand years . 4. that the manhood of his saints which they had by generation , also ceaseth after the thousand years . 5. yet christ and they shall have material bodies after , even in christs eternal body . 6. that this giving up of the kingdom after a thousand years , is the greatest self-denial in the world , as if it were a loss or diminution of the glory of christ and saints . 7. that when all the saints are thus one in christ with god , then god is all in all , as before the foundation of the world. 8. that this is the unity meant in joh. 17. 24. 9. that this is glorifying christ with the glory he had before the world began , joh. 17. 5. and not that god would glorifie him as the son of man , by advancing his humane nature , to its participation in the glory which the divine nature had from eternity . 10. yet you tell me by word of mouth , that you believe the individuation of the saints in this united state . the metaphor of [ swallowing up in god ] you may make true or false as you shall expound it , which till then signifieth nothing . § 37. short-sighted men may reverence this the more , by how much the less they understand it : but they that will make sense of it must see , that it is to lead us to heathen philosophy as a higher light than christ and scripture , and to introduce the pythagorean opinion of the transmigration of souls , and the platonists and stoicks revolution , and averrhois his universal soul , and to make god or christ divisible , and with origen , to make the future rewards and punishments temporary . § 38. 1. if christ as a man , or life , or spirit , was eternal , it was as god , or as a creature . as god he was not man , nor body . if you say that he was the second hypostasis as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the holy ghost the third as matter , ( as dr. more and j. turner ) then either you mean vniversal , or particular life and matter : if universal , you make the world to be god , and make him divisible : if particular , you make god a part of the world : and so you do if you make him but the soul of the world. § 39. 2. if the saints were in god before the world began , accordingly all things were eternally in god ; and that will bring in aristotles eternity of the world , which indeed meer reason might take for probable . § 40. either you mean that we were in god only as in potentia creatoris , and that is not to be in him , but only to say that he was able to make us : for existere est esse extra causas efficientes . or else that we did actually exist : ( which those hold that are for souls prae existence , or worse . ) and we did exist in god , either as being god himself , or creatures , or effects of god. if we were god from eternity , we are god still : if as effects or creatures , then either as parts of one common soul and body of the world ( or of the humane species , ) or as so many individuals . if it be said that we were but parts of one soul or body , it will infer that we are so still , and that these parts are as the rivers and springs from the sea in continual revolution : or if we are fixed individuals , god kept us not idle from eternity ( or prae-existent . ) none can think that god from all eternity ( or since ) kept all the souls that are to be embodied to the end of the world , in a sleepy state till bodies were generated for them . if you say that they lived in god as pure spirits without bodies , what then did the prime matter , which some of you call the third hypostasis in the trinity ? we see that god put souls into bodies in this world : and can you prove that he never did so before from all eternity ? and when you have said , that christ and saints shall be swallowed up in god , and have no more kingdom as sons of men , but be in god as before the world began , do you mean that they shall continue so to all eternity , and never revolve into bodies more ? when god hath shewed us that he hath delighted in embodied souls these five thousand six hundred ninety years , will you feign that he never did so before , nor ever will do so again ? § 41. i conclude , 1. that there is no rational issue of your doctrine to be expected , but a pythagorean , or platonick revolution or transmigration of souls , from one universal soul into many particulars , as the sea floweth into springs , and they into rivers , and they into the sea again , and so round : or as one sun illuminating the air , lighteth many candles , ( by a burning-glass or by flames , ) being individuated only by the oily matter , but not divided from the common element of fire . 2. and that all this is but to confound men partly with falshoods , and partly with uncertainties ; when the plain doctrine of christ is a more quieting way . god hath kept us so dark about the beginning or prae-existence , and the manner of his producing souls , yea and of the manner of their operation in their separated state , that to be confident beyond his scripture-revelation , is but to be ignorant of our ignorance , and to venture to take gods name in vain . but we know that god breathed into man that breath of life , and so made him a living soul , and said , increase and multiply ; and that the spirit goeth to god that gave it , and we shall be with christ in paradise , and that he will receive our departing spirits , and that it 's best to be with him . § 42. and now i see not what you can make of gods being all-in-all , more that at this day he is , and more than that he shall govern man again as sinless and fully restored , without any further redemption or recovering government ; but that you pervert the text to countenance your pretended abbreviation of christs reign to a thousand years . all things are now in him , and of him , and to him . nothing can be added to all. but i am not able to discern why you speak so much in equivocals and generals , that cannot possibly afford the reader a determined sense . if you are unwilling to be understood , your opinions are not of the light. if you understand not your own words , how should others understand them ? no man can tell whether you infer from gods being all in all , the deification of all things , or their annihilation , or the dissolving of all bodies compound , and the deifying only of the spiritual part . you say catech. p. 14. [ it is the ultimate end , and last result of all things . and ( creatures below being capable of this vnion , as all which have no understanding are annihilated . and creatures of understanding , angels and men , can be no other than miserable in the loss of this vnion . ] but are christ the son of man and his saints miserable till the end of the thousand years ? so p. 15. [ in order to the vnion of all created beings of vnderstanding , to god all in all . ] ( what , devils and all damned men ! ) the eternal word far above angels became lower than angels by becoming man , and so comprehended the whole created intellectual nature , that he might be the head of the whole in their vnion to god : and that in him they might all be reconciled to god with the whole inferiour creation : which having served the glory of the creator by jesus christ , they fly back into their former state of nothing in themselves , but indeed are returned into the divine immensity , and angels and men be vnited to god for ever . eph. 1. 10. col. 1. 20. here we have anihilation and nothingness in themselves , and yet [ indeed are returned into the divine immensity . and so that which is nothing in it self hath a being in god! what can this mean but that the creatures were once all god himself , till he gave them a self-being , which he taketh away , and then they are god again , not only their individuation , but their creature-being ceasing . all things are still in god , and his immensity : but if they have no being in themselves there will be nothing but god : but will they so continue ? and will god from eternity to eternity have no created being save for seven thousand years ( or days ? ) and indeed is the whole understanding ( and inferiour ) nature , devils and men , thus reconciled ? and is god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when there is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nothing but himself in unity : is he in that which is not ? i have been so long on your first proposition as being your foundation : there is a kingdom of recovering grace of christ incarnate , and glorified , delivered up when he hath done that work , which the kingdom of glory succeedeth , where god as all in all shall be glorified in the perfection of christ god-man and his glorified saints . this is agreed and granted you . principle ii. answered . § 1. no text of scripture saith that the kingdom of grace or redemption begins at christs coming to judgment : but that then it endeth in the triumph of the redeemer , and his entering upon his kingdom of fruition in the full glorified church , 2 tim. 4. 1. saith no more : his appearing there is for judgment , which presupposeth mans final keeping or breaking of christs precedent ruling laws . it is his triumphant ending of the kingdom which he had , and the entrance of that of glory . principle iii. answered . § 1. no doubt but christ will reign with and in his saints . § 2. but that the full number shall be made up then is your own word . at his coming you hold the number will not be full : for you say catech. pag. 4. they shall propagate a holy seed in such abundance , as to recompence with a much more to the glory of the second adam , rom. 5. for the few that are saved within the world of the first adam . ] and all these were not in being at christs coming . nor can you prove that the new earth , and all generation shall end with a thousand years . principle iv. answered . § 1. your supposition that they are not presently caught up ( yea till the end of a thousand years ) is your forgery . 2. the equality of christs love and grace to all his saints ] is also your own doctrine , not christs . for tho ex parte dei who operateth per essentiam , there is no inequality or difference , yet in the effects and the relative extrinsick denominations of god from those effects , there is great difference . all have not equal grace , nor equally improve their talents , nor are rulers of ten cities , nor as the apostles sit on twelve thrones judging the twelve tribes of israel . though you say catech. p. 3. [ none of the saints can be perfected , the one without the other . ] if that be true , either those on earth that you liken to adam in paradise are as perfect as those in the new heaven , or those in heaven as imperfect as those on earth . ( and no wonder , when you place them but in the air where evil spirits dwell now , catech. p. 12. ) but christ saith the children of the resurrection neither marry nor are given in marriage , but are like the angels ; and you say on earth they shall be getting children abundantly a thousand years ; if you take that for no note of imperfection , it seems christ did . principle v. answered . § 1. what could you have said more strongly against your self ? death is subdued or swallowed up in victory when the redeemed die no more . none of them die after christs first day of judgment at his appearing ? are they dying all the thousand years ? i cannot imagine what reasonable answer you can give to this text and argument ! if you say that there are devils and wicked men to be put to death all the thousand years , can you prove that they were the redeemed that christ came to deliver from death ? or yet that some of them are damned in the beginning , and some not till the end of the thousand years ? or if their death shall endure no longer than the thousand years ? if you say that the saints on earth , have natures mortal , though they shall not die ; i answer , you have written that they are in the kingdom of glory , and equal in love and grace , and perfect , as those above . and if death be not subdued when men are secured from it by christ and the possession of promised immortality , it s a doubt whether it be overcome at all : for none are above a posse mori but god , because the being of all creatures dependeth meerly on his will : the suspension of his support would end all created being : in which sense it is that arnobius cont . gentes asserteth the souls mortality . if christ must be the conqueror of death , when will he conquer , if not when men die no more ? is it after he hath given up his power and kingdom ? principle vi. answered . § 1. this is but your further owning your own full confutation . principle vii . answered . § 1. this poor shift is answered above : do you not say , those alive are in the same glorious kingdom ? and that none are perfect till all are perfect ? and have those in the air any more assurance that they shall not die , than gods love , and will , and promise , and their union in christ ? 2. but why is not at least the heavenly , or airy kingdom given up at first ? 3. was not death conquered to the person of christ , after his resurrection , though he was at his ascension to be taken up ? and is not death conquered to those on earth that have the foresaid security to ascend and never to die ? this shifting is meer violence to the text. 4. but i will prove that the apostle tells us that the catching up will be presently ; and your words of [ christ first , and then those that sleep in him ] have no more strength than this inference [ if paul telling us of the difference in order of time between christs resurrection and the end of the world , be signified by that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after , then we may suppose that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth no sudden change of the living at the coming of christ . ] ans . i deny the consequence : the matter of fact tells us of a sixteen hundred years distance in one , and the text proveth a suddenness in the other . the distance between christs rising and his coming to judgment are so notoriously revealed , that paul need not say , it will not be the same moment . but here ( if you believe not your self instead of gods word ) the contrary is so plain as confuteth all your devised frame . § 2. i. ( supposing that i need not confute to you the two false readings reproved by jerom , augustine , &c. ) 1 cor. 15. 51. saith , [ we shall all be changed [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] what could be spoken plainer ? at the change joyned with the resurrection , it will be in a moment , in the twinkling of an eye , and ( which is unanswerable ) at the last trumpet . that the said trumpets sound is at christs coming is evident , matth. 24. 30 , 31. they shall see the son of man coming in the clouds of heaven , with power and great glory : and he shall send his angels , with a great sound of a trumpet , and they shall gather together his elect , from the four winds , from one end of heaven to the other . and 1 thes . 4. 16. the lord himself shall descend from heaven with a shout , with the voice of the archangel , and with the trump of god , &c. ] if you will feign two trumps , one at the beginning and the other at the end of the thousand years , you will do it by so gross an addition and contradiction of gods word , as that i hope few will believe you : nor yet if you feign that the trumpet will not sound till the end of the thousand years : for the trumpet soundeth at the same time that christ cometh with his angels , and that the dead are raised , and the elect gathered . at this sound will be the change in a moment . § 3. ii. the text saith expresly that we shall be caught up together with them . ] and that none may feign it to speak but of a simultas of company and not of time , the words are placed so as to confute it . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] we shall with them be caught up : not a thousand years after them . § 4. iii. the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] rapiemur , suddenly caught up as by force , seemeth purposely put to signifie the simultaneous speed . § 5. iv. the end of this rapture is , not at a thousand years end to go dwell in the air , or with the lord , but to meet the lord in the air , which is supposed to be at his coming , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the whole context , 1 thes . 4. and 1 cor. 15. implyeth this meeting him to be at his coming . § 6. v. it is said to be to meet him in the air. but no bible but yours doth say that christ shall dwell a thousand years in the air. and you your self say that at the end of the thousand years he shall give up his airy humane kingdom : and when he hath removed his dwelling the inhabitants of the earthly paradise will come too late . § 7. vi. it is said that when we meet him we shall for ever be with the lord : that is , the same lord , that we meet , which is christ god and man , and in the state and kingdom where we meet him ; and not only come to him at a thousand years end , when he hath changed his humanity , kingdom and place . § 8. vii . ver. 15. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we are left as reserved to the coming of the lord ] plainly imply that we are kept for that time to meet him at his coming , and not only a thousand years after . § 9. viii . 1 cor. 15. 52. again expresly joineth the sound of the trumpet , the resurrection , and our change together , [ for the trumpet shall sound , and the dead shall be raised incorruptible , and we shall be changed , that is , when the trumpet soundeth , and the dead are raised . § 10. ix . matth 24. christ tells us that he will gather his elect from the four winds , when he cometh with his angels , and the trumpet soundeth : but those found alive on earth , cannot be excluded from the number of the elect that are at or under the four winds : therefore they shall then be gathered to him . § 11. x. the living shall be caught up when death the last enemy is subdued : but that will be at christs triumphant coming , and the resurrection : for after that there will be no more death as an enemy . if you would deny this ( as aforesaid ) because in the new earth the blessed are mortal in possibility of nature , i answer , that paradise possibility ( were it true ) is none of the curse for sin , and therefore not the enemy to be subdued . § 12. xi . the saints shall be caught up when the day and work of judgment cometh : but that will be at christs coming , and the resurrection : as he himself and many a plain text of scripture tell us , ( too much to cite . ) and whereas you feign a judgment day of a thousand years , taking judgment for government , christ otherwise expoundeth himself , and tells how the judgment will proceed by exploration and sentence , mat. 25. &c. and government in general containeth legislation , judgment and execution : you tell us not a word what legislation will be in the air the thousand years . and for judgment in special , will christ be a thousand years in exploration and sentence ? will the wicked so long be untryed and uncondemned , or the faithful so long unjustified , or by sentence judged to salvation ? doth not christ mat. 25. contradict this ? vviil their case be so long undecided ? if you mean that execution will be that thousand years , can you prove that the damned shall suffer no longer ? nor the blessed any longer reign with christ ? o make not a new gospel , heaven and hell ! § 13. xii . the saints will be taken up when the kingdom is delivered up to the father , and god is all in all : but that will be at christ triumphant coming and judgment at the resurrection . for it signifieth no more but that sin and curse shall all be cast out , and all that rebelled against god be conquered , and all christs recovering work performed , and god again rule man as innocent according to the law of his perfect nature : this will be then finished . you say that those on earth shall be in a paradise state , and those in the air will not be worse : and then christs coming in triumph delivereth up the kingdom to the father , that his and christs kingdom of glory and fruition may succeed . § 14. xiii . when paul was opening to them the mystery of christs kingdom , if he had talkt thus of being caught up in a moment of time , at the last trump to meet the lord , and never told them a word of a thousand years between the trumpet and being caught up , it must be because he knew it not , or was not willing that we should know it : but neither of these could be true in a matter of so great moment , when it was that coming of christ that he was satisfying them about . and i will learn from you , nothing that paul knew not . § 15. xiv . i have proved before how copiously christ openeth the nature of his own kingdom in many parables ; and how he maketh his enemies his footstool , conquering satan , sin and enemies , and how the revelation openeth his conquest of the roman empire : and he shall destroy the man of sin with the breath of his mouth , and the brightness of his coming . therefore he hath not left this to be done the thousand years after his coming . § 16. xv. peter tells us that [ the day of the lord will come as a thief in the night : in which the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the elements melt with fervent heat . ] but a thousand years is not such a sudden surprize : nor will heaven and earth be a thousand years burning . § 17. xvi . the earth and the works therein shall be burnt up ; and all these things be dissolved . 2 pet. 3. 10 , 11 , 12. therefore the bodies of those then alive would be burnt and dissolved were they not first taken up . to say as you do , that god would keep them in the fire unburnt as he did the three , dan. 3. is to make and obtrude on us a gospel of your own . § 18. xvii . you think gog and magog shall live after the conflagration , who shall cover the earth : and shall all their bodies too be unburnt in the fire , that dissolveth all these things on earth ? is this any word of god ? § 19. xviii . you that think men live each one the whole thousand years , and generate so abundantly as to recompense with a much more for the few that were saved under the first adam , can by no reasonable imagination find room on earth , for the numberless off-spring of a thousand years , to dwell all at once here : and the numberless followers of gog and magog also to dwell with them . they must not be so unrighteous as to dispossess the wicked of their dwellings ; and for one year after all is burnt up , they may be in want . § 20. xix . it is incredible that your description of earth for the thousand years can leave gog and magog in their hostility unconvinced : for to see men live a thousand years in the sight of christ and all the saints in the air , one would think should convince them : or if men are changed before at the common age of men , to see so many millions caught up to heaven without death or burial , sure would make them afraid of fighting against such . § 21. xx. there is not one word of god that confineth christs kingdom to a thousand years ; and what are you that you should presume to do it ? it hath continued much above a thousand years already . if you alledge 2 pet. 3. one day with the lord is as a thousand years , and a thousand as one day , which speaketh only against doubting , because of the delay of christs coming , as if this told us how long he should reign when he is come , this would but confirm us that your doctrine is meerly of your self . the thousand years in rev. 20. is the same with that of the womans being in the wilderness , and the dragons being bound , which is plainly on this side the conflagration . and indeed is presently after the fall of pagan rome . for that pagan rome was not babylon , or that it is not faln , i will not believe though you should swear it , or cast the glove in challenge to dispute it . § 22. xxi . gog and magog , and all their hosts are to be in the end of the thousand years : but they are to be before the conflagration and coming of christ : therefore the conflagration and coming of christ is to be after the thousand years . in the new earth will dwell righteousness , that is , only righteousness , and in a paradise state : but that is inconsistent with a numberless power of malignant enemies that shall compass the holy city . § 23. xxii . you make a strange exposition of john , as if he wrote to five of the asian churches as in one world , and to laodicea the seventh in another when this is burnt up and christ come . § 24. xxiii . when you have almost equalled the new earth with heaven , you debase it by making it a laodicean church , which for lukewarmness god threatneth to spew out , and to take away their candlestick ? is this the paradise world of righteousness ? § 25. xxiv . you make two new jerusalem's when scripture speaketh but of one after christs coming : one you take to be in the air , and the other on earth : though one society may be in both , one vrbs or material city cannot ; such as is described rev. 21. and 22. § 26. xxv . you feign two conflagrations : one to burn the world , and another after to burn gog and magog and their followers over the earth . § 27. xxvi . you groundlesly dishonour the kingdom of christ by confining it to a thousand years , which god hath promised shall have no end. § 28. xxvii . you dishonour christ and his kingdom by bringing him from his fathers right hand in heaven , and placing him and his saints a thousand years in the air , where you say wicked spirits now dwell , and where dr. h. more saith , good and bad dwell in an aerial vehicle till they are advanced to an etherial : yea where you say devils and damned men now dwell with christ ; and where christ must exercise the greatest self-denial in leaving that lower station . § 29. xxviii . you make christs kingdom to be a humbling loss to the saints above , while you take them down into the air for a thousand years , from the heavenly state where you say they were in god , where christ is at his right hand , as they shall be at last ; or else you will make that everlasting union their loss . § 30. xxix . either you also bring down the angels from their glory to dwell in the air , or else you separate them from christ and the saints in the air with him . § 31. xxx . when god hath already continued the old sinful world under the curse almost six thousand years , you by fiction confine the new purified world wherein dwelleth righteousness to a thousand years , and call this the sabbatism . as if our rest must be so much shorter than sin and labour ? when yet there will be no sin to provoke god to destroy the new world. principle viii . answered . § 1. how frivolous is your arguing from the name of a monarchy : god is ever the absolute monarch : but if you mean a humane visible monarchy , and suppose he must so visibly rule the earth , you do but beg the question . a monarch of all the world , none ever was , and therefore four such never were . but if by a monarchy you meant , the greatest visible empire on earth , so the fifth monarchy was set up by constantinople , which differs far more from the pagan roman monarchy , than that did from the grecian or assyrian : and it was christs visible monarchy reigning by his vice-roys , the kingdoms being now said to be his kingdoms . this was the true visible fifth monarchy : and the turks are the sixth monarchy , the renewed reign of the captivated dragon , let loose after a thousand years . § 2. but your fiction that the scripture assigns a thousand years to christs reign after the resurrection is worse than frivolous ; a meer forgery ; i answered it before . if peter quiet mens over-hasty expectation of christs coming , by telling them that a thousand years time is as nothing to the eternal infinite god ; shall a man pretend skill in prophecy , and tell us , that he meaneth that christs reign after the resurrection is measured and meant by this thousand years , and is as nothing to the eternal god. and i have proved to you that the thousand years in the revelation , speaketh of no such thing , but of what is done before the resurrection . for 1. those thousand years are most likely to signifie an undetermined time , and mean no more than a long time ; as mr. durham and cluverus most incline to think ( and many others . ) but 2. granting the contrary , it plainly speaketh of a time presently following the feasting of the fowls of heaven with the flesh of kings and captains , and the fall of the pagan babylon . and not only grotius , but john fox and many others tell us , that it is the just time between the fall of pagan rome , and the beginning of the ottoman empire ; which was about 1300 years . 3. and this thousand years is before the suppression of wickedness in the world , while gog and magog are in the four quarters of the earth , in number as the sand of the sea ; that shall go upon the breadth of the earth , and compass the camp of the saints , the beloved city : and before the fire that cometh down to devour them . and most certainly all this is not in the new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness : so that this thousand years seemeth to signifie but 1. that apostles and martyrs go to heaven , 2. and leave their names and doctrine honourable on earth ; 3. and that the surviving confessors shall rise from their persecuted state , to triumph with christ in their deliverance and superiority on earth ; 4. and that this sudden exaltation is a fit representation of the glory that they shall have perpetually in heaven . let any sober man judge whether this one only mention of a thousand years in a hard prophecy , rev. 20. under the expository circumstances now named , will warrant a man to preach a new gospel and kingdom of christ to the world , without any proof from all the plain words of christ himself and his apostles , and directly against them . he that well considereth prophetical language , will think that articles of faith should be founded on plainer words . when we read in ezekiel , that egypt shall have no inhabitant for forty years , that tyrus shall be no more inhabited , that babylon , and the land of babylon shall be no more inhabited , and abundance the like , we shall the better understand the apocalypse , whose very words are much taken out of the prophets . 5. the devil and the false prophet are cast into the lake of fire after the destruction of gog and magog , and after the thousand years : but sure they are cast into the lake at the resurrection : for if they stay uncondemned a thousand years after that , i know not what christs coming to judgment signifieth : sure it is not the date of their execution ; for they are to be tormented for ever and ever : and must they be unsentenced a thousand years ? 6. and the resurrection is described as coming after all this : the earth and sea giving up their dead , and the dead judged out of the books , &c. 7. and ch. 21. the new heaven and new earth cometh after this thousand years , and the destruction of the enemies ; and the new jerusalem coming down from god : and there are yet kings of the earth that are to bring their glory into it : and there are nations to be healed with the leaves of the tree of life ; which made mr. potter and many others conclude , that it is the glory of the church on earth , that the 21 , and 22 chapters describe : though it is most probable that it is but as a representation of the heavenly glory : but the thousand years is plainly ended before the resurrection . 8. the plain meaning that ( though the old serpent will still be a tempting deceiver , both without the church and within , yet ) as a dragon or babylonish conqueror and captivater , he shall be bound up for a thousand years after the churches delivery from the pagan captivity : and so he was . and yet the text tells us , that all that while the earth had nations of enemies that at last were by that dragon drawn to assault the church again . here is not a word of a thousand years new earth in which dwelleth righteousness , and that after the conflagration and resurrection . the new earth is mentioned with no such limitation : that 's all the device of presuming imagination . principle ix . answered . § 1. the recovering victorious gracious kingdom , is ended in the glorions triumph of his appearing and judgment , and his glorious kingdom of fruition then beginneth : that all his kingdom then beginneth , is a falshood largely confuted by christs own mouth . and as false is it that the kingdom of recovery or grace , is not given up till a thousand years after the resurrection . that this is before the kingdom of eternity , is false in any proper sense . if you mean a kingdom from eternity without beginning , you should prove that ever there was such : your bare naming it so is no proof . if there were no men from eternity , then there was no kingdom of men . if you mean that which shall endure to eternity , so will christs glorious kingdom as man over men. for many and many scriptures tell us , it hath no end , and is everlasting : and he that accuseth others of semi-sadduceism of the apostasie , should consider , whether denying the kingdom of christ and his saints in glorified humanity , as soon as a thousand years ( as one day ) are ended , be not liker sadduceism and apostasie , than our believing the everlastingness of it . § 2. when your own presumption hath defined it to be a thousand years , you may as boldly assign its time and place . but i have proved that the scripture confuteth your time , and that a moment , and the twinkling of an eye , and the last trump , sounding , is not a thousand years : and therefore no such space as the whole kingdoms duration , between the resurrection and the living caught up . § 3. paul saith , phil. 3. 19 , 20. that the saviour that we look for from heaven , shall change our vile bodies , and make them like to his glorious body : he speaketh not as you of four bodies and three changes . 1. a natural sinful body turned into a paradise body . 2. and that ( called vile ) turned into a glorious body . 3. and that ceasing left to a divine eternal body . 3. i have oft told you that the paradise body or mortality , is none of the curse or enemy to be subdued . principle x. answered . § 1. we have better thoughts of the new heaven and earth than you have ; we expect both to be of longer continuance than a thousand years . § 2. that it is the saints remaining that dwell on the new earth a thousand years before they are caught up , is your word , and not gods , that i can find . god can replenish that new earth as he did this , or how else he please . principle xi . answered . § 1. whatever they are called you confess that the wicked rise : and that they are not cast into the lake of fire till the last of the thousand years , is only your word . if they have a thousand years life of further tryal , why may they not repent and scape . principle xii . answered . § 1. the fifth monarchy is christs whole kingdom , 1. as he preparatorily governed by the word , miracles and spirit . 2. as he visibly set up and ruled by the christian emperours and kings . 3. as he at last entereth on the kingdom of glory and fruition . your fiction of another is but your own word . and now i have done what in the enterance and conclusion you provokingly challenge all persons believing the scriptures to do , and shew that while you say you boast in the word of god , and not in your self , it is by giving us your own word , not only for gods word , but against it . the lord heal and forgive our weakness , and the ignorance of our ignorance . it greatly hindereth the edification of your readers , that you so much use terms general and equivocal , that unexplained signifie nothing : and so every book needeth another to expound it , and that may as much need another . some think this is because you would not be understood , your doctrine being not able to bear the light. others think it is because you understand not your self , and therefore cannot speak intelligibly , confused notions having but confused expressions . the instances are more than i will recite . as e. g. you place christs kingdom so often in his and his saints appearance , as no reader can discern , but you mean such appearance to mans visive faculty in these fleshly bodies , as if now in heaven christ and angels , and the spirits of the just did not appear to one another , because they appear not to us : as if the intuition of spirits and spiritual bodies , were not a more eminent discerning than our eye-sight : sure there is a more noble sight , than that of mortals . so no man can tell by your phrase of [ swallowing up in god ] and that christ was from eternity , and shall be to eternity , the word and man imbodied , whether you mean that he was an individual man distinct from any others , or the universal soul of the world imbodied in matter : and by your talk of our being one in god , as we were before the world began , none can tell whether you mean that we were existent , or only in potentia creatoris ? and if existent whether we were god or parts of god , or individual souls made from eternity for future bodies , and kept till those bodies were made : and whether kept in revolution from body to body ? or how ? and whether we shall have a future revolution . so your doctrine of the hell of the devils and the damned , can tell no man whether you think that after the thousand years they shall not be as dead , under meer privation , since you say , catech. p. 5. and 22. it is a state of deprivation of glory , and casting into the lake of fire , signifieth , final and utter cessation of all action ; and that they shall not appear but be unseen , &c. and if they have no action , they have no sinful action , no self-accusation , no intellection , no malice nor revenge , nor hatred of god and goodness . so your doctrine of the kingdom of christ ; i cannot believe you so notorious an infidel , as to deny christs kingdom in heaven and earth , till the resurrection : and yet your words expresly say , that his kingdom then beginneth : and that this apostle mentioneth none till then . and in your late great revolution , epist . in the end , you say , [ his monarchy shall then ( 1697 ) begin its succession , though the glorious investiture shall not be till seventy five years after . ] can any but a prophet that is inspired to expound you , tell what you mean by abundance such passages ? what is the difference between the beginning of the succession and the glorious investiture ? what is the succession ? doth it begin the thousand years or not ? doth the succession begin seventy five years before the investiture ? is not the investiture christs glorious appearance ? your writings make it plain , that you are a good man of deep thoughts , faln into a fond esteem of your new unripe conceptions , and rapt up thereby into a diseased conceitedness , and how you will be able to bear it when providence and experience have confuted you in 1697 i know not : but i am the more bold to foretel your failing , by my perswasion that your exposition of the revelation which you take for granted , is a meer mistake from the beginning almost to the end. and wonder not that no body writeth to confute you for men love not to trouble themselves with convincing every single man of his errours . and the reasons why i do attempt it is because by the seduction of some of my friends , and the general inclination of the antinomian , anabaptist and separating party , to this conceit of the thousand years kingdom , and by the midnight cry published by mr. r. m. and preached by mr. j. m. men of very great piety , whom i highly value as any conformists i know , i understand that your opinion that formerly was tolerable as confined to a few conceited good men , is now becoming a great article of their faith and religion : especially since i see that in all your professed extraordinary humility , you brand all that dissent from you as semi-sadducees of the apostacy , and earnestly challenge and provoke all pastors and doctors to answer you ; and maintain ( though you conform ) that gods word knoweth not a clergy . chap. iii. of the other sect of the millenaries that place the thousand years reign before the conflagration . § . 1. this was the elder sect : but dr. more , and mr. beverley , and dr. cressoner , and other late writers , being more searching , did perceive that this way would not hold , nor by it could they countenance their doctrine from rev. 20. the only text that mentioneth a thousand years reign ( misunderstood . ) § 2. they agree that , 1. there will be a thousand years reign on earth : 2. that the jews shall be called , and make a glorious part of this kingdom : 3. that the ten tribes now lost , shall be found , and be part of the kingdom : 4. that turk and pope shall fall before this : 5. that at last gog and magog shall gather in war against this new jerusalem : 6. that fire from heaven shall consume these enemies . § 3. but they agree not , 1. of the state of the church with christ above all this time . 2. nor whether there be one or two new jerusalems ( one above , and one below . ) 3. nor whether christ shall reign on earth visibly in his humane nature , or only by a holy magistracy and ministry ? 4. nor whether all or most of the jews shall go dwell at the old jerusalem , or judea , or stay in the several countries where they live ? 5. nor how far the princes and nations among whom they live shall be converted with them ? 6. nor by what means the jews shall be converted ? 7. nor how long it will be in doing ? 8. nor how the princes under whom they live will dismiss or use them ? 9. nor how they shall after all become a laodicea , and fuel fit for the conflagration ? 10. nor whether that fire that burneth the earth and heaven , and that which burneth gog and magog , make one or two conflagrations ? 11. nor how far christs kingdom ceaseth at the end of the thousand years ? § 4. as to both sects , i know no more that i have further to do for their full confutation , but i. to give a better paraphrase of the revelation than their feigned suppositions contain : and that i have done in a book not yet printed . ii. to prove that the ten tribes were but part of them carried away by salmanasser , and that they were in cyrus dominions , and had leave as well as the two tribes to return if they were willing : and that galilee and other parts of israel as much owned christ as the two tribes , at least : and the twelve tribes made up the converts that were the rudiments of the christian churches : and that it was to the twelve that james , peter , and paul to the hebrews wrote : and it was the twelve that the 144000 rev. 7. were sealed out of , so expresly distinguished from the innumerable gentile christians , as may confute the expositors , that make them to signifie the gentile ministry . iii. to prove that at the fall of the pagan empire , the fulness of the gentiles came in , as meant rom. 11. and all israel saved : that near three millions of the jews that were cursed infidels , being killed and ruined by titus , trajan and adrian ( out of a countrey not so big as half england ) and the christians escaping , the christian part remained the main body of the nation : and marrying with gentile christians , and forsaking moses law , lost the name of jews , which remained only with the off-spring of the scattered infidels . that constantine made judea one of the most famous national-provincial churches in the world , for honours , temples , monasteries and bishops , no jews being forbidden there to dwell . and that god hath promised no further conversion of the cursed remnant of the infidel jews , than of any other infidel nations : and therefore all christians should not in ignorance of all this , corrupt their prayers , and sermons , and religion , with fathering on god such promises of the jews conversion as he never made , lest they be found guilty of adding to his word , and taking his name in vain , and scandalous depraving the christian faith. nor should they by ignorance unthankfully deny the performance of gods promises , of the fall of the pagan empire and babylon , and so much of the fifth monarchy , and new jerusalem , and conversion of the jews , as certain history puts us past doubt is already past . the performance of this , to avoid prolixity , i shall but briefly give you as followeth . chap. iv. that the ten tribes of israel , will never be found and called , if they never were so heretofore . § 1. those that are for a jewish monarchy , or their general conversion , commonly hold that the ten tribes carried away by salmanasser , are lost , and never yet restored . whether this be true , we shall see anon . but if it were true , it would follow , that they never will be found and called , and consequently that they will be no part of the converted jews . § 2. the proof is evident : because the accident supposeth a subject : that which is not , hath no accident . there are no such ten tribes unknown and uncalled existent in the world. none will say that any such are known : and that 's enough to prove them unknown , and if unknown , not in being . for 1. if the infidel part of the two tribes be as many as such think , how much more numerous must all the posterity of the ten tribes be ? 2. and navigations , travelling , and merchandize , and embassies , have acquainted men with so much of the earth , as tells us that they are not known in any known part of the world : and were they existent they could not be unknown . benjamin's itinerary that feigneth a discovery of them , proveth it self fabulous , and is so accounted commonly by sober learned men. and dreaming that they are in america is no proof . § 3. learned mr. sam. lee , well describeth many of the places to which they were transplanted , and very learnedly stretcheth his wit to conjecture that they are in tartary : but 1. there is not any probability given us by him that ever they were thither removed , [ at least any notable number . ] 2. and though tartary be large , and not all fully known to us , yet so much is discovered by historians and travellers , as may acquaint us that there is extant no society of known and professed jews ; they being all heathens and mahometans , save an inconsiderable sprinkling of christians : and scythia hath been so anciently peopled , that even to the potent roman empire , they were the most invincible enemies ; and the wars of tamerlane made them known to much of the world. and if they were there , and marrying with scythians have lost the name of jews , they are unrecoverably extinct . and so cannot be called as jews , being now no jews . it is become a natural impossiblity . chap. v. that the ten tribes were not lost , or extinct . § 1. 1. this is so clear by abundance of prophesies in isaiah , jeremiah , and ezekiel , hosea , that it would be tedious to recite them ; viz. that judah and israel were to be again made one kingdom , as two sticks made one stick , and david their king to reign over them : if this was not fulfilled , the prophesie would fail , which must not be imagined : for ( as is aforesaid ) if it be not fulfilled , they being now extinct , and not existent , it never can be fulfilled . § 2. 2. there is no probability ( as mr. mather hath well noted in his diatriba ) that all or most of the common people were transplanted ; but only the rulers , and rich , and military and leading men. for 1. considering how many millions that small land maintained , it is improbable that so great a multitude could be so far ruled by an army , or that they should soon find vacant habitations , and victuals for them . 2. and it is more unlikely that salmanasser should find so many of his subjects to send into their places , and that all those should be willing of a removal into so small a land. 3. and it is known that no such thing hath been done by conquerours in any other land. nebuchadnezzar took from jerusalem none but the princes , nobles , priests , rich men , souldiers , and men fit for his militia , and smiths , and carpenters , &c. but he left the common people to manure the land : otherwise they would lose all their tribute , and the fruit of the ground . in all the conquests made by the persians , the greeks , the romans , the egyptians , the saracens , the turks , the tartarians by tamerlane , there hath no such thing been done , as the transplanting of the most of the common inhabitants . indeed the beggarly goths , and vandals , ostrogaths and hemli , &c. came with their wives and children sometimes , resolving to possess or die : but what was a hundred thousand of such to all italy when they possest it ; or to all spain , or all france , or africk , in comparison of the inhabitants whom they subdued and mastered ? in england how few were the romans , yea or the saxons , or the danes , or the normans , in comparison of the britains that were brought in subjection unto them ? it was but the great men , and rich , and military , and some fearful people that fled from their armies , that fled into wales . as mr. tho. jones in his hearts soveraignty hath truly proved , the main body of this nation called english , is of the brittish bllod ( it's like many hundred to one ) though the language followed the ruling part . § 3. 3. it is evident that all the twelve tribes were in the dominion of cyrus , when he sent the jews to repair the temple and city : the two tribes at babylon where he made darius king , and the ten in his hereditary dominions and his conquests , as mr. calvet in his naphthali hath shewed ; and as will appear by the topography of the places named in scripture , to which they were carried , learnedly opened by mr. lee , abating his conceit of tartary . and it is evident that cyrus meant not to confine the grant of his free return to the two tribes : but those that were not willing to return he did not compel : and most had possession by that time of wider and fatter habitations . ezra 1. cyrus made no question of their liberty to dwell in judea : but it was gods house at jerusalem that god charged him to build , for which end he saith , ver . 3. [ who is among you of all his people , his god be with him , and let him go up to jerusalem which is in judah , and build the house of the lord god of israel ( he is the god ) which is at jerusalem . and whosoever remaineth in any place where he sojourneth , let the men of his place lift him up with silver , and with gold , and with goods , and with beasts , &c. were the ten tribes none of the people of the god of israel ? i must not swell this book too big : let the reader that is willing to understand , peruse ezra , nehemiah , esther , and daniel , with haggai , and zechariah , and consider the grants of darius , and artaxerxes , and the vast number of jews still remaining abroad in the persecution of haman , and he will find that it was not for want of liberty to return that so many stayed behind , but because the avoided returning as a suffering : and multitudes that had a zeal for jerusalem , settled in egypt at alexandria , that thence they might three times a year come to the temple , without too much loss and cost . § 4. 4. in christs time the habitations of the ten tribes was of the same religion with those at jerusalem : and went thither to the feasts ; and submitted to their priests and ceremonies ; christ lived from his childhood still in galilee : at nazareth and capernaum , where peter , andrew , james and john lived : that is , close by the ford of jordan , by which is the passage to egypt : there he had far more followers than about jerusalem : thence went his supposed father , and brethren ordinarily to the feasts at jerusalem : zechary and elizabeth , many levites , scribes and pharisees dwell in the countrey of the ten tribes : though samaria about the place of worship , by customs kept up some animosity against jerusalem , yet the woman , john 4. could say , when the messiah cometh he will tell us all things : and is not this the christ : and what place so generally received the gospel when philip preached to them ? it was not for nothing that the christians were so long called galileans . but this and more shall next be proved . chap. vi. what conversion the twelve tribes have already had ? § 2. 1. as is aforesaid , the saviour himself ( and his apostles ) chose his abode on earth among them ; and calleth them the lost sheep of the house of israel ; and the children whose bread must not be given to dogs : they were the circumcision to whom he was a minister : he ordinarily preached in their synagogues , and there wrought most of his miracles : it was they that cryed him as king with hosanna's : it was they that followed him to the cross ; and it was in galilee where on a mountain he appointed them to meet him after his resurrection . § 2. 2. he appointed ( not two , but ) twelve apostles , and 70 disciples , as suited to the twelve tribes and their sanedrim , to shew what form of government he assigned them , and for whom , and he sent his apostles to the twelve tribes of israel . § 3. 3. the chief success of their preaching was on the samaritans and others of the ten tribes ; and such of them as came up to the feasts . § 4. 4. there were three thousand at once converted of the jews ; after made five thousand ; and soon after many myriads of jews believed ( at least many thousands . ) § 5. 5. these became the mother-church , and the law went out of zion , and so all nations were blest in abrahams seed , and christ became a light to the gentiles , and the glory of his people israel : the scattered jews of the twelve tribes through much of the empire , were the stamina or rudiments of the gentile churches : the apostles first preached in their synagogues , and the converted gentiles were added to their converts . § 6. 6. the epistle to the hebr●●● was written to all the hebrew christians , and not to two tribes only ; and implieth the great success of the gospel on them . § 7. 7. peter directeth his epistle to all the strangers scattered through pontus , asia , galatia , phrygia , &c. and magnifieth their grace . § 8. 8. james directeth his epistle to the twelve tribes , that are scatter'd abroad : and it is evident that he writeth to them as christians . § 9. 9. the seventh chapter of the revelations expresly nameth the twelve tribes , of which one hundred and forty four thousand were sealed , twelve thousand of each tribe ( meaning a great number ) that were to be preserved from the destruction that was to be executed on their enemies . the boldness of those expositors who give us their own revelation instead of christs , is palpable : who tell us that by these one hundred and forty four thousand is meant all the reformed that are saved from the destruction to be executed on the papists ? what words can we desire god to use more plain , that men may not pervert ? 1. god speaketh of jews , and they say he meaneth gentiles . 2. god nameth the tribes , and they exclude them . 3. they are called [ the first fruits ] of the church : and they say , it meaneth the last . 4. the numberless gentile christians that with them partaked of the preservation , are by way of distinction mentioned in the next words : yet these commentators say , that the gentiles are meant by the twelve tribes . 5. the prophesie is put in the beginning before the trumpets or vials , even before all the judgments that were to come on infidel jews and romans ; yet do they bring it down towards the end of the world , or after the fall of pagan rome . § 10. 10. it was some considerable time before the jewish christians could be satisfied to let go their priviledge of peculiarity and mosaick policy , and to embody on equal terms with the gentiles in the catholick church , and to marry with gentile christians : and all that time dr. hammond , and grotius , and others say , they had in the great cities one church of jews and one of gentiles ; which also difference of language would require ; and so had two bishops in a city : and peter for the circumcision , and paul for the uncircumcision , were the roots of the jewish and gentile miracle-working ministry , which i suppose were the two witnesses mentioned in the revelation ; for whoever they were they may be known by the promise , mark 16. 17 , 18. in my name shall they cast out devils , they shall speak with new tongues , they shall take up serpents , and if they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them , they shall lay hands on the sick , and they shall recover . ] our reformers pretended not to miracles . § 11. 11. at the wars of vespasian and titus against the jews , one million and one hundred thousand were kill'd , and seven hundred thousand carried into captivity ; and the christians fore-warned by christ , got out of the city and escaped . and in trajan's days a madness seized on the infidel jews , and they rose up and murdered many score thousands of the roman subjects : and after barchocheba proclaimed himself the messiah , murdered so many more as amounted to an hundred thousands : vvhereupon trajan and adrian in revenge kill'd between one and two millions of these rebel jews , still sparing the christians . after all this , the infidel jews could have but a small number left : all london hath not near a million . by which it appeareth that the main body of the jews preserved , were the christians , to whom the cursed part were few . § 12. 12. the converted jews fell into the catholick church , and married with gentile christians , and so ere long lost the name of jews , and became unknown . so that the scattered relicks now called jews are but the off-spring of the self-cursed rabble that were scattered after the aforesaid slaughter of them . § 13. 13. in constantine's reign the jews had as much liberty and invitation to be christians as any others : and judea was not only made a national-provincial church , but was more honoured for christs sake than any nation no greater , save the imperial seat. there were more churches built , and more monasteries , and more bishops , than elsewhere , in so small a compass : no jew was forbidden there to live . no countrey so honoured : the devout people from rome and many countreys went thither , some on pilgrimage , and some to dwell : thence they fetcht what relicks they could get in remembrance of christ . there at bethlehem jerom lived while he wrote and studied much of his works . § 14. 14. since then in all ages some of the infidel relicks have been converted : whether the history of the dispute between gregentius and herbanus , and the miraculous conversion of them by christs appearance be true or no , ( which few judicious men believe ) in all ages many jews have been baptized , and some proved excellent divines . § 15. 15. when all the ten kingdoms that had been tributary or subject to the pagan empire , so quickly followed the success of constantine and the christian arms , and turned against the pagan idolatry , it is utterly incredible that multitudes of the infidel jews did not the same . no one nation turned all at once : and no one national church under heaven were all ( that i say not the most ) sincerely holy christians : the visible church still consisted mostly of temporizing men , that came in to christianity for worldly interest , over-awed by christian power : till it came to this , the christians were a persecuted party , and no national church . and the unbelieving jews were not like to be so free from the love of the flesh and vvorld , as not to do as others did . christ riding victoriously on the vvhite horse , and conquering his enemies , brought the nations to submission , after he had by the word and martyrdom purified to himself a holy generation . as all the revelation fully telleth us . therefore if judea was not made a national church , no other nation was made such . zonaras saith that many hired by money turned christians , two hundred thousand turned christians for fear in their troubles at toledo in spain ( whither they were long before sent . ) and forty fryars were sent to instruct them . after that ferrerius converted many . read but the chronological tables of my worthy friend mr. fr. tallents , and you shall find , how they were hated , hunted and destroyed , in spain , france , and almost all christians nations , except rome , and how many turned seeming christians for fear . chap , vii . whether there be any jerusalem monarchy of jews , or any further conversion of them , more than of other men , promised by god ? § 1. i know of no such promise in gods word , but i find it in many books of men , and i hear of it in the prayers and sermons of many men , so good , and of so good repute , that divers of my friends disswade me from so much as giving my reasons against it , lest i lose my reputation with such men , and lest i occasion a division by contradicting them . and is it come to that ? must our concord be held on such humane , loose and unsound terms ? is this savouring the things of god , or of men ? if it be proved an errour , taking gods name in vain , polluting sacred worship , and adding to the word of god , must we by silence promote a concord in it ? i only humbly propose the reasons of my dissent to the tryal of wiser men. § 2. 1. it belongeth to the affirmers to produce their proofs : but i can find no text cited by them , that to a sober search hath any such proof . 1. as to the many texts of the prophets of the uniting of judah and israel under david their king , and the jews repossessing their own land , and the subjection of their enemies , and the neighbour nations to them , and the great slaughters of gog and magog in their land , &c. 1. let the grandeur of prophetical stile he allowed for , and this compared with the prophecies against babylon , tyre , sion , moab , edom , &c. 2. read the whole text , and you will find most express passages , that cannot be applyed to any such time and use as this in question , but plainly speak of their return from captivity , and their following state . it would too much swell my book to try and vindicate all the particular texts mr. james calvert , having already done it in his naphthali , yet unanswered . 3. confound not the immediate sense of the prophesie , with the remote , and set not one against the other , the several parts and degrees that make up the whole . many prophesies in the psalms are spoken immediately of david , but as he was a type of christ , in whom they were though remotely yet chiefly fulfilled . the prophesies of the honour of the jews , and their restoration , had divers degrees of fulfilling . 1. they were primarily fulfilled in the return from captivity , and the power that followed under zorubbabel and the maccabees . 2. they were further fulfilled by the coming of the messiah , of the seed of abraham and david , in whom all the nations of the earth are blessed . 3. they were further fulfilled at christs resurrection , ascension , and effusion of the holy ghost , and the many thousands of them converted ; and their spreading the gospel over the gentile world. 4. it was yet more fulfilled when dominion was given to christians , and the fulness of the gentiles brought in all israel , and settled a national church in judea , and put all their enemies in subjection to the catholick church of jewish and gentile christians , reconciled in one body , the partition wall being broken down 5. it will be yet more fulfilled in the new heaven and earth ; under the gospel there is neither circumcision not uncircumcision , but christ is all and in all : how much more in the new world ? he that would promise to redeem christians from turkish captivity , and restore them to their own land , and prosper and honour them there if they will obey him , must not be thought to confound the several benefits and degrees of this promise : he that will lead you into an upper chamber , includeth every step of the stairs that you ascend ; and the promise of helping you up the first step , includeth not the last , but tendeth to it , and if you obey will lead you further . 4. read the book of the maccabees , and other history , that you may not be ignorant of what is already done : for instance , how the great ruine of gog and magog ( so hyperbolically set out ) was fulfilled on the syrian and graecian armies , ( of which see the assembly mens annotations . ) § 3. ii. their next seeming proof is from rom. 11. of which i have proved how much is fulfilled already ; besides which i find no more there promised , than to all the church in the new world. 1. god cast not away the fore-known elect , v. 1 , 2 , to 11. 2. through their fall and infidelity , persecuting the christians from among them , the gospel came to the gentiles , v. 12. 3. it was but some of the branches that were broken off , v. 17. 4. as the casting away of them was the converting and reconciling of the pagan world ; so their receiving was as a resurrection of life from the dead , v. 15. 5. the converted gentiles were but grafted in among them , and partakers with them , ( and not without them ) of the fatness of the olive , v. 17. 6. not the root , but the some branches that were broken off , was that we might be grafted in , v. 19. it was chiefly the priests , and rulers , and the self-cursed rabble that followed them , and yet some priests and pharisees were converted . 7. if they continue not in gods goodness , the gentiles also shall be broken off , v. 22. so much of conditionality is in the promise : and yet there is more scripture to expect that the gentiles shall not be broken off , than that there shall be any more national conversion of the jews . 8. the promise of restoring the broken branches is , if they continue not in unbelief , v. 23. 9. yet here is a prophecy that the jews shall be eminently replanted , v. 24. and not for ever left in general unbelief . 10. it was but blindness in part that happened to those some , till the fulness of the gentiles came in : which must either mean , till the empire of the roman world fell into the christians hands : or else till all the gentiles were converted that ever shall be : this last cannot be the meaning , for then it would not be till the end of the world ; therefore it must be the former , which is long fulfilled , v. 25. 11. so all israel were saved , that is , 1. all the israel of god , the believing children of abraham ( for all are not israel that are of israel , ) gathered into one catholick body . 2. and so many of natural israel as to make not only one of the two witnesses and olive trees , but also a formed national honoured church-society . 12. when to drive away the gospel to the gentiles some were left in unbelief : the elect part were they that were beloved for their father abrahams sake , ( much more for christs sake , ) v. 28. 13. as it was from them that the gentiles had the gospel ; so it was from the gentiles mercy that the restored body of the jews obtained mercy , being by the christian emperors and princes restored and honoured , v. 29 , 30. 14. god left the rulers and many others in unbelief , that he might recover ( not each single person , but ) a political body and power to the nation as he did , v. 32. as alexander severus gave the infidel jews power to chuse them a governour of their own ( under him ) the christian emperors did for the christian jews much more . 15. thus is gods goodness and severity glorified : and what word in that chapter proper to the jews is not fulfilled ? § 4. as to the texts that mention the restitution of all things , the creatures groaning to be delivered from the bondage of corruption , drinking the fruit of the vine new , and such like ; what word is in all this that respecteth the jews more than the gentiles , or that may not be performed in the new world , unlimited to jews , or to a thousand years ? § 5. the same i say of the lords prayer , let thy kingdom come , &c. which long made me hope for better days on this same earth : but this saith nothing more of the jews than of the heathens . and who can here find any limitation of this kingdom to a thousand years ? all the word that tells us what to pray for , doth not tell us what in this world we shall obtain . i doubt not but we may pray for jews and all men , but that proveth not all shall be converted and saved : we may have hope of many individual jews , when we have no promise of a national further restitution of the many more than of any others . chap. viii . reasons for the negative humbly offered to tryal . § 1. i. that which is done already according to promise , we must not take for undone , or expect to be done again . but the calling of the jews is done already according to promise : ergo , &c. i hinted this oft before ; i will not shun repetition where the cause requireth it . 1. it is granted that the catholick church is called the new jerusalem , so far as it is short of the other world : but the catholick church , and therein the jewish nation , was more gloriously set up by the christian empire , than the millenaries , can reasonably expect or plead for : 1. what are a few rabble jews , such as are among us , to the great , rich , victorious roman empire , the greatest that ever was on earth , which turned christian in the regent part , and shortly in the commonest profession ? what an empire would the jews of england , spain , portugal , turky , &c. make ? 2. constantinople was then called not only new-rome , but new-sion : and how greatly did it excel jerusalem in spaciousness , riches , power and glory ? 3. how small and barren a spot was judea , ( like our wales ) in comparison of the roman christian empire , in europe , asia , and africa ? like the isle of man to england . 4. how great a protection had the jews under constantine , and following emperours , above what they had even after their restoration from captivity , from zorobabel and the maccabees to the end of their policy . 5. what could they now desire for their return more than they then had ? what greater liberty , or encouragement , or help ? an excess of honour was put on their countrey , and on all that would come into the christian church . 6. what better plantation of religion can be expected in judea , than was when the emperours built them temples , and devout people travelled thither , and dwelt there , and bought them bibles , and built them religious houses , and set over them pastors , and bishops , and a. bishops , and a patriarch , one of the five in the empire ? and their national church honourably united to the catholick ? what outward honour can they expect more ? all protestants note it as the wicked superstition of the popes , that they were so set on the honouring of jerusalem and judea , called the holy land , that they forced emperours , and kings ( of france and england , &c. ) at vast charges to go fight for it , to the loss of 100000 men . § 2. obj. but judea was not all planted with jews , but with a mixt people . ans . 1. and must all that now possess it be robbed of their habitations and estates , to make room for our jews ? 2. there were no jews restrained from going thither that desired it : and would you have them forced , or sent thither with a pass ? 3. those that would not go thither had better encouragement where they dwelt . § 3. obj. but it was not the main body of the nation that was converted and restored . ans . 1. i have given great probability that it was the far greatest part , so many of the rebels had been before destroyed . 2. there was no heathen nation where the greater number presently turned christians , till power and interest prevailed with them : even till the days of alaricus and theodorick thousands were heathens in christian rome . and holy chrysostom in his days in the glory of constantinople , reckoned but of a hundred thousand christians , besides separatists and hereticks , the rest being heathens and jews ; shall we therefore say that such were no national churches , that is , christian kingdoms ? § 4. obj. but while their governours were set over them by others , and not chosen by themselves , they could not be called jewish national churches . ans . 1. their pastors were chosen by themselves , whatever the souldiers and magistrates were . the inhabitant christians jews and gentiles chose them . 2. their submission and consent might make them churches of jews . 3. but i confess they were not , nor ever must be , churches of jews separate from the gentiles , or otherwise than as parts of the catholick united church . it seems you take not the jews for converted , till they become separated from the catholick church , and claim their old peculiarity . of which more anon . § 5. ii. the doctrine of the jews conversion as inferring a policy or monarchy of jews as such , is a contradiction , and therefore impossible . is there any room then for any further dispute of it ? when there are no jews , there cannot possibly be any kingdom or common-wealth of jews : but were the self-cursed progeny converted , they would be no jews immediately in a religious sense , nor within sixty or eighty years in a natural sense . 1. a converted jew joyneth himself to the catholick church , and knoweth that this is his advancement , above the old separate state of peculiarity , and knoweth that moses law and policy is ended ; and that if he turn to that law , he falls from grace , and if he be ( jewishly ) circumcised , christ shall profit him nothing : therefore he is no more a jew in religion . 2. and being a catholick christian , he will marry with gentile catholicks , and not confine marriage to those of his own nation , to keep up the separation . and so within a short time there would be no natural jews . for instance ; if a marry b , a gentile christian , their children will be but half jews : if their children marry gentile christians , their children will be but a quarter jews : and if those marry gentile christians , their children will be but an eighth part of jewish race ; that is , no jews at all : thus it is faln out with the progeny of all their converted ancestors . i have since i was twenty four years old , lived in the house with the mother of the grandmother of the grandfather of some now living . and if i have seen between 24 and 76 so many generations , in how short a time would converted jews be no jews ? § 6. iii. and the desire of such a jewish conversion , state and kingdom , or church , as should continue them in a jewish line and peculiarity , distinct from the catholick mixed church , is a wickedness , and contrary to the very nature of christianity , and the kingdom and design of christ : for christ came to take down the partition wall , middle wall , and make of two one new man , even both one , ( no longer two : ) here is neither greek nor jew , circumcision nor uncircumcision , barbarian , scythian , bond or free , but christ is all , and in all , of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named , and will have all to grow up to one perfect man , eph. 2. & 3. & 4. col. 3. will christ now turn against his own uniting design and kingdom , and set up moses again and his policy ? § 7. obj. but we do not hold that he shall set up moses ceremonial law , or worship . answ . nor if you are christians , should you say , that he will turn again the one united body into two , and by restoring the carnal peculiarity , to set up again the wall of separation ? § 8. obj. but if english , french , spaniards , &c. may be still distinct , why may not jews and gentiles ? ans . because one is but accidentally and mutably , from the difference of countreys and habitation , and of language , and trading , and government , which christ came not to unite : but the other is on pretence of a religious trust on a divine gift of peculiarity , setting them up above the rest of the church , which christ came to take down , and tendeth to church divisions . § 9. iv. so hardly were the first converted jews taken off their conceit of peculiarity , and acknowledging catholick equality of the gentiles , and such doleful heresies and breaches were made by this pride , that it is not safe tempting them to it again . § 10. v. it seemeth a carnal imputation of the most holy god ; as if he made under the gospel so great an account of one sort of people by their peculiar birth-priviledge , above all the rest of the world. when paul tells us that all believers are abrahams children , and that he is not a jew that is one outwardly , nor that circumcision which is of the flesh . and the jews are so far from being of any better nature or desert than other men , that the infidel part have ever since their self-cursing and obdurateness in unbelief , been found in all nations to be the most covetous , treacherous , and sottish sort of people : much unprepared for so great a change . § 11. vi. either all the off-spring of the jews shall be partakers of this pretended priviledge and monarchy , or only the off-spring of those that continued infidels till the change . but neither of these can be true . 1. the off-spring of all that have been converted for fourteen hundred years after christ , cannot possibly now be made any parts of a jewish monarchy or state : because they are all unknown , and are now no jews : and so that it is impossible . 2. and to advance only the present profligate generation , to a separate monarchy , excluding all the off-spring of the converts of all former ages , looks so strangely , that the affirmers had need to bring good proof of it , considering the difference of quality and number , that the least and worst part shall be chiefly advanced . § 12. vii . either in this jewish advancement , all the rest of the godly through the world shall be as much advanced , or the jews alone . if all the godly , they being i hope a thousand to one jew , why should it be called a jewish jerusalem or monarchy ? then sure , this new jerusalem must be setled in all kingdoms , where the godly dwell : and shall they every where be lords ? if it be only for the jews , can any but a jew believe it ? that the off-spring of the scattered , cursed , sottish enemies of christ , shall be so much preferred before all the godly through the world ? § 13. viii . either all the nations of heathens , mahometans , papists , and ungodly-ones , shall be converted , with the jews , or not : if yea , it will be a new and happy world indeed : a blessed change will be made on kings , and parliaments , and lords , and rich men , and poor : and there will be as many miracles as men , when all those shall be made wise and holy , that we cannot now with twenty years preaching prevail with to be men , and to cease malignity , and bestial lusts : sure god will not burn such a blessed world , and bury so many millions of miracles in the flames . but if it be only the jews , that are miraculously converted , it must be a miracle that must cause the malignant princes and people , heathens , mahometans , greeks , papists and carnal protestants , either to become subjects to these poor jews where they dwell , or to help or permit their transportation to jerusalem , and then to be subject to them there : if this must be their fate , why do we not acquaint our selves with those few cursed enemies of christ , that live in london , in wapping , or elsewhere near us , and honour them , and beg their favour against the time of their reign . oliver cromwell appointed a solemn dispute before him , whether the jews ( for money ) should have a toleration , and when that good man dr. tho. goodwin , and some other godly independents had spoken much for it , matthew newcomen ( that holy man ) so opened the wickedness of turning loose a cursed generation to tempt a nation to infidelity , that is already too much inclined thereto , as turned the scales , and put an end to that deliberation . §14 . ix . either the feigned conversion of these jews will be before the burning of the world , or after : but neither before nor after : therefore not at all . 1. if it be before , either it will be the thousand years reign , or some part of the thousand years reign , or beffore it all . if it be the thousand years reign , then 1. the world must last yet a thousand year after the jews conversion : which few believe . 2. and then there will be no thousand years reign after the conflagration , which our chief millenaries will not endure : for there is but one thousand years reign looked for by them . 3. and then the new jerusalem state shall have the numberless enemies of the armies of gog and magog : and shall fall to a laodicean lukewarmness : what! after so many millions of miracles ? 2. but if they say it will be after the burning of the world , that is before disproved : for the thousand years are past before that conflagration . gog and magog , and the numberless enemies will not survive the burning , nor live in the new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness . 3. and if they say that it will be but some part of the thousand years , or a short time before the conflagration . 1. the thousand years will not be divided , part before the burning , and part in the next world. 2. and so short a reign of the jews , as shall end before the thousand years , and burning , will not answer the glorious preparation of so many millions of miracles , nor the doctrine of their so speedy apostasie after , as to prepare for the incendium . §15 . x. the miracles must be so many and great , that must go to the feigned conversion and exaltation of these jews , that it will be a great and heinous crime to impose them on god by presumptuous fiction , if the truth of them be not proved ; 1. as to the number of converts . 2. their present unfitness . 3. their scattered distance . 4. their servitude in all nations . 5. the feigned way of their conversion . 6. the state of their feigned exaltation . all these must be so full of miracles , that will a thousand-fold exceed all the miracles that ever christ did on earth , or his apostles after him . and god keepeth so constant a tenor in his established order of working by means and subordinate causes , as that we must have good proof before we say that he will do all this . tell us not what god can do , when our question is , what he will do . god can enlighten the world without the sun , or make all the frame of heaven and earth to change their course : god can convert turk and pope , and all the heathens in the world , and all the bloody princes and souldiers , to morrow . but do not therefore say that he will do it . when the devil tempted christ to shew his power by a miracle , he saith , it is written , thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god. god hath appointed a quite contrary way for mens conversion , rom. 10. how shall they believe on him of whom they have not heard ? and how shall they hear without a preacher ? and how shall they preach unless they be sent ? christ ascended on high to give gifts and offices to men , for this end , apostles , prophets , teachers , to gather and edifie his church . christ tells us of no way but the lord of the harvest to send forth labourers , and the messengers to go into the high-ways and hedges , and compel them to come in : and the sowers to go forth to sow that word , which is the regenerating seed . though christ would speak to paul from heaven , it was to send him to ananias . and though an angel appear to cornelius , it is to send him to peter to be taught . though miracles affright the jailor , act. 16. it is to ask paul and silas , what he must do to be saved . and by what warrant shall we say that christ will for millions quite change this his appointed way ? § 16. 1. as to the number , it must be ten thousands of miracles that a number so great should be thus changed all at once , or near it , throughout the world : and yet that a number so small in comparison of all others , should become a monarchy , and gog and magog be so friendly to them , as to permit and help them , as cyrus did the jews , in their removal , and afterward be subject to them . § 17. 2. they are now a more sottish generation , full of malice against christ , and cruelty to christians where they dare shew it ; sordidly worldly and covetous : they live among christians , and all our endeavours , converse and examples scarce converteth in this kingdom , three in an age. bear with me you that talk so zealously for the jews conversion and kingdom , while i ask you , how many in london have you converted in your lives ? yea ▪ how many have you laboured with by instruction and argument to convert them , while you have prayed for their conversion , and censoriously disputed against us that doubted of your opinion ? § 18. 3. they are scattered over the most of the earth , being every where a hated and despised people . and shall preachers be sent to them in all lands at once ? shall preachers so quickly be made , when no countrey have enough for their needful work at home ? and shall they quickly learn and speak all the languages of the countreys where the jews are ? ( for hebrew alone will not do the work . ) and shall all jews on earth , get together to jerusalem ? will they be rich enough to bear the charge of their transplantation ? or enough cured of the love of riches , to leave their trades and wealth behind them ? § 19. obj. we hold not that they shall all be converted or dignified , but enough to possess jerusalem and reign there : say some , the tartarians may do it . ans . it seems then it is but the popes old zeal , to recover the holy land : but what 's this to the conversion of the jews ? were they converted when godfrey and others recovered it ? the tartarians taking jerusalem , will not prove the conversion of one jew , that now is taken for a tartarian . § 20 ▪ 4. they are in such servitude in all nations , and so contemned a people among them , as must prove it a miracle for them to remove so far , to power . § 21. 5. the feigned means of their conversion is millions of miracles . 1. the new opinion is , that christ shall do it by appearing in the air as he did to saul . o take heed what you impose on christ ! that appearance of christ was seen but by a very few in one place : and the words heard by none but saul himself . shall christ in the air be seen at once in persia , greece , rome , portugal , and all nations where there be jews ? ( and yet these good men are against the lutheran vbiquitarians ! ) and shall christ preach to them in the air , and his voice be heard throughout the world , a thousand times further than the thunder ? and how will they know that it is christ ? when on earth they would not know him ; but imputed his miracles to beelzebub ? and will the bare sight of christ , make millions of ignorant sots presently understand all the essentials of religion , yea and become eminently wise and holy , when we can scarce teach an ignorant one now to understand the catechism or creed in many years ? i doubt many millenaries have some such servants and children in their own houses . 2. some say that elias shall come and convert them ? a jewish dream : and how will they know that he is elias ? as they knew john baptist to be elias ! if you say , as peter did on the mount , i say , that was by inspiration , or by christs telling him that it was elias . shall they have either of these ? and where shall elias preach to them ? is he also ubiquitary ? if he preach in spain , shall they hear him in portugal ? or if in holland , or rome , shall they hear him in england ? if he preach at stepney , shall they bear him at westminster , at tarmouth , at norwich , and all over the land , and over all the world at once ? or must he stay long enough to go over all the earth ? if one man can do so much why have many thousands done so little on the jews to this day ? 3. if you say , god will raise up and send forth ministers enough , that will be yet a greater miracle : to give so many skill , vvill and zeal ? to cause them to speak with all the languages of the nations ? when the jesuits at japan , congo , and china , after many years learning their tongues , do but set the nations in a laughter , to hear their mispronunciation , as maffeius , varenlus , and others tell us . and who will furnish so many thousand new inspired preachers , with money to carry them through all the vvorld ? and procure them free passage through enemies lands ? 4. but the last answer i expect is , that nothing is difficult where god will work , and grace shall make one sight of christ , to convert them all . i answer , if you lay all on the miraculous inspirations of god , that can do it without seeing christ , and without preaching ; as god made the world with a word : he can so make every infant a doctor , that they not stay as christ , to encrease in stature and wisdom . but if you feign him to purpose or promise this , take heed lest he will not hold you guiltless for taking his name in vain . this creating inspiration of sudden wisdom , faith and holiness , into so many thousands over the world at once , will be a greater miracle , yea millions of miracles , than ever christ did : and is quite contrary to the word of god. § 22. 6. the feigned exaltation of them by a jerusalem monarchy is also a devised miracle : that these scattered people by such means , should get to jerusalem , and become a grand monarchy , and that in a place so uncapable , and that never was such , no not in david's days . § 23. xi . another reason against this jewish monarchy at jerusalem is , that instead of an exaltation , it would be a banishment to the jews . judea being like our wales , or not so big as half england , and a countrey ( though flowing with milk and honey in comparison of the arabian wilderness , yet ) very full of mountains , rocks , and deserts , and oft infested with famines . so that could they bear their charges thither , i believe that the jews in portugal , constantinople , rome , and thessalonica alone , would take it for as sad a banishment to be sent to judea , as all england would do to be sent to jamaica , yea or barbadoes . if you say that god can feed them by manna , or by angels , or ravens , or make all the neighbours countreys , ( egypt , mesopotamia , &c. ) feed them ; take heed of imposing upon god. § 24. xii . god in scripture hath given us another description of the two new jerusalems , the infantile and the perfect , that on earth , and that on heaven , more glorious and desireable than the jewish feigned one : therefore we should not obscure the glory of them by such a fiction . as satan fighteth against the spirit by a false spirit , and against the church by a false church , and against the ministry by a false ministry , and against unity by false unity , so doth he against the kingdom of christ , and the new jerusalem by a counterfeit . 1. as the assyrian , persian , grecian , and roman monarchies were the four mentioned in daniel ; so there have been since a fifth and a sixth . by a monarchy now is meant only the greatest on earth known to the church . the fifth was the christian empire , whose chief seat was constantinople , called new rome , and new sion . i am not ignorant what is said against this by heddeggerus and many others : that is not to be disputed in this narrow room . the sixth monarchy visibly is the turks , with the tartarian unity , gog and magog . the seventh , the sabbatical and perfect monarchy is that of christ in the new heaven , and new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness , after the burning of this world : by debasing fiction confined to a thousand years , and christs own kingdom also so confined , whereas this wicked world hath already lasted six thousand years within three hundred and ten. this vilifying of christs glorious kingdom is by blind zeal now made the exalting of it , by many deceived and deceiving men. chap. ix . of the new earth . § 25. concerning the new earth we must content our selves with what god hath revealed , and not search into the unrevealed things . 1. it is revealed that it will be the restitution of all things ; that in it shall dwell righteousness ; that the whole creation groaneth to be delivered from the bondage of corruption into the glorious liberty of the sons of god ; that it will be a paradise state ; that christ shall reign over it ; that no glorified saints shall lose any of their part in heaven by it ; that there will be no death , nor misery : therefore there will be no gog and magog , and numberless armies of the wicked : for there entereth nothing that is defiled : it will be a state of communion with heaven . angels and men will have familiar converse : christ shall be joyfully known among them as their saviour and king : neither christ nor the saints will lay by the humane nature or body , but their bodies will be so far refined as shall be suitable to the condition of the new refined world : this much is certain . but these things following are uncertain . 1. how much of the old earth god will use in the constitution of the new. whether only the surface of the earth shall be burnt , and the things and works thereon , or also the interiour parts dissolved into a chaos : as it is uncertain to us whether the chaos at the present earths creation , was the relicks of a former world : we are not certain whether there was any former world ; though to conjecturing reason it seems improbable that god who delighteth in his works , and will continue a vvorld to eternity , should from all eternity have nothing but himself , till six days ago ( six thousand years . ) but this will infer aristotle's eternity of the universe ( except mutations of alterable compositions ) that the vvorld is an eternal effect of an eternal cause ; and gassendus his indefiniteness ( he meaneth infiniteness ) of the vvorld , and the old opinion that god and the vvorld are but one , as soul and body : by which they resolve the grand difficulties that god is not pars entitatis , which were to be imperfect and so no god , the entity of the world and god being more than of either alone , if the vvorld have any real entity . 2. it is uncertain how god will people this new earth : some think as he did this earth by adam and eve. some think , by a creation of many at once . some think by a transplantation from some other orb : some think as dr. h. more , that except a few rare saints or martyrs , all go hence but into an aerial vehicle , and may thence without loss be made inhabitants of the new earth . and some think that those that are found alive , shall live in the fire and after , and some that they shall be caught up from the fire , and judg'd , and sent hither again . 3. it is uncertain whether there shall be any generation on the new earth : mr. beverley saith , they shall multiply so as to compensate with a [ much more ] for the jewness of the saved ▪ under the first adam ] and each shall live the thousand years : but christ saith that the children of the resurrection neither marry nor are given in marriage , but are like the angels , and die no more . the doubt is then , whether he call only those in heaven , and not those on the new earth , the children of the resurrection . 4. it is uncertain whether there shall be any stated visible presence of christ here , or that only he shall appear as in heaven , as the sun doth by its light ; or only sometimes be seen as he was after his resurrection . and so of the angels . 5. it●s uncertain whether the new earth shall have any end or change , or shall be everlasting . it 's certain that the thousand years rev. 20. are before it in this life , but of its duration god hath said nothing to us . 6. it 's uncertain how much of the old heaven shall be burnt : though it's likely it will be only so much as was cursed for sin. 7. it 's uncertain whether there will be any removal to a higher vvorld , and each person live his thousand years , and then as henoch and elias be translated , and so on to following generations ; or each person continue here for ever . 8. it 's uncertain whether devils shall be permitted here to be tempters , or all temptations be cast out . § 26. it will be no disparagement to christ to rule the restored earth as well as heaven . nor to saints or angels to be governours under him . vvere the sun intellectual it would be no grief to it to be a benefactor by its influence to earth : for it is no dishonour to god himself , to communicate all to the creature that it hath . there may be here such subjects as god promised apostles and saints that they shall judge . if by faith in christ god dwell in us by love , and we in him , and we have in us that kingdom of grace , we shall have our part in the future kingdom , though we understand not many difficulties about it . for christ is the author of eternal salvation to all them that obey him . decemb. 10. 1690. a catalogue of books printed for , and sold by tho. parkburst , at the bible and three crowns in cheapside , near mercers chapel . catholick theology . folio . the saints everlasting rest ; or a treatise of the blessed state of the saints in their enjoyment of god in glory 4to . the english nonconformity , as under king charles ii. and king james ii. truly stated and argued . 4to . the life of faith in every state. 4to . alderman 〈◊〉 funeral sermon . 4to . a key for catholicks to open the juglings of the jesuits . the first part of answering all their common sophisms : the second against the soveraignty and necessity of general councils . 4to . naked popery : answering mr. hutchinson . 4to . which is the true church ▪ a full answer to his reply ; proving that the general councils and the popes primacy were but in one empire . 4to . the history of bishops and their councils abridged , and of the popes . 4to . a full treatise of episcopacy , shewing what episcopacy we own and what is in the english diocesan frame , for which we dare not swear never to endeavour any alteration of it , in our places . 4to . a search for the english schismatick ; comparing the canoneers and nonconformists . 4to an answer to mr. dodwell and dr. sherlock , consisting an vniversal-humane church soveraignty , aristocratical and monarchical , as church-tyranny and popery ; and defending dr. iz. barrows excellent treatise . 4to . catholick communion defended against both extremes . moral prognostications , what shall befal the church till their concord , &c. full and easie satisfaction , which is the true religion : transubstantiation shamed . 8vo . all 〈◊〉 by mr. r. baxter . a hundred select sermons on several texts , of fifty on the old testament , and fifty on the new. folio . the true prophecies and prognostications of michael nostrodamus , physician to henry the second , francis the second , and charles the ninth , kings of france , and one of the best astronomers that ever were . folio . sixty one sermons , preached mostly on publick occasions , whereof five formerly printed by adam littleton , d. d. rector of chelsea in middlesex , folio . a discourse of the saving grace of god by the late reverend and learned david clarkson , minister of the gospel . 8vo . the vision of the wheels seen by the prophet ezekiel ; opened and applied : partly at the merchants lecture in broadstreet , and partly at stepney , on january 31. 1689 being the day of solemn thanksgiving to god for the great deliverance of this kingdom from popery and slavery , by his then highness the most illustrious prince of orange : whom god raised up to be the glorious instrument thereof . by matth. mead pastor of a church of christ at stepney . 8vo . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26934-e1160 gen. 1. 26 , 27. & 9. 6. 1 cor. 11. 7. col. 3. 10. gen. 3. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. eccles . 7. 29. hos . 13. 9. exod. 34. 7. psal . 86. 5. mat. 28. 19. deut. 29. 29. joh. 3. 5 6 , 7. this is written with relation to the writings of mr. sterry , dr. more . mr. ● . turner , mr. beverley , &c. which i would not be too peremptory in my opposing . rom. 11. 33. jo● 5. 9. & 40 & 41. & 42. 〈…〉 of the world. exod. 34. 6 , 7 , 8. gen. 3. 15. prov. 1. & 3. & 8. rom. 2. 4 , 7. heb. 11. 26. gen. 9. gen. 22. 15. & 26. 5 , 24. rom. 4. 3 , 9. gal. 3. 8 , 24. heb. 11. 8 , 17. jam. 2. 23. moses , the prophets and christ mat. 5. attest all this . mat. 3. 15. & 5. 17. gal. 4. 4 , 5. heb. 4. 15. & 9. 14. 1 pet. 1. 19. phil. 2. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. mat. 28. 19. john 17. 3 , 4. john 5. 22 , 23 , 26 , 27. luke 19. 34. jo. 18. 37. rev. 17. 14. jo. 1. 49. col. 1. 13. mat. 12. 28. & 21. 43. mar. 1. 15. luke 7. 28. & 9. 27. & 10. 9. & 11. 20. & 13. 18 , 19 , &c. & 17. 20 , 21. & 21. 31. 22. 16 , 18. rom. 14. 17 , 18. rev. 12. 10. mat. 10. 7. mat. 28. 19. mark 16. 16 , 17. mat. 23. 37. rom. 11. 20 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. rev. 11. 15. rev. 11. 17. & 19. 6. acts 1. 25. mar. 28. 20. john 14. 16 , 26. & 15. 26. & 16. 17. acts 2. 37 , 38. & 21. 20. rev. 7. luke 14. rom. 8. 29. rom. 8. 17. 1 thes . 2. 5. & 2 thes . 1. 6. 11. 2 tim. 2. 12. & 3. 12. rev. 2. 10. the roman history is the full proof of this . the revelation and the roman history compared , prove this , and expound each other . read eusibius eccl. hist . l. 8. & rev. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , & 19. and the prophets that proclaim it a great deliverance to the israelites , to have their mountains again inhabited , and their cities built . mr. potter , and many protestant expositors 〈◊〉 rev. 20. 21 , 22. to speak of the church on earth . rev. 20. 5 , 6 , 7 , 9. 2 pet. 3. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. rom. 8. 19 , 20 , 21. fully proved after , mat. 25. notes for div a26934-e11130 rev. 14. ● . erubhin or miscellanies christian and iudaicall, and others penned for recreation at vacant houres. by iohn lightfoote, master in arts, sometimes of christs colledge in cambridge. lightfoot, john, 1602-1675. 1629 approx. 200 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 108 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a05462) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9004) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 843:14) erubhin or miscellanies christian and iudaicall, and others penned for recreation at vacant houres. by iohn lightfoote, master in arts, sometimes of christs colledge in cambridge. lightfoot, john, 1602-1675. [10], 203, [3] p. printed by g. miller for robert swayne and william adderton, and are to be sold [by r. michell] at the bulls head in pauls church-yard, london : 1629. bookseller's name from stc. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic 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sampled and proofread 2004-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ervbhin or miscellanies christian and iudaicall , and others . penned for recreation at vacant houres . by iohn lightfoote , master in arts , sometimes of christs colledge in cambridge . london . printed by g. miller for robert swayne and william adderton , and are to besold at the 〈◊〉 head in pauls church-yard . 1629. to the right worshipfvll , right learned , and right vertuous knight , sir rovvland cotton . i. l wisheth all present and future felicitie . euer honoured . my creeping & weake studies neither able to go , nor speake for themselues , do ( like pyrrhus in plutarch ) in silence craue your tuition . for they desire , when they now come to light , to refuge to you who next to god first gaue them life . your incourag●ment and incitation did first set mee forward to the culture of holy tongues , and heere i offer you the first fruites of my barren haruest . your tried learning and tried loue , assure me that you both can iudge soundly , and yet withall will not iudge too heauily of my weake endeauours ; and such a patron my booke desireth . this hath caused to you , this present trouble , and in mee this present boldnesse . i know it had beene more secure to haue beene obscure , and not to haue come thus to publike hazzard ; for as the romane said well , it is hard when the world shall shew me mine infirmities vnder mine owne hand : yet haue i had some reason , to manifest my selfe thus openly to the view of all . some there bee that haue hardly censured of me for idlenesse and sloath ) as they make it ) because ( it seemes ) i intrude not euery moment into the supply of other mens ministeries , since it hath not yet pleased god , to preferre and promote me to a charge of mine owne . i know well the saying of the apostle romans . 1.14 . belongs to all ministers , to greekes and barbarians , to the wise and foolish they are all debtors , and ( as the syrian addes ) leakrez , they are debtors to preach : and who so is necessarily called , and refuseth , is as bad as the false prophets were , that would run before they were sent , nay , hee may seeme rather worse , that when he is sent will not goe . from this censure how farre i am free , my conscience tells me ; though i must confesse that i am not so hasty as many bee , to intrude my selfe , where is no ne●essity : this hath among some purchased mee the skarr of slothfulnesse : to vindicate which i haue here ventured as children doe , to shoot another arrow to find one 〈◊〉 is lost ▪ so haue i hazzar●ed my credit one way to saue it ●nother . i know mine owne ●eakenesse , and that this my ●aines , to schollers , may seeme ●●t idle : yet had i rather vnder●●e any censure , then the blot of ●●e other idlenesse , the begetter 〈◊〉 all euil , and of vnthankfulnes , ●●e hinderer of all good . this 〈◊〉 the cause that brings mee to a ●●●ke , and my booke to you . that the one i may testifie to the ●●rld that i loue not to bee idle , 〈◊〉 by the other witnesse to you , 〈◊〉 i loue not to be vnthankful . ●●ept i beseech you of so small ●●esent , and so troublesome a ●●●nkfulnesse , and what i want in tongue and effect , i will answer in desire and affection : suing alw●yes to the throne of grace , for the present prosperitie of your selfe and your nobl● lady , and the future felicitie of you both hereafter . from my studie at hornsey , neere london . march 5. 1629. yours deuoted in all seruice , iohn lightfoote . to the reader . courteous reader ( for such a one i wish or none ) i may well say of writing books as the wise greek did of marriage , for a yong man it is too soone , & with an old man his time is out . yet haue i ventured in youth to become publike , as if i were afraid that men would not take notice of my weakenes and vnlearnednesse soone enough . if i fall farre short of a schollar ( as i know i do ) my youth might haue some plea , but that mine attempt can haue no excuse but thy charitie . to that i rather submit my selfe then to thy censure . i haue here b●ought home with me some gleanings of my more serious studies , which i offer to thee not so much for thy instruction , as for thy harmelesse recreation . i beare in mind with mee the saying of rabbi iosihar iebudah in pirke abboth . he that learnes of young men , is like a man that eates vnripe grapes , or that drinkes wine out of the wine-presse : but he that learneth of the ancient , is like a man that eateth ripe grapes , and drinketh wine that is old . for feare thy teeth should be set on edge , i haue brought some varietie : i haue not kept any method , for then i should not answer my title of miscellantes . i haue vpon some things beene more copious , then other , and ( as rab. salomon obserues of ruth ) i haue sometime but stood to gleane , and sometime sitten downe . i hope thou wilt not censure me for iudaizing , though i cite them , for it is but ( as the musician in plutarch did ) setting a discord first , that you may better judge of the consort : and seeing error , you may the more embrace the truth . if this my youthfull attempt shall prouoke any one that is young to emulation in the holy tongues , i shall thinke i haue gained ▪ adjourne thy seuere censure till either future silence , or some second attempt either lose al , or make some satisfaction . for the present : quisquis haec legit , vbi pariter certus est pergat mecum , vbi pariter haesitat , quaerat mecum , vbi errorem s●um cognoscit , redeat ad me , vbi meum reuocet me . aug. de trinit . lib. 1. cap. 3. thine ready and willing , but vnable . of knovvledge of god. cap. i. omne tempus te puta perdidisse , &c. saith one : all time is lost that is not spent in thinking of god. to bee full of ●houghts of him , is a lawfull and holy ●rodigality : and to spend time in such ●editations , a gainefull lauishing . for ●is end were the scriptures giuen to ●ade vs to meditate of god , by medi●ting in them day and night , psal , 1.2 . ●erein those faile that neuer thinke of god at all , and those also that thinke not of him aright . the prophet makes this the marke of wicked men , that god is not in all their thoughts . that like the iewes they murder ( zechariah ) the remembrance of god euen betweene the temple and the altar . commendable in some sort was the deuotion of the philosopher , that in so many yeares spoke more with the gods then with men . had his religion beene towards the true god , what could haue beene asked of him more ? i would christians hearts were so retired towards their creator , that so hee that made the heart , might haue it . the heathens thought there was a god , but knew not what to thinke of him . they prayed and sacrificed and kept a stirre to something , but they might well haue marked their churches , altars and prayers , with the athenian altar motto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the vnknowne god , act. 17. plato attained to the thought of on● ●●ely god , the persians thought hee ●●uld not be comprehended in a tem●●e , and numas thought he could not 〈◊〉 represented by an image : and for ●●is ( saith clem. alex. ) hee was hel●ed by moses : yet came all these farre ●ort of the knowledge of god. na●●re when shee had brought them ●●us farre , was come to a non vltra , ●●d could go no further . happy then 〈◊〉 wee , if wee could but right-prize ●ur happinesse , to whom the day spring ●●om an high hath risen , and the sonne of ●●ghteousnesse with healing in his wings , ●●on whom the noone-tide of the gos●ell shineth , and the knowledge of god 〈◊〉 its strength . euen so o lord let it be ●ill told in gath , and published in the ●●reets of ascalon , to the rankor and sor●ow of the vncircumcised , that god is ●nowne in brittaine , and his name is ●reat in england . cap. ii. of the names of god vsed by iewes and gentiles . no nation so barbarous saith tull● that hath not some tincture of kno●ledge that there is a deity . and yet many , nay most people of the world fa●● short of the right apprehension o● god , through three reasons . first when they cannot carry their minde further then their senses : and so think● god hath a body as they haue that i● coloured , &c. secondly , when the● measure god by themselues & so mak● him passionate like man. for men no● able to conceiue what god is , what his nature , what his power , &c. fall into such opinions , that they frame gods of themselues : and as is their owne humane nature , so they attribute to god the like ▪ for his will , actions & intentions , saith arnobius . thirdly , when they mount aboue nature and sense , and yet not right , feigning that god begat himselfe , &c. hence came the multitude and diuersitie of deities among the heathen , minting thousands of gods to finde the right , and yet they could not . hence their many names , and many fames made by them , that it seemes , thought it as lawfull to make gods , as it was for god to make them . at first they worshipped these their deities without any representation on●y by their names : caelites , inferi , heroes , ●umani , sangui , and thousands others , ●he naming of which is more like con●uring then otherwise . nature it selfe ●aught men there was something they ●ust acknowledge for supreame super●●tendent of all things . this light of ●ature , lead them to worshippe ●●mething , but it could not bring ●●em to worship aright . hence some ●dored bruit beasts , some trees , some ●●rres , some men , some deuils . some 〈◊〉 images , some without , some in temples , some without . thus was gedeons fleece , the heathen peece of the world all dry : set in the darkenesse of the shadow of death : but in iury was god knowne , and his name great in israel : by his name iehouah he exprest himselfe when he brought them from aegypt , and his glory hee pitched among them . they knew him by his names and titles of elohim , adonai , el , shaddai , elion , and his great name iehouah , as the iewes do call it . there the scriptures of the law and prophets did teach them , yet they thus neerely acquainted with the true god , forsooke him , so that wrath came vpon israel . the rabbinicall iewes beside scripture words haue diuerse phrases to expresse god by in their writings . as frequently they cal him hakkadhosh baruchhu , the holy blessed he , in short with foure letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sometime they vse el iithbarech , the lord who is , or be blessed . sometimes shamaiim , heauen , by a metonomy , because there hee dwelleth . the like phrase is in the gospell , father i haue sinned against heauen luk. 15.18 . the like phrase is frequent in england , the heauens keepe you . shekinah they vse for a title of god , but more especially for the holy ghost . so saith elias leuita in tishbi . our rabbins of happy memorie call the holy ghost shekinah gnal shew shehu shaken gnal hannebhiim , because he dwells vpon the prophets . accordingly saith our nicene creed , i beleeue in the holy ghost who spake by the prophets . shem , a name or the name they vse for a name of god , and makom a place they place ●or the same , because hee comprehendeth all things , and nothing compre●endeth him . gebhurah strength is in ●he same vse . they are nice in the vt●erance of the name iehouah : but vse ●iuerse periphrases for it , as shem shel ●bang , the name of foure letters . shem ●aminhhadh the proper name and o●●ers . one in eusebius hath eloquently expressed it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . seuen sounding letters ring the praise of me th' immortall god , th' almighty deity : the father of all , that cannot weary be . i am th' eternall violl of all things whereby the melody so sweetly rings of heauens musicke which so sweetly sings . what these seuen letters are , that do thus expresse god , is easie to guesse that they be the letters of the name iehouah , which indeed consisteth but of foure letters , but the vowels must make vp the number . of the exposition of this name iehouah thus saith rabbi salomon vpon these words : i appeared to them by the name of god omnipotent , but by my name iehouah i was not knowne to them , exod. 6.3 . hee saith vnto him ( saith the rabbin ) i am iehouah , faithfull in rendering a good reward , to those that walke before me : and i haue not sent thee for nothing , but for the establishing of my words which i spake to their fathers : and in this sense we finde th● word [ iehouah ] expounded in sundry places , i am iehouah faithfull in auenging , ( when he speakes of punishing ) as , and if thou profane the name of thy god , i am iehouah . and so when hee speaketh of the performing of the commandements , as , and you shall keepe my commandements and do them , i am iehouah faithfull to giue to you a good reward : thus farre the rabbin . the alchymisticall cabalists , or cabalisticall alchymists haue extracted the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or number whether you will , out of the word iehouah after a strange manner . this is their way to do it : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which great mystery is in english thus . ten times ten is an hundred , fiue times fiue is twenty fiue , behold 125. six times six is thirtie six , behold 161. and fiue times fiue is twenty fiue , behold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 186. thus runneth their senselesse multiplication , multiplying numberlesse lesse follies in their foolish numbers , making conjectures like sybills leaues , that when they come to blast of triall , prooue but winde . irenaeus hath such a mysticall stirre about the name iesu : which i must needs confesse i can make nothing at all of , yet will i set downe his words , that the reader may skan what i cannot . nomen iesu ( saith he ) secundum propriam hebraeorum linguam , &c. the name iesu according to the proper speech of the hebrewes consisteth of two letters and an halfe , as the skillfull amongst them say : signifying the lord which containeth heauen and earth : for iesu according to the old hebrew signifieth heauen , and the earth is called sura vsser . thus that father in his second booke against heretickes , cap. 41. on which words i can criticke onely with deepe silence . onely for his two letters and ½ , i take his meaning to bee according to the iewes writing of the name iesu : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who denie him the last letter of his name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they deny him for a sauiour . so the dutch iew elias leuitae saith in expresse words . the christians say that their messias was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the commandement of the angell gabriel , because he should saue all the world from gehinnom , but because the iewes doe not confesse that hee is a sauiour , therefore they will not call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ieshuang , but they leaue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the last letter out , and call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iesu. after this kind of writing as irenaeus saith , the word consisteth of two letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and halfe a letter , that is , which may be so called , because it is so little . the chaldee writes the name of god with two iods aboue , and a vowell vnder thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from hence some haue picked an expression of the trinity : in the two letters , the father and the sonne , and in the vowell , the holy ghost proceeding from both : and from the aequidistance of the letters and vowell , they gather the distinction of the persons , and by the neerenesse of all , the vnity of essence . such another conceit hath bonfinius in his hungarian historie . when the heresie of arrius ( saith he ) had got head almost ouer all the world , and was dilated as well by persecution as by disputation : a towne in gaule was besieged , because it held the orthodox faith of the sons coequalitie with the father : god to confirme this their faith shewed this miracle . as the priest was at high masse at the altar , behold three drops of blood fell from heauen vpon the altar ; lying a while in an equall distance one from another , to shew the distinction of the three persons , at last , in sight of all the people , they met together , to shew the vnity of essence , so the story . but we haue a more sure word of prophecie : that there are three that beare record in heauen , the father , the word , and the holy spirit , and these three are one . the chaldee sometimes vseth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dehhila and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dahhalah , feare or terror , for god : because of the feare that is due to him . so iacob comming from syria , and being to sweare to a syrian , sweares according to this syrian or chaldee phrase , by the feare of his father isaac : gen. 31.53 . or by the god that isaac feared : as onkelos and ionathan render it . cap. iii. of the phrase the sonnes of god , gen. 6. and iob. 1. all take this phrase in iob , to meane the angells , and truely : in which sense while they haue taken it in the sixt of genesis , they spoile all : for hence they think , that angels lay with women and begat children . so can iarchi almost find in his heart to think , and so tertullian , lactantius and others . some tell what euill arts these angells taught women , and how they begat mighty children of them . how farre this conceit is from true philosophie , let aristotle censure . merlin in geffry monmouth is recorded to be such another hatch , beleeue it who list . his veine of prophecying can make alanus de insulis thinke it is so , but i must needs confesse , it comes not into my creed . as some conceit that the fallen angels , or deuills here begat children of women ; so the iewes most wickedly fable , that adam begat children of deuills . those hundred and thirtie yeares say they that adam was separated from eue , deuills came to him and he ingendred with them , and begat deuills , and spirits , and fiends . and againe : foure women are the mothers of shedhim or deuills , lilith , naamah , ogereth and mahlath . i beleeue both these alike , for i beleeue that neither is likely . both the chaldees onkelos and ionathan render the sonnes of elohim the sonnes of the potentates or iudges , taking the word elohim in the same sense that it is taken , in the middlemost verse of the booke of exodus cap. 22.28 . thou shalt not curse elohim , or the iudges . this opinion is farre better then the former , but christians haue a better then this . that the house and progenie of holy seth , are the sonnes of god or the church : and the brood of cains females were the daughters of men . cypriano di valera in his spanish translation of gen. 4. and the last verse , translates it thus , entonces commenciaron llamarse . then begun men to be called by the name of god , or by the name of the lord : and in the margin hee explanes himselfe thus , that then the men of seths house , began to bee a publike church , and to be distinguished from cains family , and to be called the sons of god : gen. 6.2 . cap. iiii. of the phrase sonnes of man. this phrase is frequent in scripture , and rabbin hebrew , but most frequent in chaldee and syrian . bene anasha : & bar nosho : in the latter of which the syrian vsually writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but leaueth out the first letter : as that tongue doth frequently in other words vse the like ecclipsis , writing not as they reade , as it is said of the french : ezekiel in his prophecie in scripture hebrew is frequently called sonne of man. why so often he and no other prophet should be so stiled , reasons are giuen by diuerse : to mee ( though farre inferiour to all them ) the groundworke seemeth to bee , because his prophecie was written in chaldean captiuitie , hee vseth the chaldean phrase , sonne of man , that is , o man. the same phrase daniel vseth in chaldaea , dan. 10.16 . cap. v. of iaphets plantation by his sonne iauan . iauan is generally held to be greece . and the greeke tongue is by all hebrewes called the speech of iauan . the arabians do so stile the same language . the syrian in romans the first chapter verse 16. calls the grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vpon what reason i cannot imagine . iauan the sonne of iaphet is held to haue planted or peopled this country , in memorie of whose name the iones are famous monuments : moses saith hee had foure sonnes , elisha , tarshish , cittim , & dodonim : which it is likely planted all the country of greece as farre as into italie . elisha and dodonim dwelt at first neere together , and so did tarshish and cittim , but their posteritie scattered farre and neere . the ierusalem and babilon targums doe almost resolued vs of these foure mens plantation : for ionathan reades the fourth verse of the tenth of genesis thus . and the sonnes of iauan , elisha , elis , tarsus , acacia and dardania . ieruselamy thus : and the sonnes of iauan , elisha , and the names of their prouinces , alastarasom and dodonia . which last word alastarasom i take to be mistaken , by joyning two words together and missing the last letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mem for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 samech , which is easily done they bee so like . the word alastarasom should without doubt , be alas or elis tarsus . elis frequent in all authours : eilision in homer in baeot. elensine in plutarch in theseo , are places in greece bearing the name of their old planter elisha . dodonim is registred in the name of old dodona . tarshish left a memoriall of himselfe in cilicia : in the citie tarsus . which was as pliny saith vrbs libera a free citie , nat . hist. lib. 5. and saint paul is free of that citie : act. 22. tarshish in gen. 10. is the name of a man , in ionah 13. in chald. par. it is vsed for the sea . in exod. 28. for a * pearle ; in act. 22 the name of a towne . i thinke i may safely suppose that the towne tooke the name from the man , the sea from the towne , and the pearle from the sea . cittim got into the i le cyprus neere his brother tarshish : from him that iland in old time was called cethin as ant. di gueuara nameth it in relox de los princip . and the men of cyprus acknowledged cythnon quendam , one cythnus ( or cittim ) for their predecessor as saith herodotus lib. 7. that iland sent out colonies further to replenish the westerne world : who bare the memorie and name of their father cittim with them all along as they went. macedon or macetia is called cittim , 1. mac. 1.1 . at last they ariued in italy which is called cittim . num. 24.24 . and so rendered by the chaldees . thus iauans posteritie grew great in greece and italy , and at last sent vs men ouer into these isles of the gentiles . cap. vi. of iewish learning . the iewes chiefe studies are about the scriptures or about the hebrew tongue , but some haue dealt in other matters . their tongue is their chiefe learning , which is indeed the ground of all sacred knowledge . in it some are most ignorant , and some againe as accurate . they value it so highly , that the mistaking of a letter in it say they , destroyes the world . he that in this verse en kadosh caihouah , readeth beth for caph makes it there is no holinesse in iehouah , and destroyeth the world . he that will may see most copious worke of this nicety in tauch . on gen. 1. how nimble textualists and grammarians for the tongue the rabbins are , their comments can witnes . but as in chaucer the greatest clarkes are not the wisest men , so among them , these that are so great textualists , are not best at the text . in humane arts some of them haue practised kimchi and leuita for grammar , rabbi simeon for logicke , and others in other things , as buxdorfius in his collection of iewish authors will fully satisfie . cap. vii . of the talmud . who so nameth the talmud , nameth all iudaisme , and who so nameth mishneh , and gemara , hee nameth all the talmud : and so saith leuita hattalmudh nehhlak , &c. the talmud is diuided into two parts , the one part is called mishneh , and the other part is called gemara , and these two together , are called the talmud . this in the iewes councell of trent , the foundation and groundworke of their religion . for they beleeue the scripture as the talmud beleeues , for they hold them of equall authority : rabbi tanchum the sonne of hanilai saith , let a man alwaies part his life into three parts . a third part for the scriptures , a third part for mishneh , and a third part for gemara . two for one , two parts for the talmud for one for the scriptures . so highly doe they , papist-like , prize the vaine traditions of men . this great library of the iewes is much alike , such another worke vpon the old testament , as thomas aquinas his catena aurea is vpon the new . for this is the summe of all their doctors conceits and descants vpon the law , as his is a collection of all the fathers explications and comments vpon the gospells . for matter it is much like origens bookes of old , vbi bene nemo melius , &c. and where they write well , none better , and where ill , none worse . the word talmud is the same in hebrew , that * doctrine is in latine , and doctrinall in our vsuall speech ▪ it is ( say the iewes ) a commentary vpon the written law of god. and both the law and this ( say they ) god gaue to moses , the law by day , and by writing , and this by night and by word of mouth . the law was kept by writing still , this still by tradition . hence comes the distinction so frequent in rabbins , of torah she baccathubh , and torah she begnal peh , the law in writing and the law that comes by word of mouth , * moses ( say they ) receiued the law from sinai , ( this traditionall law i thinke they meane ) and deliuered it to ioshuah , ioshuah to the elders , the elders to the prophets , and the prophets to the men of the great synagogue . and thus like fame in virgil , creuit eundo , like a snow-ball it grew bigger with going . thus doe they father their fooleries vpon moses , and elders , and prophets , who ( good men ) neuer thought of such fancies , as the romanists for their traditions , can find bookes of clemens , dionysius , and others who neuer dreamed of such matters . against this their traditionall , our sauiour makes part of his sermon in the mount , matth. 5. but he touched the iewes freehold , when he touched their talmud , for greater treasure in their conceits they had none : like cleopatra in plutarch , making much of the viper that destroyed them . cap. viii . talmudisme . to omit the time when it was written , and the distinction of ierusalem and babilon talmud : the chiefe end of them both ( as they thinke ) is to explane the old testament . the titles of the bookes shew their intents pesachin about the passeouer , sanhedrin about the high courts : beracoth about thankesgiuing . sometime they comment , sometime they allude , sometime controuert , sometime fable ▪ for this booke containes their common law and ciuill , and commonly some things aboue all law and ciuility . to instance in one or two , that by hercules foot ye may guesse his body . iudges 9.13 . it is said by the vine , shall i leaue my wine which cheereth god and man ? how doth wine cheere god ? rabbi akibhah saith , because men giue god thankes for it . there also they question or controuert , whether a man should giue thankes , or say grace for his meate and drinke before he taste it ? and otherwhere , whether a man may blesse god for the sweet smell of incense which hee smells offered to idols ? whether a man may light a candle at another candle that burnes in a candlesticke that hath images on it . whether a man at his deuotions , if a serpent come and bite him by the heele , may turne and stoppe to shake her off , or no ? which question rabbi tanchum answers very profoundly , that they must not so much as shake the foot to get a serpent off , and giues a huge strong reason : for ( saith he ) such a one was praying , and a serpent comes and catcheth him by the heele : hee holds on his deuotion , and ●tirrs not , and presently the snake falls away starke dead , and the man not hurt : legenda aurea hath not the art of this coyning beyond them . for their allusions , take a piece out of the booke mincha , which i haue transcribed and translated into our owne tongue full of true talmudisme . our rabbins teach , israel is beloued , because god hath fauoured them with the commandement of philacteries , vpon their heads and vpon their armes , fringes vpon their garments , and marks vpon their doores . and concerning them , dauid saith : seuen times a day do i praise thee , because of thy righteous iudgements : at the time that dauid went into the bath , and saw himselfe stand naked , he said , woe is me that i stand naked without the * commandement , but when hee remembred the circumcision in his flesh , his mind was at quiet . afterward when hee went out , he made a song of it , as it is said : to him that excelleth vpon sheminith ( or an eight ) a psalme of dauid : because of the circumcision that was giuen on the eight day . rabbi eliezer the sonne of iacob saith , whosoeuer hath philacteries vpon his head , and philacteries vpon his arme , and fringes vpon his garments , and a marke on his doore , all this will * keepe him from sinning , as it is written , a threefold coard is not easily broken . and he saith , the angell of the lord pitcheth round about those that feare him to deliuer them , &c. qui bauium non odit , amet , &c. cap. ix . of the cabalists . these should be men of great account , for their trading is chiefly in numbers : but the effect of their studies proue but fetches nullius numeri , of no reckning . their strange tricks & sleights of inuention , how to pick out a matter of nothing , out of a thing of no matter , is so intricate , that i do not much care if into these secrets my soule do not come . their atbash is a strange crotchet beyond the moone : it is described by the great buxdorfius in his abbreuiaturae . their rashe & sophe tebhoth , their notericon , and geometria , whether to call them cabalisticall , masoreticall , or phantasticall i know not : they haue paid the margin of the bible with such conceits . i could giue examples by hundreds , but it were but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a present worse then none at all . cap. x. gedeons armie . iosh. 7. gedeons armie represents the church visible and inuisible : for as in his armie all the companie marched alike , and vsed the same militarie discipline , and yet two and twenty thousand were cowards , and returned from him for feare , at the well harodh , which it may be was called harodh , or feare , from their fearefulnesse ; so in the church visible , men vse the same word , the same sacraments , and the same outward profession , yet are many of them but cowards in christs warfare when it comes to the triall . gedeons triall of his souldiers by lapping water , and kneeling to drinke was a good peece of militarie discipline : for those that lapped in their hands , shewed their nimblenesse in march , who could drinke and not stay , but those that kneeled downe , made a stop in their marching . gedeons fight is much like ierichoes fiege , that with trumpets , this with trumpets and lampes , his conquest like abrahams , with 300. men he ouerthrowes an armie as abraham did with 318. saint austen keepes a deplorable stirre about allegorizing this number 300. by the greeke letter t tau , to make it resemble the signe of the crosse : and so he runnes both besides the language and the matter : charitie to the good man makes me ambiguous and doubtfull whether that fancie be his or not . cap. xi . a ierusalem tenet , ex kimchio in praefat. to the small prophets . ovr rabbins of happy memory say , ( saith he ) that euery prophet whose name and his fathers name is set downe in his prophecy , it is certain that he was a prophet , and the sonne of a prophet . he whose name , and not his fathers name , it is certaine that he was a prophet , and not the sonne of a prophet . he whose name and the name of his city is set downe , it is certaine that he was of that city . he whose name and not the name of his city , it is certaine that hee was a prophet of ierusalem . and they say , that he whose father and fathers fathers name is set downe in his prophecie , was a greater man of parentage , then hee whose father is onely named . as in zephaniah . cap. 1. ver . 1. cap. xii . nun inuersum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 num. 10. & 11. in the tenth of numbers and the thirtie fifth verse , in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and when the arke went forward , the letter nun is written wrong way , or turned backe thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to shew ( say the hebrewes ) the louing turning of god to the people : and in the eleuenth chapter and first verse , in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the people became as murmurers , &c. the letter nun is againe written wrong or turned backe thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to shew ( say they ) the peruerse turning of the people from god : and thus are these two places written in euery true bible in the world . if the iewes doe not here giue any one satisfaction , yet doe they ( as erasmus speakes of origen ) set students on worke to looke for that which els they would scarce haue ●ought for . such strange passages as ●hese in writing some words in the bi●le out of ordinary way ( as some let●ers aboue the word , some letters lesse , ●nd some bigger then other ) obserued ●onstantly by all coppies and bookes , ●annot sure be for nothing : if they ●hew nothing els , yet this they shew vs , that the text is punctually kept , and not decayed , when these things ( that to a hasty ignorant beholder might seeme errors ) are thus precisely obserued in all bibles . cap. xiii . of the massorites . these men are held to be the authors of the vowells and accents : which opinion receiued by some ( and those no ordinary men neither ) i must needs confesse , i am not so fully satisfied for , as to beleeue it . i doe indeed admire the massorites paines i● obseruation of them in the bible , but i cannot guesse by that , that they haue done more then obserued : when a word , either in letter or vowell , goe● from ordinarie rules of grammar , they haue marked , that it does so , which a meane hebrician may do , but why it does so , there is either a right iewish reason , or none at all giuen . to exemplifie in one , gen. 14.5 . the word kederlaomer , is so strangely pri●ked , that one cannot passe it : i my selfe obserued it before euer i saw the massoreth : and when i came thitherto them for a reason , they haue done no more but obserued it : viz. tebhah hhatha &c. that camets is written with two çeuaes : and so of others they seldome say more . admirable is their paines , to prooue the text vncorrupt against a gaine saying papist . for they haue summed vp all the letters in the bible to shew , that one haire of that sacred head is not perished . eight ●undred eight and fourty marginall ●otes are obserued and preserued for the more facility of the text . the middle verse of euery booke noted , the number of the verses in euery booke reckoned : and ( as i said before ) not a vowell that misseth ordinary grammar which is not marked . so that if we had no other surety for the truth of the old testament text , these mens paines ( me thinks ) should be enough to stop the mouth of a daring papist . cap. xiiii . of the marginall readings . that the margin should so often helpe the text ( as i may so say ) as in 848. places , may seeme to taxe the text of so many errours . but the learned can find a reason why it is so . i hope i may satisfie my selfe without any hurt , with this reason , till m● learning will affoord mee a better ▪ namely , that when they tooke i● hand to reuiew the bible , after the captiuity ( as all hold ezra did ) that they did it by more coppies then one : which when they thus varied , they would not forsake either , because they were loath to add or diminish therefore they tooke euen their varying , one in the text , and the other in the margin . yet doe i not thinke it was done onely thus , without some more speciall matter in some places : for the writing of nagnarah so often nagnar , does make mee thinke ( if i had nothing els to perswade me ) that these marginals are not only humane corrections . cap. xv. ex kimchio in ionah 1. kimchi questioning why the book of ionah should bee canonicall , &c. giues one most comfortable reason , which vpon reading i could not but muse on . his words are obseruable , and they are these . it is questionable why this prophecie is written among the holy scriptures , since it is all against niniueh , which was heathennish : and in it there is no remembrance ( or mention ) of israel , and among all the prophets besides this , there is not the like . but we may expound it , that it is written to be a * checke to israel , for loe a strange people which were not of israel , was ready to repent , and euen the first time that a prophet reproued them , they turned wholly from their euill : but israel whom the prophets reproued early and late , yet they returned not from their euill . againe ( this booke was written ) to shew the great miracle , that the blessed god did with the prophet , who was three dayes and three nights in the belly of the fish , and yet liued , and the fish cast him vp againe . againe to teach vs , that the blessed god sheweth mercy to the repentant of what nation soeuer , and pardons them though they bee many . haec kimchi . vpon whose last words i cannot but enter into these thoughts . could wee looke for a truth from a iew , or comfort from a spaniard ? and yet here the spanish iew affoords vs both : comfortable truth , and true comfort . god will pardon the repentant , there is a comfortable truth , and hee will pardon them of what nation soeuer if they repent , there is most true comfort . when a iew thus preaches repentance , i cannot but hearken , and helpe him a little out with his sermon . that as god is ready to forgiue the repentant of what nation soeuer , so for what sinnes soeuer , if they be truly repented . here , i except the impardonable sinne , the sinne against the holy ghost : which what it is , the scripture conceales in close words , partly because we should not despaire , if wee fall our selues , and partly because wee should not censure damnably of our brethren , if they fall into a sinne that is nigh this , so that not into it . to maintaine the iewes words and mine owne , for pardon of nations and of finnes , i haue as large a field as all the countries and all the sinnes of the world to looke ouer . i will onely for countries confine my selfe to niniueh , and for sinnes to mary magdalen . niniueh a heathen towne , built by a wicked brood , inhabited by a wicked crew , yet repenting niniueh is pardoned . mary magdalen a manifold sinner , a customary sinner , a most deadly sinner , yet repenting mary magdalen is forgiuen , the iew brings me into two christian meditations about niniueh , or into two wholesome passions : feare and hope . god sees the sinnes of niniueh , then i know mine are not hid , this breeds in me feare of punishment : but god forgiues the sinnes of niniueh , then i hope mine are not vnpardonable : this breeds hope of forgiuenesse . col debhaurau she amar lehareang libhne adam ( saith the rabbin ) bithnai im lo jashubhu . all the euills that god threatens to men , are threatned with this condition , if they doe not repent . as before the iew spake comfort and truth , so here hee linkes comfort and terrour . god threatens euill , there is terrour , but it is with condition , there is comfort . niniueh finds both in the story , fourty dayes and niniueh shall be destroyed , there is a threatned terrour : but the lord repented of the euill that hee spake to doe vnto them , and did it not , there is a comforting condition . so that as dauid does , so will i hopefully and yet fearefully sing of mercy and judgement : first mercy , then iudgement : mercy vpon my repentance , lest i bee cast downe : and iudgement vpon my sinnes , lest i be lifted vp . mercy in iudgement , and iudgement in mercy . is there any one that desperatly reiects niniuehs exhibited mercy ? let him feare niniuehs threatned iudgment , or is there any that trembles at niniuehs threatned iudgement ? let him comfort himselfe by niniuehs obtaining mercy . but in the mouth of two witnesses , let the mercy bee confirmed . let mee take mary magdalen with niniueh , and as i see in it the forgiuenesse of a multitude of sinners , so i may see in her , of a multitude of sinnes . those many sinners pardoned as one man , those many sinnes made as none at all . saint bernard speaking of her washing of christs feet , saies , shee came thither a sinner , but shee went thence a saint : she came thither an aethiope and a leopard , but shee went thence with changed skin , and cancelled spots . but how was this done ? she fell at the feet of christ , and with sighs from her heart , she vomited the sinnes from her soule , prosternere & tu anima mea , as saith the same bernard . and cast thou thy selfe downe , oh my soule , before the feet of christ , wipe them with thine haires , wash them with thy teares , which teares washing his feet may also purge thy soule . wash his feet , and wash thy selfe with mary magdalen , till hee say to thee as hee did to marie magdalen , thy sinnes are forgiuen . cap. xvi . of sacrifice . sacrifice is within a little as old as sinne , and sinne not much younger then the world . adam on the day of his creation ( as is most probable ) sinneth and sacrificeth : and on the next day after meditates on that wherunto his sacrifice aimeth , euen christ. cain and abel imitate the matter of their fathers piety , sacrifice ; but cain comes farre short in the manner . abel hath fire from heauen to answer him , and cain is as hot as fire because he hath not . noah takes an odd cleane beast of euery kind into his arke for this purpose , to sacrifice him , after his deliuery . and so hee does : but for the chaldee paraphrasts fancie , that he sacrificed on the very same altar , whereon adam and cain and abel had sacrificed so long before . i referre it to the beliefe of a iew , who by the poet seemes to be of a large faith , credat iudaeus apella . decencie and order was obserued of the fathers before the law , for this holy peece of worship . god makes moses in his leuiticus to bring it into writing . while the iewes temple stood , or while they might stand in the temple , they had their dayly sacrifice , till the great sacrificer offering himselfe , caused sacrifice and oblation to cease . now are the iewes content , and as it appeares in their common prayer booke , they beseech god to be so too , with prayers without sacrifice , because they haue not now accesse to their sacrificing place . their distresse ( as they thinke it ) for this very thing , might teach them that messias nagidh or christ the prince hath done what daniel to them , and an angell to daniel had prophecyed of him . whether the heathens borrowed their custome of sacrificing from the iewes or from nature , it is not materiall . sure i am , that the iewes borrowed some of their abhominable sacrifices from the heathen : sacrificing of men is heathenish , in moses his language : yet was this too frequent among the iewes , vsed also in old time by the athenians and carthaginians , as witnesse plutarch , lactantius and others : and in these times by the indians , as in cortes , &c. of this bad vse ( that the heathen had got ) i cannot tell what should be the reason , vnlesse they thought that cruelty was the best offering , or that their gods were more cruell then mercifull . or this reason may bee giuen . they had learned either from the iewes , or from their oracles , or from the deuill himselfe ( who cares not to giue men some light , thereby to leade them to the more darkenesse ) that a man should once bee offered , who should appease the wrath of god ( as christ was ) and therefore they in remembrance of this man , did sacrifice men , either to see whether they could light on this man , or els in remembrance of him till he should come . some condemne iephthae of this cruelty of sacrificing his owne daughter ; who yet in heb. 11. is commended for his faith : austen doubts whether it is to bee counted gods commandement , that hee slew his owne child . but i thinke no such doubt is necessary , since there is no such strictnesse of the words in the text . a heathen man in plutarch when he was told that he must either sacrifice his owne child to such a goddesse , or else his affaires and enterprises would not prosper , could answer , that he would offer with all his heart such sacrifice as the goddesse would accept , but that she would desire or would be pleased with the bloud and murder of his child , he could not be perswaded . i am sure iephta had reason to bee farre better instructed in such things as these , then any heathen in the world . varro holds that it was not fit that any sacrifice at all should be offered . his reason in arnobius is : quiae dij veri neque desiderantea , neque deposcunt ; ex aere autem facti , testâ , gypso , vel marmore multò minus haec curant . for saith he , the true gods desire not , nor exact any such matter , and those false gods that are made of brasse , mortar , marble &c. care lesse for them . the heathen man in his owne sense saith truly , for his meaning doubtlesse is , that the gods that are true gods are not delighted with this cruelty of slaying beasts , nor do they for their owne sustentation or prouision desire men to be at this charge . and so the true god which is truth it selfe , though he commanded sacrifice , yet was it not meerely in respect of himselfe that he did it , any further then this , that men should by this manner of worship , acknowledge their submission and humility and obedience to him . for what cares he for beast or bullocke , since the world is his and all that is in it , psal. 50.12 . and lyranus does set downe the speciall ends wherefore god doth command israel so many sacrifices . as first to weane them from idolatry : for their seruice of the true god required so much , that they could haue hardly any time to thinke of idols . and the very beasts they sacrificed , might teach them the vanitie of the idols of aegypt which they once serued : slaying of a bullocke , a ramme , a goat , might tell them that the aegyptians apis and hammon which they worshipped in these formes , were but vanity . secondly : by their sacrifices , they acknowledged that they had nothing but what they had receiued from god , and therefore of their beasts , corne , wine , &c. they offered him in thankfulnesse some of his owne . thirdly : these sacrifices were to beare christ in their minds till hee should come and make a full attonement for them . and so saies lyra , the very beasts sacrificed , represent christ , an oxe for patience , a sheepe for innocence , and an ill smelling goat , for his likenesse to sinfull flesh . a fourth reason might be giuen : that the people standing and seeing these beasts slaine and fired , might remember their owne deseruings , and call to mind their sinnes for which this beast was thus vsed . their putting of their hands ( the right hand saith the chaldee ) vpon the head of the beast , seemes to import some such a matter as their acknowledgement , of their deseruing of that which the beast was ready to suffer , death and fire . whosoeuer desires to be taken vp with allegories about this piece of gods seruice , flauiacensis will furnish him : and if he will not do , the fathers are copious enough , and it may be too much this way . the heathen mariners in shippe with ionah , are said to sacrifice and vow vowes : which the chaldee helpes out ( as thinking the ship and a tempest vnfit time and place for sacrifice ) thus , they promised they would sacrifice : viz. when they should come ashore , and vowed vowes to become proselytes , saith iarchi , or to giue almes to the poore , saith kimchi . endlesse it were to trace the heathens , and to see how neere or how farre they be to or from the sacrifices of the iewes . cap. xvii . a iust iudgement . crantzius the denmarke historian as he hath many delightsome passages of storie , so this especially i could not but coppy out at my reading of it , wherein i see god iust , and murder heauy . one was hired for a summe of money to murder an innocent dane . he does the bloudy fact , and presently receiues in a purse his wages of iniquity . a heauy purse of gold for a while , makes a light heart , but where the guiltinesse grones heauy too , the gold is worth nothing . at last the murderers conscience accuseth and condemnes him like both witnesse and iudge for his bloudy fact . his heart and eyes are both cast downe , the one as farre as hell , whither the fact had sunke , and the other to the earth , whither the bloud . he is now wearie of his owne life , as ere-while he was of anothers . he ties his purse of gold ( which had hired him to kill the other ) about his necke , and offers it to euery one he meets as his reward if he would kill him . at last hee is paid in his owne coine , and hires his owne murderer with that price wherewith he himselfe was hired . and so perish all such whose feet are swift to shed bloud , and he that strikes with an vnlawfull sword , be strucken with a lawfull againe . this mans case makes mee to thinke of cain the old grandsire of all murderers . of his heauy doome and misery , and burden and banishment . dauid once groaned vnder the burden of blood-guiltinesse , but god at his repenting eased him : psal. 51. iudas takes a worse course then euen cain did to bee released of the sting of bloudshed : mat. 27. god grant i neuer know what it is to bee guilty of shedding of bloud , but onely by reading . cap. xviii . of the name of the red sea. in hebrew it is called suph : the sea of weeds : because ( saith kimchi ) there grew abundance of weeds vpon the sides of it . in greeke latine and english , and other westerne tongues , it is commonly called the red sea : diuerse reasons are giuen by diuerse persons why it is so called , the best seemes to me to be , from the rednesse of the ground about it . and so herodotus speakes of a place thereabout called erythrobolus or the red soile . it is thought our country tooke the name of albion , from the like occasion , but not like colour . as from the white rocks or clifts vpon the sea side . the iewes hold that whale that swallowed ionah , brought him into the red sea : and there shewed him the way that israel passed through it , for his eyes were as two windowes to ionah , that he looked out and saw all the sea as he went. a whetstone , yet they will needs haue some reason for this loudly , and this is it , because ionah in cap. 2.5 . saith suph hhabhush leroshi , which is , the weeds were wrapped about my head : which they construe , the red sea was wrapped about my head . and to helpe the whale thither , rabbi iaphet saith , that the red sea meets with the sea of iapho , or the mediterranean : vnlesse the rabbin meanes that they meet vnder ground , guesse what a geographer he was : and if hee find a way vnder ground , guesse what a deepe scholler . a long iourney it was for the whale to go vp to hercules pillars into the ocean , and from thence to the red sea in three dayes and nights : but the fabling iewes must find some sleight to maintaine their owne inuentions : cap. xix . of the word raca . mat. 5.22 . whosoeuer shall say vnto his brother raca , shall be worthy to bee punished by the councell . the word is a iewish nick-name , and so vsed in the talmud for a despitefull title to a despised man , as our rabbins shew a thing done with a religious man that was praying in the high way , by comes a great man , and giues him the time of the day : but he saluted him not againe : he stayed for him till he had finished his prayer ; after he had done his prayer , he said to him reka , is it not written in your law , that you shall take heed to your selues ? had i strucke off thy head with my sword , who should haue required thy bloud &c. and so goes the angry man on . irenaeus hath a phrase nigh to the signification of this word , qui expuit cerebrum , a man that hath no braines , and so raka signifies a man emptie , whether of vnderstanding or goodnesse : so the greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is frequently taken . cap. xx. wit stollen by iewes out of the gospell . gospell . ovr sauiour saith to his disciples , the haruest truly is great , but the labourers are few , matth. 9.38 . whosoeuer heareth these sayings , and doth them , i will liken him to a man , that built his house vpon a rock : and the raine descended , and flouds came , &c. and euery one that heareth these sayings , and doth them not , shal be likened to a foolish man that built his house vpon the sand . mat. 7.24 , 25. &c. of euery idle word that men speake , they shall giue account therof at the day of iudgement . mat. 12.36 . with what measure you mete , it shall be measured to you againe . mat. 7.2 . iewes . rabbi simeon saith : today is the haruest , and the worke is much and the labourers idle , and the reward great , and the master of the house vrgent , pirk abhoth per. 2. he that learneth the law , and doth many good works , is like a man that built his house , the foundatiō of stone and the rest of bricke , and the waters beate , and the stone stood , &c. but hee that learneth the law , and doth not many good workes , is like a man that built his house , the foundation of brick and the rest of stone , &c. and the brick wasted , &c. abhoth rabbi nathan . the very same words almost in orehhoth hhajmi . rabbi mair saith : with the measure that a man measureth , they measure to him againe . sanhedrin . the whole lords prayer might almost be picked out of their workes , for they deny not the words though they contradict the force of it . the first words of it they vse frequently , as our father which art in heauen : in their common prayer booke , fol. 5. and humble your hearts before your father which is in heauen in rosh hashaua . but they haue as much deuotion toward the father while they denie the sonne , as the heathens had which could say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * our father iupiter , and worshipped an vnknowne god , act. 17. they pray almost in euery other prayer , thy kingdome come , and that bimherah bejamenu quickly , euen in our dayes , but it is for an earthly kingdome they thus looke and pray . they pray , lead me not into temptation , fol. 4. liturg . while they tempt him that lead them in the wildernesse , as did their father , psal. 95. by this gospell which they thus filch , they must be judged . cap. xxi . saint cyprians nicety about the last petition in the lords prayer . saint cyprian it seemeth is so fearefull of making god the author of euill , that he will not thinke that god leadeth any man into temptation . the petition he readeth thus : ne nos patiaris induci in tentationem , suffer vs not to be lead into temptation , but deliuer vs from euill , leauing the ordinanary current and truth of the prayer , because hee will not bee accessary to imagine that god should lead man into temptation : whereas all men as well as he do thinke , that god doth not leade man into euill temptations as sathan doth , and yet that god doth tempt men . so hee is said in plaine words to haue tempted abraham : and rabbi tanchum wittily obserues that abrahams two great temptations begin both with one straine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 get thee gone . the first , get thee gone out of thy country from thy kind●ed and fathers house , gen. 12. the second get thee gone to the land of moriah , and offer thy sonne isaac vpon one of the mountaines , gen. 22. may we not safely say here that god lead abraham into temptation ? but as it followes , liberautt à malo , god deliuered him from the euill of the temptation , which is being ouercome . and saint iames saith sweetly , ( though at first he may seeme to croste this petition ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : brethren account it all ioy when ye fall into diuerse temptations , iac. 1.2 . to be in temptation is ioy , for god chastiseth euery sonne that he receiueth , and yet pray lead vs not into temptation , but deliuer vs from euill : let the latter comment vpon the first , lead vs not into the euill of temptation , which in the apostles phrase is , suffer vs not to bee tempted aboue our strength . cap. xxii . septuaginta interpreters . i will not with clemens , iosephus , austen , epiphanius , and others , spend time in locking them vp seuerally in their closets , to make their translation the more admirable : i will onely mind that : they did the worke of this translation against their will , and therefore we must expect but slipperie doing : and that appeares by them . their additions , variations , and ( without doubt ) ouersights , may well argue with what a will they went about this businesse . it were easie to instance in thousands of places . how they adde men and yeares , gen. 5. and 10. and 11. and 46. how they add matter of their owne heads : as how they helpe iobs wife to skold , iob : 2. adding there a whole verse of female passion . i must now ( saith she ) go wander vp and downe , and haue no place to rest in : and so forth : and so iob 1.21 . naked came i out of my mothers wombe , and naked shall i returne thither , the lord hath giuen and the lord hath taken away , euen as pleas●th the lord , so come things to passe , blessed be the name of the lord , which clause ( euen as pleaseth the lord so come things to passe ) is not in the hebrew but is added by them , and so is it taken from them into our common prayer booke , in that pa●t of the manner of buriall . to trace them in their mistakes is pretty , to see how their vnpricked bible deceiued them . as to instance in one or two for a tast . hebrew . gen. 15.11 . it is said , that the birds light vpon the carcasses , and abraham droue them away : in he●rew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vaijashhebh . iudges 5.8 . the hebrew saith , they choose new gods , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lahhem shegnarim , was warre in the gates . iudges 7.11 . the hebrew saith , and hee and phurah his seruant , went downe to the quarter ( or side ) of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hhamushim the armed men . septuag . they reade in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vajashhebh hee droue them away , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vajeshhebh , hee sate by them : and of this saint austen makes goodly allegories . they say , they chose new gods , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lehhem segnorim , * barly bread . they say : he and his seruant pharah went downe to the quarter of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hhamishim , fi●ty men . thus doe they vary in a world of places , which the expert may easily see and smile at . i omit how they vary names of men and places . i will trouble you with no more but one , which they comment as it were to helpe a difficulty . 1. king. 12.2 . it is said of ieroboam that hee dwelt in egypt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vaijeshhebh bemitzraijm . 2. chron. 10.2 . it is said that he re●urned from aegypt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vaijashobh mimmitzraijm . the septuagint heales this thus ▪ thus translating 2. chron. 10.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and he ( had ) dwelt in aegypt , and he returned out of aegypt . such is the manner of that worke of the greeke : now to examine the authoritie of this wee shall find it wonderfull : that some of the iewish synagogues read the old testament in greeke and not in hebrew , tertullian seemeth to witnesse . but those were iewes out of canaan : for they were not so skilfull in the greeke tongue in canaan , for ought i can find , as to vnderstand it so familiarly : if they had beene , i should haue thought the septuagint to bee the booke that was giuen to christ in the synagogue luke 2.17 . because his text that he reades , does nearer touch the greeke then the hebrew : but i know their tongue was the mesladoed chaldee . the greatest authority of this translation appeareth , in that the holy greeke of the new testament doth so much follow it . for as god vsed this translation for a harbinger to the fetching in of the gentiles , so when it was growen into authority by the time of christs comming , it seemed good to his infinite wisdome to adde to its authority himselfe , the better to forward the building of the church . and admirable it is to see with what sweetnesse and harmony the new testament doth follow this translation , sometime euen besides the letter of the old , to shew that he that gaue the old , may and can best expound it in the new . cap. xxiii . the septuagint ouer-authorized by some . some there were in the primitiue church , like the romanists now , that preferred this translation of the greeke ( as they do the vulgar latine ) before the hebrew fountaine : of these saint austen speakes , of their opinion herein , and withall giues his owne in his fifteenth booke de ciuitate dei , cap. 11.13.14 where treating of methushelahs liuing foureteene yeares after the flood , according to the greeke translation : hence came ( saith he ) that famous question , where to lodge methuselah all the time of the flood : some hold ( saith he ) that he was with his father ( enoch ) who was translated , and that he liued with him there , till the flood was past . they hold thus , as being loath to derogate from the ●uthority of those bookes , quos in autori●atem celebriorem suscepit ecclesia , which the church hath entertained into more renowned authority : and thinking that the bookes of the iewes rather then these , do mistake and erre . for , they say that it is not credible that the seuentie interpreters , which translated at one time , and in one sense , could err , or wouldly or erre , where it concerned them not : but that the iewes , for enuy they beare to vs , seeing the law and prophets are come to vs by their interpretation , haue changed some things in their bookes , that the authority of ours might be lessened . this is their opinion . now his owne he giues cap. 13. in these words . let that tongue be rather beleeued , out of which a translation is made into another by interpreters . and in cap. 14. the truth of things must be fetched out of that tongue , out of which , that that we haue , is interpreted . it is apparent by most of the fathers both greeke and latine , how they followed the greeke , though i thinke , not so much for affectation as for meere necessity , few of them being able to reade the bible in hebrew . i will conclude with clemens alex. his reason , why god would haue the bible turned into greeke . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . strom. 1. pag. 124. that is , for this were the scriptures interpreted , in the grecians tongue , that they might haue no excuse for their ignorance , being able to vnderstand ours ( scriptures ) if they would . cap. xxiiii . phrases taken from iewes in the new testament . these phrases are by the great broughton called talmudicke greeke , when iewish and talmudicall phrases are vsed in holy writ : such is gehenna frequent in all rabbins . maranatha 1. cor. 16.22 . the bitter excommunication . the world to come , so often vsed in the gospell , and nothing more often among the iewes and chaldees . raka mat. 5.22 . of which see cap. 19. iannes and iambres , 2. tim. 3.8 . whose names i find in the chaldee paraphrast with very little difference , and a goodly legend of them . as in exod. 1.15 . pharaoh slept and saw in his dreame , and behold all the land of egypt was put in one scale and a * young lambe in the other scale , and the lambe waighed downe the scales of himselfe , * out of hand he sends and calls all the sorcerers of egypt , and tells them his dreame : out of hand ianis & iimbres chief of the sorcerers opened their mouthes and said vnto pharaoh : there is a child to be borne of some of the congregation of israel , by whose hands all the land of egypt shal be wasted , therfore the king consulted with the iewish midwiues , &c. and in exo. 7.11 ▪ he cals them ianis and iambres . and that you might the better vnderstand who these two were , the hebrew comment vpon the chaldee text saith , they were schollers for their art of enchanting to the noble wizard balaam : and so he fetches zophar for authority to maintaine them ▪ and to proue ianis and iambre● ●her very constant enemies and opposers to moses , or else very good dutifull schollers to balaam , the chaldee saith that these two were the two seruants that went with balaam , num. 22.22 . when he went to curse israel . beelzebub , or as the new testament greeke calls it beelzebul , is a wicked phrase vsed by the iewes of christ , mar. 3.22 . and elsewhere . now whether this change of the last letter were among the iewes accidentall or of set purpose , i cannot determine . such ordinary variation of letters , without any other reason , euen vse of euery country affoords . so reuben is in the syrian called rubil , apoc. 7.5 . so the greeke and latine paulus , is in the syrian phaulus , in arabian baulus . but some giue a witty reason of l in beelzebul , that the iewes in derision of the ekronites god baalzebub ( which was a name bad enough , the god of a flie ) gaue him a worse , baalzebul , the god of a sir-reuerence , for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in chaldean . to omit any more iewish phrases honoured by the new testament vsing them , this very thing does shew , the care is to be had for the right reading of the greeke , since so many idiomes and so many kinds of stile are vsed by it . cap. xxv . niniuehs conuersion : ionah 3. the booke of ionah is wholly composed of wonders . some hold ionah to be wonderfull in his birth . as that he should be the sonne of the sarepta widow , whom eliah raised to life : and because the mother of the child said , now i know that the word of god in thy mouth is true , therefore he is called ben amittai , the sonne of my truth : whether the story may be called ben amittai , or a true storie , let the reader censure , by the two townes of sarepta and gath-hepher . howsoeuer ionah was wondrous in his birth , i am sure he was wondrous in his life . a prophet , and a runnagate , before his shipwracke , a man drowned , and yet aliue , in his shipwracke , and a preacher of repentance , and yet a repiner at repentance , after . the least wonder in the booke is not the conuersion of niniueh . it was a great wonder ( as d. kimchi saies ) that ionah was in the belly of the fish three daies and three nights and yet liued . and it was another wonder that he was not stupid but continued in his senses and intellectuals and prayed : and do but well consider it , and it will appeare almost as great a wonder , that niniueh so great a town , so long wicked , in so short time should be conuerted . to say as rabbi ioshuah doth , that the men of the ship were got to niniueh , and had told all the occurrence about ionah , how they had throwen him ouer hatches , and yet he it was that was among them , and therefore they beleeued the sooner , as it is without authority , so doth it lessen the wonder of the townes conuersion . ionah an vnknowne man , of a forraigne people , to come into so great a city with a fourty dayes and niniueh shall be destroyed , was strange . but for the king vpon so short a time , to send a cryer to proclaime repentance , is as strange if not stranger . ionah proclaimes the towne shall bee destroyed , the king ( in a manner ) proclaimes , the towne shall not bee destroyed , by proclaiming the meanes how to saue it , repentance . to say as * aben ezra does , that because the city is called gnir gedholah leelohim , a great citie of god , that therfore they feared god in old time , but now in ionahs time began to do euill , is still to lessen the wonder , about their conuersion : a stranger repentance then which the world neuer saw . the old world had a time of warning , of yeares , for niniuehs houres , and yet eat and drunke till the flood came , and then in the flouds of many waters , repentance and prayers would not come neere god , psal. 32. faire warning had sodome by the preaching of lot , whose righteous soule they vexed , and would not repent , till their hell ( as it were ) began from heauen , and fire and brimstone brought them to the lake of fire and brimstone : and when the wicked seed of him that derided his fathers nakednesse , perished for their naked beastlinesse , and their flames of lust brought them to flames on earth and in hell . the men of niniueh shall rise vp in iudgement against the generation of the iewes , and condemne them , because these at the preaching of ionah repented , and they not for the preaching of a greater then ionah , that was among them . when the master of the vineyard sent his seruants , nay his owne sonne , they put him to death . in the conuersion and deliuerie of niniueh i cannot but admire a double mercy of god , who ( to vse a fathers words ) sic dedit penitentibus veniam , qui sic dedit peccantibus penitentiam : who was so ready vpon their repentance to grant them pardon , who was so ready vpon his threatning to giue them repentance . other kind of entertainment ( then ionah had ) had he , that came from gregorie bishop of rome , to preach to our realme of england . the passage of which story our countriman bede hath fully related . that when austen had preached the gospell to the king , and dehorted him from his irreligious religion : your words ( saith the king ) are good , but i haue beene trained vp so in the religion i now follow , that i cannot forsake it to change for a new . this argument too many superstitious soules ground vpon in these dayes , choosing rather to erre with plato , then to follow the truth with another . desiring rather to be , and being as they desire , of a false religion , then to forsake the profession of their parents and predecessors . not refusing ( like good fellowes ) to go to hell for company , rather then to heauen alone . such a boon companion was rochardus king of the phrisons : of whom it is recorded , that whereas a bishop had perswaded him so farre towards christianity , as that he had got him into the water to baptize him : the king there questions , which way his forefathers went , which died vnbaptized , whether to heauen or hell ? the bishop answers , that most certainely they were gone to hell . then will i go the same way with them ( saith the wicked king ) and pulls backe his foot out of the water , and would not bee baptized at all . hoc animus meminisse horret luctuque refugit . cap. xxvi . of the iewes sacraments , circumcision , and passeouer . both these sacraments of the iewes were with bloud : both in figure : the one to carrie the memorie of christ till he came , and the other the passion of him being come . abraham receiued the signe of circumcision , the seale of the righteousnesse of faith which he had when he was vncircumcised : rom. 4. the israelites receiued the institution of the passeouer in aegypt : exod. 12. i will not stand to allegorize these matters , of the time and manner of receiuing these two , but onely of the things themselues . circumcision giuen in such a place is not for nothing : but in the place of generation , it is giuen abraham , as a seale of his faith , that he should be the father of all those that beleeue , rom. 4. and especially a seale to him of christs comming from those loines neere to which his circumcision was . and appertaining to this i take to be the oath that abraham giues his seruant , and that iacob giues ioseph , with their hands put vnder their thighes * not to sweare by their circumcision , but by christ that should come from those thighes . circumcision was also vsed for distinction of an israelite , at the first : and hence were they distinguished ; but in time , ismael had taught his race so much , and aegyptians , phaenicians , arabians , and the countries about them grew circumcised . so was pythagoras circumcised , that he might haue accesse to the recluse misteries of the aegyptians religion . circumcision was also vsed with the iewes as baptisme with vs , for admission into the church of israel . and it was gods expresse command that the child on the eight day should be circumcised . and on that day more then any other ( saith saint austen ) to signifie christs resurrection , who rested the weekes end in the graue , and rose on the eight day : and if aristotle say true , one may giue a reason , why not before the eight day : because a child for the seuen dayes is most dangerous for weakenesse . a stranger was so admitted to their congregation : exod. 2.48 . and of this does rabbi eliezer fantastically expound that verse in ionah 1.16 . then the men feared the lord exceedingly , and offered sacrifice : whereupon the wandring iew saith thus . as soone as the mariners saw ( when they drew neere to niniueh ) all the wonders that the blessed god did to ionah , they stood and cast euery one his gods into the sea . they returned to ioppa , and went vp to ierusalem , and circumcised the flesh of their fore-skin , as it is said . and the men feared the lord exceedingly , and sacrificed sacrifices : what sacrifice ? but this bloud of the circumcision which is as the blood of a sacrifice : and they vowed to bring euery one his wife and children , and all that he had , to feare the lord god of ionah : and they vowed and performed . this was indeed the way to admit proselytes , by circumcision , but in salomons time , when they became proselytes by thousands , they admitted them by bap●●sme or washing as ●ome iewes doe witnesse . whether the neglect of circumcision ( as i may so tearme it ) in the wildernesse , were meerely politicke , because of their more fitnesse , for any moments remoouall , and march , or whether some mysterie were in it i will not decide . nor need i relate how the iewes vse to circumcise their children , for the great buxtorfius hath punctually done it : nor can i relate how highly the iewes prize their circumcision , for one might gather volumes out of them vpon this subiect . for they consider not , that he is not a iew , which is one outward : neither is that circumcision which is outward in the flesh . but he is a iew which is one within , and the circumcision is of the heart in the spirit , not in the letter , whose praise is not of men but of god. cap. xxvii . of the passeouer . the passeouer was a full representation of christs passion : though to the iewes the passeouer was more then a meere shadow . to run through the parts of it might bee more then copious : a word and away . at the passeouer the begining of the yeare is changed . so at christs passouer the beginning of the week is changed . the passeouer was either of a lamb , to signifie christs innocencie , or of a kid , to signifie his likenesse to sinfull flesh : as lyranus . the lambe , or kid was taken vp and kept foure dayes , to see whether he were spotlesse : and ( it may be ) to scoure and cleanse himselfe from his grasse . the passeouer slaine at euen . so christ slaine at euen . his bloud to be sprinkled with a bunch of hysope . christs bloud sprinkled : and of this i thinke dauid may bee vnderstood : psal. 51. cleanse me with hysope . that is , besprinkle mee with the bloud of the true paschall lambe iesus christ. he was to bee rosted with fire . so christ tried with fire of affliction . these parts were to be roasted . his head so was christ tortured . his head with thornes . his legs his hands & feet with nails . his inward parts . his inwards , with a speare . their eating of him , as it concerned the israelites in their estate , so may it instruct christians for the eating of the true passeouer , the lords supper . the passeouer eaten without leauen so the sacrament of the supper to bee eaten without leauen of malice . with bitter herbs . with bitter repentance . with loins girt . with resolution of amendment . with feet shod . with preparation to walke better . with staf in hand . lea●ing on the staff of true faith in hast . hasting to leaue this worldly aegipt . thus was the passeouer first eaten in aegypt : after which all aegypt is strucke , with death of the first borne , and the aegyptians are now punished with death of their children for murthering israels children . this night was ill to them , but the night in the red sea was worse . at the death of a lambe aegypt is destroyed israel deliuered . so by the death of a lamb hell is destroyed . mankinde deliuered when israel comes out of egypt , they bring vp with them iosephs bones , and so as hee brought them downe thither , so they bring him vp thence . so when christ comes vp out of his graue , hee brings dead bones with him , by raising some out of their graues : i cannot thinke it idle , that the passeouer was at night , and that s. paul saith , the israelites were baptized in the sea , which was also by night , and in the cloud : but to shew that these sacraments of israel looked for a dawning when the true light , which they foresignified should appeare . the iewes do find thirteene precepts negatiue and affirmatiue about the keeping of the passeouer . 1. the slaying of it . exod. 12.6 . 2. the eating of it . 8. 3. not to eate it raw or boiled . 9. 4. not to leaue ought of it . 10. 5. the putting away of leauen . 15. 6. the eating of vnleauened bread . 18. 7. that leauen be not found with them . 19. 8. not to eate ought mixt with leauen . 20. 9. an apostata iew not to eate it . 43. 10. a stranger not to eat it . 45. 11. not to bring forth the flesh of it . 46. 12. not to breake a bone of it 46. 13. no vncircumcised to eate of it . 48. how variously they comment vpon these as they doe vpon all things , and how ouercurious they be in obseruing these as they doe all things , their writings do witnesse . their folding of their bitter hearbes , their three vnleauened cakes , their water , and salt , their searching for leauen , their casting forth of leauen , and their cursing of leauen , their graces ouer their tables , their prayers ouer their hands as they wash them , their words ouer their vnleauened bread , their remembring how they liued in aegypt , and came out , their words ouer their bitter hearbes , their passeouer psalmes the 113. and 114. all these and their other ceremonies are set downe accurately in their common prayer booke , which i would not haue denied to the reader in english , both for his recreation , satisfaction , and some instruction , but that i know not whether i should actum agere : doe that which some one hath done before . and besides i write these things not as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not set studies , but stolne houres , employing my idle houres to the writing of these studies , that i may witnesse to some , that my whole time is not idle . but it may be i may seeme more idle in thus writing , then if i had beene idle indeed : to them that thinke thus , i can onely answer : it is youth : age may doe better . cap. xxviii . of the confusion of tongues . that the world from babel was scattered into diuerse tongues , we need not other proofe , then as diogenes proued that there is motion , by walking : so we may see the confusion of languages by our confused speaking . once all the earth was of one tongue , one speech , and one consent , for they all spake in the holy tongue wherein the world was created in the beginning ( to vse the very words of the chaldee paraphrast and targ. ierusal . vpon gen. 11.1 . ) but pro peccato dis●entionis humanae ( as saith saint austen ) for the sin of men disagreeing not onely different dispositions , but also different languages came into the world . they came to babel with a disagreeing agreement , & they come away punished with a speechles speech . they disagree among themselues , cum quisque principatum ad se rapit , while euery one striues for dominion ( as the same austen ) they agree against god in their nagnauad lan siguda , &c. we will make our selues a rendevouz for idolatrie ( as the same ieruselamy . ) but they come away speaking each to other , but not vnderstood of each other , and so speake to no more purpose , then if they spake not at all . this punishment of theirs at babel , is like adams corruption , hereditary to vs , for we neuer come vnder the rod at grammar schoole , but we smart for our ancestors rebellion at babel . into how many countries and * tongues those shinaar rebells were scattered is no lesse confused worke to find out , then was theirs at the tower . so diuerse is the speech of men , about the diuersitie of speech , that it makes the confusion more confused . * euphorus and many other historians say , that the nations and tongues are 75. listening to the voice of moses , which saith , all the soules that came into egypt out of iacob were 75. but in truth the naturall dialects ( of speech ) appeare to be 72. as our scriptures haue deliuered . thus saith clemens alexandrinus : of whose conceit herein i must for my part say , as saint ambrose saith of aaron about the golden calfe . tantum sacerdotem , &c. so great a scholler as clemens i dare not censure , though i dare not beleeue him . the iewes with one consent maintaine , that there are iust 70. nations & so many tongues . so confident they are of this , that they dare say , that the 70. soules that went with iacob into egypt were as much as all the 70. nations of the world . ierusalems schooles rang with this doctrine , and the children learned to high-prize themselues from their fathers . a stately claime was this to israel , but the keeping of it dangerous . men of the 70. nations would not be so vnderualued by one people . therefore when israel wanted strength to keepe this challenge , they do it by sleight . and so it is the thrice-learned master broughtons opinion , that the septuagint when they were to translate the bible , and were to speake of the seuenty soules of iacobs house , they durst not put downe the iust number of seuenty , least tales should haue beene told out of their schooles ( concerning their scornefull doctrine ) and when the rumour and the number should both come to the king of egypt , the meet number might maintaine the truth of the rumour , and by both they might incurre danger , therefore they added fiue more , to spoile the roundnesse of the summe , and saint steuen followes their translation : then ioseph sent and called his father iacob , to him and all his kinred , euen 75. soules . act. 7.14 . as the iewes seeke to retaine this their assumed dignity ouer the seuenty nations by this sleight , so doe they maintaine their tenent of iust seuenty nations by a double reason . first , they count polls in the plaine of shinaar , as moses did in the wildernesse , and they find in the tenth of genesis iust seuenty men , and therefore by necessarie consequence , iust seuenty nations . the chaldee vpon these words of god , gen. 11.5 . come let vs go downe : * looses the sweet mysterie of the trinitie , but finds i know not how many strange fancies : for thus he descants . the lord said vnto the seuenty angells that are before him , come now let vs go downe , and confound there their tongue , that a man shall not vnderstand his fellow . and a little after he saith , and with him ( that is , with god ) were seuenty angells according to the seuenty nations . i doubt not but the tenth chapter was his ground for so many men , but i know not where he should find so many angels . seuenty men are indeed named in the tenth chapter , but were all those at babel ? and if they were , must those seuenty needs speake seuenty tongues ? a whole dozen of them , canaan and his eleuen sonnes sit down close together , in , or ( at least ) not farre out of the small compasse of canaan : where they all differed not , ( if any at all did ) in language , being seated so nigh together . that edomites , moabites , amalekites , and ammonites spake not hebrew , is * theodorets opinion , but that all these , and canaan differed in maternall tongues , before israel planted it , i cannot conceiue . nay , that canaan spake hebrew before ioshua came there , i could be perswaded to beleeue for three reasons . first : the old names of canaan townes are significant in hebrew : iebus , troden downe , by heathens then , as it is now by the turkes , kirjatharbang , the city of arbang : iosh. 14.15 . iericho , he shall smell it , the city of palme-trees . the sinfull city zeboim hath in the text a faire hebrew name , zebhiim , that is , the roes , a name too good for so bad a towne , therefore the margin giues it another name , zebhojim . infinite it is to trace all hebrew-canaanitish names , who will may trie at pleasure and leasure . s●condly : sure i am , that one chief towne in canaan ( if not then also as afterward the chiefest ) that is ierusalem , was hebrew when it was gouerned by melchizedek or sem : who were all one , as the * chaldees , * iewes , and most christians do hold . then did sem make canaan a seruant [ gen. 9.26 . ] vnder his rule , and i doubt not but vnder his tongue also . thirdly . i see that a woman rahab , vnderstands the hebrewes at the first sight , and speakes to them ( for ought wee finde ) without interpreter . i find the amorites and sidonians differing in the name of hermon , one calling it sirion , and the other shenir , deut. 3.9 . but i see not , but both the hebrewes , and some canaanites agree in the name hermon . this groundworke then of seuenty mens being named in the tenth of genesis to import necessarily seuenty tongues in the eleuenth chapter , i cannot entertaine : yet referre my selfe to better iudgement . the second reason ●or seuenty tongues they fetch out of moses : deut. 32.8 . from these words : when the most high diuided to the nations their inheritance , when he separated the sonnes of adam , he set the bounds of the people , according to the number of the children of israel . what all iewes thought and gathered from that place , let two speake for the rest : those be ionathan ben vzziel , and rasi . ionathan reades the verse in chaldee thus , when the highest gaue possession of the world to the people that descended of the sonnes of noah : when he deuided letters and tongues to the sons of men , in the age of the diuision , &c. at that time he sets the bounds of the nations , according to the number of the soules of israel that went downe into egypt . thus the chaldee . rasi comments to the same purpose in these words : when the holy-blessed-he gaue to those that prouoked him , the portion of their inheritance , he ouerwhelmed and drowned them . when he scattered the generation of the diuision , it was in his power to haue passed them out of the world , yet did he not so , but sets borders of the people . he reserues them , and does not destroy them . ( according to the number ) for the number of the children of israel , which were to come of the sons of sem , and according to the number of the seuenty soules , of the sonnes of israel that went downe into egypt : ( hee set bounds of the people ) seuenty tongues . thus farre the rabbin : who is so confident of this number of seuenty languages , that he saith , there were men of the seuenty nations in the ship with ionah , ionah 1. thus is the iewes current for seuenty , the * greekes for seuenty two , vpon what ground i know not , vnlesse the two cainans in gen. 10. in the greeke bible , make vp this number to them . some linguists haue summed vp the vsuall tongues and dialects , but seuenty or seuenty two maternalls i neuer saw . moderne tongues are like the old ship argo , patched vp with so many peeces , that it is hard to tell which is a peece of old argo . cap. xxix . of letters . that the hebrew tongue was from the foundation of the world , none denie , but whether the letters be so ancient , some question . some hold that those letters that god wrote with his owne hand in the two tables , were the first letters that euer were written . the studious pliny thinkes , that among the assyrians , letters haue beene alwayes , but gellius thinks they were inuented in egypt by mercury , and others think among the syrians . if we examine pliny well , we shall find him true in the first and last , howeuer in the middle . if the assyrian tongue were the chaldee tongue ( as most like it was ) then were those letters from the beginning of the world : the hebrew and chaldee letter , being all one , vnlesse the assyrian differed from both . if you take syrian in the sence that theodoret does for hebrew , then pliny speakes true , that letters were first among the syrians . for theodoret calls the hebrew tongue syrian , as the gospell calls the syrian tongue hebrew , ioh. 19.20 . but pliny concludes that cadmus first brought letters into greece out of phaenicia . iustin martyr saith , that greece thinkes so her selfe . athanasius holdeth the phaenicians for the first inuentors of letters . that the phaenicians and syrians first found out letters , is a receiued opinion in clemens alexandrinus . eupolemus thinkes that the phaenicians receiued grammar from the iewes , and the greeks from the phaenicians . and euphorus thinks that cadmus was hee that conueyed them . chaerilus in eusebius makes phaenicians and iewes all one . for he nameth iewes in xexes armie , and names their tongue the phaenician , his words be these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in english thus . a wondrous people marcht behind along : their dialect was the phaenician tongue . on hill of solymae they dwelt : thereby a spacious lake not farre remote doth lie . these phaenicians ( if you will call them so ) or iewes , were the first that had letters . but the iewes were not phaenicians indeed nor their tongue the same , yet for bordering of their countries , the poet makes them all one . the phaenician is not now to be had , vnlesse the * punick or carthaginian , and phaenick or phaenician , were all one ( which most like they were ) and then some few lines of the tongue are to be found in plautus his paenulus , which as paraeus saith , can little or nothing be made off . eusebius speakes of sancuniathou , that wrote the phaenician history in the same tongue , but more of the language he saith not : but to the matter . that letters were so long in vse before the giuing of the law , i am induced to beleeue vpon these reasons . first iosephus is of this mind , that letters were before the flood . and the scripture cites enochs prophecie , which whether it were written by him or not , is vncertaine : yet if there were any such thing , those many places which we find of it in tertullian , clemens , and others , do argue , that so much could not punctually bee kept by word of mouth . a second reason to mooue mee to thinke of letters before the giuing of the law is , to thinke of iosephs accounts in egypt , which seeme almost impossible without writing . thirdly : but omitting that , i cannot see how all arts and sciences in the world should then flourish , as ( considering their infancy ) they did without the groundworke of all learning , letters . fourthly : againe for the iewes , vpon the writing of the law to be put to spelling ( as they that had neuer seene letters before ) and not to be able to reade it , had beene a law vpon the law , adding to the hardnesse of it . fiftly : nor can i thinke , that when moses saith , blot me out of thy book that hee taketh the metaphor from his owne bookes ( which it is probable he had not yet written ) but from other bookes which were then abounding in the world . sixtly : the egyptian chronicles of so many thousand yeares in diodorus and laertius , i know are ridiculous ; yet their carefulnesse of keeping records i haue euer beleeued . the greekes were boyes to them , as it is in plato , and moses was scholler to them or their learning . act. 7. now i cannot thinke that this their exceeding humane learning was kept onely in their braines , and none in writing . nor do i think that if it were written , that it was decyphered onely in their obscure hieroglyphicks , but that some of it came to ordinary writing of familiar letters cap. xxx . of the hebrew tongue . who so will goe about to commend the hebrew tongue , may iustly receiue the censure , that he of rome did , who had made a long booke in the praise of hercules : this labour is in vaine , for neuer any one dispraised hercules . other commendations this tongue needeth none , then what it hath of its selfe , namely , for sanctitie it was the tongue of god , and for antiquitie it was the tongue of adam : god the first founder , and adam the first speaker of it . in this tong were laid vp the mysteries of the old testament . it begun with the world and the church , and continued & increased in glory , till the captiuitie in babel , which was a babel to this tongue , and brought to confusion this language , which at the first confusion , had escaped without ruine . at their returne , it was in some kinde repaired , but farre from former perfection . the holy scriptures veiwed by ezra , a scribe fit for the kingdome of heauen , in whose treasure were things new and old . in the maccabean times all went to ruine , language and lawes and all lost : and since that time to this day , the pure hebrew hath lost her familiaritie , being onely knowne by schollers or at least not without teaching . our sauiours times spake the syrian , kepha , golgotha , talitha , and other words do witnesse ; in aftertimes the vnwearied masorites arose , helpers to preserue the bible hebrew intire , and grammarians helpers to preserue the idiome aliue ; but for restoring it to the old familiaritie , neither of them could preuaile . for , the iewes haue at this day no abiding citie , no common wealth , no proper tongue , but speake as the countries wherein they liue . this whereof they were once most nice is gone , and this groat they haue lost . as the man in seneca that through sicknes lost his memorie , and forgot his own name ; so they for their sin haue lost their language , and forgot their own tongue . their cain-like wandring , after the murther of their brother , according to the flesh , christ iesus , hath lost them this precious marke of gods fauour , and branded them with a worse marke : cauterio conspirationis antiquae , as saith saint bernard in another case . before the confusion of tongues all the world spake their tongue and no other , but since the confusion of the iewes , they speake the language of all the world , and not their owne . and that it is not with them so , onely of late , but hath been long ; theodoret beareth witnesse in these words ▪ other nations ( saith he ) haue their children speaking quickly in their owne mother tongue . howbeit , there are no children of the hebrewes who naturally spake the hebrew tongue , but the language of the countrie where they are borne . afterward when they grow vp they are taught the letters , and learne to read the holy scripture in the hebrew tongue . thus theod. in quaest . on gen ▪ 59.60 . about this their training vp of their children , and growth of men , in their owne tongue and learning : a rabbin hath this saying in pirke auoth . perek . 1. ben he he saith . at fiue yeares old for the scripture , at ten for mishneh , at thirteene * for the commandements , at fifteene for the talmud . at eighteene for mariage , at twentie for seruice , at thirtie for strength , at fortie for vnderstanding , at fiftie for counsell , at sixtie for old age , at seuentie for gray haires , at eightie * for profoundnesse , at nintie for meditation , at one hundred he is as dead and past and gone out of the world . the iewes looke for a pompous kingdome , when messias the sonne of dauid shall come , whom they watch for euerie moment till he come , as it is in the 12. article of their creed , in their common prayer booke . hee shall restore them ( as they hope ) a temporall kingdome ( and of that minde , till they were better taught , were the apostles , acts 1.6 . ) and then their tongue shall reuiue againe , as they surmise . but the diuine apocaliptick writing after ierusalem was ruined , might teach them what the second ierusalem must be , not on earth but from heauen , apoc. 21 , 2. but to returne to their tongue . the characters , we now haue the hebrew tongue in , scaliger thinkes are but of a latter hatch , and not the same that the iewes vsed from moses , till the destruction of the temple . for , that they vsed the phaenician or cananaean character , which now is called the samaritan . how truely i referre to the readers iudgement . the character wee now haue is either a set or a running letter : the first , the bible is ordinarily printed in , in the latter the most of the rabbins . the whole tongue is contained in the bible , and no one booke else in the world , containes in it a whole language . and this shewes that the scripture speakes to all sorts of people , since it speakes of all sorts of things . this language is ( as god said the iewes should bee , if they would keepe his law. ) a lender to all , and a borrower of none . all tongues are in debt to this , and this to none . the easterne most especially must acknowledge this . some men in the east ( saith origen ) reserue their old speech , ( meaning by likelihood the hebrew ) and haue not altered it , but haue continued in the easterne tongue , because they haue continued in the easterne countries . no easterne tongue that i haue heard of , is hebrew now , so that what to say to origen i cannot tell , vnlesse he meane that those that haue continued in the east , haue kept neerest this holy tongue , because neerest the holy land : this to be true is knowne to the meanest learned . in their speech it is apparent , and by their writing confirmed . all of them haue learned from the hebrew , to write from the right hand to the left ( or as we vsuall call it in england , to write , and reade backward : ) the china and iapan writing excepted , which is indeed from the right hand to the left , but not with the lines crossing the leafe as other tongues doe , but the lines downe the leafe . a strange way by it selfe . againe , most of the easterne tongues do vse the hebrew character for quicke writing , or some other end . the chaldee letter is the verie fame . the syrian though it haue two or three kinds of its owne , yet is content sometime to take vpon it the hebrew character . the arabian doth the like , especially the iewes in turkie vse in hatred of mahumetans , to write downe their matters of religion ; in the hebrew character , though in the arabian tongue . so do the christian arabians for the same cause in their holy things , vse the arabian tongue , but syrian letter . and i take a place in epiphanius to be meant to this purpose , also about the persian tongue . his words out of another are these . the persians besides their owne letters do also vse the letters of the syrians : as in our times many nations vse the greeke , though almost euery nation hath a proper character . i referre to the reader to iudge whether hee meane not that the persians ( as other countries about them did , ) did vse the hebrew character for their quicke writing : which is called syrian by theodoret. to speake of the grace , and sweetnesse , and fulnesse of the hebrew tongue , is to no purpose to relate , for euen those that cannot reade this tongue haue reade thus much of it . cap. xxxi . of vowels . easterne tongues , especially the hebrew and her three dialects , chaldee , syrian , and arabian , are written sometimes with vowells , somtimes without : with , for certainty , without , for the speedier writing : we haue hebrew bibles of both kinds . the septuagint it seemes translated by the vnpricked bible , as s , hierome in his commentary vpon the prophets seemeth to import , & as to any one that examineth it is easie to find . instead of all other places in gen. 4.7 . it is apparant : where the seuenty translators reseruing the letters haue strangely altered the vowels . the hebrew hath it thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 halo in tetibh seeth , weim lo tetibh , lappethahh robhets , which is is in english thus : if thou do well shalt thou not be accepted ? and if thou do not well , sinne lieth at the doore : they translate it as pointed thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 halo im tetibh seeth , weim lo tetibh lephatteahh hhatatha rebhats . which is : if thou do well in offering and do not well in diuiding thou hast sinned , be quiet . this , follow with one consent , the greeke and many of the latine fathers : they could not thus translate , because they knew not the text , or because they wanted pointed bibles , but on set purpose to hide pearles from swine ( as the best learned think . ) but that they did alwayes misse on set purpose ( where they missed ) their many lapses seeme to deny : but somtime they mistooke the vnpricked text , and so misconstrued . a vowelled bible they might haue had but would not . some there bee that thinke the vowels of the hebrew , were not inuented for many yeares after christ. which to mee seemeth to be all one , as to deny sinewes to a body : or to keepe an infant vnswadled , and to suffer him to turne and bend any way till hee grow out of fashion . for mine owne satisfaction i am fully resolued , that the letters and vowels of the hebrew were as the soule and body in a child , knit together at their conception and beginning : and that they had both one author . 1. for , first a tongue cannot bee learned without vowells , though at last , skill and practice may make it to be read without . grammar and not nature makes men to do this , and this also helped out with the sence of the place we read . 2. that masorites should amend that which the septuagint could not see , and that they should read righter , then the other ( who were of farre greater authority ) i cannot beleeue . 3. our sauiour in his words of one iota and one small kerai not perishing from the law , seemes to allude to the least of the letters , iod , and the least vowell and accent . 4. lastly , it is aboue the skill of a meere man to point the bible ; nay , scarsely a verse as it is . the ten commandements may puzzle all the world for that skill . cap. xxxii . of the language of two testaments . the two testaments are like the apostles at ierusalem ( when the confusion of tongues at babel was rerecompensed with multiplicitie of tongues at sion ) speaking in different languages , but speaking both to one purpose . they differ from each other onely in language and time : but for matter the new is veiled in the old , and old old reueiled in the new . isaiah in his vision , heard the seraphins cry zeh elzeh , one to another , holy , holy , holy lord god of tsebhaoth . so the two testaments like these two seraphins , cry zeh el zeh , one to another , the old cries to the new , and the new ecchoes to the old . the old cries , holy is the lord that hath promised , the new answers , holy is the lord that hath performed . the old saies , holy is the father that gaue the law , the new saith , holy is the sonne that preached the gospell , and both say , holy is the holy ghost that penned both law and go●pell to make men holy . the two cherubins in salomons temple stood so that with their outmost wings they touched the sides of the house , and their other wings touched each other . so the two testaments , one way touch the two sides of the house , and the other way touch each other . in their extent they read from the beginning of the world to the end , from in the beginning , to come lord iesus . in their consent they touch each other , with he shall turne the heart of the fathers to the children , mal. 4.6 . and he shall turne the heart of the fathers to the children , luke 1.17 . here the two wings ioyne in the middle . tertullian calls the prophet malachy , the bound or skirt of iudaisme and christianity , a stake that tels that there promising ends , and performing begins , that prophecying concludes , fulfilling takes place : there is not a span betweene these two plots of holy ground , the old and new testament , for they touch each other . what do the papists then when they put and chop in the apocripha for canonicall scripture , betweene malachi and matthew , law and gospell ? what doe they , but make a wall betweene the seraphins that they cannot heare each others crie ? what do they but make a stoppe betweene the cherubins that they cannot touch each others wing ? what do they but make a ditch betwixt these grounds that they cannot reach each to others coasts ? what do they but remooue the land-marke of the scriptures , and so are guilty , of , cursed be he that remooues his neighbours marke , deut. 27.17 . and what do they but ●●●orce the mariage of the testaments , and so are guilty of the breach of , that which god hath ioyned together let no man put asunder . these two testaments are the two paps of the church from which we suck the sincere milke of the word . one pap is not more like to another , then are these two for substance , but for language they varie in colour . the old ( as all can tell ) is written in hebrew , but some forraigne languages are also admitted into scripture , besides the hebrew , as forraigne nations were to be admitted also to the church besides the hebrewes . a great peece of ezra in chalde , because takē from chalde chronicles . those parts of daniels visions that concerne al the world , are written in the chaldee , the tongue then best known in the world , because the chaldeans were then lords of the world . the eleuenth verse of the tenth of ieremie is in the same tongue , that the iewes might learne so much of their language , as to refuse their idolatrie in their owne language . other words of this idiome are frequent in the scripture : as i take two names giuen to christ ( as bar the sonne in psal. 2.10 . and hhoter the rod of iesses stemme , isa. 11. ) to be natiuely chaldee words , and for that they do shew the greater mysterie : viz. that this sonne and this rod should belong to chaldeans and gentiles , as well as to iewes or hebrewes : infinite it is to trace all of this nature and language . the arabian is also admitted into scripture , especially in the booke of iob a man of that country : whether philistin phrases , and other adiacent nations dialects , be not to be found there also , i referre to the reader to search , and ( i thinke ) he may easily find : of the eloquence of some peeces aboue others , and the difficultie of some bookes aboue others , those that can euen read the english bible can tell . i would there were more that could reade it in its owne language , and as it were talk with god there in his own tongue : that as by gods mercy iaphet dwells now in the tents of sem , or the gentiles haue gained the preheminence of the iewes for religion , so they would water this graffing of theirs into this stocke , with the iuyce of that tongue , thereby to prouoke them the more to ielousie . cap. xxxiii . of the new testament language , or the greeke . the greeke tongue is the key which god vsed to vnlocke the tents of sem to the sonnes of iaphet . this glorious tongue ( as tully cals it ) is made most glorious by the writing of the new testament in this language . god hath honoured all the letters by naming himselfe after the first and the last : as homer shewes the receit of all the grecian ships , by shewing how many the greatest , and how few the least contained , iauan is held both by iewes and christians to haue planted the country . the tongue is likely to be maternall from babel : the iewes vpon genesis the forty ninth , thinke that iacob curseth his sons simeon and leuies fact , in one word of greek macerothehem , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their swords : but all the chaldees and other translations render it better , their habitations , gen. 49.5 . the ancientest heathen greek aliue is homer , though the tongue was long before , and homers subiect of ilias treated of in greeke verse by euanders wife of arcadia , as some haue related . homer watered the tongue , and in succeeding ages it flourished till it grew ripe in the new testament . the dialects of it familiarly knowne to be fiue . the attick , the ionick , &c. the macedonian was something strange , as appeares in clemens alexandrinus , strom. 5. especially their deuout macedonian , or about their oraisons : how god scattered and diuulged this tongue of the greekes ouer the world , against the comming of christ , and writing of the new testament , is remarkeable . alexander the great with his macedonians , made the easterne parts grecian . the old testament at ptolomaeus his request , translated into greek , was as an vsher to bring in the new testament , when iaphet should come to dwell in the tents of sem. the iewes vsed to keepe a mournefull fast for that translation , but as iewes mourne , so haue gentiles cause to reioyce . in like sort , for the preparation for the gospell of late ( which as farre as antichrist his power could reach , lay depressed , but not ouerwhelmed ; ) the greeke tongue at the sacking of constantinople by the turkes , was sent into these westerne climates ; that we might heare christ speake in his owne language , without an aegyptian to interpret to vs , as ioseph had to his brethren : what need we now to rely vpon a latine foundation , when we haue the greeke purity ? neuer did the turke any good to chri●tianity , but this , and this against his will , but god worketh all things for his owne glory : and we may say of the poore inhabitants of grecia , as of the iewes , by their impouerishing we are inriched . as athens in old time was called the grecia of grecia , so the new testament for language may be stiled the greeke of greeke . in it ( as vpon the crosse of our sauiour , in the title ) are three tongues , hebrew , greek , and latine . greeke the foundation , the other two but little additions . in the greeke master broughton hath giuen learned rules and examples of the kinds of it , viz. septuagint , talmudick , atticke and apostolicke . the hebrew or syrian ( for so that word hebrew in the title of the crosse must bee vnderstood ) is easily found out euen in translations . latine there is some in the gospells , but not much . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , census for tribute . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ward or watch : matthew . 28.11 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spiculator , marke 6.27 . which word is vsed by targum ieruselamy in gen. 37. of potiphar , that hee was rabh sapulachtaria : princeps spiculatorum . and some other words of the latine tongue , which language in our sauiours time the conquest of the romans had scattered in ierusalem : and in the parts adioyning , and so may one finde some latine in the syrian testament : and abundance of greeke . cap. xxxiiii . of the chaldee and syrian tongues . the chaldee and syrian tongue was once all one , as appeareth in genesis 31.47 . ezra 4.7 . dan. 2.4 . in character indeed they differed , they of babilon vsing one kind of letter , they of syria another : this was that that nonplust the babilonian wizards about the writing of the wall , so that they could not read it , though it were in their owne language , because it was not in their owne letter . in after-times the very languages themselues began to vary : as the chaldee in daniel , and onkelos and ieruselamy and ionathan , and the syrian in the testament doe witnesse . the paraphrafts do much differ between themselues for purity of speech , and all far short of the bible chaldee . they are very full of greeke words , and so the syrian : a relique of alexanders conquests : some thinke they finde some greeke in daniel . montanus himselfe renders osphaia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all along . foure kind of characters is the chaldee to bee had in , or if you will the chaldee in two , and the syrian in two . our bible and paraphrasts and rabbins chaldee is in the hebrew letter , and the other kind of letter is the samaritan . the syrian hath either a set letter , such as we haue the new testament imprinted in , or their running hand , such as the maronites vse in their writing for speed : there is no great difference betwixt them , as you may see by their alphabet . cap. xxxv . of the arabian language . this is the most copious of the hebrew dialects , and a tongue that may brag with the most of tongues from fluencie , and continuance of familiaritie . this tongue is frequent in scripture , especially in iob , a man of that country : how other parts of the bible vse it , i thinke may be iudged by the neerenesse of iudaea and arabia , and of the two languages . in this one thing it differs from its fellow-dialects and its mother tongue , that it varieth terminations in declining of nownes , as the greeke and latine do , and that it receiueth duall numbers , in forming verbs , as doth the greeke . of the largenesse of the alphabet , and difference from other alphabets , and quiddits of the tongue , or indeed any thing of the tongue , i cannot say , which i haue not receiued of the most industrious and thrice learned ( both in this and other the noble tongues ) master william bedwell , whom i cannot name without a great deale of thankfulnesse and honour : to whom i will rather be a scholler , then take on me to teach others . this tongue was mahomads alcoran written in , and is still read in the same idiome vnder paine of death , not to mistake a letter , which is as easily done in this tongue as in any . cap. xxxvi . of the latine tongue . this is the first idiome of our grammar schooles : a tongue next the sacred tongues , most necessarie for schollers of the best profession . whether latine were a babel language i will not controuert pro et contra . sure i dare say , that what latine we read now , was not at babel : if we may beleeue polybius who saith that the latine tongue that was vsed in iunius brutus time was not vnderstood in the time of the first punicke warre , but onely by great schollers . so much in few yeares it had degenerated . the old poets compared with smooth ouid and tully shew much alteration . this spacious tongue once almost as big as any , and as large as a great part of the world , is now bounded in schooles and studies . the deluge of the north ( the treasurie of men ) ouerwhelmed the romane empire , scattered the men , and spoiled the latine . goths , vandalls , lombards , and the rest of the brood of those frozen climates , haue beaten the latine tongue out of its owne fashion , into the french , spanish , and italian . but some sparkes of their hammering are flowne into other languages of the west : so that most countries hereabout may owne rome for a second babel for their speech confused . cap. xxxvii . the language of brittaine neere a thousand yeares ago . ex beda lib. 1. de hist. angl. cap. 1. brittania in praesenti iuxta numerum librorum , &c. brittaine in my time ( saith bede ) doth search and confesse one and the same knowledge of the high truth , and true sublimity in fiue tongues , according to the fiue bookes wherein the law of god was written : namely , in the english , brittaine , scottish , pict and latine tongues : and in the ninteenth chapter of the same booke he saith , that when austen the monke came from gregory the great to preach the gospell in england , he brought with him interpreters out of france to speak to the english : that language it seemes was then vsuall in england , but whether the french that france speakes now , is a question . william the conqueror tooke great care and paines to haue brought in his tongue with his conquest , but could not preuaile . cap. xxxviii . ionathan the chaldee paraphrast his conceit of leuies choosing to the priesthood : translated out of his paraph. on gen. 32.24 . and iacob was left alone beyond the foord , and an angell in the likenesse of a man stroue with him and said , diddest thou not promise to giue tithe of all that thou hadst , and behold thou hast * twelue sonnes , and one daughter , and thou hast not tithed them : out of hand he sets apart the foure first borne to their foure mothers ( for saith the margin , they were holy because of their primogeniture ) and then were eight left : he begins againe to count from simeon , and ended in leui , for the tenth or tithe . michael answereth and saith , lord of the world this is thy lot : &c. thus the chaldee . on whose words , if they were worth commenting on i could say more . cap. xxxix . of the iewes abbreuiature . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this short writing is common in all their authors . when they cite any of the doctors of their schooles , they commonly vse these words , ameru rabbothenu zicceronam libhracah , in foure letters thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus say our doctors of blessed memorie . but when they speake of holy men in the old testament , they vsually take this phrase gnalau hashalom , on him is peace , in briefe thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus when they mention moses , salomon , dauid , or others , this is the memoriall they giue them . the arabians haue the like vse in their abbreuiation of gnalaihi alsalemo : on whom is peace . the words in hebrew want a verbe , and so may be constru●ed two wayes : on him is peace , or on him be peace . the learned master broughton hath rendered it the former way , and his iudgement herein shall bee my law . to take it the latter way , seemes to relish of popish superstition , of praying for the dead : which though the iewes did not directly do , yet in manner they appeare to do no lesse , in one part of their common prayer booke , called mazkir neshamoth , the remembrancer of soules : which being not very long , i thought not amisse to translate out of their tongue , into our owne , that the reader may see their iewish poperie , or popish iudaisme , and may blesse the creatour , who hath not shut vs vp in the same darkenesse . cap. xl. mazkir neshamoth : or the remembrancer of soules : in the iewes liturgy : printed at venice . the lord remember the soule ( or spirit of abba mr. n. the sonne of n. who is gone into his world : wherefore i vow ( to giue ) almes for him , that for this , his soule may be bound vp in the bundle of life , with the soule of abraham , isaac and iacob , sarah , and rebecca , rahel and leah , and with the rest of the righteous men and righteous women , which be in the garden of eden . amen . the lord remember the soule of mris . n. the daughter of n. who is gone to her world . therefore i vow : &c. as in the other before . amen . the lord remember the soule of my father and my mother , of my grandfathers and grandmothers , of my vncles and aunts , of my brethren and sisters , of my cosens and cosenesses , whether of my fathers side , or mothers side , who are gone into their world . wherefore i vow , &c. amen . the lord remember the soule of n. the sonne of n. and the soules of all my cosens and cosenesses , whether on my fathers or mothers side , who were put to death , or slaine , or stabd , or burnt , or drowned , or hanged for the sanctifying of the name of god. therefore i will giue almes for the memory of their soules , and for this let their soules bee bound vp in the bundle of life , with the soule of abraham , isaac and iacob , sarah and rebecca , rahel and leah , and with the rest of the righteous men and righteous women which are in the garden of eden . amen . then the priest pronounceth a blessing vpon the man that is thus charitable , as it followeth there in these words . hee that blessed our father abraham , isaac and iacob , moses and aaron , dauid and salomon , he blesse rabbi n. the sonne of n. because he hath vowed almes for the soules whom he hath mentioned : for the honour of god , and for the honour of the law , and for the honour of the day : for this the lord keepe him , and deliuer him from all affliction and trouble , and from euery plague and sickenesse : and write him and seale him for a happy life , in the day of iudgement : and send a blessing and prosper him in euery worke of his hands , and all israel his brethren , and let vs say amen . thus ( courteous reader ) hast thou seene a popish iew interceding for the dead : haue but the like patience a while , and thou shalt see how they are popish almost entirely , in claiming the merits of the dead to intercede for them : for thus tendeth a prayer which they vse in the booke , called sepher min hagim shel col hammedinoth , &c. which i haue also here turned into english. do for thy praises sake , do for their sakes that loued thee , that ( now ) dwell in dust . for abraham , isaac , and iacobs sake . do for moses and aarons sake . doe for dauid and salomons sake . doe for ierusalem thy holy cities sake . doe for sion the habitation of thy glories sake . do for the desolation of thy temples sake . do for the treading down of thine altars sake . do for their sakes who were slaine for thy holy name . do for their sakes who haue bene massacred for thy sake . do for their sakes who haue gone to fire or water for the hallowing of thy name . do for sucking childrens sakes who haue not sinned . doe for weaned childrens sakes who haue not offended . do for infants sakes who are of the house of our doctors . do for thine owne sake if not for ours . do for thine owne sake and saue vs. tel me gentle reader 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. whether doth the iew , romanize or the roman iudaize in his deuotions this interceding by others , is a shrewd signe they haue both reiected the right mediator betweene god and man , christ iesus . the prophane heathen might haue read both iew and papist a lecture in his , contemno minutos istos deos , modo iouem propitium habeam , which i thinke a christian may well english : let go all diminutiue diuinities , so that i may haue the great iesus christ to propitiate for me . cap. xli . of the latine translation of mat. 6.1 . almes in rabbin hebrew are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tsedhakah righteousnesse , which word the syrian translator vseth , mat. 6.1 . act. 10.2 . and in other places . from this custome of speech , the roman vulgar translateth , attendite ne iustitiam vestram faciatis : one english old manuscript testament , is in lichfield librarie , which hath it thus after the latine : takith hede that you do not your rigtwisnes before men to be seyne of hem , ellis ye shullen haue no mede at your fadir that is in heuenes . other english translation , i neuer saw any to this sense ; nor any greeke coppie . it seemes the papist will rather iudaize for his owne aduantage , then follow the true greeke , the septuagint in some places of the old testamēt , haue turned tsedhakah righteousnesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 almesdeeds , to little or to no sense . as the papists haue in this place of the new testament , turned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 almesdeeds , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 righteousnesse , to as little purpose . in the hebrew indeed , one word is vsed for both : tsedhakah for almesdeeds , which properly signifies righteousnesse ; vpon what ground i know not , vnlesse it be , to shew that * almes must be giuen of rightly gotten good , or else they are no ri●hteousnesse : or they are called zadkatha in syrian , hu ger zadek lemehwo , they are called righteousnesse , because it is right they should be giuen , and giuen rightly . the fathers of the councell of trent speake much of the merit of almes ; whom one may answer in the very words of their vulgar , attendite ne iustitiam vestram faciatis . take heed you do not make them your iustification . cap. xlii . an embleme . a wall in rome had this picture . a man painted naked with a whip in one hand , and foure leaues of a booke in the other , and in euery leafe a word written . in the first , plango , i mourne ; in the second , dico , i tell ; in the third , volo , i will ; and in the fourth , facio i do . such a one in the true repentant . he is naked , because he would haue his most secret sinnes laid open to god : he is whipped , because his sinnes do sting himselfe : his booke is his repentance ; his foure words are his actions : in the first hee mournes , in the second he confesses , in the third hee resolues , and in the fourth , hee performes his resolution . plango , i mourne , there is sight of sinne and sorrow , dico , i tell , there is contrition for sinne and confession ; volo , i will , there is amending resolution : facio , i do , there is performing satisfaction . cap. xliii . mahhanaijm . gen. 32.2 . and iacob went on his way , and the angels of god met him : and iacob said when he saw them , this is the host of the lord , and he called the name of the place mahanaim . the word is duall , and tels of two armies and no more , what these two armies were , the iewes according to their vsuall veine , do finde strange expositions . to omit them all , this seemes to me to be the truth , and reason of the name . there was one companie with iacob , which afterwards he cals his armie ; and there was another companie of angels , which he cals the armie of god. these are the two armies that gaue name to mahanaim ; two armies , one heauenly , and the other earthly : and from this i take it , salomon compares the church , * to the companie of mahanaim : for so the church consisteth of two armies , one heauenly like these angels , which is the church triumphant , and the other trauailing on earth like iacobs armie , which is the church militant . cap. xliiii . the booke of psalmes . the psalmes are diuided into fiue bookes , according to the fiue bookes of moses : and if they bee so diuided , there be seuentie bookes in the bible ; the vnskilfull may finde where any one of these fiue bookes end , by looking where a psalme ends with amen , there also ends the booke . as at psal. 41.72.89.106 . and from thence to the end . these may euen in their verie beginnings be harmonized to the books of the law. genesis . the first booke of moses telleth how happinesse was lost , euen by adams walking in wicked counsel of the serpent and the woman . psal. 1. the first booke of psalmes tels how happines may be regained , if a man do not walke in wicked counsell , as of the serpent & woman , the diuell and the flesh . this allusion of the first booke arnobius makes exodus . the second book of moses tels of groaning affliction in egypt . leuiti . the third booke of moses is of giuing the law . numbers . the fourth booke of moses is about numbring deutero . the last booke of moses is a rehearsall of all . psal. 42. the second booke of psalmes begins in groaning affliction . psal. 42 43. psal. 73. the third booke of psalmes tels in the beginning , how good god is for giuing this law . this allusion rab. tanch . makes very neere . ps. 90. the fourth booke begins with numbring of the best arithmetick : numbring gods mercie , psal. 90.1 . and our owne dayes , ver . 12. psa. 107. so is the last booke of the psalmes from psa. 107. to the end in the iewes diuision of the scripture , this peece of the psalmes , and the bookes of the like nature , are set last : not because they be of least dignitie , but because they be of least dependance with other bookes , as some of them being no storie at all , and some , stories and bookes of lesser bulke , and so set in a fourme by themselues . the old testament books , the iewes acrostically doe write thus in three letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , euerie letter standing for a word , and euerie word for a part of the bible . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for aorajetha , or torah , the law : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for nebhijm the prophets : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for cethubhim , or bookes of holy writ : this diui●ion is so old , that our sauiour himselfe vseth it in the last of luke , and ver . 44. all things written in the law of moses , and in the prophets and the psalmes . by the psalmes meaning , that part of cethubhim , in which the psalmes are set first . cap. xlv . of the creation . two waies we come to the knowledge of god ; by his workes and by his word . by his works we come to know there is a god ; and by his word wee come to know what god is . his workes teach vs to spell ; his word teacheth vs to read . the first are as it were his backe parts , by which we behold him a farre off : the latter shewes him to vs face to face . the world is as a booke consisting of three leaues , and euerie leafe printed with many letters , and euery letter a lecture . the leaues heauen , the aire , and earth with the water . the letters in heauen , euery angel , star , and planet . in the aire , euery meteor and foule . in the earth and waters , euerie man , beast , plant , fish , and minerall : all these set together , spell to vs that there is a god , and the apostle saith no lesse though in lesse space , rom. 1 ▪ 20. for the b inuisible things of him , that is , his eternall power and godhead are seene by the creation of the world , being considered in his workes . and so dauid , psal. 19.1 . it is not for nothing that god hath set the cabinet of the vniuerse open , but it is because he hath giuen vs eyes to behold his treasure . neither is it for nothing that he hath giuen vs eyes to behold his treasure , but because he hath giuen vs hearts to admire vpon our beholding . if wee marke not the workes of god , we are like stones that haue no eyes , wherewith to behold . if wee wonder not at the workes of god , when wee marke them , we are like beasts that haue no hearts wherewith to admire . and if wee praise not god for his workes , when we admire them , we are like deuils that haue no tongues wherewith to giue thankes . remarkeable is the storie of the poore old man , whom a bishop found , most bitterly weeping , ouer an vgly toad : being asked the reason of his teares , his answer was , i weepe , because , that whereas god might haue made mee as vgly and filthy a creature as this toad , and hath not , i haue yet neuer in all my life beene thankefull to him for it . if the works of the creation would but lead vs to this one lecture , our labour of obseruing them were well bestowed . how much more when they lead vs farre further . cap. xlvi . the time and manner of the creation . moses in the first verse of the bible refutes three heathen opinions : namely theirs , that thought the world was eternall , for he saith , in the beginning , &c. secondly , theirs that thought there was no god , for he saith , elohim created . thirdly , theirs that thought there were many gods , for he saith , elohim he created heauen and earth . the first word in the beginning may draw our mindes and thoughts to the last thing , the latter end , and this thought must draw our affections from too much loue of the world , for it must haue an end as it had a beginning . i will not stand to comment vpon the word bereshith in the beginning , for then i know not when to come to an end . to treat how the diuerse expositors labour about the beginning of the world , is a world of labour . how the ierus . targ. translates it , in wisdome , and is followed by rabbi tanchum , and many iewes : how targ. ionath . vseth an arabian word , min awwala , a primo ; onkelos , in primis or in principio : iarchi in principio creationis creauit . how basil the great , saint ambrose , and hundreds others do interpret this , is a worke endlesse to examine . satisfied am i with this , that the world and all things had their beginning from god , that in the beginning created heauen and earth . some of the iewes do inuert the word bereshith , and make it betisri that is in the moneth tisri was the world created . this month is about our september , and that the world was created in this moneth ( to let other reasons alone ) this satisfies me , that the feast of tabernacles which was in this moneth , is called the end of the yeare , exod. 23.16 . and this i take to bee the reason , why the iewes began to reade the bible in their synagogues , at the feast of tabernacles , viz. that they might begin the lecture of the creation , in gen. 1. at that time of the yeare that the world was created . the manner of the creation shewes the workeman powerfull and wise : the making of the angells concealed by moses , lest men should ( like those hereticks in epiph. ) thinke they helped god in the creation . for if their day of their creation ( a which was in most likelihood the first ) had beene named , wicked men would haue bene ready to haue taken them for actors in this worke , which were onely spectators . therefore as god hides moses after his death , so moses hides the creation of them , least they should be deified , and the honour due to the creator giuen to the creature . god in framing the world , begins aboue and workes downeward ; and in three dayes hee layes the parts of the world , and in the three other dayes , he adornes those parts . the first day hee makes all the heauens , the matter of the earth , and comes downe so low as the light . the second lower , and makes the firmament or aire . the third lowest of all , and makes distinction of earth and water . thus in three dayes the parts , or body of the world is laid , in three dayes more , and in the same order they are furnished . for on the fourth day the heauens which were made the first day are deckt with starrs . the fifth day the firmament , which was made the second day , is filled with birds . the sixth day , the earth , which was laid fit the third day , is replenished with beasts , and lastly man b thus god in the sixe dayes finished all his worke of creation . c for the ten things that the chaldee paraphrast saith god , created on the euening of the sabbath , after the world was finished : i referre them to their authors to beleeue them . r. iarchi on gen. 2. obserues , that god created one day superior things , and another day inferior : his words are to this purpose . on the first day he created heauē aboue & earth beneath . on the second day , the firmament aboue . on the third , let the dry land appeare beneath . on the fourth day , lights aboue . on the fifth day , let the waters bring foorth beneath . on the sixt , hee must create both superior and inferior , as he had done on the first , least there should bee confusion in his worke , therefore he made man of both , his soule from aboue , and his body from beneath . r. tancuman shewes how the making of the tabernacle harmonizeth with the making of the world : the light of the first day answered , by the candlesticke , for light the first worke ; and the spreading of the firmament , like a curtaine , answered by the curtaines the second worke , and so of the rest . euery one knowes the old conceit of the worlds lasting sixe thousand yeares , because it was made in sixe dayes : and of elias prophesie among the iewes , of the world ending , at the end of sixe thousand : which prophesie of his is flat against the words of christ : many beleeue these opinions , yet few prepare for the end which they thinke is so neere . god hath taught vs by the course of the creation of the old world , what our proceedings must be , that wee may become a new creation , or new heauens , & a new earth , renewed both in soule and bodie . on the first day he made the light , so the first thing in the new man must be light of knowledge , so saith s. paul , heb. 11. he that commeth to god must know that he is . 2. on the second day he made the firmament , so called , because of its * surenesse , so the second step in mans new creation must be firmamentum fidei , the sure foundation of faith . 3. on the third day , the seas and trees bearing fruit : so the third step in the new man is that he become waters of repentant teares , and that hee bring foorth fruit worthy of these teares . bring foorth fruit worthy of repentance , saith the baptist , mat. 3. 4. on the fourth day , god created the sunne : that whereas on the first day there was light but without heat ; now on the fourth day , there is light and heate ioyned together . so the fourth step in the new creation of a new man is , that he ioyne the heate of zeale , with the light of his knowledge : as in the sacrifices fire and salt were euer ioyned . 5. the fifth dayes work , was of fishes to play in the seas , and the foules to flie toward heauen : so the fifth step in a new creature is , to liue and reioyce in a sea of troubles , and to flie by prayer and contemplation to heauen . 6. on the sixth day , god makes man : and all these things performed , man is a new creature . to reckō them altogether then , as s. peter does his golden chaine of vertues . 2. pet. 1. adde to your light of knowledge , the firmament of faith , to your faith , seas of repentant teares , to your teares , the fruitfull trees of good workes , to your good workes , the hot sunshine of zeale , to your zeale , the winged foules of prayer and contemplation ; et ecce omnia facta sunt noua . behold you are become a new creature . as the bible begins , so it ends with a new creation , of a new heauen and a new earth , and a new paradise , and a new tree of life , apoc. 21. vnto all which , o thou whom my soule loueth , say come . cap. xlvii . of the fall of adam . the fall of adam was the death of himselfe , the death of vs , and the death of christ. at his fall were three offenders , three offences , & persons offended . three offenders , satan , adam , eue : three offences , ignorance , weakenesse , and malice : three persons offended , father , sonne , and holy ghost , eue sinned of ignorance , and so sinned against the sonne , the god of knowledge , and she was forgiuen ; and so s. paul sinned , and was forgiuen . 1. tim. 1.13 . adam sinned of weakenesse , and so sinned against the father , the god of power , and he was pardoned ; and so s. peter sinned , and he was pardoned . mat. 26. but satan sinned of set malice , and so sinned against the holy ghost , the god of loue , and he was not forgiuen : for he that speaketh against the holy ghost , shall neuer bee forgiuen , marke 3.29 . and in gods censuring of these three , gen. 3. he questioneth adam & euah before he sentenceth , because he had mercie for them , nay more , he promiseth christ before hee inflict punishment : but for the serpent , hee neuer questioned , because hee would shew him no mercie . god left adam to his owne freewil , and suffered him to fall , quia sciebat se , &c. because hee knew how to turne that fall of his , to his saluation when lazarus died , christ was not there , that the raysing of lazarus by christ might be the more glorious . so when adam fel ( as i may say so ) god would not be there ( for he left adam to his owne freewill ) that the repairing of adam through christ might be the more glorious . hereupon one sings , o foelix lapsus . vnhappy was the fall of adam , since by his fall we all fell , but yet happy was that vnhappy fall , since it must bee recured by christ. ioseph suffered his brother simeon to go into prison for a while , that at last he might bring him out with greater comfort . so god suffered adam to go into satans newgate for a while , that at last he might bring him out with greater comfort . the day thou eatest hereof thou shalt dye , there is the prison , and the man tooke and ate , there adam goes into prison : the seed of the woman shall breake the head of the serpent , there ioseph deliuers simeon out of prison , god brings man out of hell through christ. whereupon a doctor in admiration questions : vtrum mirabilius , homines iustos creare , an iniustos iustificare : whether is more admirable , that god created man righteous , or that hee iustified man , when he had made himselfe vnrighteous ? whether was more miraculous , for god to make man of nothing , or to repaire him from worse then nothing ? wonderfull he was in both , in his first and his second creation , for iustificatio est secunda hominis creatio , mans iustification is his new creation . cap. xlviii . ophitae euia . some heretickes in epiphanius thinke themselues beholden to the deuill , for his paines that he tooke to ouerthrow adam : for they vsed to worship a serpent , because ( say they ) hee brought knowledge into the world . clemens alexandrinus doth partly thinke , this conceit was got among the heathens : who at their feasts of bacchus vsed to carrie a serpent , as it were in procession , and to crie euia euia . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. and euia ( saith clemens ) if it be asperated heuia , it signifies in the hebrew tongue , a female serpent ▪ where the good man calls the chaldee tongue , the hebrew : for in the hebrew i do not find such a word for a serpent : but all the chaldee translations of the bible in the third of genesis and diuerse other places , doe vse the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hiuia for a serpent : which i take to bee the word hee meanes . cap. xlix . of the greeke translation of the fifth of genesis . how the septuagint does adde hundreds of yeares to mens ages before and after the floud , few schollers but they know . this bred the difference of computation of the times , while some followed the hebrew , some the greeke . hence came two notorious doubts . about methuselah liuing after the flood , who died a moneth or two before . and of sem his death before abrahams birth , who liued as long after abraham came to canaan , as abraham was old when he came thither , viz. seuenty fiue yeares . and so might well be melchizedek . the greeks had a great deale of stirre where to put methushelah all the floud-time for feare of drowning : at last some laid him on the top of noahs arke , and there hee was all that watry yeare . the iewes lay og the giant there also ( as the chaldee paraphrast vpon the foureteenth of genesis ridiculously obserueth : ) whose words ( for your fuller sport ) i will not spare to set down . the thirteenth verse hee renders thus in chaldee . and og came who was left of those that died in the floud : for hee rode vpon the arke , and was as a couering vpon it , and was nourished with noahs vittailes , but he was not preserued for his owne sake or merit , but that the inhabitants of the world might see the power of the lord , and say : did not the gyants in old time , rebell against the lord of the world , and he destroyed them from the earth , yet assoone as these kings make warre , behold og is with them og saith with himselfe , i will go and shew abraham , lots case , that hee is taken prisoner , that so he may come to rescue him , and may himselfe fall into their hands : he goes and comes to him about the passeouer day , and finds him making vnleauened cakes , then hee told abram the hebrew , &c. thus far the chaldee : of whose conceits here , and in one thousand of places more , and so of his nation the iewes ; i know not whether to say , risum or fletum teneatis amici ? but to returne to my purpose . the greeke bible makes methushelah liue fourteene yeares after the floud , their reason of this their addition of yeares , many render , which i omit . but s. austen saith , some fall short of this mans age . in three greeke bookes , saith he , and one latine , and one syrian booke , all agreeing one with another , methusalem is found to die sixe yeares before the floud . so austen in ciu. dei lib. 15. cap. 13. such differences may incite men to apply themselues to the hebrew text , where is no falsifying nor error . cap. l. vpon the words : the seede of the woman shall breake the serpents head . the new testament affords a rich commentarie vpon these words , in the gospell of saint luke , who in his third chapter , shewes how through seuentie fiue generations , christ is this seed of the woman , and in the fourth chapter , how through three temptations this seed began to bruise the head of the serpent : where the reader may obserue , how the diuell tempts christ , in the very same manner that he had temped eue , though not with the same successe . al the sins of the world , are brought by saint iohn to these three heads , lust of the flesh , lust of the eyes , and the pride of life , 1. iohn 2.15 . by these three eue falls in the garden : she sees the tree is good for meate , and the lust of the flesh inticeth her ; she sees it faire to looke on , and the lust of the eye prouokes her ; and she perceiues it will make her wise , and the pride of life perswads her to take it . by these three the deuill tempts christ ; when he is hungrie , he would haue him turne stones into bread , and so tries him by the lusts of the flesh : he shewes , and promiseth him all the pompe of the world , and so tries him by the lust of the eyes , and he will haue him to flie in the aire , and so tempts him to pride of life . but as , by these three , the serpent had broken the head of the woman , so against these three the seed of the woman breakes the head of the serpent . dauid prophecied of this conquest , psal. 91.13 . the dragon thou shalt tread vnder thy feet : the verie next verse before this , the deuill vseth to tempt christ withall , but to this he dare not come , for it is to his sorrow . cap. li. iewish hypocriticall prayers , reproued by our sauiour , mat. 6.5 . because they loue to stand praying in the synagogues and corners of the streets . this sermon vpon the mount , is much in reproofe of the iewes talmudicall traditions , by which they made the word of god of none effect . this verse reproueth one of their tenets , for their high-way oraisons : for which they haue this tradition in their * talmud . rabbi iosi , saith : on a time i was walking by the way , and i went into one of the deserts of ierusalem to pray , then came eliah , a of blessed memorie , and watched me at the gate , and stayed for me , till i had ended my prayer : after that i had ended my prayer , he saith vnto me , peace be vpon thee rabbi ; i said vnto him , peace be vpon thee rabbi , and master . then said he to me , my sonne , wherefore wentest thou into this desert ; i said vnto him , to pray , hee said to mee , thou mightest haue prayed in the way . then said i , i was afraid , least passengers would interrupt me : he said vnto me , thou shouldest haue prayed a short prayer . at that time i learned of him three things : i learned that wee should not go into the desert : and i learned that we should pray by the way , and learned , thet hee that prayed by the way must pray a short prayer . thus farre their talmud maketh them these letters patents for hypocrisie ; fathering this bastard vpon blessed elias , who was not a high-way prayer , or one that practised his owne deuotions in publike : for hee was iohn baptists type for retirednesse . cap. lii . israels affliction in aegypt . of israels being in egypt , many heathen authors doe touch , though euery one a seuerall way , and all of them the wrong iosephus against appion is angrie at their fables about it . of the famine that brought them thither ( if we take the want of nilus flowing to bee the naturall cause , as most like it was ) there seemes then to be some remembrance of those seuen yeares in seneca , in his naturall questions , where he saith : per nouem annos nilum non ascendisse superioribus saeculis , callimachus est author : that is : callimachus writes , that in old time nilus flowed not of nine yeares together : where hee outstrips but two of the number . but of israels affliction in egypt , i finde the heathens silent . god had told abraham of this their hardship long before , and shewed him a token of it , by the fowles lighting vpon his carcasses , gen. 15. a type of israels being in egypt , and of pharoahs being plagued for their sakes , was , when pharoah suffered , for taking sarah from her husband , and keeping her in his house : as it is , gen 12. how long they were in that land , few there bee but know : but how long their affliction lasted , is vncertaine . probable it is , that it was about an hundred and twenty yeares , the time of the old worlds repentance , and moses his age : this is to be searched by leui his age , which within a little one may find certaine . all the generation of iosephs time die , before they are afflicted : as all the generation of ioshuahs time die , before they fall to idolatry , iudges 2.10 . the reasons why god should thus suffer them to suffer : whether it were to fit them for the receiuing of him and his law , or whether it were to whip them for their idolatry : or for some other cause , i dare not enter too neare to search : this i see , that when the foundation ( as it were ) of the visible church is laid thus in affliction , that that the church cannot but looke for affliction , whilest it liues in the egypt of this world . but as israel increased vnder persecution : so does the church : for euen when sparsum est semen sanguinis martyrum , surrexit seges ecclesiae : nec frustra orauit ecclesia pro inimicis suis crediderunt , & qui persequebantur : aust. ser. de temp . 109. to omit the iewes fancie , that the israelitish women bare sixe at a birth , and to omit questioning whether faetifer nilus , the drinking of the water of nilus , which ( as some say is good for generation ) did conduce to the increasing of israel , i can onely looke at god , and his worke , which did thus multiplie and sustaine them in fornace affliction . si deus nobiscum quis contra nos ? god had promised this increase to iacob , as he fled to haran , gen. 28. in a dreame from the top of iacobs ladder . and here he proues faithfull who had promised . cap. liii . israels campe : according to the chaldee paraphrast his description : num. 2. the chaldee is precise about pitching israels campe : i haue not thought much to translate a whole chapter out of him , that the reader may see ( at the least ) his will , if not his truth . numb . 11.1 . and the lord spake to moses and to aaron saying . 2. euery one of the children of israel shall pitch by his standerd , by the ensignes whereto they are appointed , by the standerds of their fathers shall they pitch ouer against the tabernacle of the congregation * round about . 3. the camp of israel was twelue miles long , and twelue miles broad , and they that pitched eastward toward the sun-rising , the standard of the campe of iudah foure miles square , and his ensigne was of three party colours like the three pearles that were in the brestplate ( or rationall ) the rubies , topaz , and carbuncle , and in it was deciphered and expressed the names of three tribes , iudah , issachar , zebulon , and in the middle was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arise o lord , and let thine enemies be scattered , and let them that hate thee flie before thee . and in it was drawne the picture of a lions whelpe , for the prince of the children of iudah , nahshon the sonne of aminadab . 4. and his hoast and the number of them , seuenty foure thousand and sixe hundred . 5. and they that pitched next him , the tribe of issachar , and the prince that was ouer the armie of the tribe of the sonnes of issachar , nethaneel the sonne of tsuar . 6. and his army and the number of ( his ) tribes , 54400. 7. the tribe of zebulon , and the prince that was set ouer the army of the tribe of the sonnes of zebulon , eliab the sonne of hhelon . 8. and the army and their number of his tribe , 57400. 9. all the number of the hoast of indah were * 186400. by their armies they went first . 10. the standard of the hoast of reuben shall pitch southward , by their armies foure miles square , and his ensigne was of three party colors , like the three stones in the brestplate , the emeraud saphire and diamond , and in it was deciphered and expressed the names of three tribes , reuben , simeon , gad , and in the middle was written thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heare o israel the lord our god is one lord. and in it was drawne the picture of a yong hart : but there should haue beene drawne in it a bullocke , but moses the prophet changed it , because hee would not put them in mind of their sinne about the calfe : and the prince that was set ouer the hoast of the tribe of reuben , was elitzur the sonne of shedeur . 12. and his hoast and the number of his tribe , 59300. 13. and the tribe of gad and the prince that was set ouer the hoast of the tribe of gad , eliasaph the sonne of deuel . 15. and his hoast and the number of his tribe * 45600. 16. all the number of the hoast of reuben , 151450. by their armies : they went second . 17. then went the tabernacle of the congregation , and the hoast of the leuites in the camps , and their campe was foure mile square , they went in the middle , as they pitched , so they went , euery one in his ranke , according ●o his standard . 18. the standard of the campe of ephraim by their hoasts , pitched westward , and their campe was foure mile square , and his ensigne was of three party colours , like the three stones in the brestplate , a turkie , an achat , and an hamatite , and in it was deciphered and expressed the names of three tribes , ephraim , manasseh , and beniamin , and in the middle was written : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the cloud of the lord was vpon them by day , when they went out of the campe , and in it was drawen the picture of a child . and the prince that was set ouer the army of the children of ephraim , was elishama the sonne of ammihud . 19. and his hoast and the number of his tribe , 40500. 20. and next him the tribe of manasses , and the prince which was set ouer the hoast of the tribe of the children of manasses , gamliel the sonne of pedah tzur . 21. and his hoast and their number of his tribe , 32200. 22. and the tribe of beniamin and the prince that was set ouer the hoast of the tribe of the children of beniamin , abidan , the sonne of gideoni . 23. and his hoast and their number of his tribe , 35400. 24. all the number of the campe of ephraim , 180100. by their armies , and they went in the third place . 25. the standard of the campe of dan northward , and their campe foure miles square ; and his ensigne was of three partie colours according to the three stones in the brestplate , a chrysolite , onyx , and iasper , and in it were deciphered & expressed the names of three tribes , dan , naphtali , asher , and in the middest was written and expressed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and when it rested , he said , returne o lord to the 10000. of israel , and in it was drawne the figure of a serpent , or arrow-snake , and the prince that was set ouer the hoast of the children of dan , ahiezer the sonne of ammishaddai . from thence to the end of the chapter , he goes on iust with the hebrew text , so that i wil spare further labour about translating : onely i must tell the reader thus much , that the pearles he speaks of , i haue not punctually followed the chaldee in rendring their names , but haue followed the geneua bible , which was at that instant the onely english bible about me . as also for perfect and future tense , i finde the chaldee confused , and for this i haue beene the lesse curious . cap. liiii . of iob. about israels being in egypt , iob liues in arabia : a heathen man and yet so good : and so saint gregory saith , his countrey is purposely named , that the goodnesse of the man may be the more illustrated . his times may be picked by the genealogie of himselfe , and his friends that come to see him . and god in the first and second chapters saith , that there was not a man on earth like him for goodnes : which is a signe that abraham isaac and iacob and ioseph were not aliue , nor moses : but in the times twixt ioseph and moses , israel corrupt themselues with egyptians idols , and in israel ( the likeliest place to finde a good man in ) is not one to be found like iob. thus when israel idolizes , and the church , begins to faile in iacob , god hath one in arabia that hath a little church in his house . it is not amisse for euery one for his more watchfulnesse to marke , that satan knowes iob as soone as euer god speakes of him . when the angels appeare before god , satan the deuill is among them . so when the disciples are with christ , iudas a deuill is among them . pharoah in egypt is afflicted by god. iob in arabia is afflicted by the deuill . his afflictions harden him against god. his afflictiōs harden him against the deuill . iobs children feasting ouerwhelmed by an house . the philistins sporting , ouerwhelmed by an house , iudg. 16. iob is afflicted as the souldiers , 2. king. 1. by fire . as the ziklagites , 1. sam. 30. by captiuity as the egyptians with losse of children , exod. 12. and as the egyptians with boiles , exod 9. and which was not his least crosse , like adam , with an ill counselling wife . iob hath 3. with him when hee is changed by affliction . so christ hath three with him when he is changed in his transfiguration : which three as they were by christ when moses and elias , law and prophecie told him in the mount of his departing which hee should accomplish at ierusalem , luk. 9.31 . so these three were with him when hee began to accomplish these things , mat. 26.37 . cap. lv. egyptians deities , ex athenae . deipn . lib. 7. a naxandrides in his booke of cities , turning his speech to the egyptians , saith thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus does one heathen idolater deride another , because hee worships ▪ ( as the other thinks ) the more ridiculous deities . the very heathen could deride and scoffe at their vaine gods . dionysius was most notorious this way : and knauish in this kinde was the painter , who when hee should haue drawne the picture of such a goddesse for a grecian city to worship , hee drew the portraicture of his owne sweet-heart , and so made her to bee adored : and indeed what man could haue held laughing , to haue seene ( as my poet saith here ) an egyptian on his maribones adoring a dog , or praying to an oxe , or especially to see him mourning and howling ouer a sicke cat : fearing least his scratching god should die ? cap. lvi . of the law broken by adam . the law was adams lease when god made him tenent of eden : the conditions of which bond when he kept not , he forfeited himselfe and all vs. god read a lecture of the law to him before hee fell , to be * a hedge to him to keepe him in paradise , but when adam would not keepe within compasse , this law is now become as the flaming sword at eden gate to keepe him and his posteritie out : adam heard as much in the garden , as israel did at sinai , but onely in fewer words and without thunder . the l●w came more gently to him before his fall , but after his fall , comes the thunder with it . adam at one clap breakes both the tables and all the commandements . 1. he chose him another god when he followed the deuill . 2. he idolized and deified his own belly , as the apostles phrase is , his belly he made his god . 3. hee tooke the name of god in vaine , when he beleeued him not . 4. hee kept not the rest and estate wherein god had set him . 5. he dishonoured his father which was in heauen , therefore his dayes were not long in that land which the lord his god had giuen him . 6. hee massacred himselfe and all his posteritie . 7. from eue he was a virgin , but in eyes and minde he committed spirituall fornication . 8. hee stole that ( like achan ) which god had set aside not to bee medled with , & this his stealth is that which troubles all israel , the whole world . 9. hee bare witnesse against god , when he beleeued the witnesse of the deuill aboue him . 10. hee coueted an ill coueteousnesse ( like amnon ) which cost him his life and all his progeny . what a nest of euills here were committed at one blow ? the pride of heart and desire of more knowledge ( like hamans ambition ) ouerthrew vs. this sinne was hatched in heauen by the wicked angels , but throwne out with them , and neuer will come in there againe . hence is this sinne so lofty because it affects its first nest . it is not for nothing that blessed are the poore in spirit , are the first words in christs sermon : mat. 5.3 . but because the proud in spirit were the first sinners . cap. lvii . of the law giuen at sinai . when israel is got from the hard seruice of egypt , god bindes them apprentise to a new master , himselfe . their indentures he drawes vpon mount sinai : a place where moses before had kept a flocke of sheepe , now he keepes a troupe of men . in the deliuerie of the law there , if you will stand with israel in your place you may consider many passages . cap. lviii . why the law was published then and not before . at sinai was deliuered no new thing , the law in some kinde was knowne before . sacrifice was vsed by adam in the garden , when the body of the beasts went for an offering for his soule , and the skinnes for a couering for his body : cain and abel learne this part of worship from their father . the diuision of cleane and vncleane beasts is knowne to noah , when they come to him for their liues as they had done to adam for their names . abraham when god made a * couenant with him , genesis . 15. diuides and diuides not his beasts and fowles , iust as god commands , leu. 1.6.17 . and so of the rest . fathers could teach their children these things as they themselues had learned them of their fathers . but when men began to multiplie , and multitude to be more wicked , then would they not be so easily bridled by a law , whose author they knew no more of , but their fathers : and when men liued but a short time in comparison of the first men , and so could not see the full setling of the law in their houses : and when god had fetched him a people out of egypt , and laid the foundation of a glorious church , with signes and wonders , then hee thought it fit for their restriction , as also * for their distinction from the heathen , to giue the law from his owne mouth , the more to procure reuerence to him : for heauen and earth must needs hearken when the lord speaketh , isa. 1.2 . and thus did a the heathen faine they receiued their lawes from a deity that was neuer seene , and yet their lawes were the better obserued for that reason . cap. lix . of the place where it was giuen , and manner . god gaue the law in arabia : so wicked mahomet gaue his law in arabia ; a worse and a better thing no one countrey euer affoorded . god gaue his law in sinai , a bushy place as it seemes by * the name , agreeable to the giuing of so perplexing a matter . carry along with thee ( gentle reader ) as thou readest the scripture , thus much care ( at my request ) as to marke that the law of moses was giuen in two places , s●nai , and the tabernacle , as also to consider that some part of this law did onely concerne the iewes , and some part did also concerne all the world . the ceremoniall law that concerned onely the iewes , it was giuen to moses in priuate in the tabernacle , and fell with the tabernacle when the vaile rent in twaine . the morall law concernes the whole world , and it was guien in sight of the whole world on the top of a mountaine , and must endure as long as any mountaine standeth . the iudiciall law ( which is more indifferent , and may stand or fall , as seemes best for the good of a common wealth ) was giuen neither to publike as the one , nor so priuate as the other , but in a meane betweene both . the law on sinai was with fire and trumpets , so shall christ come with fire and trumpet at the latter day , to take an account how men haue kept this fiery law , as it is called , deut. 33.2 . fiery , because giuen out of the fire , as the ierusalem and babilonian targums hold : though i think there is more meant by the words then so : for it is esh dath , which may bee rendred the fire of a law. cap. lx. of the effects of the law. the letter of the law is death ▪ but the spirit giueth life . the iewes stand vpon the letter , and thinke to gaine life by the works of it , but them the apostle frequently confuteth . and i take the aime of christs parable , mat. 20. about the penny to extend to no lesse . some came into the vineyard at the dawning of the day or the age before the flood , and some at the third houre , or in the time before the law , and some at the sixth and ninth houre , or vnder the heat and burden of the iewish law , and some at the last , vnder the gospell : those vnder the law plead for merit , we haue borne the heat and burden of the day : that is , costly sacrifices , sore ceremonies , &c. to whom the master answers that his penny is his owne , and if he giue it , it is not for their merit , but his good will. s. paul calls the law a schoole-master , and so it is indeed : and such a schoolemaster as that , that liuy and florus speake of in italy , who brought forth his children that were trusted with him , to hannibal , who if he had not beene more mercyfull then otherwise , they had all perished . so they that rely vpon the works of the law , are in fine constrained by the law to come to christ , who more mercifull then the law , does deliuers them . and if you well weigh it , you shall find that as the whole law , so euery part from one to another , brings vs to christ. the morall law shewes vs what wee should do , and with the same sight we find that we cannot do it : this makes vs to seeke to the ceremoniall for some sacrifice or ceremonie to answer for our not doing it : there wee see that burning a dead beast is but poore satisfaction for the sinnes of men liuing , and that outward purifyings of mens selues can auaile but little to the cleansing of a soiled soule : this then deliuers vs to the iudiciall law , and by it we see what we deserue , and thus in fine wee are constrained to seeke to christ * iesus , for there is no other name whereby wee must be saued . the parable that our sauiour propounds in the tenth of luke , i thinke tends something to this purpose . a man ( saith he ) went from ierusalem to iericho and fell among theeues , and they robbed him of his raiment , and wounded him , and departed leauing him halfe dead . a certaine priest came that way , and when he saw him , he turned aside . a leuite came that way , and when hee saw him , he passed by on the other side . but a good samaritan came , ( as the text imports ) and pittied him , and salued him , and lodged him , and paid for him . such a one is man fallen among satan , sinne , and death , and by them stopt , stript , and striped . satan dismounts him off his innocency that should sustaine him : sinne strips him of all righteousnesse that should array him : death strikes him with guiltinesse and wounds him . here is a man in a wofull case , and none to aide him . by comes a priest , that is , first come the sacrifices of the legall priesthood , and they may passe by him , by they do not , nor they cannot helpe him . by comes a leuite , that is , the ceremonies of the leuiticall law , and they may passe by him , but they doe not , they cannot helpe him . or by comes a priest , that is , the angells may see him thus , but they let him lie , for they cannot helpe him . by comes a leuite , that is , men and the world may see him thus , but they let him alone for euer , for they cannot succour him . but by comes a good samaritan , that is , our sauiour himselfe , who is called a samaritan , and is said to haue a deuill , and hee pities him , salues him , lodges him , and paies for him . hee pities him in very bowells , therefore hee saies , as i liue i would not the death of a sinner . hee salues him with his owne blood , therefore t is said , by his stripes wee are healed . hee lodges him in his owne church , therefore the church saith , he brought me in the winecellar , and loue was his banner ouer me . and he paies for him what he deserued , therefore he saith , i haue trod the winepresse alone . it is said in the booke of kings that when the shunamites dead child was to bee raised , elisha first sent his staffe to bee laid vpon him , but that did no good : but when elisha came himselfe , and lay vpon him , with his mouth to the childes mouth , his eyes to his eyes , and his hands to his hands , then the child recouered . so when man was dead in trespasses , and sinne as it is , eph. 2. god layes his * staffe or rod of the law vpon him , but what good did this toward his recouery ? euen make him to long the more for elisha or christ , who when he came , and laid his mouth to mans mouth , and kissed humanity in his incarnation , and laid his eyes to his eyes , and his hands to his hands , and suffered for mans actions at his passion , then is man recured . god in the booke of isay when hee is to send a prophet to israel , saies thus : mieshlah : whom shall i send , or who will go for vs ? isa. 6 ▪ 8. vpon which words the iew kimchi paraphrases thus : shalahti eth micah , wehem maccim otho , shalahti eth amos , wehem korin otho * pesilusa , i haue sent micah , and him they smote , i haue sent amos , and him they called a stammerer . whom shall i send or who will goe for vs ? then saies esay , behold i am here , send me . imagine that ( vpon the fall of man ) you saw god about to send the great prophet not to israel alone , but to all the world , nor onely to teach , but also to redeeme . suppose you heard him thus questioning , whom shall i send to restore fallen man ? and who will goe for vs ? should i send angells ? they are creatures , and consequently finite , and so cannot answer mine infinite iustice. should i send man himselfe ? alas , though hee once had power not to haue fallen , yet now hath he no power to raise himselfe againe . should i send beasts to sacrifice themselues for him ? alas can the burning of dead beasts satisfie for the sinnes of all men aliue ? whom shall i send , or who will go for vs ? our sauiour is ready to answer with isay , behold i am here , send mee . here am i that am able to do it ; send me , for i am willing . i am able , for i am god ; i am willing , for i will become a man. i am god , and so can fulfill the law which man hath broke . i will become man , that so i may suffer death which man hath deserued . behold i am here , send mee . then as one of our country martyrs at his death , so may all wee sing all our liues : none but christ , none but christ : none but christ to cure the wounded trauailor , none but christ to raise the dead , shunamite , none but christ to restore decaid mankind , none but christ that would , none but christ that could . no angell , no man , no creature , no sacrifice ; no ceremonie , that would and could do this for vs , which wee could not doe for our selues , and say for vs i haue troad the winepresse alone . when the ceremoniall and iudiciall law haue thus brought vs to christ , wee may shake hands with them and farewell , but for the morall , as it helpes to bring vs thither , so must it helpe to keepe vs there . for christ came not to disanull this law. but to fulfill it . he does not acquit vs from this , but furthers vs to the keeping of it . what else is the gospell , but this in milder tearmes of faith and repentance : which is , since wee cannot keepe this law , yet to striue to keepe it as we can , and to repent vs for that wee haue not kept it , and to relye vpon his merits that hath kept it for vs. thus as loue to god and to our neighbours was the summe of the old , so true faith and vnfained repentance is the totall of the new . this was the tenour of christs first words after his baptisme , marke 1.15 . and of his last words before his ascension , marke 16.16 . cap. lxi . of the ten commandements . the ten commandements may be called the word of the word of god : for though all scripture be his word , yet these in more speciall bee his scripture , to which he made himselfe his owne scribe or pen-man : vpon these commandements hang all the law and the prophets , and these commandements vpon two duties , to loue god and to loue our neighbour . a shorter and yet a fuller comment needes not to be giuen of them , then what our sauiour hath giuen , luke 10.27 . thou shalt loue the lord thy god with all thy heart , and with all thy soule , and with all thy strength , and with all thy mind : and thy neighbour as thy selfe . the foure commandements of the first table he expounds in foure words . the lord thy god , there is the preface , i am the lord , &c. thou shalt loue the lord , &c. with all thy heart . for the first commandement . soule . for the second commandement . strength for the third commandement . mind . for the fourth commandement . if wee need any further exposition vpon this exposition of our sauiours , it is easie to find : as , thou shal● loue the lord thy god with all thine heart . for it he hath created , soule . for it he hath redeemed , strength . for it he hath preserued , mind . for it he hath inlightned . and therefore thou shalt loue him with all thine heart : without onely talking and no more . soule : without dissembling . strength : without reuolting . mind : without erring . this is the first and the great commandement , and the other is like vnto this , thou shalt loue thy neighbour as thy selfe . this adds great light to the second table , for halfe of the commandements of that table want an obiect whereupon to fasten the duty . the first hath one , honour thy father , &c. the last but one , hath one , thou shalt not witnesse falsely against thy neighbor : and so the last hath , thou shalt not couet ought of thy neighbours : but thou shalt not kill , steale , and commit adulterie , these haue no obiect , viz. none named whom , from whom , and with whom wee must not kill , steale , nor adulterate : because wee must make our selues also the obiect here : and reflect the commandements vpon our selues , as thus : thou shalt not kill , first not thy selfe , and secondly , not thy neighbour , and so of the rest . the iewes haue beene too bold in adding too strict an obiect , as you may see in their explaning these three precepts . and some hereticks haue beene too nice in giuing some of them too * large a one . the fifth commandement in the tenne , is with a promise , and the fifth petition in the lords prayer is with a condition . i omit the exquisitenesse of the pricking of this peece of scripture of the commandements extraordinarily : some speciall thing is in it . the iewes do gather sixe hundred and thirteene precepts negatiue and affirmatiue to bee in the whole law , according to the sixe hundred and thirteene letters in the two tables , and so many veines and members in a mans body . the order of these precepts they haue set downe in the margin of the pentateuch with the three-fold . targum printed at hannow , and in sepher hahhinnuch . i had translated some hundreds of them into english , which i thought to haue finished , and presented to the view of the reader , but i finde , that without the iewes comments vpon these their diuisions , they can hardly bee vnderstood : which to bring withall , is a paines of no small time and labour . these my obseruations and collections in my reading , accept gentle reader and the slips passe ouer with a gentle eye , as slips of youth : which more mature yeares may recure , if god prosper and second . to whom i commit my selfe , and commend thee , and to whom be all honour and glory for euermore . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a05462-e120 the syrian to that verse adds a wo●d which may well serue for a comment mebhaichheuo leakrez ▪ i am a debtor , or i ought to preach . notes for div a05462-e560 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. clem. alex. strō . 1. p. 131. notes for div a05462-e820 aug de trin. lib. 1. cap. 1. arnob con . lib. 7. notes for div a05462-e2540 * the pearle tarshish in ex. 28.20 ▪ is rendered in english a beril : in the chalde translations it is kermū iamma , a pearle of the sea : pliny speakes of keramides a pearle neere that name terus : targū thinkes tarsh●sh was ashers stone : but ionathan that it was zebulons : and more likely , for a pearle of the sea is not vnfit for zebulō a dweller by the sea , gē . 4● . 1● . notes for div a05462-e3300 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes for div a05462-e3480 * elias leu. in tisbi . * pi●k. abhoth per. 1. notes for div a05462-e3810 * heb. mitsuah or without my philacteries . * from this conceit it appeares they were called philacteries , that is keepers . notes for div a05462-e4650 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes for div a05462-e4740 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes for div a05462-e4820 * heb. musar . instruction . notes for div a05462-e6010 * frequent in homer . notes for div a05462-e6660 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes for div a05462-e7600 * chal. talia bar imera . * chal. miiadb . out of hand : a phrase most vsuall in iewes authors , and the very same in eng. out of hand . notes for div a05462-e8080 * aben ezra giues 2 reasons of poore force to proue , that niniueh feared god in old time . 1 because otherwise he would not haue sent his prophet to them , and so hee lessens the wonder of gods mercy . 2. because wee reade not that they brake their images , therefore they had not any . how f●r the fa● is beside the ●ushion both for construction and reasō one of small skill may iudge . notes for div a05462-e8550 * as the iewes think . notes for div a05462-e9950 * one in epi●hanius saith , this is easie to find , but he doth little towards it . epiph cont . haeres . tom . 2 l. b. 6. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. clem. alex. strom. 1. so in gē . 10. the septuag . put in 2. cainans : and so spoile the roundnes of that 70 * iulian the heretick bo●h denies the trinity to be meant in this place , and saith god alone was vnable for this work cyril . tom . 3. l 4. * quaest. 60. on gen. * see the targums on gen. 10. * vid. mr brough●ons melchiz . * clem. alex. epiphanius comestor . &c. notes for div a05462-e10930 * the syrian translating of the word phaenicia in the new testament , seemes to confirme this for true . notes for div a05462-e11550 * or philacteries . &c. * or fortitude ( of mind ) or god. notes for div a05462-e12160 isa. 6.2 . 2. chrō . 3. hhutra vsed by all the targums ●o in diuerse places . notes for div a05462-e12570 thucyd. lib. 1. notes for div a05462-e13470 * he had but eleuen sons as yet : but the hebrew comment vpon the chaldee text helps out at this dead lift , and saith , that rabel was great with child of beniamin , and so he is counted before he be borne . notes for div a05462-e13920 * st. chrysostome hath such a touch . notes for div a05462-e14230 * ●●nt . 6. ●● notes for div a05462-e14790 b in the syrian trāslation it is the hid things of god. notes for div a05462-e14890 euen those that haue not hebrew , can tell there is a mystery of the trinity in elohim , bara ▪ but few mark how sweetly this is answered with the same phrase in manner , in the haphtara which is read by the iewes to this portion of moses ▪ viz. esa 42.5 . iehouah bore hashamaiim , venotehē iehouah being singular , and notehem plurall . which might be rendred , deus creās coelos , & deus extendentes eos . a rab. solō . holds they were made the second day . many diuines hold for the 4th . b the 70. interpreters on gen. 2.2 . instead of god had finished on the seuenth day , reade he finished on the sixth day . c chaldee paraph. on num. 22 and jarch . on deut. 34. and pirke abhoth . allegory . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hesiod . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hom. odys 3. notes for div a05462-e15580 cypriano di valer . notes for div a05462-e16080 the chaldee paraphrase of ionathan . does also mistake in the age of mathushel●h , but i thinke it only false printing . notes for div a05462-e16380 ierus : and babilon : targums do both apply these words to the messias . notes for div a05462-e16520 * in sepher berachoth . a heb zacur lattobb remembred for good . heb. mori which in the chaldee and syrian ●ignifieth a lord or master : hence is maran atha , our lord cōmeth , the great excommunication , 1. cor. 16.22 . notes for div a05462-e16690 nilus the wonder of affrick the riuer of egypt flowes euery yeare once ouer his banks : and if it flow not at all , or not to his right height , it causeth famine , for egypt hath no raine frō this riuer , vnder god cōes their plentie or famine : and it is remarkable that the fat and leane kine in pharoah his dreame ( which betokened the plentie or scarsitie of the countrie ) came out of the riuer . of the reason of the flowing of this riuer , pigaffetta especially is large . and i wonder that iordan was not as much wondred at : for it did so also , iosh. 3.15 . cheon . 1. ch . 12. ● . 15. notes for div a05462-e17090 * chald. round . round . * the chald. numbers otherwise but it is misprinting : therfore i take the hebrew . the chaldee misseth the 11. & 12. verses . * the chaldee commeth so short of the right number . notes for div a05462-e19000 * the iewes in their writings vse this phrase frequētly for the law , as in pirk● abboth . notes for div a05462-e19320 * so sayes the geneua bible in marg . but rab. salomon long before saith thus it is the custome of those that make couenāts , to diuide beasts into two parts , and passe between the parts : as ier. 24.18 . and god passes betweene these in this smoking furnace and fire brand , for making couenāts in like kinds homer speaks neere this . * vid. ia●chi on ruth cap. 1. a numa : minos , &c. notes for div a05462-e19520 * seneh signifies a bush , exodus 3. leuit. 1. notes for div a05462-e19650 vide hillar . & hieron . in loc . * it was iesus or iosuah , and not moses or the law that brought israel into the land of canaan . * psal 23. * amos in heb. signifies one that is heauie tongued which kimchi calls peselusa from the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blaesus . notes for div a05462-e20130 * for marcion held it vnlawfull to kil a beast , because the command non occides , hath no set obiect : aug. de ciu. dei , lib. 1. cap. 〈◊〉 the manners of the israelites in three parts. i of the patriarchs. 2. of the israelites after their coming out of egypt until the captivity of babylon. 3 of the jews after their return from the captivity until the preaching of the gospel. shewing their customs secular and religious, their generous contempt of earthly grandeur. and the great benefit and advantage of a plain laborious, frugal, and contented life. moeurs des israélites. english fleury, claude, 1640-1723. 1683 approx. 275 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 125 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39821 wing f1364a estc r218945 99830496 99830496 34948 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39821) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34948) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2107:06) the manners of the israelites in three parts. i of the patriarchs. 2. of the israelites after their coming out of egypt until the captivity of babylon. 3 of the jews after their return from the captivity until the preaching of the gospel. shewing their customs secular and religious, their generous contempt of earthly grandeur. and the great benefit and advantage of a plain laborious, frugal, and contented life. moeurs des israélites. english fleury, claude, 1640-1723. [2], 48, 55-241, [1] p. printed for william freeman over against the devil-tavern near temple bar in fleet-street, london : 1683. text and register continuous despite pagination. first published in paris (1681?) as fleury, claude. les moeurs des israélites; translator not found. copy tightly bound. reproduction of the original at the lambeth palace library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -antiquities -early works to 1800. jews -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the manners of the israelites , in three parts . 1 of the patriarchs . 2. of the israelites after their coming out of egypt until the captivity of babylon . 3 of the jews after their return from the captivity until the preaching of the gospel . shewing their customs secular and religious , their generous contempt of earthly grandeur . and the great benefit and advantage of a plain laborious , frugal , and contented life . i am a stranger with thee , and a sojourner as all my fathers were . psal . 39. 12. london printed for william freeman over against the devil-tavern near temple bar in fleet-street . 1683. the introduction . the people , whom god chose to preserve the true religion until the preaching of the gospel , may serve for an excellent model of a man's life , most conformable to nature . we see in their manners the most rational ways of subsisting , of employing our time , and of living in society ; and we are capable of learning from 'em not only morality but also oeconomy and policy . yet those manners are so different from ours , that they offend us at the first blush . we see among the israelites neither those titles of nobility , nor that multitude of o●●ices , nor that diversity of conditions , which is found among us : there are none amongst them but labourers and husbandmen ; all working with their hands , all married , and counting the multitude of children for a great happiness . the distinction of meats and living creatures clean and unclean , & their frequent purifications seem to us odd and capricious ceremonies , and their bloody sacrifices give us a disgust . moreover , we see , that this people were very inclinable to idolatry ; that the scripture upon that account ofte● reproaches them with their indocili●ty and hardness of heart ; and tha● the fathers treat them as gross and carnal . all this , joyned to a confused prepossession , that what is most ancient is always most imperfect , does easily perswade us ▪ that those men were brutal and ignorant , and that their manner● rather deserv'd contempt tha● admiration , from whence it proceeds i● part , that the holy scriptures , especially those of the old testa●ment , are so little read or wit● so little profit . the good christian , who has not yet rid himself of those prepossessions , is disgusted with is scene of strange manners . he attributes all without distinction to the imperfection of the old law , or believes , that under that veil are concealed mysteries , which he does not understand . those who have not sufficient faith and uprightness of heart are tempted upon these appearances to despise scripture it self , which seems to 'em filled with low things , or from thence to draw such ill consequences , as may in some measure authorise their vices . but when we compare the manners of the israelites with those of the romans , grecians , egyptians and other people of antiquity whom we most esteem , those prejudices immediately vanish . visible it is , that there was in them a noble simplicity better than all the refinements in the world ; that the israelites had all that was good in the manners of the other people of their time ; that they were exempt from most of their defects ; and that they had beyond others the incomparable advantage of knowing , whither was to be referred all the conduct of life : since they were acquainted with the true religion , which is the foundation of morality . we learn then to distinguish amidst what their manners have of offensive , and that which is really blameable ; that which proceeds only from the distance of times and places , being of it self indifferent ; and that which being good in it self displeases us solely through the corruption of our manners . for a great part of the difference between them and us , does not proceed from our being more enlightned by christianity ; but the reason is , we are less rational . 't is not christianity , has introduced that great inequality of conditions , that contempt of labour , that love of sports , that authority of women and young persons , that aversion of a plain and frugal life , which renders us so different from the ancients . those shepherds and plough-men , whom we meet withal in their histories , and amongst whom money was of so little use , and great fortunes so rare , might more easily have been made good christians , than our courtiers , lawyers , trades-men , and many people who spend their lives in an idle , inglorious and uneasy poverty . for the rest , i do not pretend here to make a panegyrick but a very plain relation , such as those of treavellers , who have seen very distant countries . i shall set down for good , what is good ; for evil , what is evil ; for indifferent , what is indifferent . i only demand , that the reader may lay aside all manner of prepossessions , that he may judge of these manners only by right reason and good sense . i desire him to quit the particular ideas of his country , and his age to consider , the israelites in the times and places , wherein they lived , to compare 'em with the adjacent nations , and by those means to understand their ways and maxims . for 't is to be altogether ignorant of history not to see the great difference , which the distance of times and places produce in manners . the french inhabit the same country , that was inhabited by the galls and afterwards by the romans . how far are the french now from either of their ways of living ; and how different from their own country-men , who lived three or four hundred years ago ? and in this very age what coherence is there between our manners and those of the turks , indians or chineses ? so that if we joyn those two kinds of distance● we shall not need to wonder , that the men who lived in palestine had manners different from ours ; we shall rather admire at what we find conformable . we must not however imagine , that those changes are regular , and always go in an equal progress . oftentimes very neighbouring countries are very different through the diversity of religions and governments ; as at present spain and africa , which under the roman empire were much united . on the contrary , a near relation there is between spain and germany , which had none in the time of the romans . 't is the same thing by proportion in the difference of times . those who know not history , having heard say , that the men of former ages were more plain than us , suppose the world to refine dayly more and more , and that the farther we look back into antiquity , the more gross and ignorant we shall find the wretches to have been . yet it is not so in those countries , that have been inhabited successively by divers nations : the revolutions there happening , have from time to time brought misery and ignorance into them after prosperity and politeness . thus italy is in a much better condition than it was eight hundred years ago : but eight hundred years before under the first caesars it was more happy and more magnificent , than it is now . and truly to mount up eight hundred years higher , towards the time of the foundation of rome , we shall find the same italy very poor and savage . nations have their age in proportion as well as men : the most flourishing estate of the grecians was under alexander ; of the romans under augustus , of the israelites under solomon . we must therefore distinguish in each people their beginning , their greatest prosperity and their fall from it . we will thus consider the israelites in all the extent of time wherein they have subsisted from the call of abraham to the last ruine of jerusalem . 't is a space of above two thousand years which i divide into three parts according to the three very different estates of that nation . the first of the patriarchs ; the second of the israelites after their coming out of egypt untill the captivity of babylon ; the third of the jews after their return from the captivity , untill the preaching of the gospel . the manners of the israelites . part i. of the patriarchs . cap. i. their nobility . the patriarchs lived nobly in much liberty and great abundance : and yet their life was plain and laborious . abraham knew all the order of his ancestours , and did not alter his nobility , seeing he marryed in his own family . he took great care to give a wife of the same race to those sons , whom god had promised him : and isaac caused jacob to observe the same law . the long lives of the fathers furnished them the means of wel educating their children , and of rendering 'em betimes solid and serious abraham had lived above an age with sem , and might learn from him the state of the world before the deluge . he all along lived with his father thara , and was at least seventy years old , when he lost him . isaac was seventy five , when abraham dyed , nor did he ever quit him that we know of . and it is the same in proportion with the other patriarchs . living so long a time with their fathers , they took advantage of their experience and their inventions ; they pursued their designs and confirmed themselves in their maxims ; they remained constant and equal in their conduct . for it was not easy to change , what had been well established by men who were still living : and the old men kept up their authority not only over the young people , but also over those old men , who were not so far advanced in age as themselves . the memory of past things might easily be preserved by the tradition only of old men , who naturally love to tell stories , and had so much leisure to do so . thus they had no great need of writing , and the truth is , we see no mention of writing before moses . however it seems difficult , that so many numbers he tells us of should be kept in the memory of man , as the age of all the patriarchs since adam ; the exact dates of the beginning and end of the deluge ; and the measures of the ark. i see not here any necessity of having recourse to miracle and divine inspiration . 't is more probable , that writing was found out before the flood as well as instruments of musick , that were not so necessary . moreover the patriarchs were careful to preserve the memory of the most considerable things which happened to 'em , by altars , setting up of stones and other solid monuments . thus abraham raised altars in divers places , where god had appeared to him . jacob consecrated the stone , which he made use of for a pillow during the mysterious dream of the ladder , and called that heap of stones galeed , which was the sign of his ▪ allyance with laban . of this kind was the sepulcher of rachel , the well called shebah , and all the others , which the history of isaac makes mention of . sometimes they contented themselves with giving new names to places without making any change in them . the greeks and romans say as much of their hero's , of whom the most ancient come near the time of the patriarchs : all greece was full of their monuments , and aeneas alone did give names to sundry places in sicily and italy . the names of the patriarchs were also a kind of more plain and familiar monuments . they all signifyed something , and usually shewed some particular circumstance of their birth , or some blessing of god. thus it was as an abridged history ; for they took care to explain to their children the reason of those names , so as they could not afterwards pronounce them without refreshing their memory . this care of posterity , and this foresight of the future shews great and noble spirits . the patriarchs were perfectly free , and their family was a state , whereof the father was king. for what did abraham want of that which makes up a sovereign , but vain titles and troublesome ceremonies ? to no body he was subject : kings made allyances with him ; and when he pleased , he made war and peace . princes did court the allyance of isaac : and ismael jacob and esau were preserved in the same independency . wherefore words must not impose upon us ; nor must we look upon abraham as inferiour to amraphel or abimelech , because the scripture does not call him king as well as them . he was surely of as great estimation as one of those four kings which he defeated with his domestical troops , and the help of his three allyes . the greatest difference is , he did not confine himself like them within walls , and his state followed him , wherever he was pleased to encamp . all the histories we have that are worthy of credit , shew us in those times but very small kingdoms in the east it self : and in other countries we shall find 'em much smaller a long time afterwards . cap. ii. their estates and occupations . the riches of the patriarchs consisted principally in cattle , whereof abraham must have had a vast stock , when he was obliged to part from his nephew lot , by reason that the land could not contain them together . jacob had likewise a great number , when he returned from mesopotamia ; since the present that he made to his brother esau was of five hundred and ninety head of cattle ; and the scripture shews what sort of cattle they were , which they bred , goats , sheep , camels , kine , and asses . there were neither horses nor hogs . it was that great number of herds and flocks , which made them so much esteem wells and cysterns in a country that has no other river than that of jordan , and where it rains but very seldom . they had slaves too , of whom abraham must needs have had an huge number ; seeing of those who were born in his own house , and whom he himself had exercised , he armed three hundred and eighteen . thus there must have been proportionably bought children old men women and slaves . 't is said , when that he returned from egypt , he was rich in gold and in silver . the bracelets and pendants , which his servant eliezer gave on his behalf to rebecca , were of six ounces of gold : and they had at that time coyned money , as is manifest by the purchase of his sepulcre . we see , they used perfumes and precious rayment by those of esau , which jacob made use of at the reception of his father's blessing . with all these riches , very laborious they were in their husbandry . they lodged always in the field , in tents , changing their abode according to the conveniency of their pasturage : and by consequence were frequently employed in camping and decamping ; for they could make but small days journies with so great and combersome a train . not but that they might have built houses as well as the other inhabitants of the same country , but they preferred that manner of life . which is undoubtedly the most ancient , since it is more easie to set up tents than to build houses : and has ever past for the most perfect , as fixing men least to the earth . it does likewise better shew the state of the patriarchs , who only inhabited that land as travellers in expectation of god's promises , which were not to be fulfilled till after their deaths . the first cities , whereof mention is made , were built by the most profligately wicked cain and nimrod . they were the first , who shut themselves up in walls , and used fortifications to avoid the punishment of their crimes , and to commit new ones with impunity . but the good and honest people lived openly and without any fear . the principal occupation of the patriarchs was the care of their herds and flocks ; which is apparent through all their history , and by the express declaration , the children of israel made thereof to the king of egypt . how innocent soever agriculture may be , the pastoral life is the most perfect ; the first was the share of cain and the other of abel . it has something more plain and more noble : 't is less painful ; tyes men less to the earth , and yet is the most profitable . old cato plac'd the breeding of cattle before tilling of the ground ; which yet he preferred before the other ways of growing rich . the just reproaches , which jacob makes to laban , shew , that the patriarchs took that employment upon 'em , and manag'd it with the greatest and most serious industry ; and that they spared their pains on no occasions . thus was i in the day the draught consumed me , and the frost by night ; and my sleep departed from mine eyes . thus have i been twenty years in thy house , &c. we may judge of the pains the men took by what the women did ▪ rebecca went a great way to fetch water and carryed it upon her shoulders . and rachel her self kept her fathers flock , neither their beauty nor their nobility rendering them the more nice and delicate . the grecians , whose politeness w● with so much reason esteem , di● for a long while retain that ancient simplicity . whereof homer furnishes us with examples on all occasions : and upon this foundation it is , that all pastoral poems are grounded . and verily in syria , greece and sicily there was above fifteen hundred years after the patriarchs people of good quality , who made it their business to breed cattle and who in the greatest leisure of that kind of life , and the fine humour , which those countries inspire , made songs mighty natural and pleasant . cap. iii. their frugality . as for their food and the other necessaries of life , the patriarchs were not at all nice . the pottage , which jacob had prepared and which was so tempting to esau ▪ may make us judge of their ordinary diet : but we have an example of a magnificent repast in that which abraham made to the three angels . he set before them a calf , new cakes , but baked upon the hearth , together with butter and milk . they had , it seems , some kind of ragousts by that which rebecca made to isaac ; but his great age may excuse that delicacy . this same toothsome and savoury meat was composed of two kidds ; and abraham set before the angels a whole calf with a loaf of three measures of meal , which is more than two bushels , and near fifty six pound in weight . from whence we may conclude , they were great eaters ; and indeed they used much exercise , and were perhaps much taller and bigger than we are , as well as longer lived . the greeks were of opinion , that the men of the heroical times were much greater and homer makes 'em great eaters ▪ when eumaeus receives vlysses , he prepares a great hog of five years old for five persons . the heroes of homer serve themselves on the ordinary occasions of life ; and we see the same done by the patriarchs . abraham who had so many menial servants , and who was near an hundred years old , did himself fetch water to wash the feet of his divine guests , goes and hastens his wife to make them bread ▪ ran himself to fetch meat for 'em , and return'd to serve them standing ▪ i grant , he might on such an occasion be animated through his zeal to exercise hospitality : but all the rest of their lives were answerable to this . their servants served to help 'em , not to dispense them from labour . and truely what could oblige jacob going into mesopotamia to take a journey of above an hundred and fifty leagues alone on foot with a staff in his hand , were it not his laudable simplicity and love to labour ? which made him likewise take a lodging on the ground , where the night surprized him , and put a stone under his head to supply the place of a pillow . thus tho he had a tender love for joseph , yet he sent this favorite of his at the age of sixteen all alone from hebron to seek out his brethren in sichem , which was a long days journey ; and the young stripling having not found 'em there , continues his journey a day longer as far as into dothan . i no less admire their moderation in regard of women , when i consider their liberty of having several , and their desire of a numerous posterity . abraham , to whom god had promised , that he should be father of an innumerable progeny , tho he had a barren wife , yet entertained no thoughts of taking another , and was resolutely bent to have left his estate to the principal of his domesticks . only from the hand of his wife it was , that he took a second , and that at the age of fourscore and six years . we must not say , he was still young in proportion to his life , which was of an hundred and seventy five years ; fo● that thirteen years afterwards , he and sarah , who was ten years younger , are named old , and when god promised them a son , she laughed as at an incredible wonder . how old soever abraham was , and how desirous soever he might be to se● the children of isaac , yet he did not marry him , till he was forty years old : and tho rebecca was twenty years barren , and then brought forth two children at a birth , which were all she ever had yet isaac never had any other wife . true , that jacob had at the same time two wives and two concubines but 't is fit we should see how . he remained seventy seven years with his father , waiting for that blessing , which was due to him by the promise of god and by the concession of his brother . at that age began he to entertain thoughts of marrying . he courted rachel , but could not obtain her till after seven years service . thus was he at length marryed at fourscore and four years old . leah is given him against his will : her he kept , that he might not leave her dishonoured : but as there was no law , which prohibited the having of several wives , or the marrying of two sisters , he likewise took her , whom he had promised to marry . as she was found to be barren , she presented her husband with a slave , that he might have children . this was a kind of adoption , practised in those days ; and her sister did the same for the encrease of their family . from all which st. augustin draws this inference : we do not read , that jacob demanded more than one wife , or that he made use of several , but as he kept exactly the laws of c●njugal fidelity : and we must not think , he had any other wife before for why should only the last be mad● mention of ? notwithstanding which , i do no● pretend to justify all the patriarch● in this matter : the history o● judah and of his sons affords bu● too many examples to the contrary . i aimed only at shewing , tha● we ought not to accuse those o● lewdness , and incontinencie , whom the scripture points out as th● friends of god. for ( in short , ) sure i am , that men were very much corrupted about that time ▪ such was then in general the first estate of the people of god. a●● immense liberty without other government than that of a father who exercised an absolute monarchy in his family ; a life very natural and very commodious in a great abundance of necessary , and a grea● contempt of superfluous things and an honest labour attended with care and industry , without disquiet and without ambition . proceed we now to the second estate , which is that of the israelites after their coming out of egypt until the cap-captivity of babylon . it lasted above nine hundred years ; and the greatest part of the holy scriptures do refer thereto . part . ii. of the israelites . cap. i. their nobility . tho the people was already numerous , yet still were they called the children of israel , as being still but one family : and the same was said of the children of edom , the children of moab , and so of others . and indeed all that people was not yet mingled ; every one knew his original , and took a pride to preserve the name of his author . from whence it come● , the name of children was taken a-among the ancients for a nation or a certain kind of people . h●mer very often says , the children o● the greeks and the children of th● trojans . the grecians would say the children of physicians and grammarians . among the hebrews th● children of the east were the eastern people , the children of beli●● were the wicked : and in the gospel we frequently find the childre● of the bridegroom , meaning thos● who are invited to the nuptials ▪ and the children of darkness and 〈◊〉 light. the children of israel were divided into twelve tribes . in like manner were there twelve tribes of th● ismaelites , and of the persians . for tribes at first comprehended all th● inhabitants of athens : who we●● afterwards divided into ten , 〈◊〉 whom were given the names of 〈◊〉 ten heroes , who were for that re●●son styled the eponymi , and who● statues were erected in the publi●● market place . the people 〈◊〉 rome was likewise distributed at 〈◊〉 into three or four tribes : 〈◊〉 these were in process of ti mea●● augmented to the number of thirty five , whose names we are now acquainted withal . but those tribes of athens and rome were composed of families gathered together to keep good order in assemblies and in suffrages ; whereas those of the israelites were distinguished naturally , and were but twelve families descended from twelve brethren , that is to say relatives , according to the language of the eastern people , and truly noble , if ever any men upon earth were noble . they had preserved in it's purity the nobless of the patriarchs ; the law having renewed the prohibition of marrying strangers : and if in some encounter this was not observ'd , they took care to mark out those marriages as irregular , which we may see in the genealogy of jesus christ . their families were very setled and bound by the law to certain lands , where they of necessity remain'd during the nine hundred years , we speak of . now we should ( methinks ) esteem a family very noble , that could shew so long a train of generations with-without mis-allyance , and without change of abode . few great men there are in europe , who can prove so much . that which deceives us , is , we do not see among the israelites titles like to those of our nobility . each man was called plainly by his own name : but their names signified great things as well as those of the patriarchs . they often added the name of the father either to make distinction or for honor's sake , to shew that the father was a man of reputation . we see in homer the grecians took it likewise for a mark of honor . sometimes they gave for surname the name of the mother , as when the father had sundry wives , or when the mother was more illustrious . thus joab and his brethren are ever called the children of zerviah , who was david's sister . they also distinguished ' emselves sometimes by the top of their particular branch , by their city , or their country , or by their nation , if they were originall● strangers ; as vriah the hittite , and ornan the jebusite . neither had the greeks any other surnames than those they drew from their father or their country . the romans had family-names , to which they only added the marks of some great office or of some illustrious victory : but in the publique acts they evermore put their fathers name . several nations of europe still do the same : and a great part of our surnames come from the proper names of fathers , which have continued to the children . as for titles of lordships , they are but of about seven hundred years antiquity as well as the lordships themselves . we must not then wonder to see in the scripture david the son of jess , and solomon the son of david , no more than to see alexander the son of philip , and ptolomy the son of lagus in greek or latin authors . the principal distinction , which birth made among the israelites was that of the priests and levites . all the tribe of levi was consecrated to god , and had no other share than the tenths and the first fruits , which it received from the other tribes . amongst all the levites none but the descendants of aaron were priests or sacrificers ; the rest , who were only levites , were employed in the other functions of religion , in the singing of psalms , in looking to the tabernacle or the temple and in instructing of the people . the most illustrious was always that of judah ; and it was the most numerous of all too : and from thence kings and the messiah himself was to come , according to the prophecy of jacob . that of ephraim held the second rank by reason of joseph . moreover , in each tribe the eldest branches and the heads of each family were considered ; and all this made saul say , being surprized at the honours he received from samuel ; am not i a benjamite , of the smallest of the tribes of israel ? and my family the least of all the family of the tribe of benjamin ? age did likewise make a great distinction , and the name of old men in scripture ordinarily signifies dignity . and indeed nothing but age and experiences could distinguish men , who were equally noble and almost equally rich , of the same profession , and brought up after the same manner . cap. ii. their occupations . agriculture : for among the israelites there were no distinct professions . from the head of the tribe of judah to the youngest of that of benjamin , they all were husbandmen and shepherds , going themselves to plow , and looking after their own flocks . the old man of gibeah , who lodged the levite , whose wife was violated , was returning in the evening from his labour out of the field , when he invited him to come to his house . gideon was himself thrashing his corn when an angel told him , that he should deliver the people . ruth found favour in the sight of boaz by gleaning after his reapers . when saul received news of the danger , the city of jabish gilead was in , he was coming after the herd out of the field notwithstanding his being a king. 't is well known , david was keeping sheep , when samuel sent to seek him out for the anointing of him king : and he returned to his flock after his having been call'd to play upon his harp before saul . after he was king , his sons made a great feast , when they sheared their sheep . elisha was called to prophecy , as he was driving one of his fathers twelve ploughs . the scripture being crowded with such examples . without doubt 't is this which most of all palls those , who are not acquainted with antiquity , and only esteem our manners . when we talk to 'em of ploughmen and shepherds , they figure to themselves , such peasants and country fellows as ours , leading a gloomy and painful life in poverty and contempt , without valour , wit or education . they do not consider , that what renders our peasants so miserable is their being as the servants of all other men ; not only labouring for their own subsistance , but for the furnishing of things necessary to all those , whom are look'd upon to be above them in the world. for the country-man it is , who nourisheth the citizen , the officer of justice , the gentleman & the ecclesiastick ; and what means soever are made use of to convert money into commodities or commodities into money , they must all still have relation to the fruits of the earth , and the living creatures which it nourishes . yet when we compare together all those different degrees of conditions , we place in the lowest form those who till the ground and look to cattle , and have more esteem for gross and useless citizens , without vigor of body , without industry , without any merit ; because having more money , they lead a more easy and more pleasurable life . but if we fancy a country , where the difference of conditions was not so great ; and where doing nothing was not to live nobly , but to preserve carefully ones liberty , that is , to be subject only to the laws and the publick power , standing on ones own bottom without dependance on any body , and contenting ones self with a little rather than doing any low paltry base thing to grow rich ; a country , where they despised idleness , effeminacy , and the ignorance of things necessary for life , and where they had a less value for pleasure than for health and strength of body : in such a country it would be much more decent and gentile to plough or keep a flock ( let the words sound never so odly ) than to play and sport away a mans whole life . now we need not have recourse to the common wealth of plato to find men of this quality and condition ; since thus it was , that the greatest part of the world lived , during near four thousand years . to begin with what we are best acquainted , such were the maxims of the greeks and romans . in homer we see every where , kings and princes living upon the fruits of their lands and their flocks , and labouring with their own hands . hesiod has made a poem on purpose to recommend the country-life and toil , as the only honest means of subsisting and growing rich . and he blames his brother , to whom he addresses it , for living at the expence of others by pleading causes and soliciting affairs . that employment he brands with the name of laziness , which among us is the calling of so many people . and we may see by the oeconomicks of xenophon , that the grecians had diminished nothing of that esteem for agriculture , even in the time of their greatest politeness . we ought not therefore to attribute the assiduities of the ancient romans in the improvement of their lands , to their barbarity and grosness in learning : 't is rather a sign of their good sense . as all men are born with arms and bodies proper for labor , they believed that all were obliged to make use of them , and that they could not employ 'em better , than in drawing from the earth a certain subsistance , and so growing innocently rich . nevertheless it was not avarice which engaged them in that way of living , seeing they ( as 't is well known ) despised gold , and the presents of forreigners . neither did this hinder them from being a brave and a warlike people ; in regard it was at the same time , that they subdued all italy , and acquired those immense forces , which they employed afterward in the conquest of the world. on the contrary , a painful and frugal country-life was the principal cause of their great strength , making their bodies robust , & hard'ned to labour , and accustoming them to svere discipline . whoso knows the life of cato the censor cannot suspect him guilty of baseness of heart or of lowness of spirit . yet that great man , who had passed through all the offices of the republick , when it was in it's greatest force , who had govern'd provinces and commanded armies ; a great oratour ; a great lawyer , and great politician ; this great man did not disdain to write a treatise concerning all the ways , that are necessary for the emproving of lands and vineyards , and how stables and houses were to be built for the several sorts of cattle , and how a press was to be made for wine or oyl ; and all these to the most minute circumstances : insomuch as we may see , that he was perfectly acquainted with them , and that he wrote for use and not for ostentation . let us then confess seriously , that the contempt we have for the country toyl and labour , is not founded upon any solid reason ; seeing that labour perfectly well suits with courage , with all the virtues of war and peace , and likewise with true policy . but from whence comes this contempt ? 't is requisite to discover it's true source . it only proceeds from the customes and ancient manners of ( our ) nation . the franks and other german people lived in countries covered with woods ; where they had neither corn nor wine nor good fruits . thus they were forc'd to live on hunting , as the salvages of the northern parts of america do at this day . but having passed the rhine and setled themselves in better territories , they were willing to take advantage of the conveniencies of agriculture arts and commerce ; but they were loath to take the pains necessary thereunto . they left those occupations to the romans , whom they for their own parts had subdued , and remained in their primitive ignorance , which at length they took a pride in , and fixed to it an idea of nobility , which ( we ) can hardly rid our selves of . but as much as they debased agriculture , so much they extoll'd hunting , which the ancients had a much less value for . they have made a great art of it , and improv'd it with all manner of artifice ; they have neither spared pains nor cost in it , and have made it one of the most general professions of their nobility yet , to consider things in themselves , the labour , which tends to the cultivating of lands and to the breeding of domestique animals , is assuredly as much to be valued , as that which only makes to the taking of wild beasts , of ten times at the expence of cultivated lands . the moderate exercise of a man , who looks to a great farm , is without question as beneficial as the violent and uneven exercise of the hunter , and oxen and sheep are creatures at least as useful to life as dogs and horses . so that we may doubt , if our manners be more rational in this point than those of the ancients . besides not only the greeks and romans honoured agriculture as well as the hebrews ; the carthaginians too ( phenicians originally ) made a mighty study of it , as appears by the eight and twenty books , which magon wrote upon that argument . the egyptians honour'd it to that degree , as to adore those living creatures , which were made use of in the management of this affair . in the greatest power of the persians , they had in each province superintendants to look to the tillage of lands ; and cyrus the younger took delight to planting and cultivating a garden with his own hands . as for the chaldeans we cannot doubt , but they were great husband-men , if we consider the fertility of the plains of babylon , which brought forth two or three hundred grains for one . in short , the history of china tells us , that agriculture was there likewise very much in vogue in their best and most ancient times . it was only the conquests of the northern people , which have caused the country labourer to be slighted through the whole world. let us then lay aside those low and scurvy ideas , which we have taken up from our infancy . instead of our villages , where we see on one side halls and houses of pleasure , and on the other miserable cottages , let us figure to our selves those great farms , which the romans called villas , that comprehended the masters house , the outward court , the barns , the stables , and the lodgings for slaves ; all these in symmetry well built , well lookt after , and very neat . descriptions hereof may be seen in varro and columella . those slaves were for the most part much more happy than ( our ) peasants ; well fed , well cloath'd , without any care of their wives and children . the masters , notwithstanding they were farmers , lived more at their ease than our gentlemen . in xenophon you see a citizen of athens early in the morning a walking in his lands and visiting his workmen , labouring the same time for his health by the exercise of his body , and for the encrease of his estate by his industry in it's improvement : insomuch as he was rich enough to contribute to his religion , to the service of the state , and to his friends . cicero speaks of several husbandmen in sicily so rich and so magnificent , that their houses were adorned with statues of great price , and they made use of vessels of silver and gold curiously wrought . finally , we must acknowledge , that as long as the most rich of each country have not disdained this profession , which of all is the most ancient , their lives were much more happy , because they were more natural . they lived much longer and in better health ; they had bodies more adapted to the fatigues of war and of voyages ; and their wits were more solid and more serious . being less idle , the time was less irksome to 'em ; and they did not make it so much their cue to tast of pleasures ; labour rendring them sensible of the least divertisement . they thought less of what is evil , and had less interest to do it : for their plain and frugal life gave no occasion for great expences or great debts . and consequently there were not so many law suits nor destructions of families ; not so many frauds and violences ; nor so much of every crime , that imaginary or real beggary causes those to commit , who neither can nor will work. the worst is , the examples of the rich and noble hurries away all others , and is the occasion , that all those , who fancy ' emselves situated above the dregs of the people , are asham'd to work , especially in lands . this is the cause of so many efforts to subsist by industry ; this is what makes us daily invent new artifices for the passage of money from one purse to another . how innocent all these same forced ways of living are , god knows : for the most part they are at least very brittle and uncertain ; whereas the earth will ever nourish those , who cultivate it , if others deprive them not , of what it bestows . the israelites only sought their subsistance in the most natural goods , lands and cattle , from whence all must necessarily be drawn that makes men rich by the manufactures of merchandise , the rents or commerce of money . cap. iii. the quality of the holy land , and it's fruitfulness . their land was that land promised to the patriarchs , whereof the scripture so often say's , that it flowed with milk and hony , to denote it's great fertility . this country , which is so hot in comparison of ours , is very far in the temperate zone between the 31 and the 33 degree of latitude . it is bounded on the south by great mountains , which put a stop to the burning air of the desarts of arabia , and they continue very far to the east as well as those desarts . the mediterranean sea , which bounds it on the west , sends thither refreshing breezes : and mount libanus seems to have been plac'd more towards the north to make the colder blasts keep their due distance . the midland sea it is , what the scripture usually calls the great sea ; for the hebrews were little acquainted with the ocean , and so they gave the name of sea to lakes and to any large conflux of waters . the inner part of the country is diversifyed with mountains and hills , advantageous for vines , fruit-trees and small cattle : and the frequent valleys gave way to a number of torrents very necessary to water the country , which had no other river besides jordan . the rains there fall very seldom , but are very regular ; coming in the spring and autumn ; which the scripture calls the rain of the morning and the evening , considering the year as a day . in summer the abundant dews supply the rarity of the showers . there are plains proper for husbandry and pasture ; and that variety of the earth in a little space does form landskips very agreeable to the view , especially when a country is well inhabited and well cultivated . for we must not judge of the holy land by the state we see it in at this day . since the time o● the croisadoes , it was ravaged by continual wars , untill it fell under the dominion of the turks . thus it is almost desert : nothing to be seen but baleful villages ▪ ruines , unmanur'd and abandon'd lands . the turks neglect it , a● they neglect all their provinces and several families of arabia bedovins may encamp and pillag● there with impunity . wherefor● to know , what it was formerly 't is necessary , to consult ancient authors , as strabo , pliny , josephus , and above all the holy scripture . see but the relation th● spyes of moses gave thereof and the prodigious cluster of grapes which they brought . which tha● you may not wonder at ; compa●● the grapes of france with those o● italy , which is a cold country i● proportion to palestine . 't is th● same thing with most of our european fruits . the greatest part o● their names still shew that they cam● to us from asia and africa ; but wit● their names they have not conserved their bigness and natural savour ▪ the israelites gathered a great quantity of wheat and barly ; and the pure bread-corn is counted for the chief merchandise , which they carried to tyre . oyl they had and honey in abundance . the mountains of juda and of ephraim were places of great vineyards : round about jericho there were palme-trees of vast revenue , through their suddain springing up , after they were lopp'd or fell'd : and it was the only part of the world where true balm was to be found . this fruitfulness of the country and the care which they took to cultivate it , may make us conceive , how that being so little it could nourish so great a number of men : for it will at first require faith to believe all that the scripture says in this case . when the people entred first into that country , there were above six hundred thousand men bearing arms , from twenty years old to sixty . in the war of gibeah the only tribe of benjamin , the least of all , had an army of twenty six thousand men : and that of the rest of the people mounted to four hundred thousand . saul had two hundred and ten thousand men against the amalekites , when he extirpated them . david kept continually on foot twelve bodies of twenty four thousand apiece , who served by months , which was in all two hundred and fourscore thousand men . and in the numbring of the people , which brought the anger of god upon him , there were found thirteen hundred thousand able men . jehoshaphat went much farther in proportion ; for albeit he had but little more than the third part of david's kingdome , he had several bodies of very good troops , which altogether made up eleven hundred and sixty thousand men effectively , all under his hand , without reckoning the garrisons of his holds . in all this there is nothing incredible : we see the like examples in profane histories . the great thebes of egypt furnished seven hundred thousand brave soldiers of it 's own inhabitants alone . at rome in the first year of servins tullus , being the hundred and eighty eight of it's foundation , there were counted fourscore thousand citizens capable of bearing arms. yet they could only subsist by the lands in the vicinage of rome , and whereof the most part is now barren and uninhabited : for their domination extended no farther than eight or ten leagues . herein the ancients lay'd the principal foundation of their policy . they relyed much less upon cunning than upon downright force . instead of applying themselves to maintain correspondence among their neighbours , instead of fomenting divisions amongst them , and procuring to ' emselves a reputation by false reports , they endeavoured to people and manure their country , and to improve it as much as they could , whether it was little or great . they studyed to render marriages happy , and life easy , to procure health and abundance , and to draw from their land all that it could produce . they exercised their citizens by labour , inspired them with a love of their country , of union between themselves and submission to the laws . this is what they called policy . these maxims , perchance some one will say , are very pretty : but let us come to particulars , and shew how 't is possible , so small a country as palestin should nourish so great a number of men . which to make appear , we must have the patience to calculate and undertake the work by retail : tho it may seem a low thing and be offensive to nice readers . an acre of good land brings●forth † un muid de bled , mesure d● paris ; which would easily nourish four men : for a man consume but * un minot a month , giving him two pound and six ounces o● bread every day . this is the but three † septiers a year . but a● our israelites were great eaters , will allow them double the nourishment , that is to say , four poun● twelve ounces of bread a day ▪ thus an acre will be sufficient 〈◊〉 feed two men , and by this account● we shall have land still remaining ▪ for a league square makes fi● thousand six hundred and twenty five acres , by reckoning 3000 geometrical paces in a league , five foot in a pace , twenty feet in a rod , and a hundred roods in an acre . the kingdome of judea was at least thirty leagues in length , above twenty in breadth , counting the length from east to west , which was six hundred leagues , and by consequence three millions three hundred and sixty five thousand acres , which according to my calculation might nourish twice as many men ; that is , six millions seven hundred and fifty thousand . but half of the lands i deduct for those , that may prove barren , for the rocks , sands , and little deserts here and there intermingled , for yineyards and pastures , and for the repose , which the land requires at least every seventh year . there remains enough to nourish a number of men equal to the sum total of the acres , that is to say , three millions three hundred threescore & five thousand . so it was easy to appoint twelve hundred thousand sword-men in a country country , where all people bore arms ; and still to have corn to sell to strangers towards the purchase of cattle : for we may doubt , if the nourishment , that country produced , did sufficiently furnish 'em with wool and eatables of flesh . yet otherwise the tributary strangers brought them many cattle . jehoshaphat beside the tribute of moneys , which he exacted from the philistins , received from the arabians seven thousand five hundred rams and as many goats ; and there are other examples of the like tributes . add to this , that the israelites lived plainly , and that all the good land they had , was carefully cultivated ; since there were few woods , they had neither parks for hunting , nor avenues nor bowling-greens and grass-plats . we see by the canticles of solomon , their gardens were full of fruit-trees and aromatick plants . and they must needs be in less pain to provide lodging than nourishment , for as much as not only half an acre of land but a quarter , is more than sufficient to lodge at large not only a man , but a whole family . cap. vii . the estates of the israelites . thus each israelite had his field to cultivate , being the same that had been allotted to his ancestors in the time of josuah . they could neither change place , nor ruine themselves , nor grow too rich . the law of the jubile had provided against such like encounters , revoking every fifty years all such alienations , and annulling all obligations . by these means disquiet and ambition were retrenched : every individual person applyed himself with affection to the improvement of his inheritance , knowing , it would never go out of his family . this application was likewise a religious duty , founded upon the law of god : and from hence came the generous resistance of naboth , when king ahab would have perswaded him to have sold the inheritance of his fathers . moreover the law says , that they were but the vsufructuaries of their lands , god being the true proprietor . for this reason , they were charged with no other payment than the tenths and first fruits . thus all the israelites were almost equal in their estates as well as in nobility : and if the multiplying of a family obliged 'em to share the lands into more portions , the cattle might supply the want of lands . thus cattle and other moveables were that which mainly occasioned the inequality of estates . that was all the substance of the levites , seeing they had no lands , and had preserved the pastoral life so much esteemed of by the patriarchs . they bred the same kinds of animals and ever more females than males : other wise it would have redounded to their damage , the law prohibiting to cut them . they had no horses , neither are they of great use in mountainous places : their kings were supplyed from egypt , when they had occasion for ' em . asses were most commonly used , as they are still through all the levant : but they are there much finer and stronger than in our cold countries . to give a great idea of jair , one of the judges , who ruled the people , the scripture says , that he had thirty sons mounted on thirty asses , and they were heads of thirty cities . 't is said of abdon , another of the judges , that he had forty sons and thirty grand-sons , mounted upon sixty and ten asses . it does not appear that they had any great number of slaves : nor indeed had they any great occasion for them , being themselves so laborious and so numerous in so small a country . they chose rather to set their children to work , whom they were obliged to maintain , and they were the better served by them . the romans at length found themselves highly incommoded by that infinite multitude of slaves of all nations , whom luxury and effeminacy had brought amongst them : and it was one of the pirncipal causes of that empires ruine . ready money could not be very common among the israelites ▪ it was of no great use in a country , where immoveable goods could not be alienated , nor debts contracted but only for a time , commonly very short , and never longer than fifty years , and where there was little traffick . usury was forbidden amongst the israelites , but permitted with strangers . but according to the law 't was not easy to have commerce with those without , and there tarryed none in the country but who were proselytes , that is to say , circumcised and incorporated with the people of god. thus their estates ( as i have said ) consisted chie●ly in lands and in cattle . cap. viii . of the arts and trades of the israelites . i know no people , who addicted themselves more entirely to agriculture than the israelites . the egyptians and syrians joyned manufacture thereunto , as also navigation and commerce ; especially the phenicians , who finding themselves too closely coopt up on the coasts , since that the israelites had drove them from the inlands , were forc'd to live by their industry , and to be as the carryers and factors of all other nations . the greeks imitated them , and particularly excelled in arts and sciences . on the contrary , the romans had these in no great value , but addicted themselves very much to commerce . as for the israelites their land was sufficient to nourish them , and the sea-coasts were for the most part possessed by the philistins and canaanites , who are the phenicians . there was only the tribe of zebulon , whose share being upon the sea , invited 'em to traffick , which methinks is shown in the blessings of jacob and moses . neither do i see , that they applyed themselves to manufacture . not but that those arts were invented , the greatest part of 'em , being more ancient than the deluge ; and it appearing also , that the israelites did not want excellent work men even in the time of moses . besaleel and oholiab , who made the tabernacle and all that was necessary for the service of god , are an illustrious example hereof : 't is astonishing , how many very different and most difficult arts they understood . they knew how to cast and work up mettals ; they knew , how to cut and engrave precious stones : they were joyners , embroyderers , tapestry-makers and perfumers . among those arts , two there are , which i principally admire ; the cutting of stones , and the casting of figures , such as were the checherubins of the ark and the golden calf , which was made much about the same time . those , who have but the least knowledge in arts , know how much artifice and how many machines are required for works of that nature . if from that time they were found out , they had already very much refined them , and such arts too , as only serve for ornament , and if they had some secret to do things more easily and with less clutter , it was undoubtedly a great perfection . let this be said by the by , for to show , that antiquity at so monstrous a distance , was not gross and ignorant , as some fondly imagine : and truly the world was now above two thousand five hundred years old in the time of moses . but whether those two famous workmen had been instructed by the egyptians , or their knowledge was miraculous and inspired by god , as the scripture seems to intimate ; it does not appear , that they had successours , nor that , even in the time of their kiugs , there were a midst the israelites any artificers by profession , who wrought for the publick . when solomon undertook the building of the temple , he demanded workmen of the king of tyre . you know , said he to him , that i have no body amongst my people , who knows how to work in wood like the sydonians : and he sent for an excellent founder of mettals , hiram by name , to make the sacred vessals . in the beginning of sauls reign 't is shown , that there was not any workman , who knew how to forge iron through all the land of israel ; and that they were forced to go down to the philistins to refit their instruments of husbandry . the truth is , this was an effect of the philistins oppression to hinder them from making of arms . but several years after , david was constrained in his flight to take goliah's sword , which must have been somewhat heavy for him , and that out of the tabernacle of the lord , where it was hung up as an eternal monument of his victory . this makes me believe , there were no arms to be bought . it is also probable , that they sold no bread , since on the same occasion , the priest abimelech was reduced to give david of the hallowed bread : which also shews , they kept little bread in their houses , peradventure by reason of the violent heat of the country . in like manner the witch , whom saul addressed himself to , made bread on purpose to give him to eat , that she might recover him from his weakness . at rome there were no bakers till the year five hundred and eighty of it's foundation . entring into the particulars of trades , we should know , that most were of no use at all to them . their plain way of living , and the sweetness of their climate exempted them from that great train of conveniences , which , we believe , we cannot well be without , and wherewith our womanish vanities rather than any real hardstraits do trouble and perplex us . and as to things in their own nature necessary , there were very few , but which they knew how to make ' emselves . whatsoever served for nourishment , was prepared in their houses . the women made and prepared bread to eat ; they spun , they made stuffs and cloaths : the men did the rest . homer describes the good man eumeus amaking his own shooes , and says , he had built for his herds very gallant and magnificent stables . vlysses himself built his own house , and made that bed with great art , the structure whereof served to make him known to his lady . when he departed from calypso's house , it was he alone that built and rigged out his own ship . by which we may see the wit & humou of those ancient times . 't was an honour for every one to know , how to do every thing himself , that was useful to life , and not to depend on another : and this is , what homer , mostly calls knowledge and wisdom . now the authority of homer seems to me very great in all this . he lived in the time of the prophet elias towards the coast of asia minor : and what ever he sets down of the principles and manners of the greeks and trojans has a marvellous coherence , with what the scripture tells us of the hebrews and other oriental nations : were it not , that the grecians being of a later date , were likewise less polite . after solomon and the division of the kingdoms , when luxury was patroniz'd and encreased , very credible it is , that there were then more artificers . and indeed mention is sometimes made of them in those latter times . i see in the genealogy of the tribe of judah a place called the valley of craftsmen : because saies the scripture , serviah begat joab , the father of the valley of carasim , for they were craf●s-men . i see there a family of workmen of fine linnen , and another of potters , who wrought for the king , and dwelt in his garden . all this shows the honour that was paid to arts , and the care which was taken to preserve the memory of such persons , who applyed themselves that way . the prophet isaiah in his menaces against jerusalem foretells that god would take away her artificers : and when that city was taken , 't is said several times , that the enemy carryed away all the craftsmen . but for a proof , that they had never any great manufactures , is that of the prophet ezechiel , who describing the affluence of the merchandises , which came to tyre , makes nothing to be brought thither from the land of judah and israel , than pure wheat , oyl , grapes , and balm , all merchandises , which the earth it self produces . such were the occupations of the israelites and their manner of subsistance . let us now go on to something more particular , and describe as far as possible their habits , their lodgings , their moveables , their food , and all their way of living . they rose betimes in the morning ▪ as the scripture shows in an infinite number of places , that is to say , as often as mention is made of any important action . from whence it proceeds , that in it's style . to rise betimes , signifies to do a thing with care and with affection : and thus it says frequently , that god rose betimes to send prophets to his people , to exhort them unto repentance . this is a consequence of a country life : and the greeks and romans followed the same custome . they rose early , and laboured till the evening : about five aclock they bathed , went afterwards to supper , and then betimes to bed . cap. ix . their apparel . as to the habits of the israelites we cannot know exactly the form of them . they made no figures , and we cannot be well instructed of such things but only by the eyes . but we may guess at them by the images we have left us of the greeks and other ancients . as for the modern pictures , most of them serve only to give us false iideas i do not only speak of those gothick pictures , wherein all persons of what time and country soever are cloathed like those , whom the painter was used to see , that is , french and almains two or three hundred years ago : i speak of the works of the greatest painters , except rafael , poussin , with some few others , who have studyed antiquity and the manners of all ages . the rest of the painters understood no other artifice than just to paint the levantines , such , as they saw them at venice , and other ports of italy , and the histories of the jews in the new testament in the garb of their own country . however as most part of the figures of the holy history are copyed from these kinds of originals , they have filled us with impressions from our infancy , and we are accustomed to represent the patriarchs to our selves with turbants and beards down to their girdle , and the pharisees in the gospel with bonnets and pouches . in all this there 's no great harm to be mistaken : but 't is much better not to be deceived . the ancients usually wore long habits , as most people in the world do still at this day , & as they in france did but two hundred years ago . it is much easier and sooner done to cover our selves at one bout , than to cloath each part of the body , one after another : and those long vestments have more dignity in 'em and more real beauty . in hot countries they have ever worn their habits large , and have been in little pain to cover their arms or legs , or to wear any other sort of shooes than buskins tyed after different ways . thus their cloaths hardly had any fashion ; being only pieces of stuff , that were made according to the largeness and figure , which the habit was to have , where there was nothing to cut , and little to sow . they did not alter their modes , as at this day they do not change them throughout all the levant . besides , women and young people , who usually invent modes , had there very little authority . from thence it comes , that they kept such great magazeens of cloaths , and that it was so common to make presents of them . in the wardrobe of lucullus there were found five thousand chlamydes , which were a kind of warlike cloaks . and hereby we may judge of the rest . they usually gave two changes of rayment , that they might have wherewith to vary , and might wear one , while the other was washing , being in this like our shifts . their stuffs were for the most part made of wool . in egypt and syria they wore linnen and cotton : but silk was still unknown in the time of the israelites : the use of which did not become common on this side the indies , until above five hundred years after jesus christ . the beauty of cloaths consisted in the colour or fineness of the stuffs . the white , the purple-red , and the violet were most esteemed ; and it seems , that white was the most ordinary colour among the israelites as well as the romans ; since solomon saies , let thy garments be always white , that is , be always neat . and in-indeed nothing is more plain and simple , than to make u●e of wool or linnen , such as nature produces without dying . the young-men and maids wore striped garments of divers colours . such was the robe of joseph , which his brethren stript him of , when they resolved to sell him ; and such were the robes of the kings daughters in the time of david . the ornaments of cloaths were fringes and borders of purple or embroidery , with some clasps of gold or jewels in places where they were necessary . their magnificence consisted in often changing , and in wearing none , but what were very neat and whole . besides we shall not doubt , but the israelites were cloathed very plainly , if we consider , how plain the garments were of the greeks and romans even in the time of their greatest luxury . we may see the antique statues , the trajan column , and other bas-reliefs . the habits , which the scripture usually mentions , are the tunick and the cloak . in these two the grecian and roman habit did only consist . the tunick was large ; but when they were to walk or be in action , they made use of a girdle . hence comes that phrase so frequent in scripture , arise , gird up thy loins , and do this . the hebrews had their heads cover'd with a kind of a round and wreathed ornament as well as the persians and chaldeans ; for it was a token of mourning to go bare-headed : and they wore their hair ; since to shave the head was another mark of mourning . as for the beard 't is very certain , they wore it long , by the example of the ambassadors , whom david sent to the king of the ammonites , and whom that ill-advised king caus'd to be shaved by way of affront : insomuch as they were compell'd to remain some time at jericho to let their beards grow , before they durst show their faces . he also caused their garments to be half cut off after a manner , which makes it appear , they wore 'em long . they bathed often , as people still do in hot countries , and washed their feet oft'ner than they bathed : for that wearing only sandals , they could not walk without gathering up dust . and upon this account the scripture frequently speaks of their washing of their feet , when they came into a house , or went to eat or to sleep ▪ now as water dries the skin and hair , they anointed themselves either with plain oyl or aromatick unguents , which we may call essences or pomatums , and which they still make great use of in the indies . we see in several places of the scripture , how the women dress'd and deckt themselves . god reproaching jerusalem with it's infidelities under the figure of a husband , who has drawn his wife from the utmost misery to heap favours upon her , saies by the prophet ezechiel , that he had given her very fine stuffs and those of divers colours , a girdle of fine linnen , purple shoes , bracelets , necklaces , pendants , and a crown or rather a miter , such as the syrian women wore a long time after ; and that he had adorned her with gold , silver , and fine linnen . when judith deckt her self to go find out holofernes , 't is said , she washed and anointed her self ; she put her hair in order , and a crown upon her head ; she took her habit of joy , put on sandals , and loaded her self with bracelets , pendants , and rings . in short , a more particular account we cannot desire of these ornaments of women than that which we read in isaiah , when he reproaches the daughters of sion with their luxury and vanity . and indeed corruption was then mounted to it 's highest point . chap. x. of their moveables and their houses . there is less need of moveables in hot countries than in ours , and the simplicity of the israelites in all the rest gives us occasion to believe , that they had but very few . the law speaks much of wooden and earthern vessels : and the latter was very common with the greeks and romans , before that luxury had obtained among them . mention is made thereof , when the refreshments are specifyed , that were brought to david during the war of absolom . we see the mova●bles , that were look't upon as most necessary , in those words of the sunamite who lodged the prophet elisha : let us make i pray thee , said she to her husband , a little chamber on the wall , and let us set for him there a bed , and a table , and a stool , and a candlestick . their beds were only couches without hangings or curtains , except slight pavilions , which the greeks call'd canopies , because they served to keep off flies and gnats . the most magnificent had beds of ivory , as the prophet amos reproaches the rich of his time ; and the most nice made their beds of down , garnished 'em with precious stuffs , and sprinkled them with sweet-scented waters . they also set their beds against thew all 's . it is said , that king ezechias having heard the menaces of his approching death turned towards the wall to weep ▪ and the same is said of ahab in regret , that naboth had refused him his vine-yard . the candlestick , which we find in the inventory of elisha's movables , was apparently one of those great candlesticks , that were placed on the ground to hold one or more lamps . till then and a long time afterwards , that is to say , in the time of the romans , nothing was burnt but oyl to give light . and for this reason we meet so frequently in scripture with the expression of lamp , for all , that enlightens the body or mind , that conducts , and that makes men to rejoyce . there 's no likelihood , they had tapistries in their houses : none such are used in any of the hot countries , in regard naked walls are much cooler . they only made use of foot-carpets to sit or lye down on ; and the use of them is shewn in ezechiel amidst the merchandizes , which the arabians brought to tyre . mention is likewise made of carpets among the refreshments , that were carried to david : which gives us reason to believe , the 〈◊〉 made use of them in the 〈◊〉 for in their houses they had seats . their houses were different from ours , in all that we still see in hot countries . their roofs are terrassed ; their windows only shut with lattcies or with curtains : there are no chimnies : they lye as low as possible . that the roofs were flat in the land of israel and in the countries round about , many proofs there are in scripture rahab conceal'd the spies of joshua upon the roof of her house . when samuel declared to saul , that god had chosen him for king , he made him lye all night upon the roof , a thing still usual in hot countries . david was walking upon the roof of his palace , when he saw bathsheba washing her self . absolom caused a tent to be pitch'd on the roof of the same palace , when he abused his fathers concubines , that no body might be ignorant of that action , which was as the taking possession of the kingdom . they went upon the roofs in great alarums , as we may see by a couple of passages in isaih . all this does shew the reason of that law , which ordered a wall to be made round about the roofs for leaning , lest that some might be kill'd by falling down , and also does explain that expression in the gospel , what has been told you in the ear , publish it on the house-tops . each house was a scaffold ready set up for any that had a mind to make themselves heard afar of . the barrs of the windows are shown in the proverbs and canticles of solomon , and in the history of the death of ahaziah king of israel . when king johachim burnt the book , which jeremiah had written by command divine , he was in his winter apartment , seated before a fire of a pan of coals : from whence we may conclude , they had no chimnyes , which truely are the inventions of cold countries . in hot ones they content themselves , in case they have furnaces for the kitchin. they built very much with stone , and knew how to cut it into large portions . in the edifices of solomon , we have mention made of stones of eight and ten cubits , which are twelve and fifteen feet , and by what is there named costly stones , unquestionably is meant a certain sort of marble . the beauty of their buildings consisted less in ornaments placed in some parts than in the intire form of the whole in the cut and joyning of the stones . they took care , that all should be well united and in good proportion to the lead square and compass . thus homer speaks of the buildings , which he commends ; and we still admire this kind of beauty in the structures of the ancient egyptians . the israelites made use of sweet scented-woods , as cedar and cyprus to wainscote the buildings of the wealthy , in their making of pillars and columns . which we see by the temple and the palaces of solomon : and david says , he dwelt in an house of cedar , to import , that he was lodged magnificently . cap. xi . their food . as for what concerns their table , they ate sitting , as the greeks in the days of homer : and 't is necessary to observe it for the distinction of times . for afterwards it is said , since the reign of the persians , that they did eat lying upon beds like the persians and the eastern people , from whom the greeks and romans borrowed likewise that custom . the regular people did eat after having wrought , and that very late . for this cause to eat and drink in the morning denotes disorder and debauchery . very plain was their food : for the most part they talked only of eating bread and drinking water . from whence it comes , that the word bread is usually taken in scripture for all manner of meats . they broke their bread without cutting it , because they only made little long or thin loaves , as is still done in several countries . the first favour , boaz granted to ruth , was to drink of the same water with his people , to come eat with him and to dip her bread in vinegar : and we see by the complements she made him , that this favour was no small one . we may judge of their most ordinary victuals by the entertainments , which david received on sundry occasions form abigail , from ziba and from barzillai , and by the provisions those people brought , who came to him in hebron . the different kinds shewn there , are bread and wine , wheat and barley , flower of them both , beans and lentels , dryed pease , grapes and figs , honey , butter , oyl , sheep , oxen , and fatted calves . among these particulars were several sorts of grain and pulse ; which were indeed the most ordinary food of the ancient egyptians : and the romans in the best times , and when they most of all applyed themselves to agriculture , did scarcely live on any thing else . 't is well known , from whence comes the illustrious names of fabius , piso , cicero , and lentulus . we see the use , that the israelites made of milk by the counsel ( and command ) of the wise-man : thou shalt have goats milk enough for thy food and for the maintenance of thy household . tho it was permitted them to eat fish , i don't see , there is mention made of their doing so , but in the latter times . 't is believed , that the ancients despis'd it as a sustenance too light and delicate ●or robust and hearty men : nor is there indeed any report made thereof in homer , or in any grecian writer of the heroitick times . neither do we find among the hebrews any sauces or ragousts : their feasts were composed of fat and solid meats . they reckon'd milk and honey for the greatest delicacies imaginable . and truly , before that sugar was brought from the indies , nothing was known more pleasing to the tast than honey . the offerings commanded by the law , shew that in the days of moses they had divers sorts of pastries , some mingled with and others fryed in oyl . here is now an occasion to speak of the distinction of meats allowed or prohibited by the law. it was not peculiar to the hebrews to abstain from certain living creatures out of a principle of religion : the people round about 'em did the same . the syrians did eat no flesh ; and some have been of opinion , that it was likewise out of superstition , that the greeks did abstain from it . the egyptians of thebes ate no mutton , because they adored amnon under the ●igure of a ram. besides they abstained from goats , and sacrificed sheep . the egyptian priests abstained from all meats and drinks , that were fetch'd from abroad : and as to what the country produc'd , they abstain'd from creatures , whose feet were round or divided into several toes or claws , or which had no horns ; as also from birds of prey . several ate nothing , that had life : and in their times of purification they abstained likewise from eggs. in egypt swine's flesh was held for unclean . whosoever had toucht an hog but as he past by , went presently to wash himself and his cloaths . socrates forbad the breeding of them in his republick , as creatures rendring no service , and of no farther use than for the table . all the world knows , that still at this day the indian bramins neither eat nor kill any kind of living thing : and 't is certain , they have continued this humour for above two thousand years . therefore the law of moses had nothing new or extraordinary in this point : but it was necessary to restrain the people within reasonable bounds , to hinder them from imitating the superstitions of their neighbours , without giving them on the other side an entire liberty which they might have abused . for this abstinence from certain meats was useful both for health and for manners . it serv'd not only to quell their unruly spirits , that god had impos'd upon 'em that yoke , but likewise to divert them from things hurtful . they were forbidden to eat of blood or of fat ; both being difficult to digest . swines flesh is also very heavy upon the stomach . the same holds good with those fish , that have no scales , whose flesh is oily and fat , whether it be delicate as that of eeles , or it be hard as that of tunnies , whales and other fishes of that kind . thus we might render natural reasons for the greatest part of these prohibitions , as clemens alexandrinus has well observed . as to the moral reasons , the ingenious have ever counted gluttony for a vice , that was first to be subdued , as being the source of most others . the socratick philosophers preached up sobriety so very much , that plato did not believe , that any thing was to be done in sicily towards the correction of manners , as long as people ate there two great meals aday . and it is observed , that the aim of pythagoras his abstinence was to render men just and disinteressed , by accustoming them to live on a little . now one of the chief branches of gluttony is the desire of variety of meats . a too great quantity does very soon disgust : but as the diversity is infinite , the desire of 'em is insatiable . cap. xii . purifications . the purifications commanded by the law had the same grounds with the distinction of meats . neighbouring nations practis'd them or such like others ; and they were useful for health and for manners . the cleanness and neatness of the body is a symbol of the purity of the soul , and is a pretty natural consequence of it : since that nastiness does commonly proceed from sloth , from a contempt of others , and a lowness of heart . the external purification is in scripture called sanctification ; because it makes men sensible of the interiour purity , wherewith we ought to approach holy things . neatness is otherwise necessary to maintain health and prevent diseases especially in hot countries . and indeed men naturally are there more cleanly : the heat inviting them to strip themselves to bath , and change their cloaths often : whereas in cold climates people dread the water and air , and prove more dull and lazy . certain it is , that the sluttishness , wherein most of our common people live , especially the poorer sort , and those within cities , does cause and keep on foot many and many diseases . what would it be in hot countries , where the air is more easily corrupted , and where water is more scarce ? moreover the ancients made little use of linnen , and woollen is not so easily to be cleansed . let us admire herein the wisdom and goodness of god , who had given his people laws so many ways profitable : since they served at once to accustome them to obedience , to restrain them from superstition , to regulate their manners , and to preserve their health . it is thus , that in the structure of animals and plants we see so many parts , which serve for several uses . now it was important , that the precepts of neatness should make a part of religion : for that considering the inner corners of houses , and the most secret actions of life , there was nothing but the fear of god , could cause them to be observed . however by these sensible things god formed their conscience , and wonted them to acknowledge that nothing was concealed from him , and that it was not sufficient to be pure only in the eyes of men . this is the foundation of those laws , which commanded bathing and washing of cloaths , after the having toucht a dead body or , an unclean creature , and in several the like encounters . hence proceeds the purifications of vessels by water or by fire ; of houses , where there appeared any corruption of women after their lyings in ; and the separation of lepers : tho the white leper , which the scripture only mentions , is rather a deformity than a disease . the separation from strangers was a necessary consequence of these laws . for altho most of the adjoyning people had likewise their rules for the choice of meats and for their purifyings , they were not the same . so that an israelite had always a right to presume , that the stranger he met withal , had eaten of swines flesh , or of meats offer'd to idols , or had toucht some unclean beast . and therefore he was not permitted to eat with aliens , nor to enter into their houses . and this separation was likewise useful for manners ; serving as a barrier against their being too much with strangers , which is ever pernicious to the commonalty , and which was much more so in those conjunctures of time by reason of idolatry . the egyptians were extremely addicted to this maxime : the scripture shewing that they would not eat with the hebrews ; and herodotus testifying , that they would neither kiss a greek , nor make use of his knife or his vessel . several such like practices the mahometans have still at this day : but those , who have most of 'em , and are tyed to them with the greatest superstition , are the indians . yet the israelites did not equally shun all manner of strangers ; tho they comprehended them all alike under the name of gojim or gentiles . all idolaters they abhorred , particularly the uncircumcised . for they were not the only people , who practis'd circumcision ; it was in use among the egyptians , and among all the descendants of abraham , as the ( ishmaelites ) the medianites , and the idumeans . as to the uncircumcised , who worshipped the true god , they suffer'd them to live in the holy land , with this proviso , that they observ'd the law of nature , and abstinence from blood. but if they circumcised themselves , they were reputed the children of abraham , and consequently obliged to keep all the law of moses . these last the rabies called the proselytes of righteousness : and the uncircumcised faithful they call'd the proselytes of habitation , whom they otherwise termed noachidians , as being only obliged by the precepts , which god deliver'd to noah at his coming out of the ark. cap. xiii . marriages . women . after that way the israelites liv'd , marriage was no great trouble to 'em : it was rather an ease according to it's institution . laborious were the women as well as the men , and work't within doors , while their husbands were imployed in the field . the women dress'd the meat , and served it up to the table ; which is seen in homer and several parts of scripture . when samuel represented the manners of kings to the people : the kings , said he , will take your daughters and make them confectionaries , cooks and bakers . the pretext , which amnon the son of david us'd to get his sister tamor to his house , when he would viciate her , was to take broths from her hands , which she indeed had prepared her self , tho she was the daughter of a king. it was the women , that made cloaths . and their ordinary occupation was to weave stuffs , as they work now adays in linnen and tapestry . in homer we see the examples of penelope , calypso , circe ; we see the same in theocritus , terence , and in all authors : and what seems to me the more remarkable , is , that this custome did still continue at rome among the greatest ladies in a very corrupt age , augustus usually wearing cloaths made by his sister and his daughters . if we would have proofs hereof out of scripture , 't is said , the mother of samuel made him a little coat , which she brought him on solemn days ; and we see the virtuous wife of solomon industriously aplying her linnen and woollen , a turning the wheel and spinning , and giving two suits of cloaths to all her domesticks . all these works are done privately in the house , and do not require any great strength of body . wherefore the ancients did not fancy them worthy to employ men ; and very kindly left 'em to women , naturally more neat , more sedentary , and more addicted to little businesses . they lived apart from the men and much retired , principally the widows . judith remained thus shut up with her women in an high apartment , like the penelope of homer . the marriages of the israelites were not accompanied with any ceremony of religion , that i know of , unless it were the prayers of the father of the family , and of the assistance for drawing the blessing of god upon the bride . we have examples hereof in the marriages of rebecca with isaac , of ruth with boaz , of sarah with tobias . i do not see , they offer'd sacrifices upon this occasion , or went to the temple , or sent for priests : all passed amidst their friends or relations ; nor was it other than a civil contract . as for the circumcision of children , that was in truth an act of religion , and very necessary , when any one was to enter into the allyance of abraham : but it was likewise performed within doors by relations , without the ministry of any publick person . in all these ceremonies take care we must , not to let our selves be deceiv'd by modern pictures , as i have already said of apparel . far from fearing the multitude of children , the israelites did hugely desire it . besides their natural inclination , the law gives great motives to it . they knew , that god in creating the world , and in repairing it after the deluge , had said to mankind : encrease and multiply , and fill the earth . they knew , that to abraham he had promised an innumerable posterity ; and finally that amidst them was to be born the saviour of the world. and by those sordid interests they were not press'd , which in this age make people look upon the blessing of marriage as a great misfortune . their frugal way of living was the occasion , that as long as their children were little , they cost 'em little to feed , and yet less to cloath ; for in hot countries they often let 'em go naked : and when they were bigger , they helped them in their labour , and spared them slaves and hired servants . wherefore they had few slaves in proportion . ziba the servant of saul cultivated the patrimony of mephibosheth with his fifteen sons and twenty slaves . they were not in pain to provide for their children ; since there was no fortune to be made amongst them , and all their ambition was to leave to their sons the inheritance , they had received from their progenitors , better cultivated , if possible , and with some herds more . and their daughters , as they did not succeed in defect of males , were accordingly marryed rather for allyance than for estate . thus it was a conveniency to have many children ; as it was an honour too . they deem'd that man happy , who saw himself father of a large family , and environed with a great number of children and grand-children , always ready to receive his instructions , and to execute his orders : and they did not fear his name would be forgotten as long as his posterity subsisted . thus when the scripture sets down the number of children , 't is usually for to commend the fathers : as those two judges of israel , of whom one had thirty sons , the other forty with thirty grand-sons ; as david , of whom it reckons nineteen sons , bating those by concubines ; as rehoboham , who had twenty eight sons and sixty daughters ; and abijah , who had two and twenty sons and sixteen daughters . thus did the poets crack of the fifty children of priam : for the greeks had ●ecundity in no less esteem . as virginity was not yet known for a virtue , in this state they only considered the mischief of barrenness : and they thought those maids unhappy , who dyed without being marryed . electra complains expresly hereof in sophocles , and it was the subject of the regrets of jephtha's daughter . wherefore it was a shame for a marry'd woman to be barren ; as we see in the mother of samuel and many others ; and this misfortune they looked upon as a curse of god. this care of posterity and preserving the memory of the dead was the foundation of that law , which commands the brother to marry his brother's widow , in case he dyed without children . this right was established in the time of the patriarchs , as appears by the history of thamar , and they look'd upon it as a pious duty , that the name of the deceased might not fall into oblivion . so the children were attributed to him by a kind of adoption . from thence come the two genealogies of jesus christ according to st. matthew and st. luke ▪ for thus it was that joseph had two fathers ; the one by birth , and the other by this adoption of the law. besides , this same marriage with a sister-in-law was not contrary to the first natural right , which allowed even the marrying one's own sister , before god had forbidden it . the desire it was of having a great number of children , which moved the israelites to take several wives at a time : altho they were reserv'd enough as to the use of marriage . from it they abstained not only during the big-bellies and the other unfitness of their wives , but during all the time they were nurses , that is to say , most commonly during three years : and we do not see , they could dispence themselves from nursing their own children . wherefore we ought not to think it strange , that god tolerated poligamy , which had been introduc'd before the deluge , tho it was contrary to the first institution of marriage . for when it was instituted in the terrestrial paradice , there was not yet any concupiscence : and since that by the new law it was raised to the dignity of a sacrament , 't is accompany'd with very strong graces ; but in the interval when grace was much less , and that sin reigned , it was the goodness of god to use a greater indulgence . wherefore 't is with polygamy as with divorce , of which jesus christ told the jews , that in them it was suffer'd for the hardness of their hearts . besides their wives they were allow'd to have concubines , who usually were slaves . above them the legitimate wives had nothing more than the dignity , which rendred their children heirs . so that the name of concubinage did not signify incontinency as among us : it was only a less solemn marriage . furthermore , this liberty was so far from making wed-lock more commodious , that the yoke was the more heavy . an husband could not so equally share his heart amidst several wives , as to give 'em all contentment . he was fain to govern them with an absolute authority , as the levantins do still at this day . in marriage there was no longer an equality of friendship and of society . it was yet more difficult , that rivals could agree among themselves . there must needs have been continual divisions , cabals , and domestick wars . all the children of one woman had as many step-mothers , as the father had other wives . each one espoused his mother's interests and look'd upon the children of other women as strangers or enemies . hence comes that manner of speaking so frequent in scripture : he is my brother and the son of my mother . we see examples of these divisions in the family of david , and still much worse in that of herod . as to the liberty of parting by divorce , it had likewise ill consequences . they more lightly engaged and venturd ' emselves the less for one another ; and the multiplicity of marriages might rise to such an excess , as to become a palliated debauch . 't is well known , what a disturbance it occasion'd at rome after the fall of the common-wealth ; whereas that as long as good manners were kept up there , no divorce was seen untill the year 523 : notwithstanding the laws permitted it . the children also suffer'd very much by it ; they remained orphans in their parents life-time : and hard it was for 'em to prevent the becoming odious to one of the two , and the not siding with the one or other . cap. xiv . education of children . exercises . studies . the education of children seems to have been much the same among the israelites , as among the egyptians and the most ancient greeks . they formed their bodies by labour and exercises , and their minds by learning and musick . a great value they had for strength of body ; and 't is the most usual commendation , that the scripture gives to warlike men ; as to david's brave and stout souldiers . foot-races must have been one of their principal exercises , since they knew people by seeing them run afar off , as those who brought the news of absolom's defeat : most surely they must have seen them run often . 't is also said of asahal joab's brother , that he ran like a wild roe . the prophet zachariah speaks of an heavy stone , which st. jerome takes for one of those stones that served to try the strength of men , by essaying who should raise it highest . so that we may believe , they had too that kind of exercise . the example of jonathan shews , they used archery . but bodily exercises they never made an important occupation , as the grecians , who reduc'd it to an art , which they term'd gymnastick : because they exercised themselves all naked , and they sought the utmost perfection in it . at great charges they built places very spacious and magnificent for exercises : they had masters , and under them a great number of men for the teaching young people . in short , there were among them athletae by profession , taking up all their life-time with those exercises . to fall into those curiosities the hebrews were too serious : and it was an odious novelty , when under the most renown'd antiochus they built a gymnasium after the grecian mode in jerusalem . they contented themselves with the labour of a country-life , and with some military exercises , as did likewise the romans . neither had they need of great study to form their wits , if by study we understand the knowledge of sundry languages , and the reading of many books , as we commonly understand it . their mother-tongue was sufficient for them , and that was the hebrew , such as we see it in the scripture . forreign histories and poems were of no use to 'em , since these were full of the names of the false gods , which they were not so much as to utter . so that all their grammar consisted , as that of the ancient greeks , in speaking their own tongue well , in reading and writing correctly , with this difference , it did not appear , that they had reduced it into art , or learnt it by rules . their letters were those , we now call samaritan , for that the samaritans have preserved them . and as they are neither smooth nor easy to form , we may question , whether the art of writing was very common among the israelites ; so much the more in that the learned are called in scripture sopherim i.e. scribes according to the most ancient translations . and indeed a people given to husbandry have less need of writing than merchants and men of business . but 't is credible , the most part knew how to read ; since to all it was recommended to learn the law of god , and to meditate on it day and night ; and this study was their sole occupation on the sabbath-day . that book was sufficient to instruct them perfectly . in it they saw the history of the world till their establishment in the land of promise , the origine of all nations , that were known to 'em , and more peculiarly of those , whom they had most occasion to know , the descendants of lot , abraham , ishmael , and esau . in it they saw all their religion , the tenets , ceremonies , and precepts of morality : it contain'd also their civil laws . thus that book alone , which is the pentateuch or the five books of moses , included all they were to know . not but they had many other books . for , that i may not speak of the books of joshuah , of the judges , of samuel , and of other sacred writings , which were made afterwards . in the time of moses mention is made of a book of the warrs of the lord , as also of a book of jasher . the books of samuel and kings do often refer to the chronicles of the kings of judah and israel . solomon wrote three thousand parables , and five thousand canticles : he made treatises of all animals and plants : and he himself complains of the infinite number of books , that were composed . all those books , and perhaps many others we know not of , are lost , as well as those of the egyptians , syrians and other eastern people . the only books , which remain of that antiquity , are those which god himself dictated to his prophets , and which he had preserved by a particular providence . the other part of studies was musick , i judge thereof by the greeks , who from the orientals had taken all their studies and all their politeness . now certain it is , that the greeks had all their children taught to sing and play upon instruments : this study is the most ancient of all . before ever letters were us'd , the memory of great things was preserv'd by songs . the gauls and germans had that custome in the time of the romans : and the same custome is still kept up by the wild inhabitants of america . altho the hebrews had letters , they knew , that words in measure and put into a song are always easilier remembred ; and from thence the great care arose , which they took to compose canticles upon any thing considerable that happened to them ; such are the two , which moses made , the one at the passage of the red-sea , and the other , when he lay adying , to recommend the observation of the law. such is the song of deborah , that of samuel's mother , and many others ; and especially the psalms of david . these poems are of a wondrous instruction , full of god's practises , of the memory of his benefits , of moral precepts , and all the sentiments which a good man ought to have in all the different states of life . so that the most important truths , and the most exact thoughts agreeably enter'd into the minds of children with tunes and words . if we may judge of the goodness of their tunes by that of their words , they must have been altogether excellent , grave and solid , but touching and various . if we judge of 'em by the effects scripture seems to attribute to 'em , such as were supernatural . we see their musick charm'd evil spirits , by the example of saul , who found himself better , when david play'd upon the harp. we see that the sound of instruments did help the spirit of god , which moved the prophets , by the example of those , whom saul met with according to the prediction of samuel , and with whom he himself enterd into heavenly transports of joy ; and by the example of elisha , who call'd for a ministrel , that he might prophecy . this shews , that musick appeas'd the motions of the spirits and humours , which the devil had raised in those persons , god had permitted him to possess ; and that on the contrary meeting with calm and deseate hearts , it raised them up to god , and inflamed 'em with devotion , disposing them thus for the better receiving the powerful impressions of his spirit . in like manner the greeks relate to us the prodigious effects of their musick for exciting or for calming passions : and we must either give all histories the lye , or confess , the musick of the ancients was much more charming than ours . not that it was rare amongst them ; they were all musicians : and to confine my self to the hebrews , and not to speak of those who were musicians by profession , there were in david's time four thousand levites destin'd to that employ only , under the conduct of 288 masters ; the chief of whom were asaph , heman and jeditshun , so often named in the inscriptions of the psalms . david himself was a great poet and a great musician : and 't is well known , how much the inclination of kings serves to the advancement of arts. a great diversity they had of wind and other instruments , whereof some had eight or ten strings , and their tunes were accompanyed with dances : for this is the meaning of the word chorus , which the latins have taken from the greeks , and which amongst them signifyed a company of dancers , dress'd and cloathed in one and the same manner . they sang together , and danc'd a kind of brawles . they were coupled according to their age and sex , young men , maids , women , old-men , without intermixture with one another . now 't is improbable , that the dances of the hebrews offended the rules of modesty . there is mention made of choirs at the procession , which david made to transfer the ark into sion , and on several occasions of victories , when the maids went out of the city dancing and singing . but the greatest part of their studies did not consist in reading & regular lessons , but in the discourses of their fathers and of their old men . who were obliged to inform their children of the great things , god had done for them and their forefathers : and it is for this reason , that the law commanded them so often to explain to their children the reasons of the feasts and the other ceremonies of their religion . wherefore those instructions applyed to sensible objects , being so frequently repeated , could not fail of being sound and solid . they likewise taught them all that concerned agriculture , joyning to their lessons a perpetual practice : and we shall not doubt , but they were very knowing therein , if we consider , that during so many ages they made it their sole occupation . now altho this art be exercis'd among us by people of gross and unthinking souls , yet it contains a vast extent of knowledge much more useful to mankind , than these notions of the greater part of speculative men , who are esteem'd learned . and tho for knowledge we should reckon only what is written in books , the ancients and moderns have written enough of this to give us a good opinion of it . thus an israelite , who by the tradition of his fore fathers , by his own experience , and some reading had inform'd himself of his religion , the laws which were to regulate his life , and the history of his nation ; who knew , how to procure to himself all things necessary ; who perfectly understood the several qualities of earth , and of plants proper to each ; what course was to be taken with 'em , and in what season ; what precautiong were to be used against the diverse accidents which cause the fruits of the earth to perish , how they were to be gathered and preserved ; who knew the nature of cattle , their food , their diseases , their remedies , and so many other the like things , which most of those are ignorant of , who among us go for well-bred and learned men : this honest israelite , methinks , is as much to be valued , as a man brought up either in law or the disputes of our schools . but nevertheless there were some israelites , who more particularly set themselves to study , and who may have the appellation of learned , even according to our ideas . 't is said , that in the time of david there were in the tribe of essachar learned men , who had understanding of the times , what israel was to do . and by these words interpreters understand men , that observed the stars , and regulated the feasts , and all the order of the year . the prophet malachi saies of the priests in general , that their lips should keep knowledge , and that they should seek the law at his mouth . so that one of the principal functions of the priests was to teach the people : as also the prophets applyed themselves that way . it was they alone , who took upon them to write and especially histories . for among the hebrews as well as other orientals , private persons were not suffered to have that liberty , which the greeks allowed them . none but the doctors deputed by publick order , or the prophets inspired by god were permitted to write . thus the most ancient histories of the romans were the annals of the pontifices . we see by the works of those hebrew authors , how much they excell'd in eloquence and poetry . for i here term eloquence the art of writing well on all manner of subjects , histories , laws , precepts , exhortations . in point of history they do no more than relate matter of fact , as clearly as is possible , without mixture of reasoning or reflection . but when we examine the business well , we shall find , that they have with a marvellous judgment chosen the deeds , which serve for their design : by which means their histories are very short ; tho in places of importance they come to the least particular , setting the action before the eye , and making their personages speak directly , which renders their narration very lively . we see , that they on purpose retrench all reflections and aggravations , in that they know very well how to employ them in discourses , where they would raise emotions . thus in deuteronomy does moses with the greatest and strongest figures rise and amplify , what he had related very plainly in the fore-going books . thus does the prophet isaiah barely rehearse the defeat of sennacherib , after having exaggerated it by foretelling it in a style that amounts even to poetry . the laws are written with clearness and brevity ; the maxims of morality are contain'd in short sentences , adorn'd with fit figures , and express'd with a measured style . all which does likewise serve to make them be remembred . in short , their poetry is sublime , the descriptions lively , the metaphors bold , noble the expressions , and the figures miraculously diversifyed . but whole volumes it would require to speak worthily of their eloquence and their poetry . tho they wrote by divine inspiration , i don't believe it necessary to attribute all their eloquence to that supernatural cause . the difference of styles , shews , that the holy ghost did make use of their natural expression to explain the truths , which to them he dictated . and what moreover shews this style to be natural is , that the most ancient of profane authors come very near it . homer , herodotus , hippocrates speak after the same manner . we see in pindar and in the chorusses of tragedies the boldness and variety of songs . the more ancient the grecian authors are , the more they resemble the hebrews , in the difference of styles according to the nature of works , and in the brevity and propriety of expression . you may , if you please , believe , that the hebrews wrote after this manner by the sole force of their genius and their exact judgment , which made them reject all that was not for the design of each work , and employ what was proper to instruct or to move . for my part , seeing they so constantly observed the distinction of styles , and so much to the purpose employed all the ornaments of true eloquence , i chuse rather to believe , that they had then some rules drawn from the experience of their fathers , whether they were written , or delivered dow● only by tradition among the learned . let us not fancy the greeks invented eloquence , and poety . at most they did but invent the names of figures , and that art of the grammarians and rhetoricians , which never made oratour or poet. long before them were found out the grounds of that art. and indeed the world was then pretty old . it had lasted three thousand years before solomon ; and it has continued as long since within a little more than three hundred years . until that time the life of man was long ; and there had not yet been any deluges of barbarous nations in those countries , where arts and sciences did begin . cap. xv. the politeness of the israelites . to return to the hebrews in general , being so well instructed and so well born , that is , in a country , where men are naturally endowed with wit , they could not want politeness . for you must not imagine , that it is incompatible with a country-life and with the labour of the body : the example of the greeks does but too well evince the contrary . but the greeks , living for the most part in common-wealths , were so jealous of their liberty , that they all carried themselves as equals ; and their complements only tended to the testifying esteem and friend-ship , wherein they were imitated by the romans . the civility of the orientals suited more with ours , and shewed more respect . those they treated as lords whom they had a mind to honour , made them protestations of service , and bowed before 'em even to the prostrating themselves on the earth , which the scripture calls worshiping . the hebrew did the like , even before they had kings , and in the days of the patriarchs : which did apparently proceed from the manners of th● people round about , who had long time been subjected to master● to kiss , was common in thei● salutations . whereas we uncove● our heads out of respect , the put off their shoes to go into holy places ; it being a sign of mour●ing to have the head uncovere●● we see examples of their complements in those of ruth , of abigael , of that woman of tekoah , whom joab employed to recall absolom , and lastly of judith . all these examples are of women , usually more flattering than men . willingly and with delight they made use of parables and ingenious aenigmas or riddles in their discourses . their language was very modest , and conformable to bashfulness , tho after a manner different from ours . for they used far fetcht circumlocutions for things , which we bluntly speak of and with less caution . as when they said , the water of the feet , meaning urine ; to open one's feet , meaning , to go to stool ; and when they name the thighs for the neighbouring part , which is not to be named . on the contrary they have expressions , which sound to us very harsh . they speak often of certain secret infirmities in men and women , that we should not dare to name ; and without scruple name some things , the names of which we very carefully avoid . all these differences do only proceed from the distance of times and places . the greatest part of words , which are uncivil according to the present use of our tongue , were formerly civil , having other sorts of ideas annext to 'em : and at this day the levantines , especially the mahometans have ridiculous niceties for certain beastly things , which do nought concern manners , while they give themselves all manner of liberty in the most infamous pleasures . but to come to the israelites , 't is likewise observable , that they spoke more freely of what concerns the meterial of marriage , in regard none among 'em renounced it , and those who wrote were very serious men , and generally advanced in years . cap. xvi . of their pleasures . their mild and quiet life joyn'd to the beauty of the country did incline them to pleasures . but their pleasures were sensible and easy ; having few others , but those of good chear and musick . their feasts , as i have said , were of plain meats , which they took at home , and their musick cost them less , most of 'em being skill'd in playing upon instruments . the good old barzillai only reckon'd these two pleasures , when he said , he was too old to relish life ; and the son of syrach compares that entertainment to a carbuncle set in gold. thus vlysses did frankly vow amongst the phaeaces , that he knew no other felicity than a feast accompanied with musick . the same pleasures we see in the rebukes which the prophets gave to those persons , who misused them . but they added thereto the excess of wines , crowns of flowers , and perfumes , as we see was practis'd by the greeks and romans . we see the particulars of their perfumes in the canticles , and other parts of scripture : but chiefly in the law , where it prescribes the composition of two sorts , which were to be offer'd to god , the one dry , the other liquid ; and those druggs were the most odoriferous that were known , before the finding out of musk and amber . they took delight to eat in gardens under trees and arbours . for 't is natural in hot countries to seek out air , and love the fresco . so that , when scripture would shew a time of prosperity , it says , every one did eat and drink under his own vine and own fig-tree ; which are fruit-trees , whose leaves are largest . their application to husbandry did not permit them to make feasts every day , and every day to take their pleasures , as most part of our wealthy people do now : but it served to make 'em relish them the better . thus they had times of rejoycing , their sabbath-days ; and all the other feasts set down by the law , marriage , sharing of booty after the victory , sheep-shearing , the harvest and the vintages in each particular territory , where the neighbours assembled to help one another . well known it is , that the festivals of bacchus ▪ and ceres had their rise among the grecians from such occasions of joy whereof there are traces still seen in countries where vine-yards are . the israelites had no prophane sights . they contented themselves with the ceremonies of religion and the preparation of sacrifices ; which must needs have been very magnificent ; since the temple was the most stately building in all the country , and there were above thirty two thousand levites destined to serve therein . i do not see , they used either gaming or hunting , which we reckon among our greatest . divertisment as for gaming , it seems , they were absolutely ignorant of it , the very name being not so much as found in all the scripture . not but that the indians had already invented games , if , what we are told of them , be true : but still at this day the arabians and other oriental nations do not play at any games of hazard . as for hunting or fowling , they were not unknown to the israelites : but they applyed themselves that way less for pleasure than for the advantage of furnishing their tables , and the saving and preserving their corn and their vineyards . for of traps and snares they speak often ; and we do not find , that even their kings were provided of dogs and other equipages for that sport. undoubtedly they would have rendred themselves very odious , should they have rid or run over their till'd lands , or kept any creature , that might have done mischief . the great chaces are plac'd in the vast forrests and uncultivated lands of cold countries . cap. xvii . their mourning for the dead ▪ after their rejoycings , let us speak of mourning , and the marks of affliction . the ancients went not into mourning only for the death of their relations , but as often as any misfortune hap'ned to them : and their mourning did not solely consist in changing cloaths . the causes of mourning were either publick calamities , as a mortality , a general famine , or an invasion of enemies , or particular misfortunes , the death of a relation or a friend ; if he was dangerously sick , or in captivity ; or if one was accused of an hanious crime . the signs of mourning among the iraelites were to rent their garments , as soon as they heard of ill-news , or when they hap'ned to be present at some great evil , as a blasphemy or any other sin against god ; to beat the breast , to put their hands upon their head , to uncover it , and to cast dust and ashes thereon instead of perfumes , which they us'd on occasions of joy ; and lastly to shave the beard and head. on the other side , the romans , who were wont to shave , let their hair grow in time of mourning . as long as that lasted , they were neither to anoint or wash themselves , but to wear sordid and torn apparel , or sack-cloath , that is to say , a straight and narrow suit , without foldings , and by consequence disagreeable . they call'd them cilices , because they were made of coarse camlet , or of some such like coarse and heavy stuff . they had their feet bare as well as their heads , but their faces covered . their mourning was attended with fasting : that is , as long as it continued , they either did eat nothing at all , or they did not eat till after the sun 's setting , and then very common meats and some pulse , and drank nothing but water . they remained shut up , sitting on the ground , or lying on ashes ; kept a profound silence ; never opened their mouths , unless to lament , or sing doleful songs . the mourning for the deceased generally lasted seven days , and seldom any longer . but widows there were , who continued their mourning all their days , as judith and anna the prophetess . thus their mourning was not as ours , a meer ceremony , of which only people of qual●ty do regularly acquit themselves . it contain'd all the natural consequences of a real grief ; for men in great afflictions take no care to deck or keep themselves neat ; hardly ever speak , without it be in plaints ; do not shew themselves openly , but shun all divertisements . i believe indeed there were amongst them , who only as it were mimicked mourning & did all these things without being much concern'd . but at least those that were really so , might freely satisfy themselves . now in general both the israelites and all the ancients were more natural , than we are in these matters , and constrained themselves much less as to the exteriour demonstrations of their passions . they sang , they danc'd on occasions of joy : on those of grief they wept , they groaned aloud . when they were in fear , they ingenuously confest they were so : when they were in choler , they vented it in reproaches . homer and the tragick poets afford us examples hereof on all occasions . philosophy and christianity have since very much corrected that outside in all those , who have had education and politeness : they are exercised from their youths to speak like heroes or like saints : but the most part are never the better at the bottom but only dissemble their passions without striving against them . funerals will suit well with mourning . all the ancients took a particular care of them ; and lookt upon it as a great misfortune , when the bodies of persons , who had been near and dear to them , remain'd expos'd to be torn and devour'd by beasts or birds , or to be corrupted openly , and infect the living . whereas the greeks burn● the corps to keep the ashes , the hebrews interred the common people , and embalmed the most considerable personages to put them into sepulchers . they embalmed much after the same fashion as the egyptians , surrounding the corps with a great quantity of drying drugs : then put them into tombs , which were little caves or closets cut out in rocks , whereof each had a table of the same stone , on which they laid the body . several of those sepulchers still remain , whereof we may see descriptions in the relations of travellers . altho funerals were a pious duty , yet they were not attended with any ceremony of religion : on the contrary , it was a pro●ane action , which rendred all those unclean , who had any share therein , untill they were purify'd : which proceeds from that dead bodies are either in a state of corruption , or in a disposition approaching thereto . wherefore so far were they from having occasion for priests at their funerals , that thy were forbidden to assist at them , were it not at those of their near kinsfolk . when josias fell to abolishing idolatry , he caus'd the bones of the false priests to be burnt upon the altars ; to the intent , those altars might be had in the greater detestation . cap. xviii . religion . this is , what concerns the private life of the israelites . let us now proceed to their religion and their state politick . as to religion i shall not enlarge much in explaining their belief . we ought to know it , since 't is comprehended in ours . i shall only shew , that certain truths were clearly reveal'd to them , while others were still obscure , tho they were already revealed . what they knew , was , that there was but one god , who created heaven and earth : that he governs all things by his providence ; that we ought to put no trust , save in him , nor hope for any good but from him ; that he sees all things even the very secrets of our hearts ; that he moves our wills within , and turns them which way he pleases ; that all men are born in sin , and naturally prone to evil ; that , notwithstanding , they may do well with the help of god ; that they are free , and have the choice to do good or evil ; that god is very just , and punishes or rewards according to merit ; that he is merciful , and pardons those , who have a sincere regret for their sins past ; that he judges all the actions of men after death : from whence it follows , that the soul is immortal , and that there is another life . they knew , however , that god out of his meer goodness had chosen them amongst all men to be his faithful people ; that among them , of the tribe of judah and of the race of david was a saviour to be born , who should deliver them from all their sufferings , and draw all nations to the knowledge of the true god. this is , what they distinctly knew , and was the most ordinary subject of their meditations and their prayers . this is that high and most glorious wisdom , which distinguished them from all the nations of the whole earth . for whereas among the rest of the world none there were but the wise men , who knew any of these great truths , and that too very imperfectly , and with a great diversity of opinions ; all the israelites were taught these doctrines , even the very women and slaves . all had the same sentiments . the truths , which were taught them more obscurely , were that in god there are three persons , father , son , and holy ghost ; that the saviour , whom they expected , should be god , and the son of god ; that he should be both god and man ; that god gave to men his grace and necessary help for the accomplishing his law , only , by that saviour and in view , of his merits ; that he should suffer death to expiate the sins of mankind . that his kingdom should be wholly spiritual ; that all men should rise again ; that in the other life shall be the true recompence of the good and punishment of the wicked . all this is taught in the scriptures of the old testament , ( and in the apocrypha ; ) but not so clearly , as that all the people knew it . nor indeed were men yet capable of receiving such elevated truths . but according to my design , i must only explain , what their external practises of religion had most different from our principles and manners . they had but one temple and one altar , where it was permitted them to offer sacrifices to god ; which was a sensible mark of god's unity : and for the representing likewise his sovereign majesty , that building was the most magnificent in all that country . the temple within the veil was on the in-side adorned with sculptures , and all overlaid with plates of gold. true , it was not very large : but the courts , galleries and diverse apartments , which belong'd to it , for the lodging of priests and levites , for the keeping treasures and sacred vessels ; the magazines of oblations , the kitchins , the rooms to eat in , and the rest ; all this together made a great mass of buildings , which being form'd in symmetry and rare architecture gave a mighty idea of that great king , who was served in that sacred palace . and to render it's sanctity the more sensilbe , none but those who were pure , were allowed to go upon the mount of the temple . the women had their place apart : the gentiles were only in the outward court : the israelites were plac'd in one more advanced . that , where the altar was , was only for the priests : they did not go into the temple within the veil , but only to offer incense and loaves , and to kindle the lamps : but none , save the high-priest entred into the most holy place , and that too but once a year . we are offended at the bloudy sacrifices , which made the temple a slaugher-house and kitchin : but the same thing was done by all nations . besides , the proper functions of the priests were only to sprinkle the blood , kindle the fire , and put those portions upon it , which were to be offered up . it was the parties , that kill'd the sacrifices , who prepared them , cut 'em to pieces , and caused them to be broil'd : which we see in the law and in the history of the sons of heli. however the priests did the same functions at the publick sacrifices , that were offer'd for all the people . hence come those figures , which might seem to us low and mean in jeremy and ezechiel , to whom god represents jerusalem by the image of a pot. those two prophets were priests , and accustomed to see the sanctify'd meats made ready . now whatsoever served to the worship of god and the execution of his law , they esteemed great and noble : and besides it was ordinary for the best sort of people to work with their own hands , and for themselves to do , as i have said , the things necessary for life . so in homer the great king agamemnon kill'd the lambs himself , the blood of which were the seal of the treaty , he made with the trojans . so king nestor sacrificing to minerva , his sons killed the victime , cut it to pieces , and broyl'd them , homer is full of the like examples . moreover , all that is prescrib'd in the law touching the quality ; and form of sacrifices , did tend more to hinder superstition and reduce the israelites to so small a number of ceremonies , than to introduce new ones . the idolaters sacrific'd many more sorts of living creatures and in many more places ; since they had temples and altars every where , and each family had it's domestick gods and particular superstitions . thus god a long while before-hand prepared his people to abolish those bloody sacrifices , often telling them at the same time by his prophets , that they were not necessary nor essential to religion , and that the worship , most pleasing to him , lay in praises and the conversion of the hearts . it was necessary , that the priests should be marryed , ( if it were only upon this account ; ) since the priest-hood was established in the family of aaron : but they were parted from their wives , during the time of their service . we do not see , that any function of civil life was interdicted them ; and they bore arms as well as others . they performed the very office of trumpeters both in the army and every where else . for they made use of silver trumpets to give notice of the feasts , and to call the people to publick prayers : and the name of jubily comes from a rams-horn which was sounded to make known the opening of that feast . the ancient monks of egypt kept up this custome of sounding the trumpet , to shew the hours of prayer : for the use of bells is of a later date . the feasts of the israelites were the sabbath of each week , the first day of each month , call'd with us the calends or nehomenis , because they reckoned their moneths at least in the later times from the day the moon began to appear . they had likewise three solemn days , the passeover , pentecost , and the feast of tabernacles , established in memory of three great blessings , which they had received from god , their going forth out of egypt , the publication of the law , and their establishment in the land of promise . the sacrifices were multiplyed on feast-days : but they offered every day two lambs for an holocaust both morning and evening : and this is , what they called the perpe●ual sacrifice . their year consisted of twelve months , of thirty days each , much like to ours . it was thus regulated ever since noah , as appears by the dates of the deluge ; but 't is credible , that it then began at the autumnal equinox . moses was commanded to begin it in the spring in the month abib , which was that of the passeover : and with reference it is to that month , that the others are computed , which are only named by their number . they correspond much with our roman months , the names whereof come from the ancient year , which began in the month of march. thus the eight month is october at least in part , the ninth is november , and so of others . cap. xix . fast . vow . the fasts of the israelites were attended with all i have set down , when i spoke of their mourning : for fasting and mourning were the same thing . so that it did not consist in only eating later , but in afflicting themselves all manner of ways . the wholeday they spent without drinking or eating until night : and this is not only still practis'd by the jews , but both they and the primitive christians have been imitated herein by the mahometans . they remain'd silent in sack-cloath and as●es , and did all the rest of what i have said about mourning . by sound of trumpet the publick fasts as well as feasts were proclaim'd . all the people assembled in the temple of jerusalem ; at other cities in the publick place . lectures of the law were held there , and the most venerable elders exhorted the people to confess their sins and repent . on those days were kept no weddings , and even husbands abstained from their wives . the law had commanded but one day alone for fasting , the tenth of the seventh month , which was the feast of expiation : but in and from the time of the prophet zechariah they reckon'd two others , one in the fifth month and the other in the tenth . they had several extraordinary ones , some in the publick calamities , as was the famine joel speaks of ; others in particular afflictions , as the fasts of david for the sickness of the child , that issue of his crime , and for the death of abner , and on many other occasions , which he mentions in the psalms . in short , there were fasts , that were kept out of meer devotion for the performing of some vow . they were very religious in observing their vows and their oaths . as for their vows , the example of jephta is but too strong ; and for their oaths , joshua kept the promise he had made to the gibconites , tho it was founded upon a manifest deceit , because he had sworn to 'em in the name of the lord. saul would have put his son jonathan to death for having violated the prohibition , he had made with an oath ; tho jonathan only sin'd out of ignorance . we find among them several other the like examples . very seriously they made those solemn promises , and gave themselves no liberty to interpret them . to swear by the name of god was an act of religion ; since that oath distinguished , the israelites from those , who swore by the name of false gods. which must be understood of lawful and necessary oaths . their vows did ordinarily consist in offering to god some part of their estates , whether to serve for sacrifices , or to be kept in reserve . hence came those vast treasures in the temple of solomon , which besides the offerings of david contain'd those of solomon , saul , abner , and joab . for those oblations principally consisted of spoils , taken from their enemies . the like did the pagans in the temples of their gods , whether after victories or on other occasions : whereof i will give no other example than the temple of delphos , and the riches , which craesus sent thither to make the oracle favour him . the most considerable vow was that of the nazarites , which for a time obliged it's votaries neither to drink wine , nor any thing that inebriates , nor to cut their hair ; and to keep themselves very charily from all legal impurities , particularly from the approach of dead bodies . the rule of the recabites seems to have had it's foundation from such kind of vows . the author of that rule was jonadab the son of rachab , who lived in the time of jehu king of israel and of elisha the prophet . he forbad his children to drink wine , to build houses , to sow , or have lands or vineyards . so that they dwelt in tents ; in all probability employing themselves as the levites did in breeding cattle , and in perfectly imitating the pastoral life of the patriarchs . they were marryed , and inviolably kept that rule in their family during at least an hundred years ; for we do not find what became of them after the captivity . cap. xx. prophets . another kind of the religious , and much more considerable were the propmets . there was a great number of them in the time of samuel , witness that company , which saul met with , who prophecy'd at the sound of instruments , being transported with the spirit of god ; and that other troop , which prophecy'd in the presence of samuel , and which seems to have been of his disciples . but it does not appear , there were ever so many as from the time of elias and elishah until the captivity of babylon . they lived sequestred from the world , distinguished by their apparel , and their way of life . they dwelt upon mountains , as elias and elisha on mount carmel and in galgal . the rich woman , who took elisha into her house , when he went to stunam , as i have said , made a chamber to be built and furnished for him , where he liv'd so retired , that he did not so much as speak with his hostess , but gave her to understand , what he had to say , by his servant gehazi ; and when that woman desir'd him to raise her son from the dead , gehazi would have hindred her from touching the feet of the prophet . when nahaman general of the armies of syria came to him to be cured of his leprosie , he sent him his orders without showing himself . two other miracles of that prophet shew , that his disciples lived in society , that of the pottage of herbs , when he took away it's bitterness , and that of the barly-loaves , which he multiplyed ; wherein we may likewise see the frugality of their diet . there were even an hundred prophets , who lived in that community and fellow-ship . they workt with their own hands : for finding themselves too much crowded in their lodgings , they went themselves and cut wood to build withal , and they were so poor , that one of them was fain to borrow an ax. the apparel of the prophets was sack-cloath , the habit of mourning , to notify , they did penance for the sins of all the people . so in the description of elijah 't is said , he was an hairy man , and girt with a girdle of leather about his loyns . so when god commands isaiah to strip himself , he orders him to loose his sack-cloth from off his loyns . the two great prophets mention'd in the revelations , appear'd cloathed in sackcloth . the prophets , at least some of them , were marryed ; and that widow , whose oyl elisha multiplyed , was the widow of a prophet . it seems also their children followed the same profession : for the prophets are often called the sons of the prophets ; which made amos say , i was no prophet , neither was i a prophets son , but i was a herdsman ; for to show , he did not prophecy by profession , but by an extraordinary call . for altho most commonly god made use of those , who led a prophetical life , to make his will known ; yet he did not impose upon himself a law of not making revelations to others . in the mean while they only accounted those for prophets , who lead their kind of life : from whence it comes , that the books of david , solomon and daniel are not placed in the rank of prophecies ; by reason , the two former were kings living in great delights and splendour , and the latter was a potentate living likewise at court and amidst great people . these were the men , who after the patriarchs preserved the purest tradition of the true religion . they spent their time in meditating on the law of god , in praying to him several times day and night for themselves and others , and exercised ' emselves in the practice of all virtues . they instructed their disciples , discovered to them the meaning of the law , and explained the divine sence , which concerned the state of the church after the coming of the messias either upon earth or in heaven , couched under allegories of sensible things , and low in appearance . they also instructed the people , who came to them on sabbath-days and other feasts . they chid them for their sins , and exhorted 'em to repentance , and often in the name of god foretold what should befall them . this liberty of speaking the harshest truths , even to kings , made them odious , and cost several of them their lives . however there were many impostors , who counterfeited the out-side of true prophets , wore sack-cloth as well as they , and spoke in the same style , saying of themselves likewise , that they were inspired by god : but they took care not to make any predictions , but such as were acceptable to the prince and his people . the false gods had also their prophets , as the 850 , whom elijah caused to be put to death . of the same leven were those sooth-sayers among the grecians , whom they call'd manties , as calchas and tiresias in the heroical times . such were those , who uttered oracles , or who spread them abroad , and the poets , who pretended to be in-blown by the gods. for they did not say it in a poetical sense , but to have it really believ'd : and indeed those false prophets , whether by the operation of the devil , or by artifice , entred into a fury and spoke in an extraordinary style , to emulate the sensible effects , which the spirit of god made in the true prophets . now the temptation was great to the israelites , so weak in virtue , to consult those sooth-sayers and false oracles ; and it was a branch of that idolatry , whereto they were very subject , during all the time we speak of . cap. xxi . idolatry . this crooked inclination to idolatry appears to us very strange and very absurd in the manners of the israelites : and it is that , which does most of all perswade us , they were a gross and brutish people . we scarcely see now any idolaters : we only hear say , that there remain some in the indies and other far distant countries : but all the people , who surround us , jews , mahometans , hereticks , and papists , profess the unity of an almighty god : the meanest sort of women , the most ignorant and heavy louts , know distinctly this truth ; so that we conclude , those , who believed several gods , and worshipped stocks and stones , ought to be placed in the lowest form of the most ignorant , dunsical , and barbarous men . nevertheless barbarous we cannot term the romans , greeks , egyptians , syrians , and the other people of antiquity ; all whose arts , sciences and politeness are derived down to us , and for which we are much beholden to them : and we cannot deny , but that idolatry domineer'd among them with an absolute empire at a time , when as to other things they were most ingenious and polite . wherefore we must pawse a little here , and dive into the source and fond of this evil. the wit of man is so much darkned since the fall , that he remains in the state of corrupted nature . he does not apply himself to any spiritual idea : he only thinks of body and matter , and reckons all that does not fall under his senses , for nothing . nought appears solid to him , but what strikes his grossest senses , the tast and feeling . we see it but too plainly in children and men , who follow their passions : they have no value but for what is visible and sensible : all other things seem to 'em meer castles in the air. and yet these men are brought up in the true religion ; in the knowledge of one god , of the souls immortality , and of a future life . what then could those ancient gentiles think , who had never heard a syllable of these things , and to whom their great sages only presented sensible and material objects ? read homer , as long as you please , that great divine and great prophet of the grecians ; and you will not find the least tittle therein to conjecture , that he thought of any thing spiritual or incorporeal . and truly all their wisdom applyed it self to what concerns the body and the senses . the gymnastick exercises of the body , which they made so much their business did only aim at preserving and augmenting health , strength , dexterity , and beauty , and they brought that art to the highest pitch of accomplishment . sculpture , painting ▪ and architecture regard the pleasure of the eye ; and such great masters were they in those arts , that their houses , their cities and all their countries , were full of agreeable objects , as we may see by the descriptions of pausanias . they also excelled in musick ; and tho poetry seems to reach further than the sences , it is stinted to the imagination , which has the same objects and produces the same effects . their most ancient laws , and their rules of morality do all likewise refer to bodily things , that each particular person should have wherewith to live handsomely ; that men should marry sound and fruitfull women ; that the children should be brought up to have stout bodies , and that chiefly for war ; that every one might be in security in respect of strangers or ill-citizens . they thought so little of the soul and ' its spiritual goods , that they did it a great deal of harm for the prefectionating of the body . it is evidently against modesty , that the young-men should appear all naked in publick to exercise themselves in the eyes of all the world : this was reputed nothing ; and the women too in lacedemon exercised themselves in that manner . very dangerous also it was to expose statues and pictures every where of all kind of nudities , even the most infamous ; and the danger was very great , especially for painters and carvers , who work to the life : however they were oblig'd to content the pleasure of the sight . thus we know , to what point of dissoluteness and lubricity the greeks attained by those means . among them the most abominable wantonness was not only in use but in honour . musick and poetry , besides their fomenting of those vices , did likewise excite and maintain jealousies and mortal hatred among the poets , the actors and the spectators : and particular persons were often branded , lampoon'd , and exposed by forgeries and cruel raileries . but they were not much netled or scandaliz'd , provided they had fine songs and agreeable sights . it was the same , as to their religion : it only consisted in sensible ceremonies , and was injurious instead of being advantageous to good manners . and the source of all these mischiefs was , that man had forgot himself , and his immaterial substance . there was kept up among all people a constant tradition , that there was a more excellent being than man , capable of doing him good or evil . knowing nothing but body , they would needs have that being , h. e. the deity , to be also corporeal , and by consequence , that there were several gods ; to the intent there might be some of them in each part of nature ; that each nation , each town , each family might have their peculiar deities . they imagin'd them like immortal men ; and to make 'em happy , they attributed to them all the pleasures , without which they fancy'd no happiness , and that even to the most shameful debaucheries : which afterwards served to authorize their passions by the example of their gods. it was not enough to imagine them either in heaven or upon earth ; they would see and touch them : wherefore they honour'd their idols as the gods themselves , being perswaded they were thereto fixed and therein incorporated : and they reverenc'd those statues so much the more , as they were more sine or more ancient , or had some other singularity , which made them the more recommendable . their worship was conformable to their belief . it wholly turned upon two passions , the love of pleasure , and the fear of sensible ill. their sacrifices were evermore followed by feasts and accompanied with musick and dances . comedy and tragedy began at their rejoycings in the time of vintage , sacred to the honou● of bacchus . the olympick games , and those other so much celebrated combates were made in honour of the gods : in short , all the shews of greece were acts of religion ; and according to them it was an high piece of devotion to assist at the most lewd plays of aristophanes . and indeed their greatest business in time of peace was to take care of sacred combates and stage-plays ; and frequently in time of war they applyed themselves more , and were in greater expence for those things than for the war it self . thus their religion was not a doctrine of morality , as the true religion was . in case some justice was observed , oaths , hospitality and asyles were not violated . in case men acquitted themselves faithfully of their vows , and they were at expence for sights and sacrifices , they were then religious enough of consciuence . debauchery was so far from being condemn'd by their religion , that it was in some measure commanded . 't was necessary to be drunk for the righteous celebrating of the bacchanals ; and women prostituted themselves in honour of venus , particularly in corinth . almost every one knows , what was the god of gardens , and what were the mysteries of ceres and cybele . thus it was that they honoured the gods , whom they esteemed favourers of mankind and doers of good . but as to the infernal , deities , hecate , the eumenides , destinies and others , of whom their fables made them afraid , they were to be appeased by nocturnal sacrifices and the most horrible and inhumane ceremonies . some there were , who buried men alive : others offer'd up children , and sometimes their own , as those adorers of moloch did , so much detested in scripture . 't is to that fear and dread , we must refer all their cruel and troublesome superstitions , as to let out their own blood with lancets or to cut themselves with knives , as did the false prophets of and the priests of cybele , and to fast , to bath in cold water , and the like . thereby they thought to divert the private mischiefs or publick calamities , with which they were threatned by oracles , dreams or prodigies according to the explication of their divines . they believed them to be remedies against diseases , the pestilence , hail , and famine . now in those matters they chose rather to do useless things , than to omit what are useful . all their lustration or expiation of sins lay in that kind of painful ceremonies : it consisted in purifying the body by water or by fire , and in making certain sacrifices : but there was no talk of repentance or conversion . perhaps it will seem strange , that a people so enlightned as the greeks , should fall into such gross superstitions , and should suffer themselves to be so easily amused by astrologers , augurs and so many other sorts of fortune-tellers . but we must consider , that until the time of alexander and the reign of the macedonians , they had not made any great progress in those sciences , which might cure superstition . they had improv'd the arts very much ; they had very good laws : in a word , they had brought to an high perfection , whatever renders life commodious and agreeable . but they had not so much applyed themselves to speculative sciences as astronomy , geometry , and physicks . the anatomy of animals and vegetables , the search of minerals and meteors , the figure of the earth , the course of the stars , and the whole systeme of the world were still very obscure mysteries . the chaldeans and egyptians , who only now knew something of 'em , made them a great secret , and only spoke of them in riddles , and blended an infinite number of superstitions and fables with them . as those sciences principally depend on the experiments of the phaenomena , the following ages do always add to them ; and they are at present in a greater perfection , than they have ever been . they are taught publickly to all , that will apply themselves that way , and they suit mighty well with our holy religion , which condemns all superstition , divination and magick . and yet we find too many who listen to astrologers and that kind of impostors . i do not only speak of peasants and ideots , the dregs of the people , but of women , who pretend to a large state of wit , politeness and knowledge , and of men brought up in the light of the best education , who in other points show themselves great & daring wits , and will not yield to the authority of the true religion . what was it then , when all these fooleries composed a great part of religion ? when sooth-sayers really pass'd for divine men ? when astrology , pyromancy , necromancy and the rest were divine sciences ? how could people resist the authority of priests and false prophets , who very seriously related a great number of former tryals in confirmation of their doctrine , and whom whole nations so blindly follow'd ? they must needs give credit to them , seeing they knew not , how things could naturally come so to pass , and tho any one should have had that knowledge , he must be very bold , that durst have contradicted them . thus this inclination to idolatry was not peculiar to the israelites ; it was an universal evil : and that hardness of heart , for which the scripture so often rebukes them , does not consist in their being more addicted to sensible things than other nations , but in their being as much as they were , after having received particular favours from god , and having seen great miracles . most assuredly it was requisite to have a strong force of mind to resist the ill example of all other nations . when an israelite was out of his own country among infidels , they seeing him neither offer sacrifices nor worship idols , accused him of having no religion at all ; and when he spoke to them of his god , the creator of heaven and earth , they had him in derision and asked , from whence he came . these reproaches were hard to be supported : david himself does testifie , that during his exile , his tears were his meat day and night , while they continually said unto him , where is thy god ? weak spirits were staggered by these attacks , and often could not cope with them . the propensity we have to pleasure , augmented the temptation : for the feasts of the pagans were both magnificent and frequent . curiosity easily carries away young people , especially maidens , to go see pomps and processions , the order and tricking of the victims , the dances and choirs of musick , and the ornaments of the temples . there still was found some officious stranger or other , who engag'd them to take place in the feast , and to eat of the meats offered to idols , or to come and iodge in his house . this gave occasion to acquaintance and amours , which terminated either in a meer debauch or in a marriage against the law. thus did idolatry insinuate it self ; the ordinary charms whereof were good victuals and bad women . thus in the time of moses the daugters of the medianites engaged the israelites in those detestabl mysteries of belphegor . and thus strange women perverted solomon . furthermore , the law of god might seem to them too severe . it did not permit them to sacrifice but in one place by the hands of the priests , and according to certain very strict rules : and there were but three great feasts through the whole year , the passeover , the pentecost , and the feast of tabernacles . this was but a small thing for people , who lived in abundance , and in a climate that inspires pleasures . however , dwelling in the country , and being employed in husbandry , they could not assemble conveniently but at feasts . wherefore they must either borrow from strangers , or invent new ones . we , who believe our selves so spiritually given , and who without doubt ought to be so , if we were really christians , do not we often prefer the possession of sensible benefits before the hopes of eternal good ? and do not we strive to reconcile with the gospel sundry divertisements , which all antiquity has judg'd incompatible therewith , and against which our instructors never cease to declaim ? true , we abhor idolatry ; but we do not see it any where ( without it be among the papists , ) it having been entirely decryed for above a thousand years . we must not therefore believe , the israelites were more stupid than other people , because the repeated favours , which they received from god , did not cure them of idolatry : but we must acknowledge , that the wound of original sin was very deep , since such holy instructions and such great wonders were not sufficient to elevate men above sensible things . and besides , we see , that other people the most illuminated in other things , as the greeks and egyptians , were also without comparison more blinded herein . cap. xxii . state politick liberty domstick power . after the religion , we must say a word or two of the politick state of the israelites . they were perfectly a free people , and chiefly before they had kings . in their country were neither homages , nor censives , nor constraints for hunting or fishing , nor any of those different sorts of subjection , which among us are so usual , that great men themselves are not exempt from them ; since we see soveraigns , who are vassals , and even officers of other soveraigns , as in germany and italy . thus they enjoy'd that liberty so much cherish'd by the greeks and romans ; and it was their own fault , that they did not always preserve , and enjoy it . it was the intention of god , as appears by the reproaches samuel made them on his behalf , when they demanded a king. gideon was well inform'd of this ; for that when they would have made him king , and setled the kingdom on his posterity , he generously return'd answer : i will not rule over you , neither shall my son rule over you ; the lord shall rule over you . so that their state was neither monarchical nor aristocratical , nor demccratical ; but ( as josephus calls it ) a theocracy , that is to say , god himself govern'd them immediately by the law he had given them . so long as they were faithful in observing it , they lived in safety and in liberty . as soon as they broke it to follow their particular inclinations , they fell into anarchy and confusion . this is , what the scripture shows , when it sets it down for the cause of the greatest crimes : in those days there was no king in israel , but every man did that which was right in his own eyes . this anarchy divided and weakned them , and gave them up a prey to their enemies , until that returning to themselves , they had recourse to god , who sent 'em deliverers . thus it was that they lived under the judges , falling from time to time into idolatry and disobedience to the law of god , and by those means into confusion and slavery , still recovering themselves from time to time . in short , they chose rather to have a master , than to remain in liberty by faithfully keeping the law of god. their liberty , being reduced to it's just bounds , consisted in being able to do all that the law of god did not prohibit , and in not being obliged to do but what it commanded , without being subject to the will of any particular man. but the domestical power of the fathers of families was very great over their slaves and their children . some hebrews were slaves to their brethren , and the law set down two causes , which might bring 'em into that condition , poverty , which constrained them to sell themselves , or the trespass of a thief , who had not wherewith to make restitution . it seems , this latter cause does extend to other debts by the example of that widow , whose oyl elisha multiplyed , to the end she might have wherewith to pay her creditors , and keep her children from bondage ; nevertheless those hebrew slaves might become free after six years , to wit , in the sabbatical year : and if they would not make use of that priviledge , they had that of the jubile , to be free after fifty years , and to preserve their childrens freedom . it was recommended to treat them gently , and rather to make use of forreign slaves . the israelites might kill their slaves with impunity ; and that right was then common to all nations . for slavery proceeded from the right of war , when instead of killing enemies , they chose rather to spare their lives , that they might have their service . so they supposed , that the conquerour had always a right of taking away their lives , if they rendred themselves unworthy of them ; that he acquired the same right over their children in regard they could not have been born , if he had not preserved the father ; and that he transmitted that right , when he alienated his slave . this is the foundation of the absolute power of masters , and it was seldom , that they misused it : for their own interest obliged them to preserve their slaves , who made part of their estate . this is the reason of that law of god for not punnishing him , who had struck his slave after such a manner that he dyed thereof some days after . he is his money , said the law ; meaning his own loss did sufficiently punish him . but if he kills him down-right upon the spot , it declares him culpable . wherein it is more humane than the laws of other people , who made not that distinction . the romans had during above five hundred years the right of putting their slaves to death and their debtors into irons in default of payment , and of selling their own children even thrice , before they went out of their power , and all this by virtue of those wise laws of the twelve tables , which they brought from greece at the same time , when the jews reestablished themselves at their return from the captivity , that is to say , about a thousand years after moses . as to the paternal power of the hebrews , the law permitted 'em to sell their daughters : but that sail was a kind of marriage , and if a son was disobedient and debaucht the elders of the city condemned him to dy , and he was accordingly stoned to death . that very law was practised at athens , but at rome the fathers had a long time the power of life and death over their children as well as over their slaves . this so rigorous right was grounded upon the children's holding their lives from their parents , and they supposed there would be none found so unnatural , as to cause their children to perish , if they did not commit the most horrible crimes . however that fear was very useful to keep children in an intire submission . the romans law was really excessive in giving to the fathers of families that power of life and death by their private authority without participation of the magistrate or of the publick . but fallen we are to the opposite extremity , suffering that paternal power to sink to nothing . how young soever a son be , as soon as he is married , or has means of subsistance without his father presently he pretends he owes him nothing more than a little respect . from thence comes the infinite multiplication of little families , and of people , who live alone , or in places , where all are equally masters . those young independent people , if they be poor , become vagabonds , and unaccomptable persons , capable of all manner of crimes ; if they be rich , they plunge themselves into riotous vices , and are ruin'd . besides the corruption of manners this independence may also cause great mischiefs in the state : it being much more difficult to govern such a multitude of seperate and unruly men , than a small number of heads of families , each of whom did answer for a great number of men , and was usually an old man instructed in the laws . cap. xxiii . the authority of the old men . not only the fathers , but all the old men had a great authority among the israelites , and among all the people of antiquity . in every country of the world , they chose at first judges for private affairs , and councellours for the publick from among the most aged men . hence came the names of senate and fathers at rome , and that great respect for elders which they had taken from the lacedemonians . nothing is more conformable to nature : youth is only proper for motion and action ; old age knows how to instruct , counsel , and command . it rarely happens , that in a young man study or force of mind supplies experience ; and an old man , provided he has good natural sense , is knowing only by his experience . all histories do bear , that the best governed states have been those , where old men have had the principal authority , and that the reigns of princes too young have been the most unfortunate . it is , what the wiseman say's , wo unto thee , o land , when thy king is a child ; and it is this misfortune , which god threatens the jews withal , when he lets 'em know by isaiah , that he will give them children to be their princes . and indeed youth has neither patience nor foresight : 't is an enemy to rule , and seeks only pleasure and change. as soon as the israelites began to form themselves into a people , they were governed by old men . when moses came into egypt to promise them liberty on god's behalf , he assembled the elders , and in their presence did miracles , which were the proofs of his mission . all the elders of israel came to the feast , which he made for jethro his father in law. when god was pleased to appoint him a council for the easing him in the management of that great people ; choose out , said he to him , seaventy men , whom thou knowest to be the elders of the people , and officers over them . so that already they were in authority , before the law was given , or the state had received it's form . in all the sequel of scripture , every time , that mention is made of assemblies and of publick affairs , the elders are placed in the first rank , and sometimes they only are named . from whence the expression comes in the psalm , which exhorts to praise god in the congregation of the people , and in the seats of the elders , that is , in the publick council . these two parts composed all the ancient republicks ; the assembly , which the greeks styl'd ecclesia , and the latins conscio , and the senate . the name of elders did afterwards pass into titles of dignity : from the greek word comes the name of priest , and from the latin one by contraction the name of sir. we may judge of the age , whereat the hebrews thought fit to reckon a man in the number of those that were aged , by that passage in scripture , where those are termed young men , whose councils rehoboam followed . for it is said , they were brought up with him , and we may conclude thence , that they were about his age , and he was then fourty years old . cap. xxiv . administration of justice . justice was administred by two sorts of officers shophetim and shoterim , established in each city by the order , which moses had given at god's command . 't is certain , the word shophetim signifies judges : but shoterim is variously translated in the vulgar , yet the tradition of the jews explains it of ministers of justice , door-keepers , serjeants , attendants to courts , and the like . those offices were given to levites , of whom 6000 were that way employed in the time of david . these judges were the same , whom jehoshaphat reestablished in each city , and to whom he gave such excellent instructions . the scripture adds , that at jerusalem he established a company of levites , priests , and heads of families for the judging great causes . it is that council of seventy elders erected in the days of moses , wherein the high-priest presided , and to which all questions were brought , that were too difficult to be decided by the judges of lesser cities . the tradition of the jews is , that these judges of particular cities were to the number of twenty three ; that they were all to be assembled in capital causes ; and that three were sufficient for matters pecuniary , and for other affairs of less consequence . the chief judge was the king , according to those words of the people to samuel ; give give us a king to judge us . the place where those judges kept their court , was the gate of the city for as the israelites were all husbandmen , who went out in the morning to go to their work , the city-gate was the place where they most commonly met . and we ought not to wonder , that they workt in the fields and dwelt in cities . they were not such cities as the metropolises of our countries , that can hardly subsist upon what twenty or thirty miles round about do furnish them withal . they were habitations for as many labourers as were necessary to cultivate the lands , that lay nearest them ; from whence it came , that the country being well peopled , those towns were very numerous . the tribe of judah alone counted 115 for it's share , when it entred into possession , besides what was afterwards built , and each one had villages in it's dependence . so that they must needs have been small and near one another , like great villages walled and well built , having also what ever is to be had in the country , since in jerusalem it self there were barnes where corn was thrashed , as that of ornan the jebusite , which david bought for the building of the temple . in like manner among the greeks and romans the rendevous for all affairs was the market-place , by reason they were all merchants . in the time of the ancient francks , the vassals of each lord assembled in the court of his castle , and hence are derived the courts of princes . in the levant as the princes live more retired , affairs are dispatch'd at the gate of their seraglio : and that custome of making a court at the palace-gate , was in use in the days of the ancient kings of persia , as we may see more than once in the book of esther . the city-gate was the place , where all publick and private business was canvass'd in the time of the patriarchs . abraham made the acquisition of his sepulchre in the presence of all those , who en●tred into the gate of the city of hebron . when hamor and his son sichem , who had carried away dina , proposed to make an allyance with the israelites , it was at the city-gate , they spoke thereof to the people . the form of those publick acts we see well particulariz'd in the history of ruth . boaz being desirous to marry her , caused her to be yeilded up to him by the person , who had a right to do so , as her nearest relation . for that purpose he sat down at the gate of bethlehem , and seeing that kinsman pass by , he stayed him . then he took ten of the elders of the city , and after they were all seated , he expressed his pretension , and obtained of her kinsman the declaration he demanded , in the form set down by the law. to which he took not only the elders but all the people to witness ; which shows , a great number of spectatours were assembled . 't is also highly probable , that curiosity stopt all passengers : they had seldome very pressing business ; they all knew one another , and were all akin , and they must needs have had an interest in one anothers concerns . perhaps those acts were reduced into writing : scripture makes no mention of their being so , but in jeremiah a little before the destruction of jerusalem . in tobit we read of a promise for money lent , of a contract of marriage , and of a donation in favour of the match : in jeremiah 't is a contract of purchase . moses his law only orders writing in an act of divorce : but tho they should not have written im● the primitive times , their contracts notwithstanding would have been very sure and steddy , being made in so publick a manner . if the relative of boaz should have gainsay'd the concession , which he had made all the inhabitants of bethlehem would have convicted him of deceit : some had been there present , and others had learnt it immediately . the romans were a long while writing the proceedings betwixt particular persons , as appears by the obligatorie force of words , which they called stipulation . they did not fear , that an act should want proof , when they had uttered certain solemn words in the market-place in the midst of all the people , and they had call'd some citizens to witness in particular , who were of an honest , i.e. honourable condition , and of an untainted reputation . those acts were also as publick , as those which pass at present in private houses before a notary , who often knows not the persons , or before a justice of peace with a couple of knights o' the post for evidences . we may say , that among the hebrews the gate was the same thing with the exchange or the forum amongst the romans . the market for commodities was held at the city-gate . which we see by the prophecy of elisha , who soretold , that on the morrow victuals should be at a low rate at the gate of samaria . that gate had a place , which must have been spacious , since king ahaeh assembled there four hundred false prophets . i believe , it was the same with orher cities ; and those gates had some building where were seats for the judges and elders . for it is said , that boaz went up to the gate , and sat down there ; and when david had learnt the death of absolom , he went up to the chamber over the gate to weep . that chamber might be the place of privy council , and secret deliberations . after all these examples we need not wonder , that the scripture idiome has the gate so often for the judgement-seat or the publick council of each city , or for the city or state it self ; and that in the gospel the gates of hell signifie the kingdome or power of the devil . as the law of god regulated both temporal and religious matters there was no distinction of tribunals : the same judges decided cases of conscience , and determin'd civil or criminal processes . so that their officers were few in comparison of those at this day in france , where 't is a shameful thing to be a meer private person , and to have no other employ than of improving one's estate and governing one's family . every body would be in a publick capacity , would have honours , prerogatives , and priviledges : and offices are considered either as trades , which maintain men , or as titles , that distinguish them . but if we would only eye , what is essential in 'em , that is , the publick functions real and necessary ; we should see , they , might be officiated by a small number of persons , leaving them also time to bestow on their private affairs . this was the practice of all people of antiquity , and principally of the hebrews , among whom i find no other publick officers than the elders , the princes of tribes , the heads of families , and the judges , and those that look't to the execution of justice . for as for the rulers of thousands , rulers of hundreds , rulers of fifties ; and rulers of tens , whom moses had establish'd by the council of jethro they only were in the armies , after the journey through the wilderness . cap. xxv . war. after the administration of justice , we must speak of war , no israelite was there , but bore arms , even to the priests and levites . the priest benajah son of jehoiada was one of the most illustrious of david's valiant men . thus they reckoned for men of war all those , who were at the age of bearing arms ; and that age was fixed from twenty years old , and upwards : being like the trained bands of some countries , ever ready to assemble at the first order . the difference is , that among us the use of weapons is forbidden to all such as are consecrated to god , and that we have an infinite number of people useless for war , lawyers , physicians , citizens , merchants , and handicraftsmen : whereas they were all husbandmen and shepherds , accustomed to fatigue from their youth up . it likewise appears they exercised themselves in handling their arms , atleast since the time of solomon . for he made no use of israelites , when he built those prodigious structures , whether for the defence , or the ornament of his kingdom . he employ'd therein those canaanites , that were left , whom he caused to pay him tribute . as for the israelites they were men of war ( say's the scripture ) officers and captains in his troops . so at rome all the citizens of such an age were obliged to serve a number of campaignes , when they were commanded : wherefore they did not say , to raise forces , but to choose them , because there were always many left behind . it was no hard matter for the israelites to procure subsistance for their armies : the country was so small , and the enemy so near , that they often return'd to quarter in their own houses , or had but the march of a day or two . their arms were much the same with those of the greeks and romans ; swords , bows and arrows , darts and lances . their swords were of broad and short blades , hanging upon their thighs . they likewise made use of slings , witness the inhabitants of gibeah in benjamin , who could even hit an hair ; and those same gibeonites would have equally fought with both hands . saul held usually a javelin in his hand , as homer makes his heroes do , and as the romans dealt with quirinus and the other gods. besides they did not wear arms but upon occasion , no not so much as a sword. when da-vid commanded his men to march against nabal , he bid them first to take their swords , tho they were in a state of continual alarums . the custome of wearing always a sword by one's side was peculiar to the gauls and germans . as for defensive arms , they wore the shield , buckler , headpiece and cuirasses . we view the example of a compleat armour in that of goliah : but those arms ( it seems ) were rare among the israelites at that time , in regard king saul would have lent his to david . they afterwards became very common : and vzziah had sufficient wherewith to arm all his forces that were above three hundred thousand men . the same king set engines on the towers and bulwarks of jerusalem to shoot arrows and great stones withal ; and several cities were fortifyed by him as well as most of the other kings . thus war was made then much after the same manner , as it was made until the latter times , ere fire-arms were found out . the israelites had none but infantry , as mostly the inhabitants of hot country have , where they always march on dry foot . horses are of no use there , particularly in mountainous countries . they are rather necessary in cold ones to pass through bad ways , and to make great marches in barren and almost desolated lands , as in poland and t●rtary . 't is manifest ; the israelites had no horses in david's time , since absolom having lost the battle , wherein he perished , mounted on a mule to make his escape . and indeed the country did not produce them : but solomon , who could furnish himself at great expence , had 'em from egypt , and kept above fourty thousand with twelve thousand chariots . those chariots of war apparently resembled those of the grecians , that is , they were small with two wheels , carrying a man or two , standing or leaning forwards . the subsequent kings could not keep up to that high expence of solomon , but from time to time sent for succours from egypt : and upon those occasions mention is evermore made of horses . the scripture teaches us nothing particular touching the evolutions and the form of batalions , and the general order of battles . but for the art of encamping and marching in due order , the journey through the desert under the conduct of moses is a most glorious example . by exact rules they knew the number of that prodigious army . each one was ranged in his tribe in it's quarter , under one of the four principals , according to the brithright of the patriarchs , and the quality of their mothers . they marched at the sound of trumpets , always following the same order ; and they had their standerds in the same situation round the tabernacle of the congregation , which was the center of the camp . they provided for the neatness of their tents , which was so necessary in so hot a country , and so difficult in so great a multitude . in fine , we see , that the order of the greeks and romans encampings was taken as well as all the rest from these ancient models of the orientals . the hebrews set a great value upon spoils and booty with the other ancients , they being marks of honour . from the time of joshua unto the kings , the command of the armies belonged to those , whom the people elected , or whom god raised up in an extraordinary way , as othoniel , barak , gideon : but they were only obeyed by that part of the people , who had chosen them , or to whom god had given 'em for deliverance . the rest of the people abusing their liberty were frequently expos'd to the insults of their enemies . this made them desire a king , , not only to administer justice ▪ but also to have the general conduct of their armies , and to wage war for them . and truly from that time they were in greater security : the king assembled the people , when he judg'd fit , and kept always on foot a certain number of troops . 't is set down in the beginning of sauls reign , he kept three thousand men . david had twelve bodies consisting of four and twenty thousand , who by months served all in their turns . jehosophat had but the third part of davids kingdom , and yet he had eleven hundred and sixty thousand mighty men of valour under his hand without reckoning his garrisons . cap. xxvi . of kings and their power . the king had power of life and death , and might put criminals to death without the formality of justice . david made use of that right against the person , who had killed saul , and against them , who had assassinated ishbosbeth . the roman emperours had also that power . the power of the israelitish kings was in other cases very much limited : they were oblig'd to observe the law as much as private persons ; they could neither derogate from , nor add to it : and there is no example specifyed of any one of them , that made a new law. their domestick life was very plain ; as we see in the description , that samuel makes in the manners of kings , lest they should disgust the people . he allows them only women to serve them ; and when ishbosheth was murdered , there was none but a maid to guard his gate , who was fallen asleep , as she was winnowing corn. those kings lived on husbandry as well as private persons : all the difference is , they had more lands and more herds . in the account of david's riches , there are indeed reckoned treasures of gold and silver ; but there are likewise reckon'd tilled lands and vine-yards , magazines of wine and oyl , plats of olive and fig-trees , herds , oxen , camels , asses and sheep . 't is in this way , that homer characterizes the wealth of vlysses . he gives on the continent twelve great droves of each kind of cattle , besides what he had in his islands . from this great husbandry they had all that was necessary for house-keeping . in the days of solomon twelve intendants were distributed into all the coasts of israel , who sent by turns , each during his month , provision for th● kings house-hold , amounting 〈◊〉 one day to thirty three measure of ●ine flower , thirty beefs , and an hundred sheep ; which is sufficient to feed at least five thousand men . as this maintenance was made in the kinds , which the same country afforded , nothing needed to be bought , and there was no occasion either for purveyours , or treasurers , or comptrollers , and that vast number of officers , which consume great lord-ships : insomuch as gold and silver were kept in reserve , or served to their most natural use , either for plate or ornament . from hence came the great riches of david , and solomon . david prepared what ever was necessary for the building of the temple , the charges of which amounted to three thousand millions of gold. moreover he lay'd up great treasures , and caused much likewise to be shut up in his sepulchre . solomon built several palaces , fortifyed diverse cities , and made a great number of publick works . all his vessels and the moveables of his house of lebanon were of pure gold , not to count his two hundred targets of gold , six hundred shekels of gold going to one target . his revenues were likewise great . commerce and traffick alone brought him every year six hundred sixty six talents of gold , which make above eleven millions . he made all strangers under his obedience to pay him tribute , the hivites , the amorites , and the other primitive inhabitants of the land of israel , the idumeans , a great part of arabia , and all syria . for his empire extended from the entrance into egypt as far as euphrates : and from all those rich countries they sent him every year vessels of gold and of silver , stuffs , armes , perfumes , horses , and mules , these reflections may make us comprehend , from whence came the riches of cresus in a state much of the same extent with that of solomon . gold and silver were not yet so common in the world : there was but little of those metals in greece , none in italy , nor in the rest of europe , except in spain , where there were mines 't is fit , we should spend a little time in considering this prosperity of solomon ; the survey whereof is extreamly delightful . let us peruse all histories , and we shall not find so perfect an assembly of all the blessings , that can be enjoy'd on this side the stars . a young prince in the flower of his age , of a god-like presence , and most amiable in his person , of mighty parts , very learned , and very active ; master of great dominions in a profound peace ; of so great a reputation , that it caused a queen to take a long and tedious journey to come and see him ; inhabiting the finest country in the world , magnificently lodged , well served , crowned with riches , and swimming in pleasures ; respsing himself nothing as he himself confesses , and applying all that great wit to the contentment of his desires : this is he , whom we should call an happy man according to our natural ideas ; yet certain it is , he was not so , since he was not contented . 't is he himself that saies it : then i looked on all the works that my hands had wrought , and on the labour , that i had laboured to do : and behold all was vanity and vexation of spirit , and there was no profit under the sun. in this prosperity of solomon and of his people , god has at the same time given to man-kind two important instructions . first , he hath shewn his veracity in accomplishing his promises , so liberally giving to the israelites all the blessings , which he had promised to their fore-fathers in the possession of that land , to the intent no body might thence-forward doubt of his well recompencing those , who applyed themselves to him , and observed his commandments . men being entirely mu●●led up in the darkness of sensible things , had an hint from this pledge to believe one day the invisible favours , and rewards of another life . but moreover in granting to the israelites the possession of those sensible goods , and in profusely heaping upon them whatever might compose the felicity of this life , god has given to all mankind the means of being disabused , and of conceiving much more elevated hopes . for who can pretend to be happy under the sun if solomon was not so ? who can question , but all that passes here , is vanity after the assertion he has made ? does not this example make us sufficiently see , that temporal goods are not only vain but dangerous , not only unfit to fill the heart of man , but proper to corrupt it ? what reason have we to flatter our selves , that we shall make a better use of them , than that people so cherished by god , and so well instructed , who seem to have more right to those kind of blessings , since they were proposed to 'em for a reward ? what a madness would it be in us to believe our selves stronger , than the wise solomon ? he abandon'd himself so to the love of women , that he had to the number of a thousand , contrary to the prohibition of god's law : and the complaisance , he had for 'em , carry'd him even to idolatry . his subjects followed so great an example , and from this time the manners of the israelites fell more and more into corruption . the division of the two kingdomes of israel and judah did still augment the mischief . the corruption was much greater in israel , where idolatry reigned , the source of all manner of sins : revolts and teasons were frequent there . in judah the scepter departed not from the family of david : there were sundry pious kings , priests , and levites , who retired thither , and kept up there the observation of the law much purer , with the tradition of the true religion . in those later times , when the law was contemned , commerce and intercourse with strangers became very frequent , and chiefly to procure succours in war ; which is the foundation of the manifold reproaches , that the prophets made 'em of the little confidence , they had in god. the strangers , they most sought to , were the assyrians and the egyptians , two the most powerful nations at that time . and to please them , they imitated their manners and their idolatry ; and the ruine of the israelites followed the fortune of those nations , when egypt fell , and assyria got the uppermost . part . iii. captivity . cap. i. of the jews . this is , what seemed to me most remarkable in the principles and manners of the israelites , as long as they lived with full liberty in their own country , without being mingled among aliens , or being the subjects of infidels . let us now take a prospect of their last estate from the captivity of babylon until their last dispersion . tho they were still the same people , and had still the same maxims and manners at the bottom , yet we shall find considerable differences . and first they were only called jews in those latter times , for that indeed none but the kingdom of judah did then subsist . samaria was ruin'd , and salmanasser had carryed away the ten tribes , to whom was given the name of israel , above an age before the destruction of jerusalem . and altho the kingdom of judah did likewise include the entire tribes of benjamin and levi with several particular families of all the rest , whom zeal for religion had brought thither ; after the schisme of jeroboam , all were jumbl●d together and confounded in the name of judea and the jews . after the death of josias as that kingdom did evidently tend to it's ruine , a great number of the jews dispersed ●●emselves on all side , and were harbour'd among the ammonites , the moabites , the idumeans , and other neighbouring people . of them , who stay'd at jerusalem when it was taken , the chaldeans carryed the most considerable away captive , and left only the poorer sort to manure and till the lands ; and yet those that were left , were hurried away into egypt a little while after . as to those , who were carryed to babylon , they were slaves to the king and to his sons , as we find in scripture . for such was then the law of war. all that were taken in arms , all the inhabitants of a city forced or rendred upon discretion : and of the open country dependant thereon , were slaves to the conquerour , and appertain'd to the publick or the private person , who had taken them , according to the laws setled in every country for the acquisition , and the dividend of the booty . so at the sacking of troy all that remained alive , were made slaves , even queen hecuba and the princesses her daughters . the grecian and roman histories are stufft with the like examples . the romans put irons on the kings , who had obstinately resisted them , and slew them , after they had shown 'em in triumph . they sold the people by inch of candle , and distributed the lands among their citizens , whom they sent thither to settle colonies ; which was undoubtedly a means to secure their conquests . nor the jews nor the israelites were so hardly treated by the assyrians : some had a great liberty , as tobit under king enemessar ; and ●ome were very rich , as tobit himself , his kinsman raguel , and his friend gabael , and at babylon joacim susannas husband . it appears also by the history of susanna , that the jews , tho captives , had the exercise of their law even to the establishing of judges , who sat upon life and death . however it was impossible , but that their being thus intermingled with strangers should cause a great change in their manners , and principles : whereof one of the most fundamental was to be seperate from strangers . several were prevailed with to worship idols , to eat forbidden meats , to marry strange women ; and they all conform'd themselves to their masters in indifferent things , as is the language . thus during the seventy years of the captivity , they forgot hebrew ; so that none but the learned understood it : and their vulgar tongue was syriack or chaldee , such as we meet withal in daniel , and in the paraphrases on the scripture , which were afterwards made , that the people might understand it . they changed also their letters : instead of the ancient ones , which the samaritans have preserved , they took those of the chaldeans , which we call hebrew . cap. ii ▪ the return of the jews and their state under the persians . when cyrus had given them their liberty with a permission to return into judea , and to rebuild the temple , they did not all return , nor all those that did , at one time . a great number of 'em still remained at babylon and other places , where they found themselves setled . those who returned , were not all jews : some few of the ten tribes were joyned to them ; and yet taken all together , they made up but a small company . the first , whom zorobabel conducted , did not amount to fifty thousand , including slaves ; and we may guess at their poverty by the small parcel of their slaves and their cattle . what comparison of fifty thousand souls with what there must have been in the time of jehoshaphat to make up twelve hundred thousand fighting-men ? there likewise came back about fifteen hundred , and we may judge , there were several other troops . under the first kings of persia they were very feeble ; hated by strangers their neighbours , chiefly by the samaritans , exposed to their affronts and calumnies , and ready to have their throats cut by their enemies upon the least order of the great king , as we see by that cruel edict , which haman obtained against them , and from the direful effects whereof they were preserved by esther . unable were they to finish the building of the temple untill twenty years after their first return ; and it took 'em up above sixty years more to compleat the walls of jerusalem , which was thus fourscore years in re-establishing . they did what they could to find out their ancient inheritances , and to keep up the old divisions of their families . for that purpose esdras gathers all the genealogies , that are in the beginning of the chronicles , where he principally enlarges upon the three tribes of judah , levi and benjamin , and very carefully and warily sets down their habitations . for the peopling jerusalem , they received all such as were willing to dwell there ; which without doubt distracted the order of the partages : yet it was just , that those present should possess the lands of those , who would not return , or who were no more to be found . so in the later times joseph resided at nazareth in galilee , tho his family was originally of bethlehem . anna the prophetess , tho of the tribe of aser dwelt at jerusalem ; but they still knew , of what tribe they were ; they had preserved their genealogies , as we may see by that of joseph , who was but a poor artisan . the priests especially were very careful to ally themselves only to women of their own tribe ; and josephus shows the precautions , they used therein even in his time . to return to their reestablishment , the country must needs have been very poor , since herodotus , who lived at the same time , comprizes syria , phaenicia , palestine , and the isle of cyprus under one government , which payed to darius no more than three hundred and fifty talents tribute , as one of the lesser provinces , whereas that of babylon alone did pay a thousand . by little and little the jews reestablished themselves , and in the rest of the persian monarchy they lived very peaceably in a kind of republick , govern'd by the high priest and the council of seventy one elders . they had never been so faithful to the true god ; and since their return from the captivity , there was no more talk of idolatry amongst them . so sensible had they been made by that severe punishment , and the accomplishment of so many prophecies . 't is true , the apostates had the liberty to continue among the infidels ; yet thus there appeared no jews , but such as were really so . the greeks began then to be acquainted with the jews in egypt and syria , whither they often travelled , and they gained much by this commerce , if we may believe the most ancient christian authors , as justin martyr and clemens alexandrinus . for they assure us , that the greek poets , legislators and philosophers learnt their best doctrines of the jews . and indeed solon made a voyage into egypt ; and the laws , which he gave the athenians , had a great coherence with the laws of moses . pythagoras was a long time in eegypt , and went to babylon in cambyses's time ; so that he had seen the jews , and might have conversed with them . plato studied several years in egypt , and he makes socrates speak so many excellent things , founded upon the principles , which moses taught , that we may conjecture , he had a knowledge of them . the jews did really practise , what he proposes best in his common-wealth and in his laws ; every one to live by his own labour , without luxury and ambition , without being liable to be ruined , and growing too rich , counting justice for the greatest good , avoiding all change and novelty . in the persons of moses , david , and solomon we find examples of that wise-man , whom he wished for the government of a state , and the rendring it happy , and whom he durst not hope for in the train of all ages . in divers places he relates certain traditions , without supporting 'em with any proof , the authority of which he reverences , and which manifestly are parts of the true doctrine , touching the judging of men after their death , and the state of another life . if plato and the other grecians had not learnt those great truths immediately from the jews , they had learnt them at least from the other orientals , who being much nearer the source of mankind , and having writings much more ancient than the greeks , had preserved many traditions more of the first men , tho involved in many fables . cap. iii. the state of the jews under the macedonians . the conquest of alexander made the jews much more known to the greeks , whose subjects they became . josephus brings proofs thereof from the testimonies of clearchus the disciple of aristotle , and of hecateus the abderite . they continued to live according to their laws under the protection of the macedonian princes , as they had done under the persian . but as they were betwixt the kings of syria and of egypt , sometimes they obey'd the one , and sometimes the other● , acording as those kings were strongest : they were well or ill used according to the humour or interest of the kings , and the credit of their enemies . alexander the great being satisfyed of their affection and fidelity , gave them samaria , and exempted 'em from tribute : and when he built alexandria , he setled jews there with the other citizens , insomuch as they went likewise under the name of macedonians . indeed , the first of the ptolomys having taken jerusalem by surprize , carryed away a great number of the jews captive into egypt , and scattered them as far as into the country of cyrene . but afterwards knowing how religious and faithful they were to their oaths , he put 'em into his garrisons , and treated them so kindly that he engaged several others to come into his service . his son philadelphus set all the jews free , who were slaves in his dominions , and sent great presents to jerusalem in favour of the translation , which he caused to be made of their law. they were likewise favoured by several kings of syria , seleucus nicanor gave them the right of citizens in the towns he built in the lesser asia and the lower syria , even in antioch his capital city , with priviledges , which were perpetuated under the romans . antiochus the great , having received many services from the jews , granted immunities and a very gracious charter to the city of jerusalem : and for to secure lydia and phrygia , which were not firm enough in their obedience to him , there he establisht colonies of jews ; granting 'em places to build in , and lands to cultivate . the first priviledge , which the jews ever craved on those occasions , was the liberty of exercising their religion , and observing their law. but otherwise they could not exempt themselves from being much tainted with the manners of the greeks , as they had been with those of the chaldeans , and others : especially they were obliged to speak the greek tongue , which then became the vniversal one through the east , and did always obtain as long as the roman empire subsisted there . from whence it proceeds , that several took grecian names , as aristobulus , philo , andrew , philip , or disguised with greek the hebrew names , as jason for jesus , simon for simeon , hierosolyma for jerusalem . i believe , it was about that time , that the jews passed the seas , and setled in europe . for those , who could speak greek , and were already accustom'd to live with the grecians in asia , syria and egypt , might easily dwell in all the countries of the grecian empire , even in macedonia and achaia , according as they found most convenience and liberty . we see likewise , that st. paul met with a vast number in all the cities of grecce , when he went to preach the gospel there , near two hundred and fifty years after the time of antiochus the great . these half grecian jews were those , whom the orientals called hellenists : and to the gentiles they applyed the name of hellenes , which properly signifies grecians : so that with st. paul greek and gentile are the same things . the jews could not thus be intermixt with the greeks , but the grecians , being then very curious , would pry into their religion and their laws , and chiefly , since the sacred books were translated . the sages and the true philosophers admired them , as we may judge by what strabo has written thereof a longtime after : but most of the greks of that age , were uncapable of relishing the manners and maxims of the jews . these were too grave and serious for them , who were effeminated by the asiatic luxury , and who no longer employed their time but in gimcracks and trifles . the truth is , they had a vast multitude of philosophers ; but most of 'em conten●ed themselves with barely discou●sing of virtue , and heating themselves in dispute . all the rest of the grecians were taken up with the curiosity and love of fine art ▪ and they had a peculiar knac● that way . some set themselves to rhetorick , others to poetry or musick . the painters , engravers and architects were thought very considerable and lofty people . others gave themselves wholly over to gymnasticks for the forming their bodies , lest they should be worsted in wrastling . others pitcht upon geometry , astronomy and natural philosophy . there were none but scholars , and fine wits , such as were curious and idle , of all sorts . the manners and principles , of the romans were then much more solid . they only applyed themselves to agriculture , to the study of the law , and to tacticks , and willingly relinquish'd the gloty of excelling in the politer arts and curious sciences to the grecians , for to govern kingdoms , and ●ut chains on the necks of con●●er'd nations , making that ( as ●irgil saies ) their prime business . the serious humour of the jews proceeded much farther , since they placed their principal study in morality and in the service of god. whereof we have a rare example in the book of ecclesiasticus , written at that time . yet it was for this very reason , that the greeks termed them ignorant , seeing they only aimed at the knowledge of their own law. they called them barbarians , a name which they gave to all those , that were not greeks , and despis'd them more than other strangers , by reason of their religion , which seemed to them morose and absurd . they saw the jews abstain from debauchery , not out of oeconomy and policy , but a principle of conscience . to them this seemed too severe ; and above all they were offended at the repose of the sabbath , at their feasts , and the distinction of meats . add to this , that the horrour of idolatry made the jews reject sculpture and painting , and kept them from listning to the fable of the poets , and reading of their writings . what an indignation would it raise in a grammarion or a rapsodist to see a jew trample upon homer , and term him a false prophet and an impostour● shew the lewd and absurd things in the genealogies of the gods , in their metamorphoses , & their amours . how could it be endur'd , that he should detest the infamies of the stage , and the abominations in the ceremonies of bacchus and venus ▪ in short that he should maintain , that there was no god but his , who was the true god , and that they were the only people upon earth , who knew the truth as to religion and the conduct of manners ? the jews were so much the less hearkned to , in that they were not skill'd in making excellent harangues , or in forming and figuring of arguments ; and that for a proof of those great truths , they only alledged matters of fact , i.e. the mighty miracles that god had done in the sight of their forefathers : now the commonalty of the greeks did not distinguish those miracles from the prodigies , they also related in their fables : and the philosophers believed them impossible , because they did not argue but from the rules and methods of nature , which they held necessary of an absolute necessity . the greeks being thus disposed , very willingly open'd their ears to the calumnies of the phenicians , egyptians , and other enemies of the jews . and from hence without question came those silly and impertinent fables , which tacitus so seriously tells us , when he would unfold the origine of the jews , and act the learned historian , and which we likewise see in justin , who had been also doused in the same spring . but beside those lyes , which might easily be slighted , the greeks went on to violence and persecution . thus ptolomee philopater after having lost the battle of raphia discharged his choler against them , and his son epiphanes irritated at his having been hindred from entring into the sanctuary , would needs expose them to elephants under seleucus philopater king of syria , heliodorus came to pillage the sacred treasures , and was only lett from doing so by a miracle . in a word , under antiochus his successours began the greatest persecution , they ever suffered , which may at least be equall'd with any the christians afterwards underwent . and indeed among the jews were the first martyrs , that we know of , for the cause of god and his holy law , to wit , the three companions of daniel , who were put into the furnace ; and himself , when exposed to the lions , had the merit of martyrdome , but god perform'd miracles in their preservation : eleazar , the seven brethren , and others , whom the history of the maccabees does mention , gave up their lives for god and for the law of their forefathers ; and 't is the first example , that i meet withal , in all story of that kind of vertue . we can see no infidels before that time , nor even philosophers , who chose rather to suffer death by the most cruel punishments , than to violate their religion , and the laws of their country . true , there were jews , who gave way to the persecution , but such as had so intirely renounc'd their religion and laws , as to make use of artifices to hide their circumcision ; so that they were no longer counted jews . and those , who continued faithful , were so zealous for their law and liberty , that at last they took up arms to defend it against the kings of syria , who openly violated all the priviledges , which the persian kings had granted them , and which had been allowed 'em by alexander and the other macedonian kings . cap. xxx . the reign of the asmonians . thus are we come to the time of the maccabees , when the jewish nation did recover it self , and appear with a new lustre . they were no longer those poor people , who only thought of living in peace under the conduct of their high-priest and elders ; very happy in having the liberty to cultivate their lands , and serve the god of heaven after their own mode . a state it was wholly independent , and supported it self by good troops , strong places ▪ and allyances not only with the neighbouring princes , but with far distant states , and with rome it self . the egyptian and syria● kings , who had treated 'em so ill●were afterwards constrained to court their friendship . the jews made great conquests . john hyrcan took sichem and gerizem , and ruin'd the temple of the samaritans : so absolute was he in all the land of israel . he extended his conquests into syria , where he took many cities after the death of antiochus sidetes , and into idumea , which he so entirely subdued , as to oblige the idumeans to circumcise themselves , and to observe the mosaical law , as being incorporated with the nation of the jews . his son aristobulus added the marks of royalty to the real power , taking the diadem , and the title of kings , and alexander jaddaeus made likewise sundry conquests but this glory of the jews was of a short continuance . whereas the weakning of the kingdoms of syria and egypt had made very much for their elevation , the total ruine of those two kingdomes drew theirs along with it through the immense increase of the romans power . and their domestick divisions also much contribu●●d thereto by the perpetual misunderstanding of the two sons of a●●xander jannaeus , hyrcanus and aristobulus . in short , they enjoy'd their liberty but eighty years since simon had been declared head of the nation , after having cast off the yoak of the grecians , untill that pompey's being called in by hircanus took jerusalem , entred into the temple , and made the jews tributary . they were afterwards above twenty years in a miserable condition , divided by the parties of the two brothers , and pillaged by the romans , who carryed away above 700 millions at several times . after the defeat of brutus and cassius , the parthians taking advantage of the weakness of mark , anthony , who governed the east rendred ' emselves masters of syria and palestine , and carryed way hyrcanus . in all that time of the roman civil wars , and the odds which the parthians got of them palestine was exposed to great desolations by the passages of so many armies of divers nations , an● by the incursions of the neighbouring people , particularly of th● arabians . 't is true , it recruited it self little under herod . he brought thither peace and abundance : he was powerful , rich , and magnificent . but we cannot say , the jews were a free people in his time . he was not free himself , but wholly depended on the roman emperours . he was a stranger , originally an idumean : he had no religion , and only kept up an outside of it , as an instrument of his policy . he utterly pull'd down the succession of high-priests , making one hananeel to come from babylon , a contemptible wretch , tho of the sacerdotal race . since which time there were no high-priests , but whom and as long as the king pleased . after the death of herod , we must no longer reckon any power in judea : his children only conserved parts of his kingdome , nor did they keep 'em long . judea it self had roman governours , depending on the proconsul of syria . in a word , the jews were banish'd from thence , and reduced to the state they are in at this day . so this is the last posture , we must consider them in , since their liberty under simon and the asmonians , untill their ruine under vespasian . which is a space of 200 years , comprehending the greatest part of the history of the maccabees , and all that of the new testament , wherein the manners of the jews are different , from what they were in former times . cap. xxxi . manners of the jews in the later times . with several nations were the jews intermingled . some of 'em were setled in every nation under heaven , as the scripture say's ; of whom divers came to dwell in judea , or at least took thither some journey of devotion , to sacrifice in the temple , where it was only permitted them so to do . moreover , there were always from time to time some gentiles , who were converted , and became proselytes . so that the jews were no longer ( properly speaking ) one sole people , using the same tongue and the same manners , but several nations , who began to reassemble under the same religion : however they consider'd one another as brethren , and helped one another , in whatsoever part of the world they were dispersed . they exercised hospitality towards all travellers their country-men , and assisted the poor of all provinces , but chiefly of judea . as those , who lived afar off , could not pay the tenths and first fruits in their kind , nor come to the temple to make their oblations at all the feasts , they converted into money all that was god's due : and all those contributions being gathered together made a considerable tribute , which each province sent every year to jerusalem for the charge of sacrifices , the maintenance of the priests and the poor . this is that judaic gold which tully speaks of . in judea the jews were govern'd ( as before ) by the council of 71 old men which they called the sanhedrim , from a corrupted greek word : and these were the elders of the people , mention'd in the gospel . there were likewise ( as has been said ) three and twenty judges in each city . 't is to that time we must principally refer all that the talmud say's of the form of judgments , and the execution of justice . the jews of judea were ever much addicted to husbandry , to the breeding of cattle , and to the management of a country-farm . there are some medals yet remaining of the time of the maccabees , wherein we see ears of corn and measures , to shew the fertility of the country , and the honour they set upon cultivating it . most of the parables in the gospel are drawn from a country-life ; the sower , the good corn , the tares , the vine , the good tree , the fruitless-tree , the strayed sheep , the good shepherd ; and all this oft spoken in cities , and jerusalem it self . the old bottom and ground-work of principles and manners do never change in any nation . there are still husband-men of good quality in sicily and italy : and there will evermore be hun●ers among the germans . several parables show , that the traffick of money was very common amongst the jews , and that they had bankers and usurers by profession . several turned publicans , that is , farmers of tributes and impositions ; tho that employ brought a publick odium upon them . we have a famous example hereof in that joseph son of tobias , who under ptolomee epiphanes got to be chief commissioner of the tributes of all syria and ●henicia , and became extraordinary rich. there were also divers handicraftsmen amongst the jews , whereof the apostles and jesus christ himself are illustrious examples . but what is most remarkable , is , that st. paul , tho brought up in learning knew a trade too : and the jews relate the same thing of their most famous rabbins . cap. xxxii . sects and superstitions . then it was , that the difference of sects came into play . a little after the death of judas macchabaeus and under his brother jonathas , they began to talk of pharisees and sadducees . to the text of the law the pharisees joyned the traditions of their fathers , which had been preserved without writing ; and tho at the bottom they maintained sound doctrine , they huddled in it many superstitions . the sadducees took the scripture literally , and pretended , it did not oblige 'em to believe the resurrection or the immortality of the soul ; or that there were angels or spirits . so that they only served god for temporal rewards , and gave scope to the pleasures of sence . most part of the grandees and the rich men were sadducees , and several among the priests . the populace was more favourable to the pharisees for their external show of piety ; and queen alexandra gave them a great power during the minority of her children . there was a third sect that of the essens , whose doctrine we don't see was different from the pharisees , but their manners were more pure . in good earnest they applyed themselves to the study and practice of virtue , they lived very retir'd , far from cities : their estates were in common , their food very plain . they spent much time in prayer , and the meditation of the law. their way of living did much resemble that of the prophets and rechabites ▪ some of them abstain'd from women , and led a life wholly contemplative , so perfect , that several of the fathers have taken 'em for christians . being the same , that philo has describ'd under the name of therapeutae . the pharisees lived in the commerce of the world : most part addicted to their interests , ambitious , stingy . they pretended to an extream exactness in the outwar●d practice of the law. the tenths they gave not only of greater fruits but of lesser herbs , cummin , mint , and annis . they took mighty care to wash themselves ; and to purify their cups ; their vessels , and all their moveables . they kept the sabbath with so much scruple , that they took it ill , if people should rub ears of corn as they past by . they fasted often , and many of 'em twice aweek , monday and thursdays . on their forehead and their left arm they wore writings , wherein were some passages of the law : for it was thus , that according to the letter they took the commandment of having always the law of god before their eyes and in their hands ; and they wore those scroles much bigger than the other jews . at the borders of their vestments also they wore fringes of different colours , to satisfie another commandment , and they wore them much larger than others did , that their devotion might be known to the people . they gave alms in publick , they prayed in the market places and they coloured their face with yellow , that they might seem to fast the more . they thought it a great injury to be toucht by an impure wretch , and they held for such not only the gentiles and the notorious sinners , but all those that exercised odious professions . in short , all their devotion was only pride and interest : they seduced ignorant people by their fine discourses , and bigotted women , who threw away their estates , to enrich them : and under the pretence , they were the people of god , and the depositors of his law , they despised the greeks and romans , and all the nations of the earth . in the jewish books we see still those traditions of the pharisees whereof they made then so horrible a mystery , and which were written about an hundred years after the resurrection of jesus christ . 't is impossible for those , that have been brought up in other maxims to imagine the frivolous and impertinent questions , wherewith those books are stuffed , viz. whether it be permitted on the sabbath day to mount on an ass to carry him to water , or whether you must hold him by the neck ; whether one might walk the same day lands newly sowed , since he runs a hazard of carrying away some grains with his feet , and consequently of sowing them . concerning the purification of old leven before the passeover ; whether it be necessary to renew the purifying of an house , when you have seen a mouse pass in it with a crum of bread ; whether it be lawful to keep pasted paper , or a plaister , wherein there is any flower ; whether after the old leaven is burnt , it be permitted to eat , what has been baked with the coals , which remains thereof . and a million of other cases of conscience of the like force , which the talmud is full of with it's commentaries . thus the jews forgot the noble grandeur of the law of god , to apply themselves to low and pitiful things : and they were found very gross and very ignorant in comparison of the greeks , who in their schools treated of more useful and more elevated questions , or in physicks or morality , and who had at least a sweet politeness , if they had not vertue . not but that there were alway some jews more curious than others to speak greek well , who read the books of the grecians , and imbibed their learning in grammer , rhetorick and philosophy . such was aristobulus a peripatetick philosopher and preceptor of ptolomee philometor . such were eupolemus , demetrius , and the two philo's . there were historians also , who wrote in greek , and after the grecian manner , as jason the cyrenean and the authour of the second book of maccabees , who has abridg'd it , and as josephus . it was at alexandria , where most of those jews were , who studied the learning of the greeks . the other jews contented themselves with speaking greek , to be understood , that is , grosly , and keeping the natural turn of their own tongue . and 't is in that barbarous greek the new testament is written . the apostles and evangelists contented themselves with a clearness and brevity of style , despising all the ornaments of language , and making use of what words were the most proper to be understood by the common people of their nation : insomuch as for the well apprehending their greek , 't is requisite to know hebrew and syriack . the jews of these latter times were much exercis'd in reading of the law and the holy scripture . they thought it not enough to explain it literally : they found out therein several figurative senses by allegories and divers appropriations . we see it not only in the new testament and the writings of the most ancient fathers , who have disputed against them , but in the talmud , and the oldest hebrew commentaries on the law , which they call the great genesis , the great exodus , and so of others . those figurative senses they held by traditions from their fathers . but in short , the manners of those jews were very bad and very much corrupted . they were sillily proud of being of the race of abraham , & pufft up with the promises of the messias his reign , which they knew to be at hand , and which they formed to themselves all full of vanquishments and temporal prosperity . they were interessed , avaricious and sordid , especially the pharisees , the greatest hypocrites . they were unfaithful and inconstant , always ready for sedition and revolt , under pretence of casting off the yoak of the gentiles . in a word , they were violent , boysterous and cruel , as we see by what they made jesus christ and his apostles suffer , and by the unheard of mischiefs they did to one another , both during all the civil wars and the last siege of jerusalem . cap. xxxiii . the true israelites . it was however among that people , the tradition of vertue as well as that of doctrine and religion was preserved . in those later times they had still very rare examples of godliness ; zacharias , old simeon , the learned gamaliel , and many others set down in the history of the new testament . all those holy personages , and generally all spiritual jews , circumcised in heart as well as body , were children of abraham , much rather by imitation of his faith than by their own extraction . with a most steady faith they believed in the prophesies and promises of god : they waited impatienly for the redemption of israel , and the coming of the messias , after which they long'd and sighed . but they were sensible , that it behoov'd them not to confine their hopes to this life ; they belived the resurrection , and the kingdom of heaven . so that the blessing of the gospel coming upon such holy dispositions , it was easy to make perfect christians of those true israelites . finis . some books printed for and sold by w. freeman over against the devil-tavern by temple-bar in fleet-street . scarrons novels . viz. the fruitless precaution . the hy●ocrites . the innocent adultery . the judge in his own cause . the ●●ival brothers . the invisible ●●istriss . the chastisement of ●●varice . the unexspected choice . ●●endred into english with some ●dditions . by john davis of kid●elly . in oct. 1683. the clarks manual , or an exact collection of the most approved forms of declarations , pleas , general issues , judgments , demurrers , and most kind of writs now used in the court of kings bench. with necessary instructions to all clerks , attornies and sollicitors in the use of the same . the second edition in octav. 1682. an infallible way to contentment in the midst of publick or personal calamities . together with the christians courage and encouragement against evil tidings , and the fear of death . in 12. the court of the gentiles , part 4 , of reform'd philosophy book 3 , of divine predetermination ; wherein the nature of divine predetermination is fully explicated and demonstrated , both in the general , as also more particularly as to the substrate matter or entitative act of sin : with a vindication of calvinists and others from that blasphemous imputation of making god the author of sin. by theophilus gale in quart● 1682. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a39821-e220 the design of this treatise . notes for div a39821-e780 gen. 5. 7. 11. 8. 13. 6. 15. 4. 22. gen. 12. 8. 13. 18. 28. 18. 31. 48. 26. 18. &c. family . gen. 26. 28. gen. 136. 32. 14. &c. gen. 14. 14. 13. 2. 24. 22 ▪ 16. 27. 27. gen. 4. 17. 10. 10. gen. 47. ver . 3. gen. 31. 40. 41. 24. 15. 29. 9. gen. 25. 29. 18. 6. &c. 27. 9. odyss . 14. gen. 18. 14. 32. 10. 37. 15. august . de civ . 16. 25. gen. 15. 2. 16. 15. 18. 11. gen. 29. civit. 18. 38. gen. 38. notes for div a39821-e2270 gen. 25. ●6 . xenoph. cyrop . demos . te nocr. leptin●● & ibi ulian . mat. 1. 5 ib. 10. v. 68. gen. 49. 10 1 sam. 9. 21. judg. 19. 16. judg. 19. 11. 1 sam. 11. 5. 16. 11. 2 sam. 13. 1 kings 19. 19. vanon pr●f , xenoph. oecon he●od . 1. xenoph. o●●●n . lib. 4. in verr. sign . numb . 13. 24. ezech. 27. 17. jud. 20. 51. 17. 2 sam. 24. 9. tacit. annal . 2. liv. 1. c. 24 † comes to about five quarters , a combe , & a bushel of corn london measure . * contains about three bushels . † twelve bushels over or under . see frag● . of 〈◊〉 hecat . in josephus 1 cont. ap. 8. 1 king. 21. 3. levit. 25. 23. levit. 22. 24. jud. 10. 4. 12. 14. levit. 25. 8. deut. 15. 1. 3. levit. 25. 36. &c. deut. 23. 19. jos . 1. cont . app. 4. gen. 49. 13. deut. 33. 19. exod. 31. 4 5. 36. 37. &c. exod. 3● 4. 1 kings 5. 6. 7. 13. 1 sam. 13. 19. 1 sam. 28. 24. plin. 17. 11. odys . 14. odys . 23. od. 5. marm. arundel . 1 chron. 4. 14. 21. 23. isai . 3. 3. 2 kings 24. 14. ezech. 27. 2 chorn. 36. 15. jerem. 7. 13. 11. 7. 35. 14. horat. l 1. epist . 6. eccl. 9. 8. gen. 37. 23 2 sam. 19. 18. 2 sam. 10. ezech. 16. 9. pictâ lupa barbara mitrâ . juv. sat ▪ 3. jud. 10. 3. &c. isai . 3. 16. 1 sam. 17. 20. 2 kings 4. 18. am. 6. 4. prov. 7 16. 1 king. 21. 4. ezech. 27. 2 ▪ jos . 2. 6. 1 sam. 9. 25. 2 sam. 11. 2. 2 sam. 16. 22. isai . 15. 3. 22. 1. prov. 7. 6. cant. 2. 9. 2 king. 1. 2. jerem. 36. 22. 1 kings 7. 9. 10. 1 kings 6 18. 7. 2 3 ▪ &c. cant. 3. 6. 2 sam. 7. 2. esth 1. 6 , 7 , 8. eccl. 10. 16. isai . 5. 11. ruth 2. 9. 14. 1 sam. 25. 18. 2 sam. 16. 2 sam. 19. 1 chron : 12. v. ●mlen . al. 2 paedag. 1 in . prov. 27. 27. plat. rep. 3. levit. 24. 5. &c. herod . 2. porphyr . abstin . 4. herod . ● . paedag. 2. 1. caffin . instit 5. plat. 〈◊〉 . 7. init . levit. 11. 3. 22. numb . 3. 24. lev. 14. 35. lev. 13. august . 2. quest . evang. 40. gen. 43. 32. herod . 2. selden de jure nat . 1 sam. 8. 13. theocr. idyl . 15. ter. heautont . sueton. aug. 73. 1 sam. 2. 19. prov. 31. 13. 19. &c. jud. 8. 5. gen. 4. 60. ruth . 4. 11. tob. 7. 15. 2 sam. 9. 10. numb . 27. 8. judg. 10. 4. 12 : 14. 2 chron. 11. 21. ibid. 13. 21 jud. 11. 38. gen. 38. 8. deut. 25. 6. mat. 1. luke 3. 23. jud. 4. 19. as the papists ▪ hold . mat. 19. 8. gell. 4. 3. 2 sam. 2 3. ejusd . 18. 27. 2. 18. zach. 12. 3. 1 sam. 20. 1 mat. 1. 15. 2 mac. 4 ▪ 91. 2. psal . 16. 4. deut. 66. 7. &c. jos . 2. contr . app. 6. orig. cont . celsum . lib. 4. numb . 21. 14. josh . 10. 13. ecc●●ls 12. 12. exod. 15. deut. 32. jud. 5. 1 sam. 2. 1 sam. 10. 5. 2 kings . 3. 15. 1 chr. 23. 5. 25. 7. deut. 6. 7. 20. 1 chron. 12. 32. mal. 2. 7. joseph . cont . app. 1. 2. ruth . 2. 11. 13. 1 sam. 25. 23. 41. 2 sam. 14. 17. judith 11. 5. 6. 2 sam. 19. 25. eccles. 32. 78 : amos 6. isai . 5. 11. 12. isa . 28. exod. 30. 29. isai . 9. 3. 16. 10. herod . 1 ezech. 24. 17. levit. 21. 23. 2 chron. 34. 5. vide j●seph cont . app. l. 2. c. 8. deut. 4. 39. 6. 4. ps . 104. 127. ps . 62. 71. is . 36. jerem. 17. psal . 93. 138. 1 kings 8. 39. 1 sam. 10. 26. prov. 21. 1 ▪ ps . 51. 7. gen. 6. 5. ps . 52. 4. deut. 30. 6. ezech. 36. 27 deut. 30. 19 , 20. ps . 18. 9. 62 13. ex. 34. 6. deut. 30. 1. 2. ps . 73. 17. eccl. 8. 11. 9. 2. 11. 9. 12. 14. wisd . 2. 13 ▪ deut. 7. 6. 7 , 8. ibid. 9. 5. 6. gen. 49. 10. 2 sam. 7. 12. ps . 22. 28. psal . 72. 11. is . 11. 1. 10. ezech. 34. 23. deut. 4. 6. vid. orig. contra . ●els . 5. et jos . 2. in ap. 6. gen. 1. 26. ps . 33. 6. prov. 30. 4. isai . 48. 16. ps . 3. 7. ps . 110. 3. ps . 45. 78. gen. 22. 18. is . 53. 11. ibid. 5. 6. &c. ps . 60. 19. 64. 4. tob. 13. 21 &c. job . 19. 26. dan. 12. 2. wisd . 30. 10. &c. 5. 1. &c. tob. 2. 18. 4. 23. levit. 15. 11. &c. 1 sam. 12. 13. jerem. 1. 13. ezech. 24. 3 , 4. &c. iliad . 3. odyss . 2. in fin . 1 sam. 15. 22. ps . 50. 8. &c. deut. 20. 2 chron. 13. 12. numb . 10. jos . bel. 5. 9. levit. 23. numb . 28. 29. ta●●d . ent●lechesmos jug . sacrif . isa . 58. 5 : 1 king 21. 12. joel . 2. 15. 16. &c. levit. 16. and 27. zach. 8. 19. 2 sam. 12. 16. 2 sam. 3. 35 : ps . 35 , 12. 13. ps . 69. 21. 12. jud. 11. 35. jos . 9. 29. 1 sam. 24. 17. deut. 6. 13. 10. 20. ps . 63. 11. levit. 27. 1 chron. 26. 28. herod . 1. numb . 6. 2 kings 10. 15. jerem. 35. 6. 1 sam. 20 ▪ 5. ibid. 19. 20. 2 kings 4. 10. ibid. ● . 27. 2 king. 10. ibid. 4. 10. 2 kings 1. 8. isai . 20. 2. rev. 11. 3. 2 king 4. 1. amos. 7. 14. 2 kings 2. 23. zech. 13. 4. 1 kings 18. 19. ter●ul . de spect. august . de civ . dei 2. demosth. philip. aug de verâ rel. clem. alex. prom. in ps . 42 ▪ ●3 fumb. 29. 1 sim. 10. 18. jud. 8. 23. 2 contr. app. 6. jud. 17. 6. 21. 25. jud. 2. 11. 12. &c. levit. 25. 39. exod. 22. 3. 2 kings 4. 1. exod. 21. 2 levit. 25. 40. instit . de fur pers . 3. §. 3. exod. 21. 20. 21. instit . de his qni sui . v. al. 1. instit . quib . mod . jus ▪ pat . § 6. exod. 21. 7. deut. 21. heliod . 1. gell. 2. c. 5. eccle. 16. 16. isa . 3. 4. ex. 4. 29. 18. 12. numb . 11. 16. ps . 107. 31. 1 king. 12. 8. 2 chron. 12. 13. deut. 16. 18. magistri . prafecti . duces . praeones . jos . 3. 2. deut. 3 3. 10. 1 chron. 26. 29. 23. 4. 2 chron 19 5. ibid. 8. deut. 178. 〈◊〉 sanhedr . 〈◊〉 1 § 6. § 4. §. 1. &c. 1 sam. 8. 6. jos . 15. ●7 &c. 1 chron. 21. 19. esth . 2. 19. 21. 3. 2. 3. gen 23. 10. 18. gen. 34 20 ruth . 4. jerem. 31. 10. tob. 1. 19. 7. 16. 8. 24. deut. 24. 1. 2 king. 7. 1. 2 king. 22. 10. 2 sam. 18. 33. nasim rasim ex. 18. 25 ▪ 2 sam 1. 3 20. numb 1. 3 2● . &c. 2 chron. 8. 5. delectum habere . exod. 32. 27. ps . 45. 4. cant. 3. 8. jud. 20. 16. ● sam. 18. 11. 22. 16. 1 sam. 25. 13. 1 sam. 17. 5. 6. &c. ibid. 18. 2 chron. 26. 14. ibid. 15. 2 sam. 18. 9 ▪ 2 chron. 9. 25. numb . 12. &c. numb . 5. 12. &c. deut. 23. 10. 11. &c. 1 sam. 8. 20. 1 sam. 13. 2. 1 chron. 27. 2 chron. 17. 14. 2 sam. 1. 15. ibid. 4. 12 , 1 sam. 8. 13. 2 sam. 4. 3. 1 chron. 17. odys . 14. 1 kings . 4. 7. ibid. 22. 1 chron. 29. 1 king. 10. 14. eccl. 2. 4. &c. ibid. 2. 11. deut. 17. 17. notes for div a39821-e18240 jerem. 40. ●1 . ibid. 4. 3 2 chron. 36. 20. tob. 1. 13 ▪ 1 esdr . 2. 64. ibid. 8. esth . 3. 12. 1 esdr . 11. 3. 1 contr. app. 2. jos . 1. contr . ap. 8. 2 cont. ap. josep . 12. antiq. ibid. 12. antiq. 2. strab. lib. 16. ut primum positisnuga ri greciabel lis horat. 2. epist. 1. romae dulce diu fuit & solenne reculsa mane domo , &c. horat. ibid. excudent alii spirantia mollius ra . an. v. 847. jos . cont . app. l. 1. c. 4. & l. 2. c. 6. orig. cont . cels . l. 5. judeorum mos tristis absurdusque tacit. 5. hist . init . see the two whole books of josephus against appion . 5 hist . 2 macc. 3. 7. &c. 1 mac. 1. 43. &c. dan. 3. 16. 616. 14. 30 2 macc. 6. 18. 2. joseph . antiq. 13 , 17. ibid. 13. 20 21. 22. 1 mac. 14. 41. jos . antiq. 14. 12. ib. l. 15. act. 2. 5. jos . 14. ant. 12. pro flacco . c sanhedr . maccoth . joseph . 12. antiqu. 4. jos . 12. antiq . 9. 18. 2 war. 12. see. jos . 2. h. war. 12. mat. 23. 23 mar. 7. 4. mat. 12. luk. 18. 12 numb . 15. 38. mat. 6. 2. 5. 16. mat. 23. 14. 2 mac. 2. 24. v justin . in tryph. beresith . rabba . &c. a short demurrer to the jewes long discontinued remitter into england. comprising an exact chronological relation of their first admission into, their ill deportment, misdemeanors, condition, sufferings, oppressions, slaughters, plunders, by popular insurrections, and regal exactions in; and their total, final banishment by judgment and edict of parliament, out of england, never to return again: collected out of the best historians. with a brief collection of such english laws, scriptures, as seem strongly to plead, and conclude against their readmission into england, especially at this season, and against the general calling of the jewish nation. with an answer to the chief allegations for their introduction. / by william prynne esq; a bencher of lincolnes-inne. short demurrer to the jewes long discontinued remitter into england. part 1. prynne, william, 1600-1669. 1656 approx. 289 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a91275 wing p4078 thomason e483_1 estc r203287 99863284 99863284 115475 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91275) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115475) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 77:e483[1]) a short demurrer to the jewes long discontinued remitter into england. comprising an exact chronological relation of their first admission into, their ill deportment, misdemeanors, condition, sufferings, oppressions, slaughters, plunders, by popular insurrections, and regal exactions in; and their total, final banishment by judgment and edict of parliament, out of england, never to return again: collected out of the best historians. with a brief collection of such english laws, scriptures, as seem strongly to plead, and conclude against their readmission into england, especially at this season, and against the general calling of the jewish nation. with an answer to the chief allegations for their introduction. / by william prynne esq; a bencher of lincolnes-inne. short demurrer to the jewes long discontinued remitter into england. part 1. prynne, william, 1600-1669. [12], 105, [1] p. for edward thomas dwelling in green-arbor, printed at london : 1656. a second part was published in the same year. annotations on thomason copy: "june [unintelligible] 7"; the second "6" in the imprint has been crossed out and replaced with a "5". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -england -early works to 1800. antisemitism -england -early works to 1800. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short demurrer to the jewes long discontinued remitter into england . comprising , an exact chronological relation of their first admission into , their ill deportment , misdemeanors , condition , sufferings , oppressions , slaughters , plunders , by popular insurrections , and regal exactions in ; and their total , final banishment by iudgment and edict of parliament , out of england , never to return again : collected out of the best historians . with a brief collection of such english laws , scriptures , as seem strongly to plead , and conclude against their readmission into england , especially at this season , and against the general calling of the jewish nation . with an answer to the chief allegations for their introduction . by william prynne esq ; a bencher of lincolnes-inne . 2 chron. 19. 2. shouldst thou help the ungodly , and love them that hate the lord ? therefore is wrath upon thee from before the lord. prov. 6. 27. can a man take coals in his bosome , and his cloaths not be burnt ? concil . toleta . 4. cap. 57. surius concil . tom. 2. p. 734. tanta est quandam cupiditas ut quidam eam appetenles etiam a fide erraverint : multi quippe hucusque ex sacerdotibus atque laicis accipi●ntes a judaeis munera , perfidiam corum suo patrocinio sovent , qui non immerito ex corpore antichristi esse noscuntur , quia contra christum faciunt . quicunque ergo deinceps episcopus , sive clericus , sive secularis , illis contra fidem christianam suffragium vel munere , vel savore praes●iterit , vere ( ut prophanus & sacrilegus ) anathema effectus , ab ecclesia catholica , & regno dei habeatur extraneus : quia dignus est ut a corpore christi separetur , qui inimicis christi patronus efficitur . printed at london , for edward thomas dwelling in green-arbor , 165● . to the christian reader . that i may not justly a suffer ( so much as in thy thought ) as a busie-body in other men's matters , for publishing my opinion in a publick case ; wherein i conceive my self some wayes interessed , both as a christian and english free-man : i shall inform thee of the true original cause of this my sodain unpremeditated undertaking . being much affected with god's late admirable providence , in causing the b sixth day of this instant december to be set a part for a day of solemn fasting and humiliation , for the late rebukes we have received , the tares of division that have been sown by the envious one , and the growth they have had through his subtilty ; the abominable blasphemies , apostacies , and abuse of liberty by many professing religion , and the continual series of difficulties we have been exercised under : and , inviting all the people of god in these three nations on that day , to joyn in solemn and earnest supplications to the throne of grace , that the lord will be pleased truely to humble our present governours , and the nation , under his righteous hand , that we may be every one searching out the plague of his own heart , and turn unfeignedly from the evil of our wayes . this being the very day of the month , whereon this time seven yeers , ( december 6. 1648. ) colonel pride with other officers of the army , besetting the parliament-house with their armed forces c raised to defend its priviledges and members ) against their trusts , duties , forcibly seised , secured my self , with above forty parliament-members more , as we were going into the commons-house to discharge our duties ; translating us that day from the queens court ( where they first imprisoned us ) to hell in westminster , and there lodging us upon the bare boards without beds , all that miserable cold night , like so many turkish gally-slaves , rather than parliament members : seconded with other succeeding restraints , and high unparalel'd violations both of our parliamentary priviledges , and hereditary laws and liberties . which transcendent exorbitancies , as we may justly fear , are the plague of the heart , and evil of their wayes , who were the chief contrivers or actors of them ; if not the greatest rebukes the english parliament or nation ever received ; the most dangerous tares of division that have ever been sowen by the envious one in our realm , which have since extraordinarily grown and spread amongst us through his subtilty ; the saddest apostacy , and abuse of liberty by men prosessing religion ever heard of amongst christians , and the very fountain of all that continued series of difficulties we have since been exercised under . for which the principal architects , executioners , and whole english nation had never publickly been humbled , nor seriously lamented , repented them in seven whole yeers space ; it pleased god by his over-ruling providence , beyond the intentions or thoughts of men , so at last to bring it about , that this very forgotten sad day , whereon this was publickly acted , should be now by a printed declaration , specially devoted for a day of solemn fasting & humiliation , throughout this commonwealth , to lament and bewail these former enormious actions on it as well as other crimes . having informed divers thereof , both before and on this fast-day , who were much taken with it : on the seventh of december , ( the day after the fast on which the secured members that time seven yeers were carried from hell to white-hall , and there kept fasting till past seven a clock at night to attend the army-officers , who pretended a desired conference with them , and at last , without vouchsafing to see them , sent them prisoners through the dirt with musqueteers at each of their backs , & other guards of horse by their sides to the king's head and swan , where they long remained : ) i walked down to westminster , to visit some of my then fellow-prisoners and members , to acquaint them with this memorable providence ; in my passage thither in martin's-lane , i unexpectedly met with sir john clotworthy ( who was one of them ) leading his lady on foot towards wallingford-house , the place whether the officers promised to carry , and there to confer with us , when they thrust us into hell ; who taking notice of , and saluting me , i informed him of the foresaid adorable providence , in appointing the former dayes fast on that day seven yeers whereon we were seised : who prosessing he had forgotten it , and that it came not within his thoughts ; but in truth it was very miraculous , and worthy special observation . we thereupon walked on , discoursing of it till we came to wallingford-house-gate , where colonel pride , who then seised , met us full but ; and i not perfectly knowing him , sir john told me , here is colonel pride , and then gave him this seasonable memento ; fellow pride , remember this time seven yeers . so we parting company , i went & visited some others of my then fellow prisoners in westminster ; discoursing with them of these providences , ( wherewith they were much affected , as having not observed them before ) and of our fast at white-hall this day seven yeers . in my return homewards that day by the garden-wall at white-hall , mr. nye the minister , going very fast , there overtook , and saluting me by name , presently demanded this unexpected question of me ; whether there were any law of england against bringing in the jews amongst us ? for the lawyers had newly delivered their opinions , there was no law against it . to which i answered , that the jews were in the yeer 1290. all banished out of england , by judgement and edict of the king and parliament , as a great grievance , never to return again : for which the commons gave the king the fifteenth part of their moveables : and therefore being thus banished by parliament ▪ they could not by the laws of england , be brought in again , without a special act of parliament , which i would make good for law. he replied , i wish it might not be done otherwise ; & , that this business had been formerly moved in the bishops time , rather than now . to which i subjoyned ; that it was now a very ill time to bring in the jews , when the people were so dangerously and generally bent to apostacy , and all sorts of novelties and errors in religion ; and would sooner turn jews , than the jews christians . he answered , he thought it was true , and was sorry he could not discourse longer with me , the committee about the jews being sate , and staying for him as he feared . whereupon , as he was turning in towards white-hall-gate , i told him , the jews had been formerly great clippers and forgers of mony , and had crucified three or four children in england at least , which were principal causes of their banishment . to which he replied , that the crucifying of children was not fully charged on them by our historians , and would easily be wiped off . whereto i answered , he was much mistaken : and so we parted . as i kept on my way , in lincolnes-inne . fields , passing by seven or eight maimed soldiers on stilts , who begged of me ; i heard them say aloud one to another ▪ we must now all turn jews , and there will be nothing left for the poor . and not far from them another company of poor people , just at lincolnes-inne back gate , cried aloud to each other : they are all turned devils already , and now we must all turn jews . which unexpected concurrent providences and speeches , made such an impression on my spirit , that before i could take my rest that night , i perused most of the passages in our english histories concerning the jews carriage in england , with some of their misdemeanors in other parts , to refresh my memory , and satisfie my judgement ; making some collections out of them , which after i enlarged and digested into this ensuing demurrer , with as much speed as the sharpness of the season would permit ; and was induced to publish it ( knowing no particular discourse of this subject extant ) for the general information , satisfaction of others , and honour of my blessed lord and saviour jesus christ the righteous , whom the jews with malicious hearts , and wicked hands d crucified in person heretofore , and their posterity by their blasphemies , despiteful actions against christ , his kingdom , offices , gospel e crucifie afresh , every day trampling under foot the son of god , putting him to open shame , offering despite to the spirit of grace , & counting the blood of the covenant an unholy thing . and in all their publick and private devotions , praying constantly for the sodain , universal , total , final subversion , extirpation , perishing of christs kingdom , gospel , and all his christian members , which they plot , and continually expect , such is their implacable transcendent malice . i have deduced their introduction into england , only from william surnamed the conqueror , because i finde not the least mention of them in any of our british , or saxon histories , councils , synods , canons , which doubtlesse would have mentioned them , and made some strict laws or canons , against their iewish as well as against pagan superstitions , had they exercised them here , as they would have done as well as in spain , & other places , had they resided here . that any of them were here in the time of our famous emperor constantine , is but a dream of such , who because they finde an epistle of constantines in the council of nice , to all the churches of christ in f sir hen. spelmans collections of the decrees , canons , and constitutions of the british world , wherein is mention made of the churches of britain , in that age , as well as in rome , france and other parts , keeping the passeover in a different manner from the wicked blinded iews , would thence infer , there were then jews resident in britain ; of which there is not one syllable in that epistle , nor in any classick author forrain or domestick , i yet ever saw or heard of . that they were setled in our island in the saxons time , is collected , onely from that law ▪ inferted by g hoveden , and h spelman amongst edward the confessors , here cited , p. ● . but there being no mention of the jews in any of our saxon kings raigns , councils , decrees , laws , before the confessor , out of which all his laws were i wholly extracted , and this law of the jews being not to be found in the true original copy of the confessors and conquerors laws of abbot k ingulphus , who flourished in that age , was present at their confirmation , and then brought them to croyland abby , published by mr. l iohn selden , nor yet in bromton , i cannot but reject it as counterfeit , and esteem it rather , a declaration of the jews condition in england in hovedens time ( inserted by him , as well as some other things of pu●ier date , amongst these laws ) rather than any law of , or in the confessors days , wherein i can finde no evidence of any jews residence here , but only this interpolation and forged law , which mr. selden wholly omittes in his collection of his laws . the history of king william rufus , his compelling the iews of rhoan that were turned christians , to renounce their christianity and turn iews again , accepto pretio apostasiae , upon the complaint and mony given him by the infidel jews there , with the dialogue between him and stephen the jew , cited out of holinshed , here p. 5 , 6. i finde originally recorded of him by m eadmerus , living in his raign : who though very bitter and injurious to him , by reason of the great contests between him & anselme ( whose favourite , follower and companion in adversity eadmerus was ) yet he relates it not as a certain truth , but as a report of others of that country , who had another opinion of rufus , quam de christianis christianos lex christiana docet habere : quae tamen sicut illa accepimus simpliciter ponam , non astruens vera an secus extiterint , an non . onely he addes this passage to the story of stephen , which holinshed omits : that st. stephen appearing to him as he was travelling on the way , he demanding of him who he was ? answered , that he was long since of a jew made a christian , and was stephen the first martyr ; but for this cause , i have now come down from heaven to earth , that thou casting away thy iewish superstition , mightest be made a christian ; and being baptized in christ , mightest be called by my name . whereupon he became a christian , and was baptized . that immediately after the conference between the king and stephen , ( which agrees with that in holinshed ) he being thrust out , and meeting his father standing before the door , expecting the event , being animated against him , said ; o son of death , and ●ewel of eternal perdition , is not thine own damnation sufficient for thee , unless thou also cast me head long into it together with thee ? but god forbid , that i to whom christ is now revealed should ever acknowledge thee henceforth for a father , because the devil is thy father . i have omitted in this demurrer , no passage to my knowledge , in any of our historians , relating to our former english iews , reciting them all in a chronological order in the historians own words , quoted in the margin : only i finde these 2 records concerning them , which i shall here supply . rot. claus . 1. e. 1. r●● . ] the king constituted by his charter , hamon , hattain , and robert de luvenham his iustices for the custody of the jews ; and thereupon issued a mandate to the treasurer and barons of the eschequer , to deliver unto them the keys of the chest of the iews , together with the rolls , writs , & all other things belonging to that office of the iews , as had formerly been accustomed to be done to other iustices . and rot. claus . 3. ed. 1. mem. 17. the king sent a mandate to the iustices of the iews , to do justice , and proceed in a cause , according to the custome of iudaism . i have m herein only briefly touched , not handled , the great question , of the general calling & conversion of the iewish nation to the faith of christ , towards the end of the world ; for which i cannot finde any satisfactory grounds in scripture . that text of levit. 26. 41 , to 46. on which some build their general call , having these two clauses in it , that seem strongly to oppose , or make it very dubious , v. 41. if then their uncircised heart be humbled , and that they accept of the punishment of their iniquity , &c. & v. 46. i will not cast them away , neither will i abhor them to destroy them utterly . and that other text of rom. 11. whereon others most rely , having this conditional passage & express clauses against it , v. 23. and they also , if they abide not still in unbelief , shall be grafted in , for god is able ( he saith not resolved ) to graffe them in again . and v. 3 , to 8. i have reserved to my self 7000 men , &c. even so then at this present time there is a remnant according to the election of grace , &c. but the election hath obtained it , and the rest were hardned , or blinded . which compared with rom. 9. 27 , 29. ( isaiah also saith concerning israel , though the number of the children of israel be as the sand of the sea , yet a remnant of them ( only ) shall be saved , isa . 10. 22 , 23 , &c. ) will necessarily evince , that rom. 11. 26. and so all israel shall be saved , &c. ( on which they ground this general call ) must be intended onely ; of all this small elect remnant of the israel of god , and seed of abraham according to the faith , not flesh , rom. 4 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. gal. 3. 7 , 8 , 9 , 14 , 16. ga. 6. 16. of all such who are jews inwardly , and have the circumcision of the heart , rom. 2. 28 , 19. not of the whole jewish nation . and those who will strain that text further , must necessarily aver , not only an universal calling , but likewise salvation and taking away the ungodliness and sins of that whole nation then by christ , ( of which that text only speaks ) not only conttary to these forecited scriptures , and gods dealing with all other n churches , nations ; but to jer. 3. 14. i will take you , one of a city , and two of a tribe , and i will bring you to sion . mat. 21. 16. many are called , but few chosen : & few saved , mat. 7. 14. luke 13. 23. therefore for any to call in the jews among us upon this surmise of their general approaching conversion , is a strange solecism , both in state policy and christianity , especially in this age , wherein that speech of o wal●ramus bishop of naumburge , is most truely verified , diabolus videns idola derelicta , & per nimium credentium populum sedes suas ac templa deserta , excognitavit novam fraudem , ut sub ipso christiani nominis titulo fallat incantos ; haeresesque inevnit & schismata , quibus subverteret fidem , corrumperet veritatem . exinde divisa est ecclesia , & divisa sunt ecclesiae sacerdotia , atque omnia scandalorum orta sunt gene●a . exinde crevit grave & diuturnum bellum , & non solum civile bellum , sed & plusquam civile bellum , & factae sunt absque divino pariter & humano respectu vastationes ecclesiarum , & caedes hominum : exinde etiam corruptae sunt divinae pariter & humanae leges , sine quibus non subsistit vel dei ecclesia , vel imperii respublica : & ex inde violata est fides & publica , & catholica : exinde etiam illa crevit injustitia , ut pro veritate falsa testimonia , & pro fide catholica , abundent perjuria : ut post quam leges bello silvere coactae , impleaturiam ista domini sententia per osee prophetam : non est veritas , & non est misericordia , & non scientia dei in terra : maledictum , & mendacium , & homicidium , & furtum , & adulterium inundaverunt , & sanguis sanguinem tetigit . ipse diabolus videtur nunc de carcere suo solutus esse . hinc publicae civium contra cives congressiones , aliis pro pastoribus legitimis , aliis vero contra pastores dimicantes : as he and p gerhobus richerspergensis writ of pope hildebrands dayes . if any man chance to censure me , as overharsh or earnest in my expressions against the jews ; i hope that speech of their royal prophet , ( a man after gods own heart ) ps . 139. 20 , 21 , 22. do not i hate them , o lord , that hate thee ? and am i not grieved with those that rise up against thee ? i hate them with a perfect hatred , i count them mine enemies : for they speak against thee wickedly ; depart from me therefore ye bloody men : will apologize for me ; especially seeing their proposals are , not only to be admitted and received into our commonwealth under the protection and safeguard of our governours , as the natives themselves : and that all the heads and generals of arms may take an oath to defend them upon all occasions , that they may be permitted to traffick freely in all sorts of merchandize as others ; but to be judged by their judges in differences between themselves , according to the mosaick law : and to be allowed publick synagogues , not onely in england , but also in all other places under our tower ; and to observe in all things their religion as they ought : that in case there have been any laws against their jewish nation , they may in the first place , and before all things be revoked . a clear evidence of an intended design in them , only to set up their r synagogues of satan , judaism , & jewish ceremonies in the highest degree , amongst us , as lawful , in direct opposition and subversion of our only lord , saviour , redeemer , mediator , jesus christ his person , offices , kingdom , gospel and christianity it self , without any thoughts of turning christians themselves . in which case not to be passionately zealous , not to s contend earnestly for the faith against these ungodly men , turning the grace of our god into lasciviousness , and denying the only lord god , and our lord jesus christ ; is in a great measure to deny and betray him , together with our church , & nation at once , unto these their inveterate enemies . for whose conversion , ( not national , but of the elect remnant of them ) as i shall pray , so i cannot but pray and write against their re-admission amongst us on these , or any other terms , for the reasons here humbly presented to thy view , and christian consideration , by thy christian brother , and companion in tribulation , and in the kindom & patience of jesus christ , william prynne . lincolnes-inne , 14 december , 1655. errata . title p. for quandam read quorundam . p. 9. l. 12. est , r. et . p. 12. l. 7. homes , r. houses . p. 22. l. 21. p. 23. l. 26 , r. iuvel . p. 37. six , r. ten . p. 48. l. 3. quod . l. 8. co●um . p. 51. l , 16. ex●aecati . p. 70. l. 2. dele record . p. 88. l. 1. receive , revive . a short demurrer to the jews long discontinued remitter into england . how the nation of the jewes ( once a gods own beloved , speciall , chosen people ) after their b malitious crucifying of our saviour jesus christ , and imprecation , that c his bloud might be on them and their children , were for this d their crying sinne especially , made the saddest spectacles of divine justice , and humane misery of all other nations in the world , being quite extirpated out of their own land , almost totally deleted by the sword , pestilence , famine ; carried away captives , and dispersed like so many vagabonds over the face of the whole earth , as the very off-scowring of the world , and execration , derision of all other people , having no place , city , form of government , or republike of their own , in any corner of the universe ; ( according to gods comminations against them , levit. 26. 14. to 46. deut. 28. 15. to 68. jer. 9. 10. c. 13. 24. ezech. 5. 2. to the mid . c. 12. 15. c. 22. 15. mich. 1. 21. mat. 24. ) or what banishments , punishments , oppositions , restraints by penal laws , suppressions of their synagogues , ceremonies , they have received in all ages from christian kings , princes , republikes in forreign parts , for their implacable malice , blasphemie against our saviour jesus christ , christians , christian religion , and other crimes and misdemeanors to which they are most addicted , is not the subject of my intended brief discourse , and so fully related by josephus , egesippus , eusebius , nicephorus , zonaras , paulus diaconus , the magdeburgian centuriators , out of them and other historians , in their 2. to their 13 centuries , chap. 14 , and 15. in baronius his annals , and h●yl●●s microcosm , p. 568 , 569 , 570. where all may peruse them , that i shall not spend time to recite them , but wholly confine my self to a brief relation of their first admission into , their ill deportment , misdemeanors , sufferings , popular insurrections against them in , and their final banishment by judgement and edict of parliament out of england , never to return again , collected out of the best historians : to which i shall subjoyn , a taste only of such laws , scriptures , and reasons , as seem strongly to plead against their re-admission into our island , especially at this season . when the jews came first into england , appears not certainly by any historians , there being no mention of their being here in any of our british or saxon kings reigns , to my remembrance . antoninus in his chronicles tit. 16. ca. 5. records , that william the conqueror king of england , translated the jews from rhoan to london ; and the magdeburg centuries out of him , centur. xi . cap. 14. col. 686. adds thereto , that it was ob numeratum precium , for a summ of money given to him by them , ( which i find not in antoninus . ) both these authors intimate , that this was their first arival in england , yet in what year of this king , they are silent . with them concurs raphael holinshed , vol. 3. p. 15. where thus he writes , among other grievances , which the english sustained by the hard dealings of the conqueror , this is to be remembred , that he brought jews into the land from rouen , and appointed them a place to inhabit and occupy : ( reputing their very first introduction a grievance to the english , and hard dealing . ) which john stow in his annals of england , p. 103. thus seconds , king william brought the jews from rhoan here to inhabit in england . but this law concerning the jews , inserted amongst the laws in the confessors time , seems to prove their arrival and settlement in england , to be before this normans reign ; unlesse mis-placed in point of time amongst his lawes by hoveden , being rather in my opinion , a declaration of the jews servile condition under king william , and richard the first , when hoveden writ , then any law in king edwards reign , or before , as the words import . e de judaeis in regno constitutis . sciendum est quoque , quod omnes judaei , ubicunque in regno sunt , sub tutela & defensione domim regis sunt ; nec quilibet eorum alicui diviti se potest subdere , sine regis licentia . judaei , & omnia sua regis sunt . quod si quispiam detinuerit eis pecuniam suam , perquirat rex tanquam suum proprium : ( or detmuerit eos , vel pecuniam corum perquirat rex , si vult , tanquam suum proprium , ( as sir henry spelman renders it . ) this law or declaration ( being the first record making mention of their being , and condition in england : ) proves , that as all the jews when they came first into england , were under the kings protection and patronage where ever they resided : that they were under him only as his meer vassals , their persons and goods being his alone ; & that they could dispose of neither of them without his license : into which slavish condition they doubtlesse then put themselves , ( being banished out of other nations for their villanies ) only to avoid the fury of the common people , to whom they were most detestable , who else would have quickly murdered , or ston'd them to death , and stript them of all their wealth ; as the sequell will declare . the next passage in historians concerning the jews being and condition in england , is that of f william of malmsbury in william rufus his reign . the jews ( writes he ) in his time gave a testimony of their insolency : once at rhoan , endeavouring by gifts to perswade and revoke certain men to judaism , who had deserted their error : another time at london , being animated to enter into a combate ( or dispute ) against our bishops , because the king ( in merriment , as i believe ) had said , that if they should ▪ overcome the christians , and confute them by open arguments , he would then revolt to them , and become one of their sect ; whereupon it was managed with great fear of the bishops and clergy , and with pious solicitude of such who were afraid of the christian faiths miscarriage . and from this combate the jews only brought away nothing besides confusion ; although they would many times boast , that they were overcome not by argument , but by a faction . g antoninus relating the story in the same words , addes only this , that the jews comming to this king on a certain solemnity , and offering him gifts ; ( after their removal from rhoan to london ) he thereupon animated them to a conflict against the christians , swearing by st. lukes face , that if they overcame them , he would revolt to their sect : ( as if he spake it in good earnest ) with whom the h magdeburge centuries accord . by which we may observe , that the jews were no sooner transported and setled in rhoan and london , but they presently began to grow very insolent against the christians ; 1. endeavouring to pervert some of them by monies to judaism . 2ly , attempting to corrupt the king himself , by gifts , to side with them against the bishops and clergy , and to become one of their sect. 3ly , by entring into open disputations with the bishops and clergy against the christian faith , to the great fear of the professors , and hazard of the christian religion . 4ly , by boasting frequently when they were overcome , that it was only by power and faction , not truth or disputation . and will not this be their very practise now , if re-admitted , to the hazard of our christian religion , and seduction of many simple , unstable souls , in this unsetled , apostatizing age ? when not only the ignorant people , but many great professors , turn atheists , hereticks , seekers , apostates , blasphemers , ranters , quakers , antiscripturists , and what not , but real christians ? this history of william rufus , causing a disputation between the christians and the jews , is related by raphael holinshed in his chronicle ; vol. 3. p. 27. who likewise records of him , that he being at rhoan on a time , there came to him diverse jews , who inhabited that city , complaining to him , that divers of that nation had renounced their jewish religion , and were become christians : wherefore they besought him , that for a certain summe of money which they offered to give , it might please him to constrain them to abjure christianity , and turn to the jewish law again . he was content to satisfie their desires , and so receiving the money , called them before him ; and what with threats , and putting them otherwise in fear , he compelled divers of them to forsake christ , and to turn to their old errors . hereupon , the father of one stephen a jew , converted to the christian faith , being sore troubled for that his son was turned a christian , and hearing what the king had done in such like matters , presented to him 60 marks of silver , conditionally , that he should enforce his son to return to his jewish religion ; whereupon the young man was brought before the king , unto whom he said , sirra , thy father here complaineth , that without his license thou art become a christian : if this be true , i command thee to return again to the religion of thy nation , without any more adoe . to whom the young man answered , your grace ( as i guess ) doth but jest . wherewith the king being moved , said , vvhat ? thou dounghil knave , should i jest with thee ; get thee hence quickly , and fulfill my commandement , or by st. lukes face , i shall cause thine eyes to be plucked out of thine head . the young man nothing abashed thereat , with a constant voice answered , truly i will not do it ; but know for certain , that if you were a good christian , you would never have uttered any such words ; for it is the part of a christian , to reduce them again to christ , which are departed from him , and not to separate them from him , which are joyned to him by faith. the king herewith confounded , commanded the jew to avant and get him out of his sight : but his father perceiving , that the king could not perswade his son to forsake the christian faith , required to have his money again . to whom the king said , he had done so much as he promised to doe ; that was , to perswade him so far as he might . at length , when he would have had the king to have dealt further in the matter ; the king ( to stop his mouth ) tendred back to him the one half of his money , and received the other to himself . all which increased the suspition men had of his infidelity . by this history we may perceive what a prevailing engin the jews money is , both to scrue them into christian kingdoms , though the most bitter , inveterate , professed enemies of christ himself , christians , and christianity ; and how their money can induce even christian princes to perpetrate most unchristian , and antichristian actions ; and enforce by threats and violence , even converted christian jews , to renounce their christianity , and apostatise to their former jewish errors which they had quite renounced . and do not they still work even by the self-same money-engin ? preferred by too many christians , even before christ himself , and christianity ? in the year of our lord , 1145. during the reign of king stephen , the jews grew so presumptuous in england , that they crucified a child called vvilliam , in the city of norwich , in derision of christian religion , as matthew vvestminster , flores historiarum , ann. 1145. p. 39. chronicon johannis bromton ; col. 1048. hygden in his polychronicon ; antoninus : centuriae magdeburgenses : cent. 12. c. 14. mr. john fox in his acts and monuments , 1640. vol. 1. p. 302. richard grafton in his chronicle , p. 46. raphael holinshed in his chronicle , vol. 3. p. 56. and others joyntly attest . not long after this , anno 1160. ( the 6. year of henry the ii. ) they cracifyed another child at gloucester , ( in contempt of christ and his passion ) as john bromtons chronicon . col . 1050. henry de knyghton , de eventibus angliae , l. 2. col . 2394 polychronicon : fox acts and monuments , vol. 1. p. 302. grafton , in his chronicle , p. 46. and others record . and in the same kings reign , anno 1181. upon the same account , the jews on the feast of easter martyred and crucified another child at st. edmonds-bury , called robert ; who was honourably interred soon after in the church of st. edmunds , and grew famous by miracles there wrought ; as gervasius dorobernensis , in his chronica , col . 1458. relates . what punishments were then inflicted on them for these murders , and insolencies , i find not recorded ; perchance they purchased their peace with monies : for i i read , that in the year 1168. king henry the 2. wanting monies , banished the wealthiest of the jews out of england , and fined the rest of them in 5000 marks ; most likely for these their misdemeanors . the k jews , though there were a great multitude of them in england , in every quarter of the realm , had only one church-yard alotted them , and that at london ; in which they were enforced to bury all-their dead corps wheresoever they died ; which being a great trouble and annoyance to them , thereupon in the year 1178. they petitioned king henry the 2. ( being at stanstede ) for a license to have church-yards without the cities wherein they inhabited , in convenient places where they could purchase them , wherein to bury their dead ; which he then granted to them . it seems the jews were then so odious to the whole nation , that they would not permit them to bury their very dead corps in any english soyl , for fear of polluting it , nor near any christians bodies , without the kings special license . l king richard the first being to be crowned king at london , in the year of our lord , 1189. the chiefest of the jews flocked together from all parts to his coronation , resolving to purchase the favour of the new king with most ample gifts , and to get their former priviledges confirmed , which they feared they should lose . but they being suspected of sorcery and magick , the king by a publick proclamation prohibited all jews from entring the church while she was crowning , or his palace , whiles he was therein feasting . notwithstanding some of the principal jews secretly got into the church and palace ; who being discovered one after another were well beaten , and thrust out of the church and court by the kings officers and christians . upon which the common people then flocking in greatmultitudes to the kings coronation , fell upon the jews standing in great multitudes at the pallace gate , first beating them with their fists , and then taking up clubs and stones slew some of them , and left the others half dead : whereupon one of them called benedict of yorke ; being so beaten and wounded , that he despaired of life , and extraordinarily terrified with the fear of death , received baptism from william prior of st. maries of yorke , and thereby escaped the peril of death , and hands of the persecutors . in the mean while there was a great rumor spred throughout the city of london upon this occasion , that the king desired , and had commanded , that all the jews should be banished and destroyed ; whereupon an infinite number of people , as well out of the city , as most counties of england then coming to the coronation , inflamed with the desire of booty , betaking themselves to their arms , fell pell-mell upon the jews , and slew and pillaged them both in the streets and in their houses ; and those who defended themselves for a time in such strong houses which they could not enter , were there soon after burnt and consumed , together with their houses , by the furious multitude , who put fire to their houses , and burnt down most of them , synagogae dat● dedec●ri , and likewise defaced their synagogues , as radulphus de diceto records . the king being informed hereof whiles he was feasting with his nobles , thereupon sent ranulphus de glanvd then chief justice of the realm , a potent and prudent man , together with other great noblemen , to perswade and restrain these bold people . but all in vain , for in so great a multitude , none would hear their voices , nor reverence their persons ; but rather murmuring against them , exhorted them speedily to return : whereupon they advisedly declining their unbridled rage , the fury of these plunderers ceased not till the next day . ac licet immensit as , tantae rabiei si dissimulata est inulta transiret , primordia regiae majestatis denigraret plurimum ; propter re●●um tamen infinitam multitudinem dissimulari oportuit quod vindicari non potuit ; writes henry de knyghton . yet the very next day the king sending his officers throughout the city , commanded some of the said malefactors to be apprehended , and brought before him , of which three were hanged by the judgement of his court : one , because he had stollen the goods of a certain christian : and two because they had made a fire in the city , whereby the houses of christians were burned . after which the king sent for the man , who of a jew was made a christian , and demanded of him , in the presence of those who had seen him baptized , whether he were made a christian ? who answered , that he was not , but that he permitted the christians to do to him what they would , that he might escape death . then the king demanded of the archbishop , in the presence of many archbishops and bishops , vvhat was to be done concerning him ? who answering very indiscreetly , said : if he will not be a man ( or servant ) of god , let him be a man ( or servant ) of the devil ; and so he returned to the judaical law. in the mean time the king sent his writs throughout all the counties of england , prohibiting , that none should doe any harm to the jews , but that they should enjoy his peace . but before that edict was ●ublis●e , the jews which were in the towne of d●nstaple ( to preserve their lives from the peoples fury ) being con●erted to the christian faith were baptized , b●●roathing their wi●es after the manner of christians ; which was likewise done through many cities of england . and although the king by his proclamation had decreed peace to the jews , yet notwithstan●ing the fury against the jews kindled at london , not verily out of a zeal of faith , but of gain , vehemently raged in other places of the land. for a certain jew at lynne happening to be made a christian ; thereupon the jews persecuting him , as a prevaricator of the law , taking an opportunity , assaulted him with arms as he passed through the city ; whereupon he took sanctuary in the church ; yet notwithstanding he raging jews would not rest quiet ●or this , but with a continued fury presently began to assault the said church with great violence presently hereupon there arose a great clamor ; and the christians assistance was desired with loud out-cries . this clamor and fame incensed the christian people , and young men who were strangers , of which a great number at that time resorted thither , by reason of traffick ; who running to the church armed , valiantly assaulted the proud jews , who being unable to resist the assault of the christians , presently betook themselves to flight . after which , the christians assaulting and taking their houses , spoyled , and then burnt them with fire . hereupon the young-men who were strangers , laden with prey , departed with it speedily to their ships , lest they should be questioned , and perchance inforced to restore their booty , by the kings officers . but the inhabitants of the place , when they were questioned for this by the kings officers , translated this fact to the strangers , who were then departed from thence ; although themselves were not altogether innocent , taking up arms against the jews upon the out-cry , but yet doing nothing against the jews , for fear of the kings displeasure , not long after , in lent there arose a new storm against the jews at stanford ; for there being solemn fairs there held in lent , the young men and souldiers who had taken upon them the sign of the crosse , and were then ready to go to jerusalem with the king , assembling together there out of divers counties , disdaining that the jews , being the enemies of the crosse of christ , possessed such great store of goods and wealth , when as they had not sufficient to defray the necessary expences of so great a journey ; and imagining that they should do god good service , if they assaulted these his enemies ; boldly rushed upon them , no man opposing himself against so great attempts ; whereupon divers of the jews were slain , & the rest being received into the castle , hardly escaped with their lives , their goods being all plundered , and the plunderers departing freely away with their booty , none of them being so much as questioned , or punished by the kings discipline . the citizens of lincoln hearing what was done to the jews of stanford , taking occasion , and being animated by the examples of others , were willing to do something against them : and being assembled together against the jews inhabiting together with them , became enraged against them . but these jews being made more wary by the slaughters and damages of others , some few of them suffering harm and damages , the rest fled timely with their monies into the royal fort , and there secured themselves . in all other places wheresoever the jews were found , they were pillaged and slain by the hands of the pilgrims , who hastning through england towards jerusalem , decreed to rise up first against the jews , before they invaded the saracens . hereupon all the jews who were found in their own houses at norwich were slain on the 8. of february , some few of them only escaping to the castle . at the same time , the nobles and gentry of yorkeshire , nothing fearing the kings proclamation , the wicked jews having by usury reduced thē to extream poverty , joyning with them some holy soldiers , brake up th● houses of the chief jews , equall to the kings palace , sle● their families , spoiled their goods , and burnt their ho●●s in the night , and then retired themselves to their h●mes in the dark . after which , the promiscuous multitud● making an assault upon the jews , slew them without di●●●●ction of sex or age ; except some few who would give up their names to christ in baptism to save their lives . on the 18 day of april , being palm-sunday , the rest of the jews in the city of yorke , ( being 500 men and women , besides their children ) fearing the violence of the christians , shut up themselves within the castle of yorke by the will and consent of the guardian thereof , and of the sheriff ; who being thus received into the castle for their defence by the guardian and sheriff , would not afterwards deliver it up unto them again . whereupon the sheriff and keeper of the castle being much offended with them , assembled the souldiers of the county , and men of the city , that they might free the castle from those jews , exhorting them to do their utmost endeavours to effect it : who when they had assaulted the castle day and night , the jews offered a great summe of money to save their lives ; but all in vain , the people being so incensed against them that they would not accept it : whereupon a certain jew skilfull in their law , stood up , and said . men of israel hearken to my counsel ; it is better for us to die for our law , then to fall into the hands of the enemies of our law ; and our very law commands the same thing . upon which all the jews , as well men as women , consented to his counsel , and every father of a family going with a sharp razor , first of all cut the throats of his own wife and children , and then of his family , casting the dead corps of those whom they had thus sacrificed to devils , over the castle walls upon the christian people . after which , burning their rich cloathes , an / casting their golden vessels and jewels into privies , that the christians might not be inriched by them , these murderers shutting up themselves and the rest they had killed in the kings house , set it on fire , and so burnt both themselves and it . after which the citizens of yorke , and the souldiers of the county burnning all the jews houses together , spoyled their goods , seized their possessions to themselves , and burn'd all the charters of their debts . the king being informed hereof , and much incensed , both for the contempt of his royal proclamation and authority , and dammage to his exchequer , to which all the goods and debts of the jews , being usurers belonged , commanded his chancellor to inflict due punishment upon the authors of this sedition . whereupon , after easter , the bishop of ely the kings chancellor gathering a great army together , came to yorke , to apprehend those as malefactors who had destroyed the jews of the city : and understanding that this was done by the command of the sheriff and governour of the castle , he put them both from their offices ; and took sureties from the citizens of the city , for to keep the peace of the king and kingdom , and to stand to the law in the kings court concerning the death of the jews : and commanded the souldiers of the county who were at the destruction of the jews , to be apprehended ; but the chief of them flying into scotland , escaped , not one of them all being put to death for this great massacre and riot . henry de knighton , de eventibus angliae , l. 2. c. 13. gives this censure of these slaughters and popular tumults against the jews . the zeal of the christians conspired against the jews in england , but in truth not sincerely , that is , for the cause of faith ; but either out of emulation and envy because of their felicity , or out of gaping after their goods : the justice truly of god not at all approving such things , but decently ordering them , that by this means he might punish the insolency of a perfidious nation . he likewise addes ; that one john , a most bold christian , flying from stanford with many spoyls of the jews to northampton , was there secretly slain by his host , to get his money , and thrown without the city in the night , the murderer flying therupon . after which , through the dreams of old women , & falacious signs , the simple people atributing to him the merits of a martyr , honoured his sepulchre with solemn vigils , and gifts . this was derided by wife men , yet it was acceptable to the clerks there living , by reason of the gains . which the bishop hearing of , presently un-saincted him , and prophaned the monuments of this false martyr , continued by the study of simple and covetous persons . i wish no such plunderers as this , might be saincted and adored in our age , as too many of them are , even before their deaths , who will be un-saincted after them , as well as this bold plunderer of the jews . mr. fox in his acts and monuments , vol. 1. p. 305. relating the story of the massacres of the jews this year out of the chronicle of vvestminster , saith : that there were no less than a thousand five hundred of the jews destroyed at that time in york alone , ( beside those slaughtered in other places ) so that this year , which the jews took to be their jubile , was to them a year of confusion . neither was this plague of theirs undeserved for every year commonly their custom was , to get some christian mans child from the parents , and on good-friday to crucifie him , in despite of our religion . king richard the first , after his return out of the holy land in the year , 1194. appointed justices , laws and orders , for preventing the frauds , and regulating the contracts of the jews , both between themselves , and between christians and them , thus recorded at large by m roger de hoveden , and briefly touched only by some others . all the debts , pawns , morgages , lands , houses , rents and possessions of the jews , shall be registred . the jew who shall conceal any of these , shall forfeit to the king his body , and the concealment , and likewise all his possessions and chattels ; neither shall it be lawfull to the jew ever to recover the concealment . likewise 6 or 7 places shall be provided , in which they shall make all their contracts , and there shall be appointed two lawyers that are christians , and two lawyers who are jews , and two egal registers ; and before them , and the clorks of william of the church of st. maries , and william of chimilli , shall their contracts be made : and charters shall be made of their contracts by way of indenture . and one part of the indenture shall remain with the jew , sealed with his seal to whom the money is lent ; and the other part shall remain in the common chest ; wherein there shall be 3 locks and keys , whereof the 2 christians shall keep one key , and the 2 jews another , and the clerks of william of st. maries church , and william of chimilli , shall keep the third . and moreover , there shall be three seals to it ; and those who keep the seals , shall put the seals thereto . moreover the clorks of the said william and william shall keep a roll of the transcripts of all the charters ; and as the charters shall be altered , so let the roll be likewise : for every charter there shall be 3 pence paid , one moity thereof by the jew , and the other moity by him to whom the money is lent ; whereof the 2 writers shall have 2 pence , and the keeper of the roll the third . and from henceforth no contract shall he made with , nor payment made to the jews , nor any alteration made of the charters , but before the said persons , or the greater part of thē , if all of them cannot be present . and the aforesaid 2 christians shall have one roll of the debts or receites of the payments which from henceforth are to be made to the jews , and the 2 jews one , and the keeper of the roll one . moreover , every jew shall swear upon his roll that all his debts and pawns , and rents , and all his goods and possessions he shall cause to be enrolled , and that he shall conceal nothing , as is aforesaid : and if he shall know that any one shall conceal any thing , he shall secretly reveal it to the iustices sent unto them ; and that they shall detect and shew unto them , all falsifiers or forgers of charters , and clippers of moneys , where or when they shall know them , and likewise all false charters . by these strict politick laws , the king and his officers knew the particular wealth , monies , goods , debts , and real and personal estates of every jew , and in whose hands they were , and so could seize and command them at their pleasure , upon any real or pretended misdemeanors , or complaints against them . n king john , in the year of our lord 1210. commanded all the jews of both sexes throughout england to be apprehended and imprisoned ; and to be afflicted with most grievous torments , that so they might satisfie the kings pleasure with their mony . some of them being grievously tortured , gave all things which they had , and promised more , that they might by this means escape so many kinds of torments . amongst whom one jew at bristol , punished with various torments , when as he would neither redeem himself , nor submit to any fine , the king commanded his tormentors , that they should every day pull out one of his grinding teeth , untill he should pay to the king ten thousand marks of silver . and when at last for 7 dayes space they had pulled out 7 of his teeth , with intollerable torment , and now on the 8 day the tormentors had begun the like work again ; this jew , an over-slow provider for his profit , gave them the aforesaid money , that he might save the 8 tooth to himself , the other 7 being pulled out : who , with much more wisdom , and less pain , might have done so before , and have saved his 7 teeth , having but 8 in all . o in the year 1222. in a council at canterbury under archbishop stephen , a certain apostate jew , made of a christian a deacon , and afterwards apostatizing , was there judicially punisht , whom falco presently apprehending , caused to be hanged , as matthew paris writes ; but bracton and others record , that he was burned to ashes . p king henry the 3 ▪ anno 1230. wanting moneys , constrained the jews , whether they would or would not , to give him the third part of all their movable goods , and that with all expedition . q the jews in the year of our lord 1231. builded a synagogue very curiously , but the christians obtained of the king , that it should be dedicated to our blessed lady , and was since by the same king henry , granted to the brethren of st. anthony of vienna , and called st. anthonies hospitall . r in the year of our lord , 1233. king henry the 3. at his proper costs built in london , not farr from the old temple , a decent house and church , sufficient for a covent , with other convenient edifices thereto belonging , called * the house of the converts : to which house the converted jews flying , leaving the blindnesse of judaism , under a certain honest rule of living , might have a certain habitation , a safe refuge , and a sufficient livelihood during their whole liues , without servile labour , and the gain of usury . whereupon it came to passe , that in a short time there was gathered together to that place , a great number of converts , who were there baptized and instructed in the christian faith , and lived laudably , being governed by a skillfull rector , specially appointed for that purpose . ſ king henry in the year 1235. keeping his court and the nativity at vvestminster with many of his bishops and nobles , there were brought before him upon the complaint of john toly , 7 jews , who had circumcised a certain child in norwich , whom they had stollen away from his parents , and kept for a years space from the sight of christians , intending to crucifie him on the feast of easter . but being convicted for this fact , they confessed the truth of the thing in the kings presence ; and so being at the kings pleasure , both for their life and members , were detained in prison for this fact , and some of them drawn and hanged . t in the year of our lord , 1240. the jews circumcised a christian child at norwich , and being circumcised , they called him jurninus : but reserved him to be crucified , in contumely of jesus christ crucified . but the father of the child , from whom the jews had stollen him , diligently seeking after his sonne , at the last found him shut up in the custody of the jews : and with loud clamours declared , that his sonne , whom he thought to have been lost , was wickedly kept up in the chamber of a certain jew . which great premeditated wickednesse coming to the knowledge of the bishop , william rele , a prudent and circumspect man , and of other great men , lest through the slothfulnesse of the christians so great an injury of christ should be passed by unpunished , all the jews of the city were apprehended : and when as they would have defended themselves by regal authority ; the bishop said , these things belong to the church , and are not to be determined in the kings court , seeing the question to be discussed , is concerning circumcision , and the breach of faith . whereupon 4 of the jews being convicted of the aforesaid wickednesse , were first dragged about at the tails of horses , and at last hanged on the gallows , lamentably breathing forth the reliques of life . the very next year the jews in forraign parts , especially in germany , believing , that the tartars were of their own nation , entred into a secret league with them , to destroy the christians , and subdue the whole world to themselves ; to which end they provided many , hogsheads filled with arms to be transported to the tartars ; pretending to the christian princes , that they were vessels filled only with poysoned wines , wherewith they intended to poyson and destroy the tartars , who would drink no wines , but such as were made by the jews . but this their treachery being detected by the customers in germany ; who found these pretended vessels of wine , to be fraught with arms for the tartars wherewith to destroy the christians ; thereupon the jews were delivered to tormentors , to be perpetually imprisoned , or slain with their own swords , as matthew paris more at large relates . anno 1241. p. 564. u king henry , anno 1243. exacted a great ransom from the most miserable jews , both in gold and silver : so that , besides what he exacted from others , he extorted from one jew , aaron of yorke , 4 marks of gold , and 4000 marks of silver : the king himself receiving the gold with his own hand from every jew , man or woman , being made of a king , a new receiver of custome ; but the silver was received by others for the king. x anno 1244. in august , the corps of a little male child was found buried in the city of london , in whose thighs and arms , and under his paps , there was a regular inscription in hebrew letters . to which spectacle when as many resorted , admiring at it , and not knowing how to read the letters , knowing that the letters were hebrew , they called thither converted jews , who inhabited the house which the king had founded in london , that they as they loved their life or members , for the honour , love , and fear of their lord the king , without figment of falshood , might declare that writing . for the kings bayliffs and conservators of the peace were present . they likewise believed , neither without cause , that the jews had either crucified that little child in obloquy and contumely of christ ( which was related frequently to have happened ) or had afflicted him with sundry torments to crucify him , and when he had given up the ghost , they had now cast him there , as unworthy the crosse . moreover , there appeared in his body blew marks , and rents of rodds , and manifest signs and footsteps of some other torment . and when as those converts were brought , to read those things that were inscribed , and studied that they might perfectly read them , they found the letters deformed , and now not legible , being many ways disordered , and tossed up and down , by reason of the extension and contraction of the skin and flesh . but they found the name of the father and mother of the little child , suppressing their surnames , and that the child was sold to the jews ; but to whom , or to what end , they could not find . in the mean time , certain of the london jews took a secret and sudden flight , never to return again , who by this very thing rendered themselves suspected . and some assirmed that the lord had wrought miracles for the child . and because it was found , that the jews at other times had perpetrated such wickednesse , and the holy bodies crucified had been solemnly received in the church , and likewise to have shined brightly with miracles , although the prints of the 5 wounds appeared not in the hands and feet , and side of the said corps , yet the canons of st. paul took it violently away , and solemnly buried it in their church , not far from the great altar . y the same year ( 1244. ) the barons in parliament ordered , that there should be one justice at the least appointed for the jews , by the nomination of the parliament . z in the year of our lord ; 1250. king henry the 3d. burning with a covetous desire , commanded mony to be extorted from the jews without all mercy , so as they might seem to be altogether and irrecoverably impoverished ; exacting what monies soever they had in their chests . notwithstanding , although they were miserable , yet they were pittied by none , because they were often proved and convicted to have been counterfeiters as well of monies as of seals . and to passe by the monies of others , we shall only mention one , that their malice may the more appear to many . there was a certain rich jew , having his abode and house at berkamstede and wallingford , abraham in name , not in faith , who was very dear to earl richard , who had a very beautifull wife , and faithfull to him , named flora. this jew that he might accumulate more disgrace to christ , caused the image of the virgin many , decently carved and painted , as the manner is , holding her sonne in her bosom . this image the jew placed in his house of office ▪ and which is a great shame and ignomy to expresse , blaspheming the image it self , as if it had been the very virgin her self , threw his most filthy , and not to be named excrements upon her , days and nights , and commanded his wife to do the like . which when his wife saw , after some days , she grieved at it by reason of the sex , and passing by secretly , wiped off the filth from the face of the image most filthily defiled . which when the jew her husband had fully found out , he therefore privily and impiously strangled the woman her self , though his wife . but when these wicked deeds were discovered , and made apparent , and proved by his conviction , although other causes of death were not wanting , he was thrust into the most loathsom castle of the tower of london . whence to get his freedom , he most certainly promised , that he would prove all the jews of england , to have been most wicked traitors . and when as he was greatly accused almost by all the jews of england , and they endeavoured to put him to dea●h , earl richard interceded for him . whereupon the jews grievously accusing him both of the clipping of money , and other wickednesses , offred earl richard a thousand marks , if he would not protect him ; which notwithstanding the earl refused , because he was called his jew . this jew abraham therefore gave the king 700 marks , that he might be freed from perpetual imprisonment , to which he was adjudged , the earl assisting him therein . the king thereupon at the same time sent the justices of the jews throughout all england , to search out all their mony both in debts and possessions , and with them a certain most wicked & mercilesse jew , that he might wickedly & falsly accuse all the rest against the truth ; who verily reprehended the christians , pitying and weeping over the affliction of the jews , and called the kings bayliffs , luke-warm and effeminate ; and gnashing with his teeth over every jew , affirmed with many great oathes , that they could give twice as much more to the king , then what they had given , although he most wickedly lyed against his own head . this jew , that he might more effectually hurt the rest , revealed all their secrets daily to the kings christian exactors . in the mean time the king ceased not to scrape mony together from all hands , but principally from the jews ; so that from one jew alone , born and living in yorke , called aaron , ( because he was convicted of falsifying a charter , as was reported ) he extorted 14000 marks , and 10000 marks of gold for the queens use , for a little times respite , that he might not languish in prison . all which sums being paid , it was found that this aaron had paid to the k. since his return from forraign parts , 30000 marks of silver , and two hundred marks of gold to the queen , as the said aaron upon the attestation of his honor and faith averred to matthew paris , who records it . yet notwithstanding , although the jews might be pittied , yet were they pittied by no man , seeing they were corrupters and counterfeiters of the kings mony and of charters , and manifestly and frequently proved , condemned , and reprobated as such . a philip lunel clerk , called to the service of the king , and addicted to the custody of the jews , anno 1251. was grievously accused before the king , his adversaries affirming , that when he and nicholas of st albans clerk , were sent towards the northern parts to tax and squeeze the jews , he privily received most precious vessels from a certain jew , that he might spare him in his tallage to the king ; and that he likewise took secret gifts from others , that he might spare them ; and that he opprest these jews notwithstanding , to the dammage of the king , and the violation of his faith. whereupon the king being very angry , commanded philip himself to be unworthily handled , untill he should satisfy him for this great transgression . philip hereupon , a crafty and circumspect man , humbly craved advice and assistance from the lord john mansell , the kings prime counsellor , concerning his great tribulation , because he had promoted him to the kings service , who effectually procured that he recovered the kings favor , giving him a great summ of mony for it , a thousand marks , as was reported . yet notwithstanding he was removed from his office , and not a little disgraced . it seems the kings officers could fleece the jews in that age , by secret bribes and gifts , as well as himself , by intollerable exactions . b king henry the iii. to satisfie the popes desire in taking a voyage to the holy land , anno 1252. extorted from the jews whatsoever those miserable wretches might seem to have , not only by scraping or excoriating , but even by unbowelling them . being also an hydropical thirster after gold , he so greedily sucked talents , or bullion , or jewels , as well from christians as jews , that a new crassus might seem to be raised from the dead . and th●s very year robert de la ho , to whom the king had committed the custody of the jews , and of the seal which belonged to their exchequer , was grievously accused before the king , being charged with this crime , that he had oppressed the innocent son of a certain knight , by a certain false charter , confirmed with the seal , of which the said robert , justice of the jews , was the bearer and keeper . whereupon he was basely apprehended , and committed to a close prison ; and defamed with the like scandal wherewith philip lunel but the year just before had been intangled in the-snares of the perfidious jews , who was then their justice . at last , by the great labour of his friends , the malice of the jews is detected , but the innocency of the said robert then set free , scarce declared . whereupon being put from his offices , he openly paid 4 marks of gold at least for his fine . c this very year ( 1252. ) there came out of the holy land a mandate from the king of france ; that all the jews should be expelled out of the realm of france , and condemned to perpetual exile ; with this clause of moderation added thereto : but he who desires to remain , let him be an artificer , or handicrafts-man , and apply himself to mechanical artifices . for it was scornfully objectd to the said king by the saracens ; that we d●d little love or reverence our lord jesus christ , who tolerate the murderers of him to live among us . d in the year of christ , 1253. novemb. 10. the obligatory charter wherewith the abbot and covent of st. alban were held bound for the debt of richard de oxaie knight , was taken out of the hand of elias the london jew , and freed out of the chest ; and it was proclaimed in the school of the jews at london ( where it seems they had then a school ) that the foresaid abbot and covent should be quit from all this debt against them , from the beginning of the world till then , as the statute obtained by them protesteth . e the jews in northampton about the year of our lord , 1253. had among themselves prepared wild-fire , to burn the city of london ; for the which divers of them were taken and burned in the time of lent , in the city of northampton . f anno 1254. king henry after easter so cruelly raged against the most miserable people of the jews , that they loathed even to live . and when they were called together , earl richard exacted of them for the use of the king , who was in great want , no small summe of mony , under pain of a most loathsom prison , and a most ignominious death . elias therefore of london , high priest of the jews , taking counsel with his companions , answered for them all , who had frequently paid very great summs of mony , whether they would or would not . o noble lords , we see undoubtedly that our lord the king purposeth to destroy us from under heaven . we intreat , for gods sake , that he would give us license & safe conduct of departing out of his kingdom , that we may seek and find a mansion in some other place , under some prince who bears some bowels of mercy , and some stability of truth and faithfulness . and we will depart , never to return again , leaving here our housholdstuff , and houses behind us . how can he love or spare us , miserable jews , who destroyes his own natural english ? he hath people , yea his own merchants , i say not usurers , who by usurious contracts heap up infinite heaps of money . let the king rely upon them , and gape after their emoluments . verily they have supplanted & impoverisht us . which the k. howsoever dissembles to know , exacting fro us those things we cannot give him , although he would pull out our eyes , or cut our throats when he had first pulled off our skins . and speaking this with sighs and tears hindring his speech , he held his peace , falling almost into an extasie , ready to die . which when it came to the knowledge of the magistrates , they permitted them not to depart out of the realm ; saying . whether will ye flee , o wretches ? behold the king of france hateth and persecuteth you , and hath condemned you to perpetual exile : shunning charibdis , you desire to be drowned in scylla . and so the small little substance , which was left to them for their mean sustentation , was violently extorted from them . g king henry the 3d. an. 1255. exacted with great earnestnesse from the jews , although very frequently impoverished , 8000 marks , to be speedily paid unto him under pain of hanging . but they seeing nothing else hanging over them , but destruction with confusion , answered all unanimously . sir king , we see that thou sparest neither christians , nor jews , but studiest with crafty fetches to impoverish all men : we have no hope of respiration left us : the usurers of the pope have supplanted us ; permit us to depart out of thy kingdom with safe conduct ; and we will seek for our selves such a mansion as we can , be it what it will. which when the king had heard , he cryed out with a querulous voice , saying : it is no marvel if i covet money , it is an horrible thing to imagin the debts wherein i am held bound . by the head of god they amount to the sum of two hundred thousand marks , & if i should say of three , i should not exceed the bounds of truth . i am deceived on every side . i am a maimed and abridged king , yea , now but an halfed king. for having made a certain estimate of the expences of my rents , the sum of the annual rent of edward my sonne amounts to above 15000 marks . there is therefore a necessity for me to live of the mony gotten from what place soever , from whomsoever , and by what means soever . therefore being made another titus , or vespasian , he sold the jews for some years to earl richard his brother , that those whom the king had excoriated , he might eviscerate . yet the eatl spared them , considering their abbreviated power , and ignominious poverty . h the same year , about the feast of peter and paul , the jews of lincoln stole a child called hugo , being 8 years old , and when as they had nourished him in a certain most secret chamber , with milk and other childish aliments , they sent almost to all the cities of england wherein the jews lived , that in contempt and reproach of jesus christ , they should be present at their sacrifice at lincoln : for they had , as they said , a certain child hid to be crucified . whereupon many assembled at lincoln . and comming together , they appointed one lincoln jew for the judge , as it were for pilate . by whose judgement , by the consent of all , the child is afflicted with sundry torments . he is whipped even unto bloud and lividnesse , crowned with thorns , wearied with spittings and shriekings : and moreover he is pricked by them all with ponyards , made to drink gall , derided with reproaches and blasphemies , and frequently called by them with grinding teeth , jesus the false prophet . and after rhey had derided him in divers manners , they crucified him , and peirced him with a spear to the heart . and when the child had given up the ghost , they took down his body from the crosse , and took the bowels out of his corps , for what end is unknown , but it was said it was to exercise magical arts . the mother of the child diligently sought for her absent son for some dayes , and it was told her by neighbours , that the last time they saw her child whom she sought , he was playing with the children of the jews of his age , and entred into the house of a certain jew . whereupon the woman suddenly entred that house , and saw the body of the child cast into a certain pit . and having warily called the baylifs of the city together , the body was found and drawn forth ; and there was made a wonderful spectacle among the people . but the woman , mother of the child , complaining and crying out , provoked all the citizens there assembled together , to tears & sighs . there was then present at the place john de lexinton , a circumspect and discreet man , and moreover elegantly learned , who said . we have sometime heard , that the jews have not feared to attempt such things in reproach of jesus christ , our crucified lord. and one jew being apprehended , to wit , he into whose house the child entred playing , and therefore more suspected than the rest ; he saith unto him . owretch ! knowest thou not that speedy destruction abides thee ? all the gold of england will not suffice for thy deliverance or redemption . notwithstanding i will tell thee , although unworthy , by what means thou maist preserve thy life and members , that thou maist not be dismembred . i will save both to thee , if thou dost not fear to discover to me whatsoever things are done in this case without falshood . whereupon this jew , whose name was copin , believing he had thus found out a way of escape , answered , saying . sir john , if thou makest thy words good by thy deeds , i will reveal wonderful things to thee ; and the industry of sir john animating and exciting him thereto , the jew said . those things are true which the christians say . the jews almost every year crucify one child , to the injury and contumely of jesus ; but it is not found out every year : for they do this secretly , and in hidden and most secret places ; but this child whom they call hugo , our jews have most unmercifully crucified , and when he was dead , and they desired to hide him being dead , he could not be buried in the earth , nor hid . for the corps of the innocent was reputed unprofitable for divination , for he was unbowelled for that end . and when in the morning it was thought to be buried , the earth brought it forth , and vomitted it out , and the body sometimes appeared inhuman , whereupon the jews abhorred it . at last it was cast headlong into a deep pit , neither as yet could it be kept secret , for the importunate mother diligently searching all things , at last shewed to the baylifs the body she had found . but sir john notwithstanding this , kept the jew bound in chains . when these things were known to the canons of the church of lincoln , they requested the body to be given to them , which was granted them . and when it had been sufficiently viewed by an infinite company of people , it was honourably buryed in the church of lincoln , as the corps of a most precious martyr . the jews kept the child alive for 10 days , that being fed for so many dayes with milk , he might living suffer many sorts of torments . when the k. returned from the northern parts of england , and was certified of the premisses , he reprehended sir john , that he had promised life and members to so flagitious a person , which he could not give ; for that blasphemer and homicide was worthy the punishment of many sorts of death . and when as unavoydable judgement was ready to be executed upon this offender , he said . my death is now approaching , neither can my lord john preserve me , who am ready to perish . i now relate the truth to you all . almost all the jews of england consented to the death of this child , whereof the jews are accused : and almost out of every city in england wherein the jews inhabit , certain chosen persons were called together to the immolation of that child , as to a paschal sacrifice . and when as he had spoken these things , together with other dotages , being tied to an horses tail , and drawn to the gallows , he was presented to the aereal cacodaemons in body and soul ; and 91 other jews , partakers of this wickednesse , being carried in carts to london , were there committed to prison . who if so be they were casually bewailed by any christians , yet they were deplored by the caursini ( the popes italian usurers ) their corrivals with dry eys . afterwards by the inquisition of the kings justices , it was discovered & found ; that the iews of england by common councel had slain the innocent child , punished for many days , and crucified . but after this the mother of the said child constantly prosecuting her appeal before the king against them for that iniquity and such a death ; god the lord of revenges , rendred them a condigne retribution , according to their merits ; for on st. clements day , 88. of the richest and greatest jews of the city of london , were drawn and hanged up in the air upon new gibbets especially prepared for that purpose , and more than 23 others were reserved in the tower of london to the like judgement . i have transcribed this history at large out of matthew paris , who flourished at that time , because our other historians doe but briefly touch it , and because it undeniably manifests the transcendent impiety , blasphemy , malice , persecution , and obloquy of the jews against our saviour jesus christ , and christians , and their constant , usual practise of crucifying children almost every year , in contempt and reproach of our crucified saviour , by common consent ; which mr. nye conceived might be easily wiped off , as false , and not fully proved or charged on them by our historians , which this ensuing passage concerning these jews will further ratify . i certain infamous jews being 71 in number , adjudged to death by the oath of 25 knights , for the miserable death of the child crucified at lincoln , being reserved in the prisons of london to be hanged anno 1256 ( the year after their condemnation ) sent secret messengers ( as their enemies affirm ) to the friers minors , that they might intercede for them , that they might be delivered from death and prison , being notwithstanding worthy of the most shamefull death . whereupon they ( as the world reports , if the world in such a case be to be credited ) by the mediation of money , freed them by their prayers and intercession , both from the prison and from the death which they had deserved ; led thereto with a spirit of piety , as i think is piously to be believed : because so long as any man is in life , and in this world , he hath free will , may be saved , and there is hope of him . but yet for the devil , or the manifestly damned we are not to hope nor pray , because there is no hope of them ; for death and a definitive sentence , at once irrevobly intangle them ; neither could this answer excuse the minors , for although they were not guilty , yet the scandal did defame them . the common people now hath withdrawn their hands , that they do not benefit them with their alms , as heretofore , and the londoners devotion is grown cold towards the minorites . for procuring these condemned jews life and liberty , whose money ( it seemeth ) could even corrupt these very self-denying popish saints , who had renounced the world in habit , but not in heart . k all the prelates of england in the year 1257. drew up certain articles in writing concerning their liberties , which they intended to present to the king and nobles , to be ratified by them in parliament in due season ; wherein they complain , artic. 32 , 33. that when as the jews are convicted before the ecclesiastical judges for delinquency against an ecclesiastical person , or for ecclesiastical things , or for sacriledge , or for laying violent hands upon a clerk , or for adultery with a christian woman ; the conusans of the cause is hindered by the kings prohibition : because it alleageth that they have their proper judge , the sheriff of the place , and their proper delegated judges , who may and ought to have conusance of these things . and yet if they be convented by a clergy-man or lay-man before them for such things , upon the denial thereof by the person alone , the simple assertion of another jew , and of one christian , without the administring of any oath they purge themselves , the proof of the prosecutor being utterly rejected . item , if communion be denied to them by the church because they bear not their table or signe , or because they retain christian nurses against the precepts of the church , or if they be excommunicated for some other excesses ; the bayliffs ( or officers ) of the king communicating with them , command on the behalf of our lord the king himself , that they be not avoided by any , and cause them to be admitted and received to communion . against which grievances in derogation of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , the bishops then thus provided . and because in like manner the office of the prelates is hindred when as it happens a jew offending against ecclesiastical things and persons , shall be convented for these things before them , and for other things which apperta●n to the ecclesiastical court of meer right ; we provide , that the jew notwithstanding shall be compelled to answerin these cases by the interdict ofcommerce , contracts , and communion of the faithfull : likewise the inhibiters , hinderers and distrainers shall incurre the punishments of interdiction and excommunication . ( l ) in the year of christ 1259. on the feast of christs nativity , a certain creature , elias a jew of london , whose sirname was bishop , fearing danger and manifest damnation to himself , fled to the laver of defence and salvation , and was new-born in the spirit ; for being cleansed with wholesom baptism , two others also accompanying him , he was delivered out of the lot of the devil , and saved from the revenge of the most wicked crime heretofore committed by him . for it was said , that in his house that poysonous drink was made , which had proved mortal and perillous to many nobles of england , ( poysoned therewith by the jews ) which even he himself , as was reported , well confessed . but then he was a devil , but now throughly changed , and a christian , and as the condition , so the operation is changed . as mathew paris ironically writes of him . m a certain jew in the year 1260 fell into a privy at teuk●sbury ; but because it was then the sabbath , he would not suffer himself to be pulled out , except on the following lords day , for the reverence of his sabbath : wherefore richard clare earl of glocester , commanded him ( in reverence of the lords day ) to be kept there till munday , at which time he was found dead of the stink , or hunger . n the barons of england ann. 1262. robbed and slew the jews in all places : there were slain of them in london to the number of 700. the rest were spoyled , and their synagogues defaced . the original occasion of which massacre was , because one jew had wounded a christian man in london , within cole-church , and would have enforced him to have paid more than two pence for the usury of 20 s. for one week . o in the year 1264. in the passion week , the jews that inhabited the city of london , being detected of treason , which they had devised against the barons and citizens , were slain almost all the whole number of them , and great riches found in their houses , which were taken and carried away by those that ransacked the same houses . p the disinherited barons and gentlemen in the isle of oxholme , in the year 1266 , took and sacked the city of lincoln , spoyled the iews , and slew many of them , entred their synagogue , and burnt the book of their law. q in the 7th year of king edward the 1. ann. dom. 1278. as some , or 1279. as others compute it , the king held a parliament at london , which was chiefly called for the reformation of his coyn , which was then sore clipped , by reason whereof it was much diminished and impaired . in the time of this parliament in the moneth of november all the jews throughout england , ( as matthew vvestminster ) or many of the jews in london , and other parts of the realm , were apprehended in one day , and imprisoned in london for clipping of money : and in december following , divers enquests were charged in london to enquire of the said jews and all others who had so blemished and clipped the kings coyn ; by which enquests the jews of the city , with the gold-smiths that kept exchanges of silver were indicted . andshortly after candelmas , the mayor and justices of the land sat at london , where before them was cast 297 persons for clipping ; of the which 3 only were englishmen , and all the other were jews , born either within this realm , or elsewhere , but most of them english jews ; who were all of them at sundry places and times put to execution in london ; who impeached the chief men of london , and very many christians , who consented to their wickednesses . after which a very great multitude of jews were hanged in other cities of england for the same offence . r anno 1279. the jews of northampton crucified a christian boy , but did not throroughly kill him , upon good-friday ; for the which fact many of the jews at london , after easter , were drawn at horses tails , and hanged . ſ in the year of our lord 1282. john peckham arch-bishop of canterbury , sent an expresse precept and command to the bishop of london , to suppresse and destroy all the synagogues of the jews within his diocesse . t on may 2. anno 1287. all the jews of england were apprehended by the kings precept , for what cause was not known ; who ransomed themselves for 12000l . of silver ; they had then a synagogue at canterbury . fabian writes , that the jews of england were sessed at great sums of mony ( perchance the cause of their seisure ) which they paid unto the king ; but of * other authors it is said , that the commons of england then granted to the king the fifth part of their moveables , for to have the iews banished out of the land . for which cause the said jews , for to put the commons from their purposes , gave of their free wills great sums of money to the king , which saying appeareth to be true , for that the said jews were exiled within few years after , with whom grafton and holinshed accord . a strong evidence of the potency of jewish money , over-powring the whole commons of england in parliament , and this their liberal subsidy for their banishment at that season . about this year ( as i conceive ) the statutes of edward the first , intituled de judeismo , were made and published , printed in rench in tottles magna charta anno 1556. part 2. f. 58 , 59. which being not printed amongst our statutes at large in the english tongue , i shall here insert and translate . 1. for that the king hath seen , that many mischiefs & disherisons of honest men of this land have happened by the usuries which the jews have made therein in times past , and that many sins have therein risen from thence : albeit he and his ancestors have had great profit from the jews both now and in times past : notwithstanding this , for the honour of god , and for the common benefit of the people , the king doth ordain and establish ; that no jew hereafter shall take ought for usury upon lands , rents , nor upon other things : and that no usury shall run from the feast of st. edward last past , and before , but that the covenants before made shall be held , save only that the usuries themselves shall cease . provided that all those who are indebted to jews upon pawns moveable , shall discharge them between this and easter at furthest , and if not , let them be forfeited : and if any jew shall take usury against this establishment , the king neither by himself , nor any of his officers , will not intermeddle to cause him to recover his debt ( or use ) but will punish him at his pleasure for the trespasse , and shall do right to the christian to recover his gage . 2. and it is provided , that the distresses for the debt of jews , shall not hereafter be so grievous , that the moity of lands and chattels to the christians shall not remain for their sustenance . and that no distresse shall be made for the debt of a jew , upon the heir to the debtor named in the charter of the jew , nor upon other which holds the land which was the debtors , before the debt shall be dereigned and acknowledged in court. and if the sheriff or other bayliffs by commandment of the king ought to make seisin to a jew , to one or more , for their debt , of chattels , or of lands , to the value of the debt ; the chattels shall be praised by the oath of honest men : the chattels shall be delivered to the jew or jewesse , or to their attorney , to the value of the debt . and if the chattels be not sufficient , the lands shall be extended by the same oath , before that the seisin shall be delivered to the jew or jewesse , every one according to the value : and so that they may after know certainly the debt is discharged , that the christian afterwards may then have his lands : saving to the christian for ever the moity of his lands , and of his chattels for his sustenance , as afore is said , and the chiefhouse . 3. and if any thing stollen at this hour shall be found in the possession of a jew , and any will sue , let the jew have his summons , if he may have it , and if not , he shall answer so , that he shall never be privileged for it otherwise than a christian . 4. and that all the jews shall be residents in the cities and in the burroughs which are the kings own , where the * chest for the jews indenture is wont to be . and that every jew after he is past 7. years of age , shall carry a sign ( or badge ) in his chief garment ; that is to say in form of two talles of yellow taffety , of the length of six fingers , and breadth of 3. fingers ( or handfulls . ) and that every one after he is past 12 years , shall pay 3 d. the poll every year to the king , which shall be paid at easter ; and this shall be intended as well of women as of men . 5. and that no jew shall have power to infeoff another jew nor christian of their houses , rents or tenements which they have now purchased , not to alien them in any manner , nor to make an acquittance to any christian of his debt , without the special license of the king , untill the king hath otherwise ordained . 6. and because holy church wills and suffers , that they should live and be protected , the king takes them into his protection , and gives them his peace , and wills that they shall live , and shall be guarded and defended by his sheriffs , and his other bayliffs , and by his leiges ; and commands that none shall doe them harm , injury , nor force in their bodies , nor in their goods , moveables or unmoveables . and that they shall not be impleaded , sued nor challenged in any court , but in the * kings court , wheresoever they are . 7. and that none of them shall be obedient , respondent , nor render rent , but to the king and his bayliffs in his name , if it be not of their houses which they now hold rendering rent ; saving the right of holy church . 8. and the king grants them , that they shall live in their lawfull merchandizes , and by their labour , and that they shall converse with the christians for lawfull merchandizing in selling and in buying . but yet , that by this priviledge , nor any other , shall they be levant ( rising ) or couchant ( lying down ) amongst them . and the king will not , that by reason of their merchandize , that they should be in lots nor scots , nor tallage with those of the cities or burroughs where they remain , seeing they are tailable to the king , as his own vassals , and to none other . 9. moreover the king grants them , that they may buy houses and curtelages in the cities or burroughs where they reside , so as they hold them in chief of the king : saving to the lords the services due and accustomed . 10. and that they may take lands to farm for term of six years , or under , without taking homages or fealties , or such manner of service of a christian , and without having advowson of holy church , for to support their life in the world , if they know not how to merchandize , or be unable to labour . and this power for to take lands to farm , shall not endure to them but 15 years from this time forth to come . by these laws this politick king to please his english christian subjects , who desired and sollicited the jews banishment in parliament , abridged many of their former priviledges , and put many new restraints upon them . and yet on the other hand , to gratifie the jews , ( who gave him more monies than the english , to reside here still ) he takes them all into his special protection , prohibits all violence to their persons or estates , and grants them some petty priviledges for the present , which seemed to content them , and made for his own advantage , more than theirs . u k. edward the 1. the next year ( 1288. ) being in gascoigne , a certain english knight decreed to convent a jew , for the undue detention of a certain mannor morgaged to him , before the judges : but the crafty jew refused to answer , pretending a charter of king henry heretofore , which was granted to him , that he should not be drawn into judgement before any judge , except only before the person of the king. the knight being troubled at this , went into gascoigne , that he might obtain some remedy hereupon from the king. whom when the king had heard , he answered : it is not seemly for children to make void the deeds of their parents ; to whom by gods law they are commanded to give reverence : wherefore i have decreed , not to make void the deed of my father ; but i grant to thee , and to the rest of my realm by the like law ( lest a jew might seem better than a christian ) that for any injury whatsoever done to the iew , so long as he shall enjoy his charter , you shall not be convented before any iudge , except my self . the knight returning with this priviledge , the jew considering that danger and peril hung over his head , voluntarily renounced his charter , evacuating the condition of his priviledge , and wishing that both parties might be subject to the common law. x the year following , anno 1289. king edward taking upon him the character of the crosse at blankeford in gascoigne , presently banished all the jews out of gascoigne , and all other his lands which he possessed in the realm of france , as enemies of the crosse . from whence returning into england , anno 1290 , he was joyfully received at london , both by the clergy and all the people ; and the same year exiling the jews likewise out of england , giving them expences into france he confiscated all the rest of their goods . upon what grounds , by what authority , for what time , in what manner , with what desire of , and content to all the whole commons and realm of england , the jews were then banished thence , these ensuing historians will at large relate , in their own words , which i shall transcribe for the better information and satisfaction of all sorts of men , whether christians or jews . y matthew westminster ( flourishing at that time ) gives this relation of it . about the s●●days , namely the 31 of august , the exasperating multitude of jews , which dwelt confidently in times past through divers cities and strong forts , jussa est , was commanded with their wives and children , together with their moveable goods , to depart out of england , about the feast of all saints , which was assigned to them for the term , which they dared not to transgresse under pain of hanging : whose number was supposed to be 16511. such a decree had issued out before from the landable king of england in the parts of aquitain , from whence all the jews were likewise banished . z thomas walsinghaem , living near that age , thus records it . the king returning out of gascoigne to london , was solemnly received by the clergy and all the people , who the same year banishing all the jews out of england giving them their expences into france , confiscated the rest of their goods . this year the king held a parliament , in which were made the statutes called westminster the 3d. in quo etiam parliamento pro expulsione iudaeorum , concessa sunt regi a populo , quinta decima pars bonorum . in which parliament likewise for the banishment of the iews , there was granted to the king by the people , a fifteenth part of their goods . a henry de knyghton a canon of le●cester , a most diligent antiquary flourishing in richard the 2ds . reign , rendreth it in these terms ▪ king edward grievously punished the iews and their consorts for clipping of money , and corrupt exchanges , where upon in one day he caused all the iews to be apprehended , some he hanged , the rest he banished . when he had done his will upon his corrupt iudges ( fined , deposed , and some of them banished in the same parliament that the jews were exiled ) presently another cause moved him concerning money , which he found to be basely clipped and corrupted , to the preiudice of the crowns , and the great damage of the people , by the infidelity and malice of the iews as it was inquired and found , et fe●it stabilire unum parliamentum , in quo convicti sunt iudaei de ea falsitate : et statuit , quod omnes iudaeos exirent de terra angliae , deinceps non redituri , propter eorum incredulitatem principaliter , et propter falsitatem quam eis dure imposuerat : et pro hac causa cum festinatione facienda , et sine d●latione explenda , communes regni ●ederunt regi quintum denarium de omnibus bonis suis mobilibus . and he caused a parliament to be 〈…〉 ed , wherein the iews are convicted of that falshood ; and he ordained , that all the iews should depart out of the realm of england , not to return again afterwards , for their incredulity , principally , and for their falsenesse , which he had hardly pressed upon them . and for this ( their banishment ) speedily to be made and executed , without delay , the commons of the realm gave to the king the fifth part of all their moveable goods . b iohn major , and the c centuriators of magdeburgh , out of him , thus register it to posterity . in the year 1290 the iews were banished out of england , for the englishmen had made a great complaint to edward the 1. that by their usuries and frauds most m●n of the inferior sort were reduced to nothing , which thing was gainfull to the king ; for every of the commoners gave the king the fifteenth penny , that he might banish the jews . = our learned d iohn bale e polydor virgil , and the century vvriters out of him thus expresse it . anno 1291 [ it should be 1290 ] in the parliament at london , there was a debate in the first place , concerning the banishing of the jews whereof there was a great multitude throughout ; england ; sed edicto publico concilii londinensis ( writes one ) publico igitur decreto ( saith another ) but by the publick f edict of the parliament assembled in london , and by a publick decree ; they were all commanded to depart the realm , with their goods , which they , concilii jussis obedientes , obeying the commands of the parliament , speedily did . to these latin authors , i might annex thomas stubs his act a pontificum eboracensium : col . 1728. who makes mention of this universal banishment of them out of all england in one day ; but i shall passe to our more common english historians . fabian , in his chronicle , part 7. p. 133. mr. iohn fox in his acts and monuments , lond. 1640. vol. 1. p. 443. and richard grafton in his chronicle . p. 169. thus report it , in the same words almost . this year also [ 1290. ] all the jews were utterly banished the realm of england , for the which the commons gave the king a fifteen . nicholas trivet in his polychronicon , and vvilliam caxton , in his chronicles , printed 1502. in the life of k. edw. the 1. thus stories the jews banishment , out of hygden and trev●sa , in their words ; a none after the king had done his will of the justices , tho lete he inquere and espye how the iews dysceyved and beguyled his people , thorough the synne of falsness : and of usury . and lete ordain a prevy parlement among his lords : so they ordained among theim , that all iewes should voyde out of englande for their mysbyleve , and also for their false vsury that they did unto crysten men. and for to speed and make an end of this thing , all the comynalte of englonde gave vnto the king the xv. penny of all theyr goodes mevable : and so were the iewes driven out of englonde . and tho went the iewes into france , and there they dwellyd , thrugh leve of kyng phylip that tho was kyng of france . raphael holinshed in his chronicles , out of them , vol. 3. p. 285. thus publisheth it . in the same year was a parliament holden at westminster , wherein the statutes of westminster the 3d. were ordained . it was also decreed , that all the jews should avoid out of the land : in consideration whereof , a fifteenth was granted to the king : and so hereupon were the jews banished out of all the kings dominions : and never since could they obtain any priviledge to return hither again . all their goods not moveable were confiscated , with their tailles and obligations , but all their goods that were moveable , together with their coyn of gold and silver , the king licensed them to have and convey with them . * a sort of the richest of them being shipped with their treasure in a mighty tall ship , which they had hired , when the same was under sail , and got down the thames towards the mouth of the river beyond quinborow . the master marmer bethought him of a wile , and caused his men to cast anchor , and so rode at the same till the ship by ebbing of the stream remained on the dry sands . the master herewith inticed the jews to walk out with him on land for recreation : and at length , when he understood the tyde to be comming in , he got him back to the ship , whether he was drawn by a cord . the iews made not so much hast as he did , because they were not ware of the danger . but when they perceived how the matter stood , they cryed to him for help ? howbeit he told them , that they ought to cry rather unto moses , by whose conduct their fathers passed through the red sea , and therefore if they would call to him for help , he was able enough to help them out of these raging floods , which now came in upon them : they cryed indeed , but no succour appeared , and so they were swallowed up in the water . the master returned with the ship , and told the king how he had used the matter , and had both thanks and reward , as some have written . but g others affirm , ( and more truly as should seem ) that divers of those marriners which dealt so wickedly against the jews , were hanged for their wicked practise , and so received a just reward of their fraudulent and mischi●vous dealing . john stow in his annals , p. 204. writes thus of it ; king edward banished all the jews out of england , giving them to bear their charges till they were out of the realm . the number of the jews then expelled , was fifteen thousand and sixty persons , whose houses being sold , the king received an infinite mass of money . iohn speed , in his history of great britain , p. 545. thus varieth the expression of it . king edward , anno 1290. to purge england from such corruptions and oppressions as under which it groaned , not neglecting therein his particular gain , banished the iews out of the realm , confiscating all their goods , leauing them nothing but mony to bear their charges , they by their cruel vsuries having eaten his people to the bones . to passe by heylms microcosm , p. 570. henry isaacsons chronology , ann. 1290. with others , who mention this their final banishment out of england , i shall conclude with the words of samuel daniel , his history , p. 160. of no lesse grievance ( than corrupt judges then fined , displaced , banished ) this king eased his people , by the banishment of the jews , for which the kingdom willingly granted him a fifteenth , having before [ in anno regis 9. ] offered a fifth part of their goods to have them expelled : but then the iews gave more , and so stayed till this time ; which brought him a great benefit by confiscation of their immoveables , with their tallies , and obligations , which amounted to an infinite value . but now hath he made his last commodity of this miserable people , which having never been under other cover , but the will of the prince , had continually served the turn in all the necessary occasions of his predecessors , but especially of his father and himself . sir edward cook in his 2d . institutes , p. 506 , 507 , 508 , in his commentary upon statutum de judaismo forecited , seems to contradict these forecited historians touching their banishment , whose words i shall at large rehearse , and refute to in this particular . this statute was made ( writes he ) in the parliament of 18 edw. 1. that the mischiefs before this statute , against jewish usury , were these . 1. the evils and disherisons of the good men of the land . 2. that many of the sins and offences of the realm , had risen , and been committed by reason thereof , to the great dishonour of almighty god. ( and are not these two sufficient grounds to keep them out now , as well as to restrain and banish them then ? ) the difficulty ( adds he ) was how to apply a remedy , considering what great yearly revenue the king had by the usury of the jews , and how necessary it was , that the king should be supplyed with treasure . what benefit the crown had , before the making of this act , appeareth by former records , as take b one for many . from the 17 of december in the 50 year of h. 3 until the tuesday in shrovetide , the 2d . year of edward the first , which was about 7. years , the crown had four hundred and twenty thousand pounds , fifteen shillings and four pence ; de exitibus judaismi : at which time , the ounce of silver was but 20 d. and now it is more than treble so much . so as the recital of the preamble is true , that he and his ancestors had received great profit from judaism . ( i ) many provisions were made both by this king and others : some time they were banished , but their cruel usury continued , and soon after they returned : and for respect of lucre and gain , king john , in the second year of his reign , granted unto them large liberties and priviledges , whereby the mischiefs rehearsed in this act multiplyed . but the lucre and gain which king john had , and expected of the infidel jews , made him , impie judaisare : for to the end they should exercise the laws of their sacrifices ( which they could not do without a priesthood ) the king by his charter granted them to have one , &c. which for the great rarity thereof , and for that we find it not either in our books or histories , i will rehearse in haec verba . k rex omnibus sidelibus suis , & omnibus , & judaeis & anglis , salutem . sciatis nos concessisse , jacobo judaeo de londoniis presbytero , judaeorum presbyteratum omnium judaeorum totius angliae . habendum & tenendum quam in vixerit , liberè & quietè , & honorificè & integrè ; it à quod nemo ●i super hoc molestiam aliquam , aut gravamen inferre praesumat . quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus , quod eidem jacobo quoad vixerit , presbyteratum judaeorum per totam angliam , garantitis , manu-teneatis , & pacificè defendatis . et si quis eum super eo sorisfacere praesumpserit , id ei sine dilatione ( salva nobis emenda nostra ) de forisfactura nostra emendare faciatis , tanquam dominico judaeo nostro , quem specialiter in servicio nostro retinuimus . prohibemus etiam ne de aliquo ad se pertinente ponatur in placitum , nisi coram nobis , aut coram capitali justiciario nostro , sicut charta regis richardi fratris nostri restatur . teste s. bathoniens . episcopo , &c. dat : per manus huberti cantuariensis archiepiscopi cancellarii nostri apud rothomagum 21 die julii , anno regni nostri primo . to which charter sir edward cook annexeth this marginal note , this king had a most troublesom and dishonourable rrign , god raising against him , for his just punishment , two potent enemies , pope innocent the 3 and philip king of france . and besides , which was the worst , he lost the heart and love of his baronage and subjects , and at the last had a fearfull end . he adds ( l ) our noble king edward 1 and his father h. 3 before him , sought by divers acts and ordinances , to use some means and moderation herein , but in the end it was found ; that there was no mean in mischief , and as seneca saith , res profecto stulta est nequitiae modus ( and will it not be so now in their new limited readmission if consented too ? ) and therefore king ed. 1. as this act saith : for the honour of god , and for the common profit of his people , without all respect , ( in respect of these ) of the filling of his own coffers , did ordain , that no jew from thenceforth should make any bargain or contract for usury , nor upon any former contract should take any usury , from the feast of st. edward then last past . so in effect all jewish usury was forbidden , this law struck at the root of this pestilent weed , for hereby usury it self was forbidden , and thereupon the cruel jews thirsting after rich gain , to the number of 15060 departed out of this realm into foraign parts , where they might use their jewish trade of usury , & from that time that nation never returned again into this realm . m some are of opinion , ( and so it is said in some of our histories ) that it was enacted by authority of parliament , that the usurious iews should be banished out of rhe realm : but the truth is , that their usury was banished by this act of parliament , and that was the cause , that they banished themselves , into other countries , where they might live by their usury . so that by his opinion , they were not then banished by the king or parliament , but only voluntarily banished themselves upon the making of this statutes aginst their usury . but under the favour of this deceased reverend judge , whose memory i generally reverence , this opinion of his is a meer mistake . for 1. this statute of judaisme was made some years before their banishment hence , as i formerly hinted , and the last clause thereof for renting houses ( to continue for 15 years ) manifests ; not in 18e . 1. 2ly . no record nor historian mentions , that they voluntarily banished themselves upon the making of this law , neither can their voluntary departure hence upon this occafion be stiled a banishment . 3ly . the forecited historians record , that they gave but few years before a vast sum of money to prevent their banishment , then urged in parliament by the commons , with the profer of the 5 part of their goods to the king for their banishment and therefore it is very improbable they would at the same time volunntarily banish themselves . 4ly . all the last cited historians of these latter times unanimously record , and theywere judicially , really banished both by the king and parliament , principally for their infidelity , and other fore-alloaged reasons , commanded under pain of hanging to depart out of it by a set day ; for the effecting and hastning whereof , the commons gave the king a sifteenth . therefore not banished by of themselves alone . who are more to be credited than this judges singular opinion . 5ly . his own subsequent words and records in direct terms contradict this opinion of his no lesse than 5 times , which i wonder he observed not , i shall recite them at large to undeceive his over-credulous readers of the long robe , who take his words and works for oracles ( though in many things very full of grosse mistakes contradicted by by his own records , he cites , specially in his chapter of * parliament and admiralty . n and for that [ writes he ] they were odious both to god and man , that they might passe out of the realm in safety , they made petition to the king , that a certain day might he prefixed to them to depart the realm [ it was prefixed by the king and parliament against their wills ] to the end that they might have the kings writ to his sheriffs for their safe conduct , and that no injury , molestation , damage or grievance be offered to them in the mean time , one of which writs we will transcribe . o rex , vic : g. cum judaeis regni nostri universis certum tempus praefixerimus ( therefore prefixed by the king himself , without their petition ) ● regno illo transfretandi : nolentes quod ipsi per ministros nostros , aut alios quoscunque , aliter quam sieri consnevit , indebite pertrectentur : tibi praecipimus , quod per totam ballivam tuam , publice proclamari , & firmiter inhiberi facias , ne quis eis intra terminum predictum , injuriam , molestiam , damnum inferat , seu gravamen . et cum contingat ipsos cum catallis suis , quae eis concessimus , versus partes london , causa transfretationis , suae , dirigere gressus suos , salvum & securum conductum eis habere facias sumptibus eorum . proviso , quod judaei praedicti , ante recessum suum , vadia christianorum quae penes se habent , illis quorum fuerint , si ea acquietare voluerint , restituant , ut tenentur . teste rege apud westminst . 18. die julii , anno 18 e. 1. this statute , de judaismo , was made at the p parl. post festum hilarii , anno 18 e. 1. at which parliament the king had a 15 granted to him , pro expulsione judaeorum [ therfore by his own confession they were banished by the king and parlament against their wils and a fifteenth given for it , as the former historians note ] and this writ was granted in july following [ in pursute therefore of their judgement of banishment , not upon their petition ] the king beginning his reign novemb. 16 ▪ for the parliament knew [ a strange conceit of a judge ] that by banishing of usury [ did they banish it onely , not the jews ? ] the jews would not remain . and thus this noble king by this means banished for ever these infidel usurious jews [ ergo , their persons , as well as usury only ] the number of which jews thus banished , was fifteen thousand and threescore . q vve will here adde a ( parliament ) record de priore de bridlington ; thus . et quod praedictus prior cogno cit , quid praedicta pecunia praed . judaeo debebatur , viz. 300l . nec ei solvebatur ante exilium judaeorum ( therefore by this parliamentary record but 3 years after , they were judicially banished by parliament , not voluntarily of themselves , no banishment in law. ) et quicquid remansit reorum , debitis aut catallis in regno post eorum exilium , [ again repeated ] domino regi fuit . consideratum est , quod dominus rex recuperec pecuniam praedictam : & dictum est eidem priori , quod non exeat villaean equam domino regi de praedicta pecunia satisfaciat : et respondeat johannes archiepiscopus eborum , quia praecepit dicto priori solvere valetto suo praedictam pecuniam in deceptionem regis , contra sacramentum & fidelitatem suam domino regi datam . idem in alio rot. an. 22 e. 1. rot 5. therefore by these 3 records resolutions cited by himself , the jews were all banished by sentence of parliament , in such sort as our historians record , and not in his new sence alone , amounting but to a recesse . by all these concurrent testimonies it is apparent [ against sir edward cooks groundlesse conceit . ] 1. that all the jews were then banished out of england , never to return again , at the special instance , and request of the commons in two several parliaments , as an intollerable grievance and oppression under which they then groaned . 2. that the principle grounds of this their perpetual banishment were , their infidelity , usury , forgeries of charters , clipping and falsifying of monies , by which they prejudiced the king and kingdom , and much oppressed and impoverished the pople . 3. that this their banishment was so acceptable to all the people , who oft-times pressed it in parliament , that they gave the king a fift and fifteenth part of their moveables , to speed and execute it . 4. that this their banishment was by the unanimous desire , iudgement , edict , and decree both of the king and his parliament ; and not by the king alone : and this banishment , total , of them all , and likewise final , never to return into england . which edict and decree not now extant in our parliament rolls ( many of which are lost ) nor printed statutes ; yet it is mentioned by all these authorities . from whence i shall inferre and conclude : that as by the fundamental laws of england , no freeman and natives of england can be justly banished or exiled out of it , but by special judgement of parliament , or by act of parliament ; as is evident by magna charta c. 29. the banishment of sir thomas wayland chief justice of the common pleas 19. e. 1 rot. parl. rot . 12. and these jews then banished . exilium hugonis le dispenser patris & filii . tottles magna charta , f. 50 , 51. the double banishment of peter de gaverston out of england , assensu communi procerum & magnatum , and of the king in parliament . walsingham hist . angliae p. 68 , 71 , 72. the statute of 1 edward the 3. c. 2. 11 richard the 2. c. 2 , 3 , 4. for the banishment of belknap , and other judges into ireland , 21. r. 2. rot. pa● l. n. 16. 17. for the banishment of thomas arundel arch-bishop of canterbury , the statute of 35 eliz. c. 1. of 39 eliz. c. 4. for banishing dangerous sectaries , rogues , out of the realm after conviction , upon indictment only , not before , ( which could not be done by law , before these acts ) cooks 2 institutes f. 47. mr. st. iohns speech against the shipmony judges p. 22 my new discovery of the prelates tyranny , p. 166 , 167 , 168. vvalsingham , hist. angliae , p. 394 : and other testimonies ; as also by 1 e. 3. r. 5. 4 h. 4. c. 13. the statute for the pressing of souldiers for ireland . 17 caroli . exact collect , p. 435. the petition and protestation of the lords and commons in parliament against serving the king in person , or contribution to his wars in flanders and other forain parts , 25 e. 1. walsingham hist. p. 35 , 37 , 38 , &c. nor yet in gascoigne , france , notmandy , scotland , or ireland , cooks 2 instit . p. 528. 4. h. 4. n. 48. 1 h. 5. n. 17. 7 h. 5. n. 9. 18 r. 2. n. 6. so , none once banished the realm by judgement or act of parliament , can , may , or ought , by the fundamental and known common laws of england , to be restored and recalled again , but only by a like judgement , act and restitution in full parliament , as is adjudged , declared , resolved by the cases , and petitions of the two spencers and peirce gaveston , vvalsingham , ypodig . neustriae . p. 152. and hist angl. p. 68. 71 , 72. holinshed , p. 328. speeds history , p. 674. the printed statute of 20 r. 2. c. 6. for the restitution of belknap , and the other exiled judges 28 e. 3. rot. parl. n. 8. to 14. and 29 e. 3. rot parl. n. 29. touching the repeal of the judgement in parl. against roger mortimer earl of march , 17 r. 2. rot. parl. n. 18. for the pardon and restitution of the justices banished into irel. 21 r. 2. n. 55. to 71. for confirmation of the repeal of the exile of hugh de la spencer , father & son , an. 15. e. 2. and the revocation of the repeale thereof in 1 e. 3. [ a notable full record in point . ] 3 h. 7. 10. 4 h , 7. 10. 1. h. 7. 4. 10 h. 7. 22 b. 15. e. 3 fitz pet●t . 2. 9. e. 3. 23 , 24. 9 e. 4. 1 b. with sundry other records , for the repeals of iudgements and acts of former parliaments , by the subsequent judgments and acts of other parliaments , in cooks 4 institutes . c. 1. and ashes tables . parliament . 16. and statutes 68. therefore the jews being so long since by judgement , edict and decree both of the king and parliament for ever banished out of england ( never since repealed or reversed ) neither may , nor can by law be readmitted , reduced into england again , but by common consent and act of parliament : which i conceive they will never be able to obtain . i have now presented you with a true historical and exact chronological relation of the jews first admission into england ; ( not in the time of the emperour constantine the great , as some groundlesly would collect , from his * general epistle to all churches , touching the decrees of the council of nice , and the vnanimous observation of the feast of easter , not after the jewish computation ; wherein there is mention of the churches in britain , ( as well as in rome , africk , spain , france , and other places ) concurring with other churches herein ; but not one syllable of any jews therein , or in britain then ; nor in any other particular places ; but onely these general passages against christians complying with them in their paschal observation . ac primum quidem indigna res fuit sanctissimum eum diem imitatione atque consuetudine iudaeorum celebrare , qui manibus suis nefario flagitio contaminatis , non injuria quoque animis sunt excaecato , homines scelerati . quidni enim liceat , gente ea rejecta , rectiore , verioreque ordine , quem à primo passionis die hucusque servavimus , ad futura quoque saecula observationis hujus ritum transmittere ] ? item nihil nobis commune sit cum infestissima iudaeorum turba , &c. quin & strictior ipsa atque exactior ratio flagitare videtur , nequa nobis cum iudaeorum perjurio communio . from whence no rational man can inferr , that there were any jews at that time observing their jewish passeover in britain , of which i can find no syllable in any domestick or forreign historians or writers whatsoever ; nor yet that they inhabited here , or were here in the briton , saxon , or danish kings reigns ; which if they had , some of our historians , synods , decrees , and laws in those ages would have mentioned it , ( as well as the * gothish , spanish histories , laws , councils , and constitutions , where they resided ) in which there is not one syllable of them , but only in the forecited law foisled in amongst the confessors , to which doubtlesse it was puny : ) but in will the conq. reign : together with , their ill deportments , misdemeanors , suffrings , massacres , servile condition , and manifold popular tumults against them , during all the time of their residence in england , & final banishment out of it , never yet to my knowledg , collected into one intire history ▪ before . the serious consideration whereof , will , in my weake judgement , sufficiently satisfie , convince the whole english nation , that they have just grounds and reasons , in point of piety , of policy , never to re-admit them more into our island ; and likewise resolve the very jewes themselves , that they have little cause or reason at all to desire to re-plant themselves in england , where their ancestors in times past , susteined so many miseries , massacres affronts , oppressions , fleecings upon all occasions , & themselves can expect little better usage for the future . to this principal part of my undertaking , for fuller satisfaction , i shall hereunto subjoyn a taste of such lawes , scriptures , reasons , as seem strongly to plead , yea conclude against their re-admission into england , at least in that latitude and freedom as formerly they there enjoyed . as 1. to erect new synagogues , temples amongst us , or turn any of our churches , chapels into synagogues , for the free publique exercise of their judaisme , jewish worship , customes , religion , h diametrically contrary to the gosple , person , kingdome , priesthood , offices , mediation , redemption of our lord jesus christ , which they thereby professedly deny , renounce , as false and fabulous . 2ly . to set up a jewish corporation or fraternity amongst us in our cities and corporations , distinct and separate from the english , subject to their own immediate peculiar officers and judges as heretofore . 3ly . to purchase houses , habitations , rents , lands , exercise of all sorts of trades , and manufactures amongst us , as free denizens or merchants , upon such terms and qualifications as shall be indulged to them . 1. for our laws and statutes , these following , make directly or obliquely , by way of necessary consequence , against their re-admission . 1. for their jewish synagogues , worship , sacraments , religion ; these ancient , pious laws of our saxon and danish kings ( made in their great parliaments and councils before the jews first coming into england ) strongly oppose their admission now . as namely the i laws of king alfred and guthern , lex . 1. 2. of king ethelred in the council of aenham , c. 1. 3. 27 , 29 , 30. of habam , c. 1. with the laws of king cnute the dane , lex . 1. 27 , 28 : all which enact , that the only true god and our lord be loved , worshipped in all ages by all the people , with all their might : the one christian , holy catholick faith , orthodoxly kept , and the churches of god to be diligently frequented throughout the realm . that all paganisme and false religions be renounced both in words and deeds ; that who ever wickedly resisteth the laws of christ , shall be grievously fined and put to death : and , that all men should diligently seek out by all means ; ut recta christi religio maxime provehatur ; that the right religion of christ might be most of all advanced : obtesting all ecclesiiastical and secular persons again and again ; most earnestly , to keep the sincere faith unanimously in the true god ; and the right christian faith in a right manner : diligently to hear the teachers of gods word ; studiously to follow their doctrine and precepts ; to maintain peace and tranquility in the church of god , and there diligently to pour forth their prayers . all which particulars exclude all jewish synagogues , and judaisme , and are of perpetual force , being grounded on the very law of god. moreover king k cnute his ecclesiastical laws [ made by the advise of his wise men ▪ to be observed throughout all england ] prohibited , that no christian should be sold or sent out of the realm , or banished amongst those who had not as yet embraced the faith in christ , lest per adventure those souls should perish at anytime , which our lord iesus christ had redeemed with his own blood and life . if christians for this cause ought not to be sent , sold or banished amongst jews and infidels , much more then ought not infidel jews , with their jewish synagogues , religion , ceremonies , to be now introduced amongst us christians , to the hazard of many christian souls redeemed by christs blood . 2. all the statutes concerning uniformity of common servicc , & administration of the sacraments , as 1 ed. 6. c. 1 , 2. 2 ed. 6. c ▪ 1. 6 ed. 6. c. 1. 1 eliz. c. 2. 23 eliz. c. 1. 35 eliz. c. 1. 2. [ most of them still in force , being never legally repealed ] do fully and directly oppugne the introduction of any jewish synagogues , service , sacraments , worship , ceremonies , with the use of them in any place within our realm . 3. the statutes of 3 e. 6. c. 10. 13 eliz. c. 2. 23 el. c. 1. 28 eliz. c. 2. 6. 35 eliz. c. 1. 3 iac. c. 4. against popish recusants , seminary priests , iesuites , friers , masse-books , agnus dei's , popish books , superstitions : for preventing the withdrawing of the subjects of this realm , from the publique ordinances , sacraments and religion here established ; and for speedy banishing all seminary priests and jesuites , and keeping them perpetually out of the realm , ( upon this account , amongst others ) though professing christ , christian religion , and agreeing with us in all articles of the creed , and most fundamental points of christianity : must in substance , law , reason , ( in this regard ) much more perpetually exclude , abolish all jews , jewish priests , rabbies , synagogues , worship , ceremonies , superstitions , out of our dominions , being farre more dishonourable to christ , opposite to our christian religion , and destructive to the peoples souls , if once admitted , then any jesuits , seminary priests , friers , popish recusants , or any romish masses , superstitions whatsoever . and if the jewish priests , judaism , and jewish ceremonies , may be now set up and practised publiquely amongst us , notwithstanding all these statutes , then much more masse-priests , masses , popery , and prelacy , by the self same reason , justice , equity . to these i might annex , all the late ordinances for the directory , the solemn league and covenant , and for suppressing , punishing of heresy and blasphemy : therefore of iudaism , which is both heresy and blasphemy , and jewish assemblies , the very synagogues of satan , and iews great blasphemers , by christs own resolution , rev. 2. 9. c. 3. 9. acts 18. 6. rom. 2. 21. with the late printed l instrument of government : which though it allows not only toleration , but protection to all sects and religions professing faith in god through iesus christ , ( though differing from the doctrine and discipline publtkely held forth in the nation , ) except only to popery and prelacy ; yet certainly it can no ways extend to the toleration or protection of jews and their antichristian blasphemies against christ himself and the gospel ; seeing they are so far from professing faith in jesus christ ; that m they utterly renounce , and professedly decry him to be the true saviour and messiah of the world ; rejecting the whole new testament and doctrin of the gospel : and so by consequence , are necessarily secluded by this instrument , and oath for its observation , from practising their jewish worship , ceremonies , or erecting any synagogues in our nation for that purpose . 2ly . though the n kings of england by the law and their prerogative may in sundry cases erect new corporations of their subjects by their charters only , yet notwithstanding , no corporation or fraternity of iews , being meer aliens , may , can , or ought to be erected in england , by the fundamental lawes and constitutions of the realm , but only by full consent of the nation in parliament , by special acts of parliament ; it being one of the greatest intrenchments that can be upon the english nations rights , liberties , customs , priviledges , profit , and a violation of all the ancient charters , priviledges , rights , franchises , confirmed to them by the great charter of england , ( forty times since ratified by new acts of parliament . ) this is evident by the statutes of magna charta , c. 9. 37. 34 , e. 1. c. 4. 1. e. 3. c. 9. 14. e. 3. c. 1. 1. h. 4. c. 1. 2. h. 4. c. 1. 7. h. 4. c. 1. 9. h. 4. c. 1. 13. h. 4. c. 1. 3. h. 5. c. 1. 2. h. 6. c. 1. compared with 2 e. 3. c. 9. 27. e. 3. c. 1. to 29. 28 e. 3. 13. 15 , 36. e. 3. c. 7 , 19 h. 7. c. 12 , and all other acts for the o staple and styliard : and with 3. e. 4. c. 6. 1. r. 3. c. 9. 14 h. 8. c. 2. 21 h. 8. c. 16. 22 h. 8. c. 8. 32 h. 8. c. 16. touching artificers , merchants and aliens . 3ly . the * preambles of the statute of merton , 20 h. 3. 3 e. 1. with c. 17. 48. 6 e. 1. of quo warranto , and of glocester , 13 e. 1. 12 e. 2. of york , 9 , 10 , 14 , 15 , 25 , 28 , 36 , 37. e. 3. 1. 3 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 21. r. 2. 1 , 2 , 4 , 6. h. 4. 1 , 8 , 10 , 12. 36. h. 6. 18 e. 3. c. 1 , 2 , 3. r. 2. rot. parl. n. 36 , 40. 6 h. 6. c. 5. and other acts , declare and resolve , that the kings of england by their oath and duty , and the lords and commons in parliament , are all obliged by their trusts and our laws , to advance , uphold , maintain and defend the welfare , wealth , safety of the church , realm , subjects , people of england , and to prevent , redresse , suppresse , remove by wholsom laws and ordinances , all grievances mischiefs , damages , inconveniences , disinherisons contrary thereunto ; it being a fundamental maxime both in our laws and law-books , salus populi suprema lex : which the army officers in their declaration of 16 nov. 1648. and mr. iohn pym in his speech against strafford 12 april 1641. p. 3. &c. printed by the commons special order , much insist on . moreover , it is another maxime in our law , * summa ratio est , quae pro religione facit . now the admission of the jews into england , as appeareth by the statute de judaismo , and premised histories , is no way consistent with the welfare , profit , wealth , safety of the church , realm , subjects , people , or religion of england , and will be an extraordinary damage , mischief , grievance , inconvenience , and disinherison to them all . therefore prohibited , enacted against by the general scope of all these laws and maximes , and no wayes to be admitted . 4ly . the jews heretofore in england , an ● still in all p other parts , being most grievous clippers , coyners , forgers of money , usurers , extortioners , and the greatest chea●ors , cozeners , impostors in the world , in all their merchandizes and manufactures whatsoever : upon this accompt they are and ought to be still excluded , and never re-admitted amongst us , by the provisions of q all our laws , yet in force , prohibiting clipping , coyning , usury , extortion , frauds , deceipts , in any merchandizes or manufactures whatsoever ; unlesse we intend to have them all now more practised by them and others among us , then ever heretofore . the rather , because they were never admitted free trading & habitation in england by r any of our laws touching alten merchants , and artificers free traffick amongst us , from the time of their forementioned banishment , till this present , under the name and notion of jews , foraign merchants , or artificers . and therefore not to be admitted to those desired priviledges , from which all these forecited laws ( in my weak judgement ) with the former old parliamentary judgment , and edict , for their per petual banishment , in law , justice , conscience still debarre them readmittance , till repealed ; and they ( if ever readmitted against all these acts and statutes ) must be introduced , resetled by special acts of parliament , which no english parliament ( in probability ) will ever indulge unto them , as the peoples general present declamations in all places , against their endeavoured introduction , prognostick . and thus much i thoughr meet to inform the nation , touching those laws & statutes which ( in my poor opinion ) directly or by consequence oppose their re-admission , and refute those lawyers misinformation , who confidently averred , there is no law of england at all against it , if mr. nye did truly inform me . 2. for scriptures , these texts may engage us against their re-admission . 1. matth. 5. 13. lu. 14. 34 , 35. salt is good : but if the salt have lost its savor , wherewith shall it be seasoned ? it is neither fit for the land , nor yet for the dunghil , but to be cast out , and to be trodden under foot of men . this is the condition of the jews , who have lost both their saviour & their savor too . therefore not fit for our land or dunghils ; but to be kept and cast out from amongst us , and trodden under foot of all true christian men . 2. 1 cor. 16. 22 , if any man love not the lord iesus christ , let him be anathema maranatha . that is , separated and cast out from all christian society and communion until the day of judgment , the highest kind of jewish excommunication . now the jews are such , who do not only not love , but deny , defie and hate our lord jesus christ in the highest degree . therefore to be excommunicated and secluded from our christian communion and cohahitation amongst us , to which they can pretend no right . 3. 2 cor. 6. 14 , 15 , &c. be ye not unequally yoaked together with unbelievers : for , what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? and what communion hath light with darkness ? and what concord hath christ with belial ? and what part hath he that believeth with an infidel ? and what agreement hath the temple of god with idols ? &c , vvherefore come out from among them , and be ye separate saith the lord , and touch no unclean thing , and i will receive you . the unconverted jews , are both unbelievers , infidels , darknesse , belialids , and the very synagogue of satan , as the scripture resolves them , acts 14. 1. mar : 6. 6. rom. 11. 20. 23. 32. heb. 4. 6. 11. ioh. 1. 5. mat : 8. 12. rev. 2. 9. 1 th●ss . 2. 14 , 15 , 16. therefore we christians ought not to be unequally yoaked , or to have any fellowship , communion , agreement , part or mixture with them ; much lesse to receive them into our land and bo●omes , from whence they were formerly spued out , but to keep our selves separated from amongst them , lest god reject us , as he hath done them . 4. 2 john 9. 10. 11. vvhosoever transgressith , and abideth not in the doctrine of christ , hath not god : he that abideth in the doctrine of christ , he hath both the father and the sonne . if there come any unto you , and bring not this doctrine , receive him not into your house , neither bid him , god speed : for he that biddeth him god speed , is partaker of his evil deeds . the jews abide not in the doctrin of christ ; and if they come unto us , they will not bring this doctrine to us , but the quite contrary : therefore we ought not to receive them into our dominions or houses , nor bid or wish them god speed , in returning to dwell amongst us . and if any do the contrary , they are and shall be partakers of their evil deeds . 5 , tit. 1. 10 , 11 , 13 , 14 , for there are many unruly and vain talkers and deceivers , especially they of the circumcision ; whose mouthes must be stopped , who subvert whole houses , teaching things which they ought not , for filthy lucres sake . vvherfore rebuke them sharply , that they may be sound in the faith : not giving heed to jewish fables , and commandements of men that turne from the truth . if the circumcised jews were such unruly deceivers , seducers , and subverters of whole houses , even in the apostles own dayes , and their jewish fables then did turn so many from the truth . with what colour of christianity , piety , conscience , can we call them in amongst us now , in these times of fearfull , and almost universal apostacy from the truth , when lesse dangerous seducers have subverted whole houses , parishes , and almost cities and counties too ? 6. 1 thess . 2. 14 , 15 , 16. for ye also have suffered like things of your countrymen , even as they have of the jews : who both killed the lord jesus , and their own prophets , and have persecuted ( or chased out ) us , and they please not god , and are contrary to all men : * forbidding us to speak to the gentiles , that they might be saved , to fill up their sins alway ▪ for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . this gospel character of the jews , expressing their transcendent malice to the lord jems , their own prophets , the very apostles themselves , the gentiles , with their contrariety to god and all other men and gods wrath upon them for it to the uttermost : administer plenty of invincible arguments , against our receiving them in again amongst us , lest they bring along with them the extremity of gods wrath upon the whole english nation , who have enough thereof already . 7. acts 18. 5 , 6 , 7. paul was pressed in spirit , and testified to the jews , that jesus was christ . and when they opposed themselves and blasphemed , he shooke his rayment , and said unto them , your bloud be upon your own heads : i am clean , from henceforth , i will go unto the gentiles . and he departed thence and entred into a certain mans house named justus , who worshipped god ; &c. compared with acts 13. 44. to 52. the next sabbath-day came almost the whole city together to hear the word of god : but when the iews saw the multitude , they were filled with envy , and spoke against those things that were spoken by paul , contradicting and blaspheming : then paul and barnabas waxed bold , and said , it was necessary the word of god should first have been spoken unto you ; but because ye put it from you , and judge your selves unworthy of everlasting life ; lo we turn to the gentiles : for so hath the lord commanded us , &c. and the word of the lord was published throughout all the region . but the jews stirred up the devout and honourable women ; and the chiefmen of the city , and raised persecution against paul and barnabas , and expelled them out of their coasts ; but they shock off the dust of their feet against them , and came unto iconium . this malitious carriage and persecution of the jews , even against the * apostles themselves and their doctrine , and the gentiles salvation , and casting them maliciously out of their coasts ; with their separation from them , and turning themselves wholly to the gentiles upon this account , by gods own command ; demonstrates , what all gods faithfull ministers , and we christian gentiles must expect from them now : and that being formerly cast out of our coasts by our ancestors for their infidelity , crucifying of christ in his members , and such like misdemeanors , and so being separated in cohabitation and communion from us , we neither may nor ought now to resume them into our land , bosoms , or communion again upon any pretence . 8. when god was bringing the jews into the promised land which he gave them to inherit , he gave them these special commands . thou shalt drive the inhabitants of the land out before thee s thou shalt make no covenant with them , nor with their gods , they shall not dvvell in thy land , l●st they make thee sin against me , and it be a snare in the midst of thee . thou shalt make no covenant with them , nor shew mercy to them , nether shalt thou make marriages with them . thy daughter thou shalt not give unto his son , nor his daughter shalt thou take unto thy son ; for they will turn away thy sons from following me , that they may serve other gods , so will the anger of the lord be kindled against thee , and destroy thee suddenly : if ye do in any vvise go back , and cleave unto the remnant of these nations , and go in unto them , and they to you , know for a certain , that the lord will no more drive out any of these nations before you ; but they shall be snares and traps unto you , and scourges in your sides , and thorns in your eyes , until you perish from the good land which the lord your god giveth you : but thus ye shall deal with them , ye shall destroy their altars , and break down their images , and cut down their groves , &c. for thou art an holy people unto the lord thy god. now , the not driving of these nations by the israelites from amongst them , according to these commands of god , is charged as a special sin upon them by god , enticed them to idolatry , and brought his severe wrath upon them , judges 1. 27. to 36. c. 2. 2 , 3 , 12 , 13 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. and is thus expressed by the psalmist psal . 106. 34 to 43. they did not destroy the nations , concerning whom the lord commanded them ; but were mingled among the heathen , and learned their works ; & they served their idols , which were a snare unto them , yea they sacrificed their sons & daughters unto devils , & shed innocent blood ▪ even the blood of their sons and daughters , whom they sacrificed unto the idols of canaan , and their land was defiled with blood . therefore was the wrath of the lord kindled against his people , insomuch that he a●horried his own inheritance , and he gave them into the hands of the heathen ; and they that hated them were lords over them : their enemies also oppressed them , they were brought into sub jection under their hands . the morality , ground and equity of which precepts , as they justifie our ancestors expulsion of the jews out of england , with their adulterous worship , ceromonies & synagogues heretofore ; so i conceive they strongly oblige all english christians ( especially after our late solemn forgotten league and covenant ) to seclude and keep them out from re-entring , coming in , mingling , and dwelling , amongst us now , for fear they draw the self-same sad effects , and bring down the same , or like heavy judgements of god upon us , as these scriptures threatned , and god himself inflicted on the israelites for transgressing them . in brief , the parables of the vineyard and husbandmen , the king going into foraign parts , and marriage supper , mat. 21. 33. to 46. c. 22. 2. to 11. c. 23. 21. to the end . mar. 12. 1. &c. luk. 19. 12. to 28. c. 20 9. &c. particularly applied to the jews , and notably setting out their desperate malice against our saviours person , kingdom , government , ordinances , ministers , gospel , and his rejection of them for it . together with rom. 16 , 17 , 18 ▪ 1. 32. 1 cor. 5 , 4. &c. phil. 3. 2 , 3. mat. 7. 15 c. 16. 7. 11. 12. 17. col. 2. 8. 2. pet. 3. 17. c. 2. 1. &c. 7 , 8 , 20 , 21 , 22. 2 tim. 3. 1. to 10 c. 2. 16 , 17. titus 3. 10 , 11. revelations 2. 9. 14. hebrewes 6. 4. to 9. c. 16. 26. to 32. phil. 4. 2 , 3. will all furnish us with sundry arguments against their re-admission amongstus , as likewise prov. 6. 27. 28. psal . 101. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. psal . 119. 104. ps . 139. 21. 22. num. 8. 13. num. 16. 26. ps . 6. 8. ps . 119. 115. ps . 139. 19. which every good christian may peruse at leasure , and apply as he sees cause . 3. for reasons against their re-admission into england they are divers , theological , political , and mixt of both . 1. god himself by his prophets , son , apostles , before their rejection , while they were his special , peculiar chosen people , treasure , above all other nations of the world , most frequently complains of them , and the generality of the nation , t that they were a most rebellious , disobedient , gainsaying , stiffnecked , imp●nitent , incorrigible , adulterous , whorish , impudent , froward , shamelesse , perverse , treacherous , revolting , back sliding , idolatrous , wicked , sinfull , stubborn , untoward , hard-hearted , hypocritical , foolish , sottish , brutish , stupid , ungratefull , covenant-breaking nation , house , people ; a seed of evil-doers , a generation of vipers , doing evil greedily with both hands , according to all the nations that were round about them : as bad , nay worse than sodom or gomorrha , casting all gods laws , ordinances behind their backs , trampling them under their feet , rejecting , forsaking , despising god himself , provoking him continually to his face , grieving him to the heart , forgetting him days without number , always ●rring in their hearts , and disobeying his voice , and the lik : and dare , can wethen harbour such a nation as this , and bring them in amongst us , now they are worse in all these respects than ever ? 2. god himself hath denounced against , and inslicted upon the jews grea●●● , severer w●●s , judgements , calamities , dispersons , d●v●s●ations , captivities , desolations , curses , p ▪ ●gues of all kinds , for their sins , rebellions , imponnencies , and to their nation , kingdom , countrie ● cities , than to any 〈…〉 nations , kingdomes , people ; and that more frequently th●n against any other ▪ s 〈…〉 against them in his wrath , that they should never 〈◊〉 into his r●st , psal . 95. 11. hebr. 3. 10 , 11 , 18. stiling them , the generation of his wrath , jer. 7. 29. and averring of them , that wrath is come upon them to the uttermost , 1 thess . 2. 15. 16. and can or shall we then receive such a nation as this into our bosoms now , without entertaining , and pulling upon us , that wrath and curses of god which are denounced against , and do now pursue and accompany them in all places ? 3. the jews were alwayes heretofore x a very murmuring , mutinous , discontented , rebellious , seditious people for the most part , not only against god , but their lawfull governors , kings , priests , prophets , ●oft tumultuously rebelling against , disobeying , revolting from , deposing , murdering their kings , and soveraigns ; and contemning , disobeying , slaying , killing the prophets , messengers whom god sent unto them . whence god him●elfe gi●es us this black character of them , 2 chron. 36. 15 , 16. and the lord god of their fathers sent unto them by his messengers , rising up betimes , and sending , &c. but they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , untill the wrath of the lord rose against his people , till there was no remedy , &c. and our saviour christ a worse : lu. 13. 33 , 34. it is impossible ( or cannot be ) that a prophet perish out of jerusalem : mat. 23. 27. o jerusalem , jerusalem , thou that killest the prophets , and stonest those that are sent unto thee ! which st. stephen thus seconds , acts 7. 51. 52. ye stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears ▪ ye do alwayes resist the holy ghost ; as your fathers did , so do ye . vvhich of the prophets have not your fathers persecuted ? and they have slain them which have shewed them before of the comming of the just one : of whom ye have been now the betrayers and murderers : which st. paul also confirms in the forecited observable text , of the 1 thess . 2. 14 , 15 , 16. and can we then in point of piety or policy ; even in these distracted , rebellious , mutinous times , enterrain , or bring in such a nation , people as this amongst us ? or can our despised ministry in this age , have any hopes of reclaiming or converting such a people , who have thus abused , murdered , stoned their own prophets in former times , though immediatly sent unto them by god himself ? 4. y they were the greatest haters , revilers , persecuters , blasphemers , betrayers , and the only murderers , crucifiers of our z lord iesus christ himself , and his a apostles , whiles on earth , as the evangelists , acts , and other scriptures testifie . and although christ and his apostles miraculously converted some thousands of them by their preaching and miracles , to the faith of christ , acts 2. 41. c. 21. 20. yet the generality and body of the nation continued still blinde , obstinate , under the very most powerfull ministry of the prophets , apostles , and christ himself , being then , and ever since that time , judicially and penally given up to a blind , obdurate , obstinate , impenitent , stupid heart and spirit , a reprobate sense , a cauterized conscience ; and divorced , rejected , reprobated , broken off , cast of by god himself , proclaiming them to be no more his people , to be reprobate silver , because be hath rejected them ; to make way for the calling , conversion , salvation of the gentiles , whom be hath ingrafted , called , and taken into special covenant in their stead , as is evident by acts 13. 45 , 46 , 47. c. 19. 9. c. 28. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. isa . 8. 14. to 17. c. 10. 22 , 23. c. 29. 8. to 15. c. 65. 2 , 3 9. c. 53. 1. jer. 6. 10. c. 7. 29. c. 14. 19 lam. 5. 22. ho● . 1. 9. 10. c. 4. 6. mat. 13. 13 , 14 , 15. c. 21. 24. to 46. v. 22. 2. to 11. mar. 4. 12. luk. 2. 34. c. 8. 10 , &c. john 9. 39. 41. c. 12. 37. to 44. rom. 9. 24. to 33. c. 10. 16. 19. 20 , 21. c. 11. 5. 7. &c. 1 thess . 2. 14 , 15 , 16. heb. 10. 26. to 31. compared together . which texts conjoyned with lu. 18. 8. joh. 1. 11. 1 tim. 4 1. 2 , 3. 2 tim. 1. 3. to 10. c. 4. 3 , 4. 2 pet. 2. 1. 2. &c. c. 3. 3 1. john 2. 18. jude 18. in my judgement unanswerably refute , that commonly received opinion , of the calling and conversion of the whole nation and body of the iews in these latter dayes to the faith of christ , which some have over-confidently asserted , and now insist on , as the chiefest argument for calling in the jews amongst us at this season ; as if they were able more effectually to perswade , convert them , then either their own prophets , or christ himself and his apostles , and remove that veil of obstistinate blindnesse , and obduration which god hath laid upon thoir hearts and eyes , to this very end , that they might neither see , hear , nor understand , nor be converted , that he might heal them . acts. 28. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. 5. god himself , ( especially for their rejection of jesus christ , and refusing him to be their king to rule and reign over them ) hath utterly extirpated and ejected the jews out of their own promised land , which himself bestowed on them for their peculiar b inheritance , and habitation , and setled them in actual possession thereof by an out-stretched hand , and power : yea , scattered , dispersed them into other nations like chaff before the wind , without any fixed habitation , according to the ancient comminations and curses long since denounced against and now fully executed upon them . deutr. 28. 63 , 64 , 65 , &c. levit. 26. 33. 36 , 37 , 38 , 39. deutr. 4. 27. c. 32. 26. 1 kings 14 , 15. neh. 1. 8. ps . 106. 27. jer. 9. 16. & 17. 24. c. 18. 17 , c. 49. 32 36. ezech. 5. 2. to 13. c. 12 , 14. 15 , c. 20 , 23. c. 22. 15. daniel 12. 7. zach 1. 21. ezech. 11. 16 , 17. c. 6. 8. c. 17. 21. which scattering , is principally intended only amongst heathen nations , where they should be totally deprived of all gods ordinances , and means of salvation , where they shall serve other gods , which neither they nor their fathers have known , even wood and stone ; as these texts expresly resolve and import . therfore , to receive them into , and settle them in our christian kingdom and island , whereunto they have no title , nor colour of inheritance , which god hath c appointed to the english alone for their portion , ( and therefore these aliens may not invade or intrude themselves into it , without the whole nations general consent ) is in some sense to crosse these sacred texts , and neither convenient for us to grant , nor for them to request ; being already over-stored with native englishmen . 6. since the jews crucifixion of our saviour jesus christ himself , and their extirpation and dissipation for it , they have oft-times in sundry places , ages , in high contempt and despite of his person , and passion , maliciously acted it over and over again in representation ; not only by d piercing his images with swords and spears , and in e stabbing , piercing , boyling , burning , braying in a mortar , and otherwise despiting the consecrated sacramental bread , representing his crucified body , as the historians in the margin at large relate ; and likewise by crucifying a ram at easter , as they did at f syracusa , in the year 1113 ▪ but likewise by crucifying sundry christian children on good friday ; o● near easter , on a crosse , in a most barbarous manner , in derision of our saviors death and passion . to pretermit those 7. or 8. forecited instances in england alone , i shall instance in some forreign ones recorded by historians . about the year of our lord , 430. the jews in their publike g enterludes and dances , held on their sabboth , openly crucisied a christian child in contempt and derision of christs death and passion , at inmestar in syria ; first nailing him to a tree , and lifting him up on high ; then deriding and laughing at him , after that like mad men , scourging him as long as any breath remained in his body : whereupon there arose great contention between them and the christians ; and by the emperors command , the jews who had done this in jest , were punished in earnest , anno 1172. h they crucified in like manner another christian child at bloyes in france . and near the same time , the jews at i bray in france , crowned a christian man ( whom they accused for a malefactor ) with thornes , then led him publickly about the town , scourged him with many stripes , and at last crucified him in contempt of christ . not long after the k jews at paris in france , in like manner crucified a christian child called richard ; & sundry others yearly . anno 1236. l the jews at the monastery of fulda , killed many christian children in a mill , piercing them with ponyards , and squeezing out their blood , to mix and knead it with their vnleavened bread in their passeover , as was generally reported , which being discovered many of them were burnt to death for it , & the rest grievously persecuted . at m prague in bohemia , the jews on good-friday in the year 1283. shutting their gates , crucified a christian man , having first of all done unto him , in contempt , what ever they had learned was done to christ by their ancestors , which when the people had discovered , running to their arms , they raged cruelly against , and slew many of these impious murtherers the jews n anno 1286 stole away , cruelly tormented , pricked with ponyards , drew the blood , & impiously crucified a christian child called vvernerus , not far from the rhene in germany , barbarously murthering him after sundry torments . o anno 1287. they tormented and crucified another christian child at bern called rodolphus , for which they were massacred and cruelly handled by the furious vulgar . the jews at p trent on good-friday , in the year 1475. tortured , whipped , pierced & crucified to dearh a christian child about 13 years old called simeon , in contempt of christs passion , and christians , kneding their paschal unleavened bread with his blood , which history is as large related by the marginal historians , and to instance in no more particulars , vincentius beluacensis q speculum hist. l. 29. c. 25. gaguinus l. 6. de francis. centur. magd. 12. and 13. c. 14 record , that the jews in paris did every year steal some christian child or other brought up in the kings court , & carrying him to a secret house or vault , did on good-friday , or easter-day , in contempt and derision of christ and christian religion , crucify him on a crosse ( as christ was crucified ) and that they had been frequently appprehended per severing in this wickednesse ; for which , upon detection , they were usually murthered , stoned , burned , destroyed , hanged by the furious multitudes violence , or executed ; imprisoned , banished by christian kings and magistrates , yet such was their mal●ce to christ , that they would st●ll persevere there●n , and act it over again upon every opportunity . how can or dare we then receive into our christian island , such barbarous , bloody obstinate murderers and inveterate , incorrigible malicious enemies to , and deriders , despisers of our blessed saviours death and passion , formerly cast out by our ancestors ( amongst other things ) for their bloody impieties and unchristian blasphemies of this nature , unlesse we first renounce both our christianity and humanity at once , and become as bad as the very worst of jews ? 7. the jews ever since their dispersion , in all ages , places to their power , have been more bitter enemies to the christians than the worst of pagans , bending all their studies , forces , wits , endeavours to hinder , oppugne , blaspheme , extirstate the christian religion , and all professors of it out of the world ; stirred up many bloody persecutions against them , upon all advantages , confederating both with julian the apostate , the pagan , persians , the tartars , sarazens , turks , to murder and delete them , having a great hand in raising the 4th ▪ persecution , and murdering , stoning to death , burning , destroying even those of their own nation , yea poysoning their own vvives , children , for imbracing christianity , moreover they have raised up many seditions , rebellions against christian princes , poysoned , destroyed some of them and their nobles , yea raised , occasioned many great popular tumults , commotions , seditions against them in all ages , places , as well as formerly here in england , as you may read at large in socrates scholasticus , eccl. hist . l. 7. c. 13. zonaras tom. 3 paulus diaconus , l. 16 , 17 , 18. nicepkorus eccles . hist . l. 14 , c. 14. l. 17. c. 6 , ambrose epist . l. 5. epist. 29. jerom. in cap. 4 ad galatas , & in abdiam . sozomen hist . l. 1. c. 8. mat. paris historia angl. p. 564 aventinus . annal. boyorum , l. 5. and 7. abbas uspergensis parale . p. p. 346. centur. magd. 4. c. 14. 15. &c. 3 col . 85 , 86. cent. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 11 , 12 , 13. ● . 3. 14 , 15. mr. fox acts and menuments , vol. 1. p. 56. with sundry others record . upon this ground , certain christians on the contrary , out of an over-furious zeal , have endeavoured to extirpate them all from under heaven , unlesse they would turn christians . anno. 1101 o emicho a german earl , and the inhabitants near the rhene , pillaged , plundered , banished , slew , and destroyed all the jews in those parts , who refused to turn christians , slaying no lesse than twelve thousand of them , many of the jews killing each other with their own hands , to avoid their fury ; but the rest receiving baptisme , and turning christians only to save their lives , relapsed to their judaisme again when the storm was over . in the year 1146. one p rudolphus a monk , out of a misguided fur●ous zeal , stirred up many thousands of people in france and germany , near the rhene , to take up the crosse for the holy wars ; exhorting them in his preaching , that they should in the first place kill and destroy all the jews remaining every where in the cities and towns , as being the greatestenemies of christ. the seeds of which doctrin took such deep root in many cities of france and germany . that in a tumultuous sedition & uproar , they slew most of the jews in those parts , but such who fled into fenced cities & castles , under the protection of the emperour fred. the 1. which bloody doctrine & proceeding was reprehended by st. bernards letters to these people , informing them , that the jews for their excessive wickednesses were not to be slaughtered but dispersed . in the year of christ● 298. r one rindflash an husbandman in germany , openly preached to the people ; that he was sent from heaven , & specially chosen by god to root out the jews in all places : and proclaimed , whoever will have the christian commonwealth to be safe , let him follow me ; whereupon the people flocking to him in great multitudes , & chusing him for their captain , sought out the jews in wirtzburgh , nurinburgh , rorenburgh , bamberge , orenberge , and all other towns and villages in franconia and bavaria , and slew many of them , the greatest part of them in these places , both men & women obstinately setting their own houses on sire , & burning both themselves ▪ wives , children , with their houses , housholdstuff and goods together , that they might not fall into the christians hands . in the year r 1349. there being a great plague and mortality in germany , the iews were generally accused for the chief authors or increasers thereof , by poysoning all the vvells and fountains , to destroy all the christians , and corrupting likewise some baptized jews , & other christians with money , and charmes so far ▪ that they could willingly have destroyed and slain all their fellow christians , which some of them confessed upon their examinations . hereupon the common people in great rage and fury , against their magistrates & bishops wills , & commands ( who neither could nor durst withstand their violence ) fell upon all the jews in bern , friburgh , argentine , wormes , oppenheim , francfort , mentz , spires , and other places , slew , and brained many of them , burned other of them , hanged up many others upon gibbets , pillaging , burning , breaking , and pulling down their houses , the jews themselves in many of these places burning both themselves , wives , children , goods , to avoid the enraged peoples fury ; very few of them escaping , who were baptized to preserve their lives : the inhabitants of spire , fearing the air would be infected with the stink of the slaughtered jews dead corps lying in the streets , although most of them were burnt , put them into empty caskes , and threw them into the rhene . all such who protected any of the jews for mony ( as some did ) were so murmured against , and hated by the people , that they were in great danger of their lives , wh●ch some of them lost , as albertus argentinensis records at large which sad calamity came upon them by gods just judgement , many of them being found guilty of all sorts of wickednesses , poysonings , the murder of many children , forging of letters , counterfeiting and corrupting of moneys , thefts , deceipts , and other villanies , whereby they offended the divine majesty . to these i might adde many other such tumults , uproars , occasioned by , and massacres , burnings and destructions of them for their villanies , recorded in hermannus schedel . chron. f. 243 , 248. 258. 271 , 272. and genebrardi chronog . p. 461 , 627 , 660 , 618 , 688 , 824. 830. with those forementioned in england . and can we then in point of christian piety or prudence , now bring in such a generation of men as these amongst us , especially in these unsetled , unquiet , discontented times , to kindle new flames of discontent and tumults amongst the people ? 8. the r conversation of the jews is so dangerous to christians , that the 4 council of toledo : can . 59 , 61 , 62. made this decree , the conversations and companies of evil men do oftentimes corrupt even the good , how much more then those who are prone to vices . let therefore the jews who are converted to the christian faith have no further communion henceforth with those , who still continue in their old jewish rites , lest peradventure they should be subverted by their society : therefore we decree , that the sons and daughters of those jewes which are baptized , that they be not again involved in the errors of their parents , shall be separated from their company , and placed with christian men & women fearing god , where they may be well instructed , and grow in faith and christian manners ; and that the jewes believing wives shall be divorced and separated from their husbands , unlesse upon admonition they turne christians . the like was ſ enacted by the wisigothes , laws : lib. 12. tit. 2. 3. yea , t pope alex. the 3. decretal . l. 6. c. 7. prohibited all christians , under pain of excommunication , to cohabit with the jews , or keep company with them , because their manners and christians accord in nothing , and they by reason of their continual conversation , and daily familiarity , might easily incline the minds of simple people to their superstition and infidelity . and should not those then , who pretend themselves far greatet zealots then the goths , spaniards , or pope , upon these very grounds , much more oppose , prohibit their readmission into england , in this giddy apostatizing age , lest their company and society should easily seduce the unstable people to their judaism and infidelity , to christs dishonour , their own damnetion , and the infamy of our church and government . the rather , because if extraordinary care be not taken herein , under pretext of jews , we shall have many hundreds of jesuites , popish priests and friers come over freely into england from portugal , spaine , rome , italy , and other places , under the title , habit , and disguise of jews , of purpose to undermine our religion , church and state , and sow the seeds of heresie , blasphemy , popery , superstition , schisms , and divisions amongst us ; they having formerly sent over some of late years amongst us , under the notion and vizard of converted jews , as ramsey the scot , and eleazer , and joseph ben-isaiah , all jesuitical , wicked cheating impostors : the two last whereof , have cheated the honest people of the nation of many thousand pounds , being notorious villains , one of them formerly a trooper and plunderer in prince ruperts army , as he confessed to his hostesse at dursly in glocestershire in his drink , where he would have ravished the maid-servant of the house , locking the door upon her , whiles she was warming his bed in the night , and upon her crying out for help , fled away presently in the night , to avoid apprehension ; and yet wanders about cheating the people in other places , instead of being brought to tyburne for his villanies . and if they abuse and cheat us thus already , much more will they doe it upon , and after the jewes admission . 9. to pretermit their banishment out of rome by the emperor claudius , recorded acts 18. 2. and that as t ecclesiastical historians report , for their cheating , and tumults there raised . i shall only in brief relate , how they have from time to time been banished , expelled many christian cities , countries , kingdoms , and their synagogues burnt and destroyed , especially for their infidelity , and other forementioned misdemeanors , crimes , villanies . u about the year of chri●● 430. at the instigation of st. cyril bishop of alexandri● , and the christians there , they were expelled and banished that famous city , where they had long inhabited , for their insolencies , & seditious conspiracies against the christians . about the year of christ , 615. they were banished out of jerusulem it self , by heraclius the emperour , as zonaras , tom. 3. in his life : paulus diaconus , rerum rom. l. 18. & cent. magd. 7. c. 14. storie . about anno 616. x king sisebutus banished them all out of spaine , unlesse they would turn christians , which the most of them refusing to doe , departed thereupon into france , as the marginal authors unanimously attest . about the year 618. they were all banished out of france by king dagobert , unlesse they would renounce their judaism , and turn christians , upon the command and instigation of her a●lius the emperour ; as regino , chron. l. 1. & cent. magdeb. 7. c. 14. relate . king wamba about the year 710. banished them out of the province of narbon ; as rodericus toletanus de rebus hisp. l. 3. c. 11. informs us . the y emperor phocas , about the year 60● . banished them out of the city of antioch , for the tumults they had there raised against the christians and government . about the year 1196. they z were banished out of the city of mentz , and near the same time out of the city of triers , and the bishoprick thereof , by bishop everhard . a philip augustus king of france , banished them all out of france by several edicts , anno 1152 , 1162. & 1182. for these reasons : because they had divers times crucified children of christians in paris , and elswhere , in contempt of christ and his passion ; entertained christian men servants and maid servants in their houses , who did likewise play the jews with them , contrary to the decrees of god and the church ; above measure oppressed ▪ impoverished by their usuries , the citizens , knights , gentry , and country people both in the cities , suburbs , and villages of france , and detained some of them prisoners in their houses , like captives , binding them by an oath , not to depart out of them ; most vilely profaned the sacred vessels pawned to them by church-men in cases of necessity , causing their little children ordinarily to drink wine and eat sops out of them ( in contempt of the sacrament ) and casting the silver vessels , crosses , and guilded books of the gospel pawned to them , into jakes in a sack , that the christians might not find them ; and because the saracens upbraided the christians for entertaining them amongst them , being the professed enemies of christ . upon these grounds , as also because their wealth and number were so increased , that they had almost gotten half the city of paris into their hands , king philip caused them to be all apprehended through france in one day , as they were in their synagogues : then spoiled them of all their rich gold and silver garments , confiscated all their lands , houses , possessions ; and banished them the realm , notwithstanding the intercessions of many bishops and nobles ( bribed with their gold and gifts ) on their behalf , and the proffers , of great summes of money to him by the jews , wherewith he would not be mollified . after which , he caused their synagogues to be prophaned , and then consecrated and converted to churches ; that so where christ was first blasphemed after the manner of the jews , he might in the same places be praised both by the clergy and people , as vincentius records at large . after this , creeping into that realm again by money and bribes , they were b again banished out of france , and their goods confiscated by king philip the fair , in the year 1293. as some , or 1307. as others compute it , and driven into germany . in the year 1349. at the earnest importunity of the people they were all banished out of c alsatia , and the imperial cities , by the agreement of the bishops and nobles , and most of them burnt and destroyed , as they had been formerly in those parts by earl d emicho , an. 1102. who then banished them thence . ludovicus duke of bavaria , about the year 1450 , banished all the iews out of his territories , as aeneas picolom●neus in his europ● staius sub frederico , l. 3. c. 32. p. 79. assures us . e in the years 1474. 1482. and 1492. they were all banished out of spain by king ferdinand , surnamed the catholique , from whence they were transported and received into portugal , they paying to k. iohn 2. 8. duckets for every poll of them at first , for their admission ; which much augmented his eschequer , though it diminished his piety and honour . not long after , anno 1497. they were driven and banished out of portugal by king emanuel : and in the year 1539. they were banished out of naples and sicily by charles the 5th . to which i might adde the destruction , burning and utter extirpation of the jews by the rubeaquenses anno 1309. and 1338. munst . cosm . l. 3. p. 547. out of worms and spires , an. 1092. munsteri cosm . l. 3. p. 580. out of prague , by vvratislaus for hating and slaying the christians , geor. bartholdus pontanus , bohemiae piae . l. 2. p. 20. out of berne , an. 1287. munsteri cosm . l. 3. p. 582. having therefore been thus frequently banished by christian kings , princes , from time to time , at the earnest sollicitation of their godly christian ministers , bishops , people ; and by our king and parliament too out of * england , so long since , never to return again , what shadow , colour of piety , policy , prudence , justice , law , reason , there can be for any person or persons whatsoever to re-admit them ( except the argument of dishonest , private , filthy under-hand bribes or lucre , by which they usually scrue themselves into those places , whence they have been exiled ) transcends my shallow capacity to comprehend , especially at this season , when we are so over-stored with english , that some think of sending and planting colonies in another world ; whither these gold-thirsty jews may do well to transplant themselves , if they be weary of their former habitations . 9. the forecited christian authors , historians old and new , much applaud and magnifie those christian emperors , kings , magistrates , states , who have most opposed , restrained , suppressed by f severest laws , edicts , the jewish synagogues , ceremonies , superstitions , rites , abuses ; and banished these antichristian blasphemers , and enemies of christ jesus out of their kingdoms and territories , especially for their infidelity , and censured those who favoured them . and matthaeus flacius illericus , johannis wigandus , andreas corvinus , thomas holthuter , 4 famous , learned protestant historians and divines , in their laborious , learned ecclesiastical centuries , as they every where do the like : so in their 12. cent. cap. 7. col . 1078 , 1079. they passe this sharp censure against the decrees of g pope alexander the 3. and clement the 3. ( prohibiting the jews to build any new synagogues where were none before , yet tolerating thē only to repair old ones where they were fallen down or defaced , to use their rites in . but withall forbidding all christians under pain of excommunication , communion with them , for fear of being seduced to their superstitions , &c. ) denique ut extremam romanorum paparum impudentiam et stupendam impietatem videas , non pigebit eorum decreta , pro blasphema in deum gente jud aeorum lata , adscribere . and peter herlin in his microcosme , p. 569 , 570. writing , that the iews having been put to divers fines and ransoms , they are at last even quite thrust out of europe also . they were banished out of england by edward the 1. anno 1290. out of france , spain , portugal , naples , and sicily ( by the kings forecited ) subjoyns by way of censure . yet are they found in great numbers in the romish part of germany and poland , in most cities of italy , especially rome , where there are not lesse than 15000. or 20000. of them ; and also in the popes country of avignion . the reason why they are permitted to live thus under our holy fathers nose , is forsooth , an expectation of their conversion : which is a mere pretence , the reason being indeed , the benefit hence arising to his holinesse coffers . but the hopes of their conversion is small , and the means less , &c. and therfore we cannot now readmit them in to england upon the self-same papal pretence and ground of gain ; without incurring the like censures from protestants and papists too ; and bringing intollerable scandal , diss●onor , reproach , on our nation and religion , in these times of pretended highest reformation ; they being the professed enemies of our lord jesus christ , who will not not have him to rule over them , luk. 19 , 27. and so odious to the b very turks them selves for cru●fying christ , that they oft use to say in detestation of a thing , i would i might die a jew . neither will they permit a jew to turn turk , unless he be first baptized . 11 many of the wisest heathen law-givers , polititians , states , have especially prohibited the introduction and habitation of foraigners amongst them . hence i lycurgus the famous legislator , and the spartans by his law and advice expelled all foraigners out of their city and country , lest by insinuating themselves amongst them , they should teach their citizens some ill , introduce foraign manners , and an ill disordered kind of life ; upon which ground they all prohibited their citizens to travell into foraign countries . upon these grounds the thebans and also apotloniatae ( in imitation of the spartans , banished all foraigners out of their city , as aelian variae historiae l. 13. c. 16. & alexander ab alexandro l. 4. c. 10. record . plato the philosopher dialogo 12. de legumlatione , though he permits forainers by way of study , trade , travel , and embassie to come into his city and republike , under certain laws , r●ules , yet he totally secludes them from inhabiting therein , or to trade , without strict laws to prevent their danger . solet enim civitatum in commerc●is permixtio , varios mores civitatibus ammiscere , dum externi externiis vicissim novationes inducum : quae res civitatibus per rectas leges benè institutis maximum detrimentum affert : * arist. observes , thatthe bringing in of forainers is a principal cause of seditions , quarels ; qui inquilinas aut advenas 〈…〉 nt in vitatem , hi ferè omnes aut certè plurimi seditionibus conflictantur . k dr. jo. case gives the reason of it . nam ut nihil citius corpus humanum inficit quàm pestilentium vaporum malis humoribus copulatio ; ita nihil velocius corrumpit civitatem , quam peregrinorum hominum admissio , in qua contagio & venenum latet . and hereupon he raiseth this question from aristotles text ; utrum periculosa sit in rempublicam peregrinorum admissio ? and thus resolves it . it is perillous to take snakes into the bosom , and forraigners into the commonwealth ; for as they being refreshed with heat doe bite and sting ; so these being enfranchised destroy the republike . to prove this by arguments , we may consider that every nation hath its proper manners and ceremonies which they bring along with them , & do not change with the climat when they come into another country ; vvherefore there is great danger , lest by receiving strangers the ancient manners & laws should be changed into new and forain . now what sooner begets sedition then alteration of laws and customs ? ( as we may see even in sundry scripture examples , which he remembers not , and of the jews especially acts 14. 2. to 7. 16. c. 16. 19. to 25. c. 18. 5 , 6 , 7 , 17 , 18 , 19. c. 17 , 12. to 18 c. 19. 24. to 41. c. 21 , 27 , to 40. c. 22. 22. &c. c. 23. & 24. & 25. ) vvhat therefore is more perillous than the admission of foraigners into our commonwealth ? moreover , wherefore hath nature instructed like to associate together with like , if it should draw men of strange and different manners into a republike . nature will not that sheep should be associated with wolves , neither wills prudence that natives should be coupled with forraigners ; for philosophy perswades this , that contraries cannot dwell in the same place ; but strangers for the most part are enemies to the citizens with whom they converse . adde to this , that as locusts are to the corn , so are foraigners to the republike ; for as they do wast and consume the grain of corn , so these devour the fruit of the commonwealth ; for although they are branches of the same plant , yet they suck not wholesom juyce but poyson from the root , wherewith at length the whole plant being infected perisheth . this he proves by several examples out of * aristotle himself ; as by the trezenii , zanclei , sybarites , bysantii antissiaei , apolloniatae , chii ; syracusani , aniohipoli●e , who by receiving strangers into their cities and countries , were all much infested , and some of them quite supplanted and ejected by them , the rest enforced to expel them by force of arms . then he subjoyneth , that the strangers admitted among gods own people , proved briars and thorns unto them , and solomon himself by many strange women fell into idolatry : concluding thus , the spaniards in my judgement did not unjustly banish the seditious jewes out of their coasts : propius non accedo , sed christum oro , ne peregrinarum turbâ immanis turbo in civitate fiat . , as these grecians in ancient times prohibited the introduction of strangers amongst them , for the forementioned reasons , so likewise did some of the wisest romans : pennus in ancient times , and papius after him ( as l cicero relates ; peregrinos vrhibus prohibent , eosque exterminant ; which although he thus censures as a cruelty , usu verò urbis prohibere peregrinos , sanè inhumanum est ; yet he intends it only of excluding strangers from all trading and commerce , not from cohabitation , as denizens , from which he holds it just to debarre them , there being a special law then in force for that purpose , which he thus expresseth : nam esse pro cive qui civis non sit , rectum est non licere : quam legem tulerunt sapientissimi consules , crassus & scaevola . hence claudius the emperour benished the jews out of rome , acts 18. 2 and suetonius in his life . and the mischief of admitting forraigners is largely argued in m cornelius tacitus , who were after his time banished out of room ▪ as n coelius rhodiginus relates out of ammianus marcelinus ; so the carthaginians , o scithians , scythotauri , jamphasanti , seres , indians , and aegyptians in some places ; the aethenians also exluded forraigners company and conversation ; ne cives longo usu dissimiles mores imbuerent , & in alienas leges ritusque transirent , as alex. ab alexandro , gen. dierum l. 4. c. 10. and boêmus de mor. gentium record . and we read of the p tartars and most politick inhabitants of china , at this day , that they will admit no strangers into their countries , so much as to travel or traffick , for fear of discerning their secrets , and corrupting their maners , and those few they admit by special licence to enter into their country , they will by no means suffer to return thence , nor permit merchants and marriners there trading to walk abroad publikely in their cities and countries , nor to lodge on land , but only in their ships ; which practises of theirs , being if not grounded on , yet at least warranted by gods own forcited precepts to the israelites , and being warranted by the jews own practise , who had no dealings with the samaritans , john 4. 9. and the samaritans reciprocal carriage towards the iews , whom they would neither lodge nor entertain , lu. 9. 51 , 52 , 53. why we should not upon this account seclude those alien jews , so different from us both in manners , customs , laws , religion , and obeying not the laws of our saviour christ jesus , it being not for the kings or the kingdoms profit to suffer them , ( as haman , esther 3. 8. once said of them in another case ) i referre it to all wise statesmen to resolve , since it may be truly said of such unwelcom guests . turpius ejicitur quâm non admittitur hospes . neither will this contradict that gospel precept , heb. 13. 2. be not forgetfull to entertain strangers : or deutr. 10. 18. 19. c. 23. 7 mat. 25. 35 , 43. which extend only to christian hospitality , liberality , and pity towards exiles , travellers , and other private distressed strangers , coming in to lodge or sojourn with us for a short season in our houses , or country , and standing in need of our releif , as is clear by the texts themselves , compared with rom. 12. 13. 1 pet. 4. 9. 3. iohn 5. but especially to such who are of the houshold of faith , not jews or infidels ) gal. 6. 10. not to the reception of any whole foraign nation or colony into our island to cohabit perpetually with us ( the only point in question ) which the scripture noe where commands nor in ends , but disallows in the forecited texts , and neh. 9. 2. c. 13. 30. and these scripture expressions , pro. 5. 10. lest strangers be filled with thy wealth . isay 1. 7. your land strangers devour in your presence , and it is desolate as overthrown by strangers , lam. 5. 2. our inheritance is turned unto strangers , our houses to aliens , hosea 7. 9. strangers have devoured his strength , and he knoweth it not ; sufficiently manifest both the illegallity , folly , and sad consequences of our receiving jews and other strangers in such a nature , of which our ancestors had sufficient experience in the jewes themselves ; enforcing them for ever to exile them hence . these general reasons against the jews readmission premised , which i hope will satisfie most men ; i shall conclude with some particular reasons drawn from late published declarations of our grandees , which i conceive will best satisfie them of any other : and for this end ( i hope without any just offence , or scandalum magnatum ) i shall crave leave to presse them home in this common cause , for the defence of the glory , honor , scepter , gospel , kingdom of our lord jesus christ , the only q potentate , the prince of the kings of the earth , the king of kings , and lord of lords , the head of all principality and power , and god over all blessed for ever , before whose feet , all other subordinate kings and potentates whatsoever ought to r prostrate , not only their persons , but crowns , and most peremptory royal wills and edicts too ; for whose pleasure , honor and glory alone , all things and powers likewise both are and were created : in whose cause we must be most ſ bold and zealous , not fearing the faces of any mortals . my 1. reason shall be drawn from the very words of the declaration of 21 novemb. 1655. inviting the people of this commonwealth to a day of solemn fasting and hum liation , on the 6. of december last ( a * ▪ day of trouble and of rebuke , of blasphemy , & provocation , in respect of the violence acted on it that time seven years , when the children were come to the birth , and there was no strength to bring forth , but only to obstruct and pull out the members , to prevent our peace and settlement . ) the principal cause whereof they declare to be ; the abominable blasphemies vented and spreading of late , through the apostacy of , and the abuse of liberty by many professing religion . and to joyn with them in solemn and earnest supplications to the throne of grace ; that the lord will disappoint the designs of those , that labour to lift themselves up against the interest of christ and his people : that he will rebuke the foresaid evils , and give his people to know the things that belong to their peace , that so we may with one heart and shoulder serve the lord , both theirs and ours . the jews of all other nations in the world , are the greatest venters , spreaders of abominable * blasphemies against our saviour and the gospel ; the greatest apostates from god and abusers of liberty of any professing religion ; the greatest designers , plotters and lifters up of themselves against the interest of christ and his people ; as the premises undeniably evidence : and their introduction amongst us at this season , when the generality of the people , and professors of religion likewise are so bent to apostacy , and all kind of errors , of novelties in religion , will no ways allay , but most certainly increase the venting and spreading of abominable blasphemies amongst us , multiply the apostacies of , and abuse of liberty by the professors of religion , and make thousands in probability turn apostate jews , instead of converting any of the jews to christianity . it will not disappoint , but most of all advance the designes of those that labour to lift up themselves against the interest of jesus christ and his people ; this being ( as some justly fear ) the jews very end and plot in pressing now to be received amongst us , to seduce us unto judaism , to which many are now inclined ; and to deny our saviour christ in words , as too many have t denied him in their works , and some in their opinions of late years . it will not rebuke , but foment the foresaid evils ; obstruct gods people both from knowing and pursuing the things that concern their peace ; and instead of enabling them with one heart and shoulder to serve the lord , divide them into more sects and schisms , than formerly , and set up judaism to affront christianity with open face , as 2 pet. 2. 1. jude 3. 4. &c. tit. 1. 10. 11. 1 joh. 4. 3. resolve : & so multiply the late rebukes and judgements of god upon the nation . therfore their re-admission into england after such a solemn declaration , and day of humiliation as this ( and some others formerly prescribed , observed through the nation , for the late monstrous growth and spreading of errors and blasphemies amongst us , ) if resolved and effected , will be reputed by god and men , a most palpable violation , yea contradiction of this declaration and humilation ; a most hypocritical , atheistical mocking of god himself to his face ; a most prophane abuse , and perversion of this solemn . fast and humiliation ; a frustration of all the prayers , hopes of most religious people thereon , who observed it for far other prescribed ends , and an high provocation of gods severest wrath against the perverters of it , to this very end , to introduce the long-since banished jews , the debate whereof was proposed immediately before , and began the very next day after it . my 2. reason shall be deduced from the declaration of the 24 novemb. 1655. in order to the securing of the peace of the commonwealth ; declaring it necessary to use all good means to secure the peace of the nation , and prevent future troubles within the same . the bringing in of the jews at this season , when the people are so generally divided , discontented , and declare ( for ought i can learn ) their highest , unanimous dislike , and derestation of it , is the most probable means to disturb the peace of the nation , and to engender future new troubles , tumults within it ; the generality of the people in england , and in other countries , having in former * ages frequently risen up in armes against them ; massacred , burnt and destroyed them , notwithstanding their kings and magistrates proclamations and edicts to the contrary . and the u jews themselves in all ages having been principle firebrands of sedition both in their own land , and all places where they have been dispersed , as the texts and authors in the 3. and 7. premised reasons , with the foregoing relations out of our english historians attest . therefore their re-admission into england , ( especially in this unquiet season ) must needs be diametrically contrary to the scope of this declaration ; and neither in policy nor prudence to be resolved on , but utterly rejected . my 3d. reason shall be grounded on this clause of that declaration : that no person who hath or shall be sequestred , or ejected for delinquency , or being in actual arms for the late king against the then parliament , or for charls stuart his son , &c. out of any benefice , school , or colledge , shall from and after the 1. day of december , be kept as a chaplain or school-master in any sequestred persons house ; nor after the 1. day of january , keep any school publike or private ; nor preach in any publike place , or private meeting of any other persons than those of his own ▪ family ; nor shall administer baptism , or the lords supper , or marry , &c. upon pain that every person so offending in any of the premisses shal be proceeded against , as by orders ( therin mentioned ) is provided : prescribing 3 months imprisonment for the 1. 6 months for the 2d , and banishment for the 3d offence , as i am informed . if native freeborn englishmen , formerly ejected out of any benefice , colledge or school , only for their old delinquency in adhering to the lare king and prince ( though according to their oaths , duties and dictate of their consciences ) after some years publike liberty to preach , articles of agreement confirmed by the army and both houses , and that which some call , an act of oblivion , and future indempnity , though orthodox in doctrine , unblameable in conversation , and eminent in learning , without any particular impeachment , hearing , conviction of any new delinquency or misdemeanors whatsoever , must not have so much liberty as to keep any school , or preach gods word in publike or private , or to be entertained in formerly sequestred englishmens houses , under the foresaid penalties at this season , only in order to the nations peace : then much lesse ought jews , meer aliens , who always have been , and still are professed enemies in arms against the person , kingdom , gospel of our lord jesus christ ( which the late parliament by their solemn protestation , vow and covenant , engaged by all good means to defend and advance ) to be entertained by any english christians , or publikely or privately to teach , preach , spread , propagate their jewish doctrines , errors and abolished ceremonies in our island , but to be banished for ever from amongst us , if any of them should publikely or privately artempt to creep in amongst us ; else not only all sequestred delinquents , but the whole english nation and world too , will cry out and say , [ x ] the faithfull loyal chaplains , servants , followers , friends of the late k. and pr. though english nativs , freemen , ye our felow brethren members in christ are more execrable to , more injuriously , unchristianly , uncharitably dealt with by their fellow english christians in present power , only for their loyalty and conscientious adhering to their late temporal king and prince , than the very alien jews , who both denied , rejected , crucified the lord jesus christ , their own temporal soveraign , who y was born king of the iews , and had this very title inscribed on his crosse ; and their & our only spiritual king and saviour , whose honour , power , kingdom , gospel , we a vowedly profess to advance ; & that they enjoy lesse christian or civil liberty for themselves , their wives and families necessarie subsistance , now in their native country and must neither teach nor preach christ jesus to any in publique or private , though gods word and their function , condition enjoyn , * necessitate them to do both , when as these admitted jews may both teach and preach against him too in publique & private . which restraints on these english royalists on the one hand , & indulged liberty to the alien jew * antichrists on the other , if now put in execution , i humbly referre it to the saddest considerations & conscientious meditations of all in power to resolv themselvs how scandalous & odious it will prove both to god and all good men how much it will resemble the proceedings , not only of the malicious jews themselves against the apostles and ministers of christ , recorded ▪ acts 4. 1. to 24. &c. 5. 24. to 32. 1 thes . 2. 14 , 15 , 16. of beheaded z canterbury against mr. workman of glocester , but likewise of that detestable apostate emperour a iulian , who out of his desperate malice to christ , to undermine and extirpate christian religion without shedding the blood of christians , first shewed himself a most zealous christian professor , reducing the orthodox bishops , ministers , christians , whom the persecuting arian emperor constantius had exiled , & restoring them to their confiscated bishopricks , to ingratiate himself with the people ; but not long after turning apostat he took away all the privileges , honours , revenues of the clergy setled on them by constantine , with the laws for their establishment , shut up the churches & schools ▪ of the christians , prohibiting them to teach in publike or private , or set their children to school , unless they would renounce their former religion , and turn pagans , impoverished , oppressed the christians with extraordinary doubled taxes , from which the pagans were exempted , and castmany of them into prison . but on the contrary at the same time , he shewed extraordinary favour and affection towards the jews , sent for the chiefest of them to his court , where he discoursed with them , writing a special letter to them , wherein he desired their prayers for him , granted them free exercise of their jewish ceremonies , and sacrifices long discontinued , encouraged and assisted them with monies out of his publike treasury to re-edifie the temple at jerusalem , to receive & set up all their jewish sacrifices and customes there formerly used , whereupon they began to build it , till-miraculously interrupted therein● ; and all to vex and undermine the christians . by which indulged liberty , the jews then grew so insolent against the christians , that they greivously persecuted divers of them , destroyed and burnt down some of their churches , and threatned to persecute them worse than the pagan romans had done ; as the marginall historians record more at large . the imitation of whose proceedings now in any degree in these particulars , what harsh constructions and sad events they may produce , i refer to all wise christian states-men seriously to ponder , for their own and our religions honor and security . my 4. argument is this , the orders for securing the peace of the nation , which the declaration relates to ; a contrary to all the statutes , acts , resolutions of our parliaments and law-books forecited , upon another occasion ) authorize the major generals and commissioners named in them . to banish and send into foraign parts and plantations , all persons of the royal party formerly in arms , of no estate , and living loosly , and all persons whatsoever that shall appear by their words or actions to adhere to the party of the late king or his son , & to be dangerous enemies to the peace of the commonwealth , even without and before any legal indictment , tryal , conviction of any particular crime , for which a sentence of banishment is prescribed by our laws : or any judgement or act of parliament inflicting this heavy punishment upon them , far worse to many than death it self . now i shall earnestly intreat in the name and fear of god , all those whom it most concernes , to consider in their own retired thoughts , how unjust , unrighteous , unreasonable , unchristian it will seem to all free-born english men , and conscientious christians , both at home and abroad , and what great scandals it may bring , both upon our nation , government , and religion it self , in this manner , ( and on this old account alone ) to banish these christian english freemen one of their native country , both from their wives children , kinred , and gods own publike ordinances ; and at the self-same time to call in foraign , infidel jews , ( greatest enemies to christ himself and christians , and in that respect more dangerous to the peace and welfare of the nation than tho●e thus to be banished ) to supply their places , even against an express old judgement and edict of the whole kingdom in parliament , for their perpetual exile . what a sad p●rnicious * president it may prove in future ages , upon every new revolution to banish all english freemen of a contrary party and call in forraigners in their rooms : whether it will not revive that ancient complaint of * petrus cluntacensis . lex nam vetusta sed verè diabolica ab ipsis christianis principibus processit , &c. manet inultum scelus detestabile in judaeo , quod exilio vel horrenda morte suspendi● punitur in christiano . pingrescit inde & deliciis affluit iudaeus , unde laqueo suspenditur christianus ? and whether upon consideration of this and the precedent reasons deduced from these declarations , and all the premises , they ought not peremptorily to conclude against the jews present and future re-admission into england ? most seriously to determine . i shall close up all with an answer to the two principal allegations for their reception into our realm . 1. the main and only consciencious argument for their introduction , is this , that it may be a very probable hopefull means of the general calling and conversion of the iewish nation to the christian faith , which hath been so long prayed for and expected by christians , and seems now approaching ; which their seclusion from us may much obstruct . not to enter into any large debate of this conversion of the iews , wherein learned b orthodox divines and writers , are much divided . i say , 1. that i could never yet be satisfied , that there shall be such a general call and conversion of the whole or major part of the nation of the jews , as some expect , but only of an elect remnant of them , the c foreciced texts , with i say 30. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. now go write it before them in a table , and note it in a book , that it may be for the time to come for ever and ever , that this is a rebellious people , children that will not hear the law of the lord , which say to the seers see not , and to the prophets , prophesie not unto us right things , &c. cause the holy one of israel to depart from before us . luk. 20. 16 , 17 , 18. mat. 21. 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , john 1. 11. 12. rom. 9. 27. 26. 33. c. 11. 2 , 5 , 7 , 8. contradicting such a general conversion of them , & that of rom. 11. 26 , 27 , 28. and so all israel shall be saved , being meant only of the elect , and true israel of god , both jews and gentiles , as many judicious expositors , and rom. 2 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. c. 9. 6 , 7 , 8. c. 11. 1. to 8. gal. 3. 7 , 9 , 14 , 16 , 22 , 28 , 29 c. 6. 16. seem to expound it , not of the whole jewish nations calling and salvation at the last . 2ly . it is agreed by most who expect such a general calling and conversion of the iews d that it shall not be till the fullnesse of the gentiles become in , as rom , 11 , 24 , 25. resolves , and whether this fullnesse be yet come in , there being so many gentile nations yet e unconverted , especially in asia , africa , and america , and those infinitely exceeding the gentiles yet converted to the gospel , let those consider who now expect the iews conversion . 3ly . if this fullnesse of the gentiles conversion to christ , must preceed the general calling of the iews , as a necessary preparative and introduction thereunto , then we ought by this allegation in the first place to call the turks , tartars , persians , chinoys , and all other unconverted gentile nations into england , and first convert them to the christian faith , before we bring in the iews , whose conversion is to succeed theirs , and the gentiles fullnesse , and then we shall have religions enough in england to please all novellists , and a thousand aliens to each english native . 4ly , there are farre more expresse , direct promises , texts , grounds , both in the e old and f new testament , for the calling , conversion of all gentiles , and yet unconverted heathen nations to the faith of christ , then of the iewish nation : not one nation of them ( for ought we read ) being so far rejected , broken off , and given up to an obduration of heart , and blindness of mind , by gods judiciall decree , as we read the jews to be ; isa . 6. 9 , 10 , 11 , c. 8 14. 15 , 16. c. 29. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. mat. 13. 14 , 15. mar. 4. 11 , 12. lu. 8. 10. iohn 12. 37 , 38 , 39 , 40. act 28. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. rom. 11. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. therefore our prayers and endeavours ought first to be for the conversion of all gentiles yet unconverted to the faith , being more hopefull , more successfull in all probability , than our prayers , endeavors for the iews conversion , at least till the gentiles fullnesse be come in . 5ly , admit either a general or special calling and conversion of the iews in the latter end of the world ; yet the calling of them into england to cohabit with us in such a manner as they now desire , is no ways necessary for that end . for 1. it is no where declared in gods word , that they must be called in england , or by english men . 2ly . if they were principally to be converted by english divines or laicks , we may with more ease , lesse danger and prejudice to our nation and religion , send english divines and laicks into other forraign parts where they now reside , to instruct , teach , convert them to the faith , than call them into england to convert them now , in this giddy , unsetled , apostatizing age , wherein they are likelier to gain a thousand english proselytes to their judaisme , than we one jewish convert to christianity , if introduced with their synagogues and jewish ceremonies ; perhaps their hopes of such a harvest here , is the principal motive that they are so pressing to be now admitted again into our english climate , without delay . 3ly . if we admit them with all their jewish worship , synagogues , ceremonies , as they now propose , it will be rather a means to harden , then convert them ; a g doing of evil that good may come of it : a swallowing down of a certain deadly poyson , in hope to correct it with a subsequent antidote ; and to set up a present h synagogue of satan , upon hopes hereafter to convert it into a church of christ . 4ly . god can convert them in any other countries , as well as in england , and by any other christian nations , as well as englishas he hath done i some few of them in all ages , as petrus alphonsus , lyra , and junius , three eminent divines and writers , amongst others : and there being as learned able protestant divines in holland , germany , france , denmarke , as any ▪ in england , if they cannot convert them , what hopes have we to do it ? 5ly . conversion of their hearts to the truth of the gospel , and saving grace , is k only the work of god , not men , who can work it when , where , and by whom he pleaseth , and is not tied either to place or persons , much lesse to our english climate to effect it . and , it is gods and christs usual prescribed way of converting nations , people , to send apostles , ministers to preach the gospel to , and convert them , in the countries , places where they dwell ; not to call them into another forraign land where the gospel first shined , or where it is entertained : as he sent his apostles from jerusalem into all the world , to convert the gentiles , not called them all to ierusalem or palestine , to be there instructed and converted , mat. 9. 38. c. 10. 5. 6. c. 28. 19 , 20. mar. 16. 15. isay 2. 3 , 4. acts 9. 15. c. 10. 20. c. 22. 12. ephes . 3. 8. 2 tim. 4. 17. 3. iohn 7. why then we should take this new-found contrary way of calling the iews in to us to convert them , and not rather send out ministers to them , i cannot discern ; the rather , because the * council of basil , an. 143 1. sessio 19. prescribes this course both for the converting of the unbelieving jews and gentiles to the orthodox faith ; that all diocesans should yearly , at appointed times , provide certain men well learned in holy scriptures , and in the tongues , to preach and explain the truth of the catholick faith , in svch places where the iewes and other infidels did dwell , in such sort , that they acknowledging their error , might for sake the same . to which preaching they should compell all of both sexes that were at years of discretion to resort , by interdicting them commerce with christians , and other sitting penalties . provided , the diocesans and rreachers should behave themselves towards them mercifully , and with all charity , whereby they might win them to christ , not only by declaring of the truth , but also by other offices of humanity . 6ly . if the observation of learned paraeus be true , that the overflowing of all sorts of wickednesses , crimes , murders , wars , oppressions , rapines , injustice , tyranny , cruelty , extortions , usuries , the infinite multiplicity , contrariety of sects , schisms , religions , and unchristian , heathen , atheisticall practises of one christian towards another , be principal obstacles to hinder the jews conversion , especially amongst protestants ( as these , with idolatrous worship of images , saints , and the hostia amongst papists ) than the calling of them now into england , where * all these abound more than ever heretofore , and more than in other nations , will be a means more to harden them , and hinder their conversion , then any furtherance thereunto : the rather , because the desperate apostacy , and atheistical actions of sundry late eminent professors , have caused many english christians to turn antiscripturists , seekers , atheists , and like the iews , to repute christ and christianity meer fables . 7ly , most of the iews , who since their dispersion have been baptized , and turned christians in any age or place , have done it either out of fear , to save their lives , or estates , when endangered by popular tumults , or judgments of death denounced against them for their crimes ; or for fear of banishment , or by coercion of penal laws , not cordial●y and sincerely , they still playing the jews in private upon every occasion , and renouncing their baptism and christianity at last , either before or at their deaths , as our own n forecited historians ; the 4th council of ●oledo , cap. 58 , 59 , 62. 63. leges wesigothorum , lib. 12. tit. 2 , 3 ▪ vincensius beluacensis spec . hist. l. 29. c. 25. rodericus toletanus , de rebus hisp . l. 2. c. 17. aventinus , annal. boiorum l. 5. p. 468. abbas uspergensis chrou . p. 227 228. and o other authors at test , of which we have this late memorable history recorded by munster in his cosmography , l. 2. c. 19. f. 72 , 73. there being no lesse than one hundred twenty four thousand jews banished out of spain , anno 1492. leaving all their gold , jewels , houses behind them , and paying two duckets a pole to the king for their transportation into portugal ; some of them there seemingly turned christians , and were baptized , but yet secretly practised their judaival rites , being christians only in shew , but not in heart , observing the passeover , and eating flesh with the iewes : upon the discovery hereof , there arose a great tumult of the people against them in lisbon , the people complaining thereof to the king , anno 1506. whereupon the king commanded 16 of them to be imprisoned , and at last dismissed them without other punishment . upon this the citizens conspiring againg the king and governour , raised a commotion against these iews and false christians , slaying all those false converted new iews they could find throughout the city , to the number of six hundred , whom they likewise burnt ; which example spreading into the country , there were slain in the city and country of these iewish , false converts , to the number of 1630 : which the king hearing of , being then absent , he was so incensed against the iews , that he imprisoned very many of them , whereof some were burned , others beheaded , others hanged on gibbets , and all the rest spoiled of their goods , then expelled and banished the kingdom , a sad judgement on them for their hypocritical conversion ; and such converts mostly we are like to find them , and none other . 7ly . if any private iews out of meer conscience or sincere desires of being converted to the christian faith , shall upon that account alone desire admission into england , to be instructed by our english divines , i suppose no english christians will oppose , but further their desires herein , and contribute both their prayers and best endeavors for their conversion , and if there be cause , admit them into our churches communion upon real testimonies of the truth of conversion in , and work of grace upon them ; which is as much as they can desire at our hands ; but to admit whole multitudes and colonies of infidel iews at once into our nation , who neither desire nor pretend conversion to christianity , together with the free use of their iewish synagogues , rites , ceremonies , ( which they strongly insist upon ) is such an impious , unchristian , antichtistian dangerous president ( glossed over only with a possibility of their future conversion ) as no sincere english christians can approve of , nor the iews themselves desire : for as the iews by p gods own laws , and their own iewish rabbies precepts , neither might , nor yet would permit any heathen gentiles heretofore to set up any altars , images , idols , groves , or exercise any idolatrous worship amongst them , or to blaspheme , reproach their god or religion , under pain of death if they transgressed therein , there being the self sume ▪ law of god in these things both to gentiles , & iews . and like as they afterwards would not permit the apostles and christians in ierusalem , or any other cities , for to preach the gospel , and exercise the christian religion freely , but raised up present tumults against and persecuted and cast them out , as 1 thes . 2. 14 , 15 , 17 , the whole history of the acts , and premises abundantly testifie : so by the very self same justice and equity , they can neither now demand nor expect that we , or any christian realm or state should tollerate or connive at , much lesse openly countenance and protect them in the publick or private exercise of their iudaisme , or iewish rit , and blaspemies against our crucified saviour , and his gospel : all then that english christians can do for them , is to q desire , and pray for the conversion of all gods elect amongst them in his due time , by such means as he shall think meetest , and to instruct them in the faith , by learned ministers sent to them , if they desire it ; but not to admit them ( and perchance many disguised iesuits , papists and friars with them ) promiscuously into our nation ; to undermine our church and religion , and undo many thousand souls , it being our duty , * as to give no just offence to the iew , so neither to the gentiles , nor to the church of god , whom their admission amongst us will offend . lastly those popes and popish princes , who have heretofore admitted any iews to inhabit amongst them , have done it under these several cautions and limitations prescribed to them by their * laws , councile , canons , decrees , divines and canonist's . 1. that they should build no new synagogues , nor repair any old ones quite demolished . 2. that where there were old synagogues formerly used by them , they should only repair , but not enlarge or build them higher than before , nor extraordinarily ad●rn them . 3. that they should not stir out of their doors on good friday , nor open their doors , windows , shops , or do any servile work , on the lords days , or other solemn christian festivals . 4. that they shall utter no blasphemons words , speeches against god , christ , christians , or christian religion , nor manifest their open contempt of them by gestures or actions , under pain of peouniary , corporal , and capital punishments , according to the quality of the offence . 5. that they shall be admitted to no degrees of learning , honour , dignity , office or preferment whatsoever in state or church , because it is most absurd and unjust , that any blasphemer of christ should exercise any power or authority over christians in any christian state. 6. that they should neither eat , nor drink , nor have any dayly familiarity or communion with christians , nor entertain any christian man or woman in or out of their houses , either as a servant , nu●se to th●ir children , or otherwise , nor yet administer physick to any christian in his sicknesse , lest any simple christians should be seduced by them to judaisme by th●se means . 7. that all iews both males and females should always wear a specicial * badge or sign in all places upon their outward garments or heads , whereby they might be distinguished from christians , and known by all men to be iews , to avoid c●mmixtion and communion between them and christians , which otherwise would happen . 8. that they should be disabled to bear witnesse , or give in any legal testimony against christians , or to exercise usury amongst them , or to purchase any advowson or ecclesiastical preferment , or to bequeath any legacy to the nation or corporation of the iews . 9. that they should be subject both to the ecclesiastical & temporal courts and iudges for all * offences properly punishable by them which they should commit . 10. that they should pay all predial and personal tithes to the christian ministers where they lived . 11. that though they should not be compelled to be baptized or turn christians against their willt , yet they should at certain times be all constrained to come to the sermons of such christian priests and ministers as were appointed to instruct them in the christian faith , and to preach unto them to convert them 12. that their servants and children being iews ; when once baptized and turned christians should no more c●habit with , nor be under their power . 13. that upon their conversion to christianity , all their goods and mony gotten by usury and cheating should be distributed to pious uses , and the rest only retained for their proper use and livelyhood . 14 that if any of them after their baptisme apostatized and turned iewes again , or fell into heresie , they should be proceeded against and burned , ●executed as apostates , and hereticks . 15. that no christians should communicate with them in any kind , except in buying and selling , nor cohabit with , serve them as a nurse or servant , under pain of excommunication , yet notwithstanding all these restrictions and cautions , we read of few iews really converted by them , and that the iews have r perverted and seduced sundry christians to iudaisme , and made them professed iews ; perswaded other christians to observe mosaical ceremonies , besides baptism , whereby they made a confused chaos of religion ; yea they corrupted michael balbus the emperor so far , that he commanded christians to fast on their sabbath , and made him as it were a sink of sects , as zonaras and others record ; yea , sedechias the iewish physician ſ poysoned the emperor charles the bald his body , as well as others in that age after poysoned other christians souls . what mischiefs then they may do to mens bodies in england , by poysoning of them , ( as they did the t english barons heretofore , and dr. lopez a iew , would have poysoned * queen elizabeth of late ) and what desperate venom they may infuse into their souls by their iewish doctrines , synagogues , and antichristian ceremonies , if admitted without such or upon these restrictions or any other , let all prudent christians resolve : since u pope innocent the 3. himself , and x cardinal hostiensis , with other popish canonists , who have tolerated them , give us this account of their requital for it , in positive terms . iudaei ingrati , progratia reddunt contumeliam , pro familiaritate contemptum , impendentes nobis illam retributionem , quam juxta vulgare proverbium , mvs in pera , serpens in gremio , ignis in sinv , suis consueverunt hospitibus exhihere , nam sunt quidam ( quod nefandum est dicere ) nutrices christianas habentes , non permittunt lactare filios cum corpus christi sumpserunt , nisi prius per triduum lac effuderint in latrinam , ( quasi intelligunt , quod corpus christ incorporetur , & ad s●cessum descendat . ) & alia inaudita committunt , & detestabilia , quae à fidelibus sunt minime toleranda , ne si haec negligunt quae inducunt confusionem fidei indignationem divinam incvrrant . as therefore y aldredus de ponte ; abbot panormitan , z antonius corsitus , and other popish canonists conclude positively . that christians and christian kings may lawfully expel and banish all iews and infidels out of their realms , though peaceable , for their infidelity , and other just causes : so may all english protestants likewise upon the premised reasons conclude : we may as justly , as lawfully now keep them from re-entring into england , notwithststanding the pretence of their conversion to the faith , which i hope i have satisfactorily answered . the 2. allegation for bringing in the iews is meerly politick , that it will bring in much present and future gain and mony to the state , and advance trading . i answer , 1. that if this argument overpoysed not the scales , that of conscience , ( the hopes of their conversion ) would be lighter than the dust of the ballance and sticke with no man , their mony being the only engin , which hath opened the gate and passage for them into any christian kingdoms at first , and made new entrance for them when they have been expelled , as a concilium toletanum , 4. c. 57. and others inform us . this opened their first passage into b england , c spain , portugal : and philip augustus who banished them out of france , an. 1183. postea verò quum propter bella inopia laboraret pecuniae , acceptae grandi à iudaeis pecunia redditum cis concessit & domicilium parisiis , as d munster and others inform us . and this kept them so long in england heretofore , till their very banishment ; a sign we love their money better than their souls or our own . 2ly , this argument , for their readmission , is but wordly , carnal , sensual : the very same with that of hamer to the shechemites , when he would perswade them to be circumcised , and turn iews , gen. 23. 25. shall not their cattle and their substance , and every beast of theirs be ours ? only let us consent unto them , and they will dwell with us . an argument only fit for such whom the apostle characterizeth , phil. 3. 18 , 19. for many walk of whom i have told you often , and now tell you weeping , that they are the enemies of the crosse of christ , whose end is destruction , whose god is their belly , and whose glory is in their shame , who mind earthly things ; or for such princes or governours as god of old complained thus of e her princes in the midst thereof are like wolves ravening the prey , and to shed blood , and to destroy souls to get dishonest gain . it proceeds from such f whose eyes and hearts are not but for their covetousnes g who all seek their own , not the things that are iesus christs . and if the root of it be covetousnesse h which is idolatry , which christ commands all i to take heed and beware of , and k is not so much as to be named ( much lesse practised ) amongst christians , whose l conversation ought to be without covetousnesse , and they to rest contented with those things they have ; because ( l ) they that will be rich fall into temptations , and a snare , and into many foolish and noysom lusts which drown men in perdition and destruction ; for the of love of mony is the root of all evill , which whiles some covered after , they have been seduced ( or erred ) from the faith , ( as thousands of late years have been ) and pierced themselvs through with many sorrows , therfore 't is not as much as once to be named or insisted on amongst us , unlesse we will renounce our christianity , make great gain our only godlinesse , instead of making n godlinesse with contentment our great gain ; o betray and sell our saviour christ again to the iews , like iudas , for thirty peeces of silver , without repenting and making restitution of it to the iews , as he did ; and most blasphemously transferre our very saviours most blessed deity , and stamp his most sweet and most highest title p god with us , upon a contemptible piece of white and yellow shining clay , as some have lately done on all our new state coyn ( as if it were the only god with them and us ) how christian-like , let themselves determine . 3ly . god himself who saith q behold i have smitten mine hand at thy dishonest gain , which thou hast greedily gained of thy neighbour by oppression , & other unlawfull means ; will certainly smite his hand at this gain by the iews re-admission . and therefore let us give that resolute answer to the iewish agents , if they proffer to purchase an idenization amongst us by their gold , as r st. peter once did to simon magus in another case : thy money perish with thee ; thou hast neither part nor lot in this businesse , for thy heart is not upright with god. 4ly . none ever gained by the iews introduction or continuance in any christian state , but the king and some of his bribed officers , and that by oppressing , squeezing , fleecing , taxing : excoriating , eviscerating , crucifying , pillaging , plundering the poor iews in such an unchristian , inhuman , illegal , unrighteous manner , against ſ the express commands of god , as made both christians and christianity most detestable to them , brought a secret curse of god upon all those unrighteous gaines as also upon their very persons and government , ( witnesse t king iohn , and henry the 3d. ) and encouraged them to oppresse , fleece and pillage their native subjects , by illegal taxes and projects , and to use them rather like iews than christians , enforcing them thereby to take up arms against them for their laws , liberties and properties just defence , as those kings reigns , and others sufficiently evidence . 5ly , the introduction of the iews into england and other nations , never advanced the publike wealth of the natives and republike , but much impaired it by their vsuries and deceits , clipping and falsifying monies , ingrossing all sorts of commodities into their hands , usurping the natives trades , and becomming such intolerrable grievances to them , that they were never quiet till they were banished , as their greatest annoyance , and purchased their exiles even with publick subsidies granted to their kings to be quit of them ; as the * premises abundantly evidence . 6ly . the trade of this nation flourished more after their banishment hence , then ever it did before ; and their introduction now , will but supplant , undoe our english merchants and other natives , to enrich them , and some few other grandees , who shall share with them in their spoils and unrighteous gains : 7ly , the taking off all long continued , uncessant new , illegal taxes , excises , imposts * imposed without common consent in parliament on the nation , ingrossing , anticipating most of the current monies of the land , which are the nerves and wheels of trade , eating up all the merchants , peoples gains and labors , and overclogging all or most commodities imported or exported . the disbanding of all unnecessary mercenary forces and garrisons , who have devoured most of the publike and private wealth of our three kingdoms , and extraordinarily impoverished them , only to enrich and advance themselves ; and setting up the old unmercinary trained bands and legal militia of the realm in their steads : the encouraging of merchants to bring in gold and silver bullion , to set the mint on work , which hath lain for the most part idle near 15 years : the suppressing of the superfluous making , wearing , use of gold and silver lace , wyre , gilding , which consume many thousand pounds of current coyne every year : the inhibiting of the excessive use of that late intoxicating smoke of tobacco , causing such a prodigal expence of money , time , and hindring more necessary , usefull , staple merchandizes and plantations . the regulating of the gross abuses of letters of mart , now little better than commissioned open pyracies , occasioning the ruine of trade and merchandize by way of reprisal : the ordering according to law , iustice , conscience , that all prizes taken from any foraign enemy , or other who pillage or damage the english , by the states ships , and men of war , set out by the merchants customs , tonnage , poundage , imposts , and therewith maintained for their defence , ( which therfore u should be equally distributed to our english merchants that are damnified , undon by them , towards the reparation of their losses , who maintain them , to enable and encourage them in their trading , especially when much impoverished or undone by their losses ) and not all converted to the use of that some stile , the admiralty and state , or mariners who take them ; ( at whose cost they are not maintained : ) the binding of all captains of all states men of war , * to make good all the english merchants , and their allies losses , susteined by their default or negligence : the * resuming of all the late alienated ancient lands , rents , revenues of the crown , got into private hands , which ought to defray the constant expence of the government , now extorted for the most part by arbitrary new devices , out of the exhausted peoples purses . the speedy preventing of the late unparalleld wasts in all places of english timber , for shipping , of which there is like to be such scarcity ere long , as will both destroy our navy , and fishing trade . all these , and every of them will far more advance the trade and traffique of the nation , and the publike wealth , and give all the people far better content and satisfaction ten thousand fold , then this new distastefull pernicious project of bringing in the iews : against which i shall only discharge this ancient x canon of the 4th council of toledo in spain , under their most religious king sysenandus in the year of our lord 681. which thus batters all ecclesiastical and temporal promoters of this allegation for filthy lucres sake with this direfull thunderbolt ; so great is certain mens lucre of money , that some coveting after it , according to the apostles saying , have erred from the faith . for many hitherto of the priests and laity receiving gifts from the iews , foster their perfidiousnesse ( or infidelity ) by their patronage ; who not undeservedly are known to be of the body of antichrist , because they act against christ : therefore whatsoever bishop or clergy m●n , or secular person shall from henceforth give his suffrage to them against the christian faith . either for reward or favour , being ( as prophane & sacrilegious ) really made accursed , let him be reputed , excommunicated from the catholick church and kingdom of god ; because he is worthy to be separated from the body of christ , who is made a patron or protector to the enemies of christ . i shall close up all with the memorable apposite history and words , of that famous ancient bishop of millain st. ambrose ( z ) the eastern christians , out of christian zeal , burnt down a synagogue of the iews in the castle of callinico , by their bishops instigation and command , for which the emperour theod●sius being much incensed against them by the jews and their instruments , commanded his lieutenant of the east to punish the people , and the bishop to re-edify the synagogue for the iews at his own costs : of which st. ambrose being informed , and unable to go to the emperour , writ an epistle to him , wherein he most boldly pleads the cause both of the bishop and people , proving by evident arguments ; the burning of this synagogue of impiety to be just , and that the emperour should sin both against his own and his kingdoms safety if he should do any thing severely against the bishop or 〈…〉 ople for it ; adding , that he himself was prepared ra 〈…〉 to suffer death in this cause , than that he should by 〈…〉 dissimulation make the emperour a prevaricator , who 〈…〉 commanded such an unjust thing against the church . 〈…〉 er which the emperour coming to millain , & st. amb. 〈…〉 aring that the iews had built a synagogue in the market 〈…〉 constantinople : he publikely preached against it , & justified the peoples burning of the other synagogue in his sermon before the emperor and people : wherein amongst other passages , he used this speech to the emperor himself in ●he person of christ . o theodosius ! i have made thee of an obscure private person , an emperor , committing my flock unto thee : i have adorned thy formerly squalid head with a crown : i have delivered the forces of thine enemie unto thee , i have reduced thine enemy under thy power , i have made thee triumph without labour ; and dost thou make mine enemies to triumph over me ? and offer contumely unto me , by preferring those whom i have rejected , before those by whom i am worshipped ? by offering violence unto them , and suffering a synagogue to be built in the midst of that city , wherein i am worshipped , and my crosse adored , by those who have been my murderers ? when st. ambrose came forth of the pulpit , the emperor saying to him : o bishop , you have this day preached against us . he thereunto replyed ; he had not spoken against him , but for him . to which the emperor subjoyning , o bishop , will you have the people in a well governed commonwealth , to have license rashly and impudently to do what they please ? st. ambrose thereto rejoyned : neither is this verily to be granted , that the iews should have synagogues in the midst of a christian city , and offend the ears of the godly with blasphemous prayers : nor oughtest thou to decrée this , most holy emperor whereupon the emperor being quite silenced and convinced of his error , forthwith gave his faith and promise to st. ; ambrose , to reverse his former decree for re-building the iews synagogue , before he went to the altar to receive the sacrament at his hands . i wish this my demurrer may produce the like effects . gal. 5. 2 , 3 , 4. behold i paul say unto you , that if * ye be circumcised , christ shall profit you nothing ; for i testifie again to every man that is circumcised , that he is a debtor to do the whole law : christ is become of no effect unto you ; whosoever of you are justified by the law , ye are fallen from grace . 1 joh 4. 3. every spirit that * confesseth not that iesus christ is come in the flesh , is not of god , and this is the spirit of antichrist , wherof ye have heard that it should come , and even now already is in the world . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91275-e280 a 1 pet. 4. b see the declaration of 21 nov. 1655. c a collection of ordinances , p. 599 , 623. d act 2. 23. 36. c. 3. 14. 15. 1 shell . 2. 14 , 15 , 16. mat. 26. & 27. e h●b . 6. 6 1 john 4. 3. f spelmanni concil . p. 43 ▪ 44 ▪ see here p. 51 ▪ g annal. pars posterior , p. 604. h spelmanni cancil , p. 623. i malmesbury de gest is regum angl. l. 2. c. 1. p. 75. chronicon johannis bromcol . 956. 957. spelmanni concil . p. 625. k ingulphi hist . p. 914. l ad eadmerum not● , p. 172 , to 195. m historiae noverum , l. 2. p. 46 , 47. m p. 64. 65. 89 , 90. n rev. 3. 4. o de uni●ate ecclesiae francofurti . 1600. p. 108 , 109 , 116 , see jacobus usierius , de e●c●●siaurm christian successione & statu c. 5. p. 108 , 109 , 119. p de investigatione antichristi syntagma , p. 41. r rev. 2. 9. c. 3. 9. s num. 25. 15 gal. 4. 18. jude 3. 4. notes for div a91275-e2830 a deut. 7. 6. c. 14. &c. 26. 19. b acts 2. 22. 1 thess . 2. 15 , 16. c mat. 27. 25. d 1 thess . 2. 15 , 16. e ro. hoved. annal. pars posterior p. 604. spelmanici concil . 623. lombard . a●chaiori . f de gestis regum , l. 4. p. 122. g chronica●●ars 2. tit. 16. c. 5. f. 167. h centur. xi . ● . 14. col . 687. i gervasius dorobern : chro. col . 1403. k chronicon johann . bromton , col . 1129. polydor virgil l. 13. holinsheds chronicle , vol. 3 : p. 101. graftons chro : p. 79. cent. magdeburg . 12 c. 15. col . 1759. l guliel . nubrigens . hist . l. 4. c. 1. 7●8 . &c. matthew west . matth. paris , rog. hoveden , hygden , fabian , holinshed , grafton , slow , speed , fox , daniel , in the life of rich. 1. chronicon johannis bromton , col . 1152 , 1160. 1171. radulphus de di●eto ymagines historia●ū , 647. 651. henricus de knyghton , de eventibus angliae , l. 2. ● . 13. col . 2401. m annalium pars posterior , p. 745. chron. johan . bromton , col . 1258. holinshed vol. 3. p. 155. n mat. west . a● . 1210. mat. paris , hist . angliae . londini 1640 p. 229. holinshed . vol. 3. p. 174. john stow , p. 168. daniel p. 115. o mat. paris hist . ang. p. 314 , 315. antiq . eccles . brit. p. 152. bracton l. 3. c. 9. p mat. paris hist . ang. p. 365 mat. westminster , p. 128. holinshed , p. 221. q jo. stows chronicle , p. 182. r mat. paris hist . angl. p. 393. stow , p. 183. speed , p. 519. * near the rolls . ſ mat. paris hist . angl. p. 409. mat. westm . p. 136. holinshed vol. 3. p. 219. stow p. 183. fox acts & mon. vol. 1. p. 423. speed p. 521. polychronicon , l. 7. c. 35. fabian part 7. p. 46. grafton p. 122. mat. park . an●iq . ● . eccl. bri. p. 178 t mat. paris p. 532. u mat. paris , p. 605. x mat. paris , p. 644. y mat. paris p. 641. z mat. paris p. 778 , 779. 785. speed. p. 529. a mat. paris , p. 827. b mat. paris , p. 831. 856. c mat. paris hist . angl. p. 861 ▪ 862. fox acts and mon. vol. 1. p. 423. nota. d mat. paris , p. 873 , 874. e fox ' acts & mon. vol. 1. p. 423. ex eulogio . f mat. paris p. 887. nota. g mat. paris p. 902. mat. west . p. 270. holinshed . vol. 3. p. 252. h mat. paris p. 912. fabian part 7 : p. 58. fox acts & . mon. vol. 1. p. 423. jo. stow , p. 190. grafton , p. 127 holinshed , p. 253. balaeus cent. 4. c. 22. johan . major l. 4. c. 12. cent. magdebur . 13. c. 14. col . 1282. nota. nota. i mat. paris . p. 922. k mat. paris . addi●amenta , p. 202. 207. mat. paris . hist. angl. p. 982 . m mat. paris hist . ang. p. 990 fox acts & mon. vol. 1. p. 423. john stow. p. 91. n john stows chronicle p. 210. holinshed , vol. 3. p. 263. o mat. west . an. 1264. pars 2. p. 320. rapbael holinshed , vol. 3. p. 267. p holinshed vol. 3. p. 272. q mat. west . an. 1278. p. 367. walsingham , hist . ang. anno 1279. p. 18. ypodigma neustriae , p. 69. f●bian , part . 7. p. 124. grafton , p. 164. stow , p. 200. holinshed , p. 279. r john stow , p. 20. ſ john stow his chronicle p. 202. t stow his chronicle , p. 203. 204. * fabian part 7. p. 131. grafton p. 168. holinshed vol. 3. p. 283. nota. nota. * see here , p. 15. & rot. claus . 1 e. 1. m. 3. * see rot. claus . 3 e. 1. memh . 17. u thomas walsingham hist . angl. p. 14. x th. walsingham , hist . angl. p. 15. y flores hist . par . 2. ann . 1290. p. 381. z ypodigma neustriae , p. 72. a de eventibus angliae , l. 3. c. 1. col . 2462 , 2466. b histor . majoris brit. l. 4. c. 9. c centur. magd. 13 c. 15 col . 1286 . d centur. 4 script . brit. c. 60. in appendice . e ju. ed. 1. f cent. magd. 13 c. 9. col . 967. c. 13. col . 1284. * see cooks 2. instit . p. 508. g chron. dunstap . cooks 2 instit . p. 508. b rot. pat. anno 3 e. 1. m. 14. 17. 20. william middleton reddit compot . l ) temp. r. 1. jo. char. 2. oh an . n. 49. 53. 18 h. 3. dors . claus . m. 27. dors . pat. 55. h. 3. m. 10. k rot. char . 1. reg●s johan . part . 1. m. 28. char. 171. ( i ) rot. 2. e. 1. m. 1. 3. 5. rot. claus . 3. l. 1 m. 8. 10. 13. 16. 23. rot. parl. 3 e. 1. m. 36. & 17. dors . claus . 7 e. 1. m. 6. m holinshed p. 285. walsing . tpodig . 72. flerileg . chron . dunstable . * see my levellers levelelled and plea for the lords . n 2 instit . p. 507. o rot. claus . 18 e. 1. m. 6. 11 julii . the like writs , to other counties & intituled , de judaeis regno angliae exeuntibus . p parl. 1 3 e. 1. q plac. parl. post pascha apud london . 21 e. 1. rot . 4. * socrates scholast l. 1. c. 9. theodoret , l. 4. c. 10. niceph. eccles . hist. l. 4. c. 25. cent. magd. c. 3. col . 650 , 651. spelman . concil . p. 43 , 44 * see leges wisigothorum l. 12. tit. 2. 3. surius concil . tom. 2. 3. hispaniae illustratae , tom. 5. h see centur mag 2 to 13. c. 15. in each . antonini chronica . pars 2. tit. 16. c. 12. i chron. johannis brompton col . 829 , 901 , 908 lambardi archaion , & spelman concil . p. 376 , 513 , 515 , 521 , 522. 549. 550 , 599. k spelmani ▪ concil . p. 553 , 566. l article 37. m see petrus alphonsus , adversus judaeos . antonini chro. pars 2. til. 16. c. 12. agobardus de insolentia judaeorum , & judaicis superstitionibus , & cent. magdeburg . 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 12 , 13 , c. 14 , 15. where this is largely proved & judaism refuted . n see brooks & ash . corporation & prerogative . o see rastals staple . * see my soveraign power of parliaments , parl . 2. p. 76 , 77 , 78. * cooks reports . p see cent. mag. 3 to 13. c. 14. q see rastals abridgement title , artificers , aliens money , treason , drapery , &c. r see rastals abridgment , tit. merchants and merchandize . * acts 4. 17 , 18 , c. 5. 28 , 29. 40. c. 13. 45. let those who now imitate them , inejecting & silencing ministers from preaching , consider & repent of this jewish crime . * see the like , acts 17. 5. to 16. c. 19. 8 , 9 , 10. c. 28. 25. to 31. s exod. 23 , 31 , 32 , 33. c. 34. 1. to 17. deut. 7. 2. to 9. jos . 23. 3 to 15. judg. 2 , 3 , 4. t deut. 9. 6 , 7 , 13. ● . 31. 17. exod. 32. 9. c. 33. 3. 5. psal . 78. 8. 9. jer. 3. 6. to 22. c. 5. 23. c. 8. 5. c. 2. 11. c. 23. 14. isay . 3. 9. c. 24. 5. ezech. 2 , 3. to 9. c. 3. 26 , 27. c. 12. 2. to 26. c. 17. 12. c. 16. 46. 56. 57. c. 24. 3. c. 44 , 4. hos . 4. 16. c. 5. 7. c. 6 , 7. c. 11. 7. mat. 3. 7. c. 11. 23. 24. c. 23. 33. acts. 7. 51. 52. and other texts . ( h ) levit. 26. deut. 28. isay . c. 1. & 9. & 14. & 29. & 32. jer. cap. 1. to 30. lam. c. 1. to 5. ezech. c. 2. to 25. hos . c. 1 , to 11. joel , c. 1. and 2. amos , c. 2. to 3. mat. c. 1. 2. zeph. 1. zach. 11. 2 kings 17. 2 chron. 36. mat. 24. lev. 22. egesippu● , eusebius , and others . x exod. 15. 24. c. 16. 2. &c. num. c. 14. c. 16. c. 20. c. 21. 2 sam. 1. 15. to 21. 2 kings c. 12. c. 15. c. 16. 2 kings c. 9. c. 10. c. 12. 20. c. 14. 17. c. 17. 21. 23. c. 23. c. 20. c. 27. 2 chron . c. 23. c. 36. ezech. 17. 13. to 24. y mat. 21. 33. to 36. c. 26 , & 27. & 28. mar. 14. & 15. lu. 22. & 23. john 5. 16. 18. c. 7. 1. c. 9. 22. c. 10. 31 , &c. c. 11. 8. 55. c ▪ 1● & 19. c. 20. 19. act. 2 , 23. 36. c. 3. 13 , 14 , 15. z 1 thess . 2. 14 , 15. a act. 4. 1. to 23. c ▪ 5. 5. 17. to 42. c. 6. 9. to 15. c. 7. c. 8. v. 9. c. 12. 3. c. 13. 42. to the end . c. 14. 2. 4 , 5 , 19. c. 17. 6. to 17. c. 18. 12. &c. c. 21. to c. 27. c. 28. 17 , 18 , 19. ● cor. 11. 24. 1 thess . 2. 14. 15 , 16 . b gen. 15. 7. 8. c. 26. 5. num. 26. 54 , 55. c. 27 ▪ 7. 8. c. 32. 18 , 19. c. 33. 55. josh . c. 14. to 20. ps . 78. 55. ps . 105. 11. 1 kings 8. 36. ezech. 48 , 29 c see acts 17. 28. exod. 36. 43. num. 20 14. to 22. c. 21. 21. 22. 23. deut 2. 26. to 32. judg. 11. 12. to 29. deut. 2. 9. 2 chron. 20. 10. gen. 34. 20. num. 26. 54. deut. 26. 9. ezech. 36. 5. exod. 20. 17. d athanasius de passione imaginis christi , cent magd. 4. c. 13. col . 1445. cent. 6. col . 825. cent. 8 col . 122. cent. 10. col . 633. cent . 11. c. 657. fasciculus tem. po●um . f. 56. sigeberti chro● hermannus schedel . chron . f. 168. e chron. mag . germaniae , an. 1036. p. 268 , 269. hermanus schedel . chron . f. 278. 289. genebr . chronogr . p. 824. 825. jansenius , l. 4. mer. gallobelgici . f johannis bromton chron . col . 1005. g socrates scholast . l. 7. c. 16. centur. magd. ● . c. 14. h sigeb●rti continuatur . cent. magd. 12. c. 14. cent. 13. c. 14. i vincentius spec. hist . l. 29. c. 25. gaguinus l. 6. de francis , cent . magd. 12. c. 14. col . 1670. k vincentius spec. hist . l. 29. c. 25. cent . magd. 23. c. 14. munsteri cosm . l. 2. p. 170. l fragmentum historicum chronicon ▪ hirsaug . mun●zerus . centur. magd. 13. c. ●4 . m cranzius . l. 7. c. 14. in vandalia cent. magdeb. 13. c. 14. n chron. hirsaug . cent. magd. 13. c. 14. fasciculus temporum . aventinus annalium boiorum l. 7. p. 576. o sebast . munsteri cosm . l. 3. p. 482. p hermanus schedel . chron. f. 285. 286. ant. coc. ●ius sabellicus ●●ead . 10. l. 6. p. 742. q and so doth sebast . munster cosmog● . l. 2. c. 57. p. 171. o aventinus annal. boiorum . l. 5. p. 468. hedio in chron. annot ▪ cent. magd. 11 c. 15. col . 689. p ot●o de gestis . fred. 1 ●mp . l. 1. c. 37. 38. p. 428. cent ▪ magd. 12. c. 14. genebrardi chronogr l. 4. p. 108 . r see munsteri cosmog . l. 3. p. 547 , 707. r m. albertī argentini chron ▪ & de rebus gestis bertoldi . p. 147. 148 , 149 , 177. 178. see abbas uspergensis paraleip . p. 346. seb. munsteri cosmogr . l. 3. c. 139. p. 563. 707. r surius concil . tom. 2. p. 735. gratian. dist . 28. qu. 1. & 29. qu. 1. ſ fredericus lindebrogus codex legum , antiq. t centur. magdeb. 12. c. 7. col . 1079. t orosius , l. 2. c. 6. cent. magd. 2. col . 26 euscb . l. 2. c. 8. opmeeri chron. p. 185. metamerus de ac● demiis hisp . u socrates schol. eccl. hist . l. 7. c. 13. agobardus de judaicis superstit . bibl. patrum . tom. 9 pars 1. p. 564. cent. magd. 4. col . 1081. 1490 x rodericus toletanus de rebus hisp. l. 2. c. 17. vasaeus chron. hisp. 685. jo. mariana de rebus hisp . l. 6. c. 3. sigeberti chro . ado viennensis . opmeerus orbis universi . chronogr . p. 355 cent. magd. 7. c. 14. genebrar . chronogr . y paulus diaconus , l. 17. zonaras tom. 3. cent. magd. 7. c. 15. col . 588. z cent. mag. xi . c. 14. &c. 15. col . 689. a vincentiu● belu . spe. hist . l. 29. c. 25. antonini chron. pars 2. tit. 17. c. 9. mat. paris hist . angl. p. 861. a●b ●●●sp●●g : paral. p. 346. herman . schedel chro. f. 231. cent. mag. 12. ● . 15. col . 1781. genebrardi ●hron . l. 4 ; p. 638. fox . acts & mon. vol. ● . p. 423 , cooks 2 inst . p. 507. seb. m●● . cos● . l. 2 , c. 57. f. 171. b aemilius l. 8. gaguinus , l. 7. genebrardi chronogr . l. 4. p. 634. 660 , 667. heylins microcosme , p. 576. c alberti argentinensis chron . p. 147 , 148. de rebus ge●lis bertoldi p. 177 , 178. d aventinus annal. boior . l. 5. p. 468. e seb. munste●t cosmog . l. 2. p. 72 , 73. 171. hieron . conestaggius de portugal . & cast . conjunct . p. 1064 , 1065. vasaeus chron . hisp. johan . mariana de rebus hisp. l. 26. c. 1. 3. the general history of spain in their lives . genebrardi chronog . p. 380. 634. 660. 667. 703. 705 , 708. heylins microsme , p. 570. opmeeri chronogr . p. 429. * annales domin . colmariensium , p. 25. f see leges wistgothorum l. 12. tit. 2. 3. surius concil . tom. 2. 277. 608. 640. 679. 696. 674. 680. 734. 735. 1092. tom. 3. p. 552. 622. 670. 726. 754. cent. mag. 4. col . 541. 1461. cent . 6. col . 824 cent . 7. col . 588 g surius concil . tom. 3. p. 726. nota. b heylins microcosm , p. 170. i alexander ab alexandro , l. 4. p. 203. plutarch's laconica instituta xenophon de lacaedem . republica , thucidides coelius rhodiginus antiqua in lect . l. 18. c. 5. boemus de moribus gent. p. 199 . * de republ. l. 5. c. 2. k sphaer● civitatis , l. ● . c. 3. p. 435 , 437 , 438. * de repub. l. 5. c. 2. 3. l see thucidides hist. l. 6. p. 506. m cicero de officiis , l. 3. n page 218 , 210 , 220. o antiqu. lection , l. 1● . p. 5. ( p ) alexander ab alexan. gen. dier . l. 4. c. 10 . p purchas pilg●image , l. 4. c. 13 , 19. p. 537 , 538. q 1 tim. 6. 15. col. 2. 10. & 16. rev. 1. 5. c. 17. 14. c. 19. 16 rom. 9. 4. r rev. 4. 9. 10 , 11 ; c. 19. 4 rom. 11. 36. ſ ezech. 2. 3. to 9. acts 4. 19. 20. c. 5. 29. 30 , &c. * 2 kings 19. 3. * acts 13. 45. rev. 2. 9. t tit. 1. 16. 2 tim. 3. 5. 2. pet. 2. 1. jude 14. 1 joh. 4. 3. * see here p. 8. to 15. 18. 24. 32. 33. 64. 65. 67. 68. to 77. 79. u see socrates scholast . l. 7. c. 13. sozomen , l. 4. c. 7. cent. magd. 4. 5. 7. 12 , 13 , c. 14. immo qui regi paruerit pro excommunicato habeatur , qui contra regem fecerit , à noxâ injustitiae , & penurii absolvatur , as sigebertus gemblacensis , chron. au. 1088. writes of pope hildehrand , and his abettors . y mat. 2. 2. c. 27 , 37. lu. 1. 32. 33. rev. 25. 9. * 1 cor. 9. 16 2. tim. 4. 1. 2. * 1 john 4 3. z canterries doom , p. 107. 138 , 491 , 496. a ambros . epist . l. 5. ep. 29. cent. magd. 4. cap. 3. col . 114 to 120. c. 14. 1438 , 1459. nazianzon oratio 2. in julianum socrates schol. l. 3. c. 22. ruffinus , l. 1. c. 28. theodoret , l. 3. c. 20. nicephorus l. 10. c. ●3 . 4. 5. 24 , 25 , 33 f. 32. sozomen . l. 5 c. 22. a see here , p. 49. 50. 1 h. 4. rot . parl. n. 44 , 47 , 50. memineritis , nihil posse judicio fieri contrarium magis , quam sine judicio proscribere aliquem . non sinit lex decretum lege plus valer● : iste cum tot sunt leges , decretum ratum facit , leges tollit : demosthenes , oratio contra timocratem , p. 200. * mat. 7. 2. luk. 6. 37. 38. & rev. 13. 10. obad. 15. & joel 3. 6 , 7 , 8. * lib. 5. epist . 33. & cent. mag. 12. ca. 14. allegat . 1. b see hyperius , osiander , peter martyr , bucer , melancthon ; calvin , selneccerus , marlorat , paraeus , willet , i wilson , and others on rom. 11. dr. prideaux , orat. 6. de vocatione judaeorum ▪ c here p. 63 , 64 , 65 , 66. d paraeus willet , peter martyr . wilson on the place , and dr. prideaux , orat. 6. e see purchas pilgrimage , and pilgrim . edward brerewood his inquiry touching the diversity of religions through the chief parts of the world . e ps . 2. 8. ps . 22. 27. ps . 72. 1. to 18. ps . 67. 3. 4. 6. 7 ps . 86. 9 , 10. ps . 100. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. ps . 148 , 11 , 12. 1. kin. 8. 43 isay 2. 1 , 2 3 , 4. c. 9. 2. 7 c. ●1 , 10. c. 18. 7. c. 35. 1 , 2 , &c. c. 40. 4 , 5. c. 41. 2. c. 42. 1 , 6 , 7 , 10 11 , 12 , 16. c. 59. c. 6 , 7 , &c. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. c. 54. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. c. 55. 4 , 6. c. 56 c. 56 5 , 7 , 8. c. 60. through out , c. 61. 5 , 6 , 9 , c. 62. ●2 . c. 65. 1. c. 66. 19. to 24. jer. 16 19. dan. 7. 14 , hag. 2. 7. mic. 4. 1. to 8. mal. 1. 10. hos . 1. 10. c. 2. 23. gen. 49. 10. f mat. 12. 21. c. 28. 19 , 20 mar. 16. 15. luk. 2. 32. ioh. 7. 25. acts 9. 15. c. 10. 1. &c 44. 65. c. 11. 1. 18. c. 13. 42. to 49. c. 14. 27. c. 15. 3. to 24. c. 16. 4. to 13. c. 17. 12. c. 18. 9 , 7. &c. c. 19. 10. c. 21. 25. c. 22. 21. c , 26. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. c. 28. 28. rom. 1. 13. c. 9. 24. 30. c. 10 , 12 , 13 , 18 , 19 , 20. c. 11. 11 , 12 &c. 25 ▪ 30. c. 18. 4. to 30. c. 16. 4. 26. 1 cor. 12. 2. to 24. gal. 2. 2. 16. c. 3. 14. ephes . 2. 1. 11. to 22. c. 3. 6. to 12. col. 1. 6. 23 , 26 , 27. 1 tim : 2. 1. to 9. c. 3. 16. 2 tim. 1. 11. c : 4. 17. rev. 5. 10. c. 6. 9 , 10. c. 11. 15. c. 14. 1. 3. 6. 7 . g 1 tim 2. 3. 10. rom. 3 8. h rev. 2. 9. c. 3. 9. i see cent. mag. 4. to 13. c. 14. par●us com. in ro. 13. p. 1101. here p. 17. antonini chron. pars 2. tit. 16. c. 12. & tit. 17. k jer. 31. 18. ephes . 2. 1. &c. john 3. 8. c 12. 40. phil. 2. 13 . * surius concil . tom. 4. 57 ●ox acts & m●n . vol. 1. p. 913. summa rosella & angelica , tit. judaeus . [ m ] comment . on rom. 11. p. 1101 , 1102. * see my quakers unmasked : and new discovery of free state tyranny . n see here p. 9 , 10 , 12 , 16. o cent. magd. 4. col. 1470. cent. 8. col . 3 joan mariana de rebus hispan . l. 19. p , 481 , 482. munsteri cosmogr . l. 1. c. 19. c. 73. sum. rosella . tit. judaeus . p deut. 7. 5. exod. 23. 35. c. 34. 13 , 14. 2. chron. 30. 14. c. 31. 1 c. 34. 3. to 9. 33 levit. ▪ 17. 12. c. 24. 16. 22. nurin . l. 5 16. 30 , 31. deut. 31. 12. see mr. selden . de jure naturali & gentium , juxta disciplinam judaeor●m . l. 2. and 3. q rom. 10. 1. 1. tim. 2. 1 , 2 , 3 . * 1 cor. 10. 32. * fredericus lindebrogus codex ligum antiqu. leges wis●gothorum . l. 12. tit. 2 , ● 3. laur. surius , concil . tom. 2. p. 277. 322 , 366 , 608. 646 , 634 , 674 , 679 , 698 , 735 , 1042. tom. 3. p. 552. 670. 726 , 754 , 632 , 753 , 495 , 466. concil basilens . sess . 19. surius tom. 4. p. 57 , 56. alexander , 3 decret . l. 5. tit. 6. c. 4 , 5 , 7 , 8. innocentii , 3. opera . tom. 1. p. 488. tom. 2. p. 798 805. graliau caus . 28. qu. 1. panormitan ; ibid. ●n●onii corseti , repertorium in ●ha● . qu. j●de●s cardinalis hostinensis . summa cum additionibus , nicholai superanti● l. 5. tit. 1● de judaeis & saracenis & eorum servis baptista trovomala summa ros●l●a tit. jud●●s angelus de clav●sio summa angelica . tit. iudaeus , th zerul a pra●is ●●fcopa●●s pars ; 1 tit. judaeus , centur. magd. 12 c. 7. iac. de graffiis decin . a 〈…〉 pars , ● . lib. 2. cap. 23. de judaeis & saracenis calderius de judaeis . consil . * see here , p. 35. * yea king eringi●s and leges vvisigothorum l. 12. tit. 3. c. 3. 4. 7. prohibited the jews the use of circumcision keeping of the pass●over jewish sabbaths of and differences of me●ats , und●r pain of whip●ing , consiscation ●f goods losse of noses , goni al● ▪ banishment . r zonaras tom. 3. centur. magd. 9 , c. 14. col . 614. marianus scotus . general hist . of spain , p. 775 458. ſ alarini poloni supputationes . anno 876. sigeber●i chron . grimston and others in his life . t see here , p. 31. 71. * cambden , speed , and others in her . life . u constitut . l. 2. constit. 22. oper. tem. 2. p. 798. x summa li. 5. tit . 11. de judae●s , &c. y c●nsil . 87. & ●64 . z repertorium in ab. panormitan . tit. judaus fac . de graff . decis . aur. tom. 2. l. 2. 23. sect. 60 . allegat . 2. answer . a surius concil . tom. 3. p. 534. b see here , p. 2. c hironimus conestaggius de portugal et castil . unione . p. 1064. 1065. opmeris chronog . p. 429 d cosmogr . l. 2. p. 171. vincentius , l. 29. c. 25 , gaguinus and others . e ezech. 22. 27. f icr. 22. 17. g phil. 2. 20 , 21. h ephes . 5. 3. col. 3. 5. i lu. 12. 15. k ephes . 5 , 3. l heb. 13. 5. 1 tim. 6. 9 , 10. n 1 tim. 6. 6. o mat. 26 , 15 , 16. c. 27. 3 , 4. p mat. 1 , 2 , 3. 4. q ezech. 22. 12 , 13. r acts 8. 18 , 19 , 20. ſ exod. 22. 21. c. 23. mic. 2. 1 , 2. c. 3. 2. 3 , 4 , 9. zeph. 3. 3. ezech. 22. 27. 28. jer. 22. 17. mal. 37. levit. 13. 34. baptista ●●ouomola , sum rosella iudaeus . 2. ●ngelus de clavasio , sum angelica iudaeus , sect . 30. oldradus consil . 83. 264. iacobus de grassus decis . aurearum . tom. 2. l. 2. c , 23. sect. 60. gratian. caus . 23 qu. 7. t see mat. paris , and others in their lives . * here p. 33. 34. 38. to 46. 74 , 75. john stowes survey of london 1633. p. 288. 289. * see my legal & historical vindication , of the fundamental laws & liberties of england , part . 1. p. 60 , 61 , &c. part 2. p. 65. to 80. si quis mercatores novis thelon●orum , & pedagiorum exactionibus molestare tenta verit christiana communione car●at , donec satisfecerit , gratian caus . 24. q. 3. vincen●ii spec. doctrin . l. 10 , c. 163. u qui sentit onus , s●ntire debet & commodum ; is , and o●ght to be law in this case . * see 5 r. 2. stat. 2. ch . 3. * see my historical vindication , part 1. p. 64. x surius concil . tom. 2. p. 734 , 735. ( y ) ambrosii epist . l. 5. epist . 29. ag●bardus de judaicis superstitionibus . ●●bl . pa rum , tom 9. p. 516. tripart . ●●ist . l. 3. c. 1. l. 9. c. 1. zonares tom. 3. cent. magd. 4. col . 1165. 1166. * as every jew is . * the case of every jewish spirit . two journeys to jerusalem containing first, a strange and true account of the travels of two english pilgrims some years since, and what admirable accidents befel them in their journey to jerusalem, grand cairo, alexandria, &c. by h.t. secondly the travels of fourteen englishmen in 1669. from scanderoon to tripoly, joppa, ramah, jerusalem, bethlehem, jericho, the river jordan, the lake of sodom and gomorrah, and back again to aleppo. by t.b. vvith the rare antiquities, monuments, and memorable places and things mentioned in holy scripture: and an exact description of the old and new jerusalem, &c. to which is added, a relation of the great council of the jews assembled in the plains of ajayday in hungaria in 1650. to examine the scriptures concerning christ. by s.b. an englishman there present. vvith an account of the vvonderful delusion of the jews, by a counterfeit messiah or false christ at smyrna, in 1666. and the event thereof. lastly, the fatal and final extirpation and destruction of the jews throughout 1692 approx. 299 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 104 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62650 wing t1277a estc r219326 99830805 99830805 35259 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62650) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35259) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2083:02) two journeys to jerusalem containing first, a strange and true account of the travels of two english pilgrims some years since, and what admirable accidents befel them in their journey to jerusalem, grand cairo, alexandria, &c. by h.t. secondly the travels of fourteen englishmen in 1669. from scanderoon to tripoly, joppa, ramah, jerusalem, bethlehem, jericho, the river jordan, the lake of sodom and gomorrah, and back again to aleppo. by t.b. vvith the rare antiquities, monuments, and memorable places and things mentioned in holy scripture: and an exact description of the old and new jerusalem, &c. to which is added, a relation of the great council of the jews assembled in the plains of ajayday in hungaria in 1650. to examine the scriptures concerning christ. by s.b. an englishman there present. vvith an account of the vvonderful delusion of the jews, by a counterfeit messiah or false christ at smyrna, in 1666. and the event thereof. lastly, the fatal and final extirpation and destruction of the jews throughout timberlake, henry, d. 1626. brett, samuel. r. b., 1632?-1725? journey to jerusalem. t. b. [4], 176, [12] p., [4] leaves of plates printed for nath. crouch at the bell in the poultrey near cheapside, london : 1692. includes 6 final advertisement leaves. an augmented version of "a journey to jerusalem" attributed in the dnb to nathaniel crouch, who used the pseudonyms robert burton, richard burton, and, most commonly r.b. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database 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the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -history -early works to 1800. jerusalem -description and travel -early works to 1800. palestine -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-07 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the manner of travelling upon dromedarys . page 66. lodon printed for nath : crouch two journeys to jerusalem , containing , first , a strange and true account of the travels of two english pilgrims some years since , and what admirable accidents befel them in their journey to ierusalem , grand cairo , alexandria , &c by h. t. secondly the travels of fourteen englishmen in 1669. from scand●roon to tripoly , ioppa , ramah , ierusalem , bethlehem , iericho , the river iordan , the lake of sodom and gomorrah , and back again to aleppo . by t. b. vvith the rare antiquities , monuments , and memorable places and things mentioned in holy scripture : and an exact description of the old and new ierusalem , &c. to which is added , a relation of the great council of the iews assembled in the plains of ajayday in hungaria in 1650. to examine the scriptures concerning christ. by s. b. an englishman there present . vvith an account of the vvonderful delusion of the iews , by a counterfeit messiah or false christ at smyrna , in 1666. and the event thereof . lastly , the fatal and final extirpation and destruction of the iews throughout persia in 1666 and the remarkable occasion thereof . collected by r. b. and beautified with pictures . london , printed for nath. crouch at the bell in the poultrey near cheapside . 1692. to the reader . the following relations containing matters very considerable and remarkable , cannot certainly be displeasing to any good natur'd reader ; for it may be some diversion to observe what wonders are told of those once famous places in and about jerusalem , and what new legends are daily added , as it may stand with the interest ( that is to say , the profit ) of the priests . as to the great council in hungaria , in 1650. and the strange delusions wherewith the jews were possest by a counterfeit messiah , or false christ , in and about smyrna , and many other countries : likewise their utter extirpation out of the kingdom and dominions of the emperour of persia , in 1666. we may with our author observe , how signally the hand of the almighty has been stretcht out against the jews , so that if they were not under a judicial hardness of heart , certainly these continued tokens of divine vengeance would cause them to reflect upon themselves , and by a serious repentance and imbracing of the doctrines of the lord iesus christ , the true messiah and saviour of the world , to endeavour to remove that curse which their forefathers wished might fall upon themselves , and their children , when they crucified the son of god , and the lord of life and glory , and under which they have so severely smarted in most nations whither they have been scattered , for above these sixteen hundred years . as to the reality of these brief relations , they were all written by several englishmen of undoubted veracity and credit , and who were upon the places where these remarkable things were transacted , and therefore need not beg , but may rather command belief . r. b. a brief description of palestine with an account of the ancient and modern state of those countries . in former ages , this was one of the most famous provinces of syria : called , 1. the land of canaan , from canaan the son of cham , who by his often chasings , was driven to possess and inhabit the same . 2. it was called the land of promise , because god had promised it to the patriarchs , abraham , isaac and jacob , and their seed . 3. israel , of the israelites , from jacob , who was surnamed israel . 4. judea from the jews , or people of the tribe of judah . 5. palestine , by ptolomays and others , quasi philistini : the land of the philistines , a potent nation that dwelt there . 6. the holy land by the christians , because herein was wrought by christ the work of our salvation . this country is situated in the midst of the world , between the third and fourth climates , the longest day being 14 hours and a quarter , between the midland sea and arabia , from which it is bulwarked beyond jordan with a continual ridge of mountains ; on the east lyes celosyria and arabia petrea ; on the south idumea , the wilderness of pharam and egypt ; in the west a part of phenicia , and the rest hath the mediterranean sea ; and on the north are the mountains of libanus , and a part of phenicia : it is distant from the equinoctial 31 degrees , extending to 33 so that in length from dan unto beesheba , it containeth not more than 400 miles ; and where it is broadest , not 50. this famous land was once commended above all countries under the sun , for the salubrity of the air , being seated under a temperate clime , where winter is not too cold , nor summer too hot ; and for fertility , a land that flowed with milk and honey , adorned with beautiful mountains , and delightful valleys ; the rocks producing excellent waters , and no part empty of delight or profit ; for the soil yields abundance of all fruits and increase . this land aboundeth in sweet springs , and pleasant pastures , where they feed a great many flocks of sheep , and herds of cattle , and cows , which give excellent milk , as is in any country in the world : there is also brave hunting and hawking for dear , goats , hares , partridges , quails and other birds : they have all kind of fowl ; also there are lions , bears and wolves , found in abundance . the land of canaan was heretofore divided into 30 kingdoms , and kings , when the israelites conquered it ; most of the ancient inhabitants being for their sins by god excluded the land , and put to the sword by the israelites , who ruled this land , about 400 years , by princes and judges till the time of samuel : these princes or judges , were not all of one tribe , but the best , gravest , and eldest , selected and chosen out of every tribe . afterwards the israelites growing weary of this government , at their earnest request , the lord appointed them a king , and so their government was changed into a monarchy , which continued many ages ; but process of time , the israelites endured many miseries and afflictions , till at last they saw the utter ruine and subversion of their kingdom . vvhat alterations happened to this nation and with how many several vvars they were plagued either for their own stiff-neckedness , that they would not be obedient to their own prince , or brook any forreign government , or that for their rebellion and sins , the vvrath of god was oftentimes kindled against them ; or that forreign princes were ambitious to incorporate this happy land , holy vvrit and historiographers vvitness the same at large , how many times were they subdued and brought into bondage , because of their sins , and that they did not behav-themselves well ; for sometimes their neck , were brought under the yoaks of their neighbours , as the egyptians , chaldeans , medes , persians , macedonians and romans ; and yet they would never cease their rebellions , seditions , and conspiracies , till they had brought their government and countrey to utter destruction , by persecuting , and putting to death , the saints and prophets , sent them from god ; yea , and at last crucifying the son of god , the lord of glory , and the saviour of m●nkind , with their horrible and mu●derous hands , and finally , wishing that his innocent bloud should be on them and their children . which accordingly soon after happened , to the utter desolation of their countrey , the romans laying waste , and levelling to the ground the magnificent structures and buildings thereof , so that herein was verified the prophecy of christ while he was upon the earth , that one stone should not be left upon another . and as for the people , divine vengeance did continually pursue them till the most part were destroyed , and the rest dispersed throughout out the world , even to this day . for first , the inhabitants of caesarea slew of the jews in one day , about 20000. and such as fled , were taken and imprisoned by florus the lieutenant of judea . to revenge this slaughter , the jews set upon the syrians ; in which skirmish 13000 of them were slain . the people of alexandria put 50000 to the sword ; they of damascus 10000. and antonius a roman captain ●lew in ascalon 10000 and cestius another captain , ●lew 80040 persons . and now , to come to the wars managed here by vespasian ; this vespasian , in the seige of aphaca , slew and took prisoners seventeen thousand , one hundred and thirty persons : in samaria 11600 , and in iosepata 42200 persons . in joppa so many killed and drowned themselves , that the sea threw up four thousand two hundred ; and the rest so totally perished , that there remained none to carry tidings to jerusalem of the loss of the town . in the city of tarichea , were slain and made captives , forty five thousand , besides those which were given to king agrippa : in gamala there perished ninety thousand , and none left alive but only two women . in gascala five thousand men died by the sword. in the city of gadara , were slain thirty two thousand two hundred , beside● an infinite number that d●owned themselves . in jerusalem it self , there died eleven hundred thousand jews , partly by sword and famine , the worse enemy of the two ; there were found 2000 in privies and sinks and ninety seven thousand were taken prisoners , in so much that 30 jews were sold for a penny. now that ierusalem was able to contain such a number of people , is evident , in that when cestius was lieutenant of jury , the high priest at his request , numbered the people which came to eat of the paschal lamb , and found them to be two millions , and seven hundred thousand living souls , all sound and purified . and when titus laid siege to the city , it was at the feast of the passover , when most of the people were there assembled ; god as it were thus imprisoning them . all these massacres , besides divers others omitted , and infinite numbers slain in the fields and villages , which drowned themselves , and were privately made away , amounting to almost two millions of people , happened in the compass of four years , beginning in the twelfth of nero , and ending in the second of vespasian . yet was not the whole nation rooted out till 136. for then this miserable people having stirred two notable rebellions , first under trajan , and afterward under adrian the emperours , they were all banished their native country , and never again suffered to inhabit it but as strangers . after this desolation , the jews were dispersed over the world , and especially in spain , where adrian commanded many of them to dwell ; yet found every where so little favour , that having divers time been put ●o grievous mulcts and ransoms , they were at last quite thrust out of europe . the first christian prince that expelled the jews out of his territories , was that heroick king , edward 1. who was such a sore scourge also to the scots ; and it is thought divers families of those banished jews fled then to scotland , where they have propagated since in great numbers : witness the aversion this nation hath above others to hogs-flesh . nor was this their extermination for their religion , but for their notorious crimes ; as poisoning of wells , counterfeiting of coins , falsifying of seals , and crucifying of christian children ; with other villanies . this happened in the year 1291. and 16 years after , france followed our example . it was near 200 years after , that ferdinand turned them out of spain ; and five years after him , emanuel of portugal did the like . but the countreys from whence they wer● last expelled , were naples and sicily , in the year 1539. in other parts of christendom they reside yet in great numbers , as in germany high and low ; bohemia , lituania , poland and russia ; in italy also they are found , but in no countrey subject to the king of spain . they live very quietly at rome under the popes nose , and st. mark makes no scruple to entertain them at venice : in sundry places of the ottoman empire they are very numerous ; so that it is thought constantinople and thessalonica only , have near twenty thousand . asia is full of them , as aleppo , tripoly , damascus , rhodes , and indeed all places of commerce and traffique ; there are numbers also in persia , arabia , and about cranganor in india . in africk , they have their synagogues and lumbards , as in alexandria , grand cairo , fesse , trimesen , and divers places in the kingdom of morocco : there are about 100 families left in jerusalem . but the place where they are most unmingled , is tiberias , which the turks gave to mendez the jew , for some signal services ; thither they oft bring or send the bones of their dead friends , who have left large legacies , to be there interred from other places . the city of jerusalem was afterward redified by elius adrianus , and given to the christians , from whom it was taken by cosroes , and the persians , in the year 615. and from them forcibly wrested by haumar , and the saracens , in 637. next it fell into the power of cutlu moses , and the turks , in 1009. under whose oppressions , when it had long groaned , peter the hermite stirred up the western princes to relieve the distressed christians , whose designs attained their wished effect , under the banner of the victorious prince , godfrey of bullen , in the year 1099. this godfrey , for his merits , was to have been invested with the royal wreath of majesty , which he denied , thinking it unfit to wear a crown of gold , where his saviour had worn a crown of thorns ; yet for the common good he accepted the title ; after whom reigned these christian princes : baldwin the 1. baldwin the 2. fulk earl of anjou , baldwin the 3. almerick , baldwin the 4. baldwin the 5. guy of lusignan , the last king of jerusalem ; during whose time , saladine the sultan of egypt , won the kingdom , which his successours defended against all invasions , till the year 1517. when selinus the first emperour of the turks , added the holy land together with egypt to his empire : and so the whole countrey of palestine with the city of jerusalem , are under the dominion of the turks to this day , and is inhabited by some christians ( who make a great benefit of shewing the sepulchre of christ ) and of late years also by moors , arabians , greeks , latins , turks , jews , nay i may say , with people of all nations . the whole land containeth four regions , idumea , judea , samaria , and galilee . idumea , beginneth at mount cassius ; or as some will , at the lake sirbon , reaching to the eastward of judea ; the chief cities are maresa , rhinocorura , rapha , antedon , ascalon , azotus , and gaza . maresa was the birth place of th● prophet micah . near unto this town juda● macchabeus overthrew gorgias . rhinocorura● rapha , and antedon , are towns of no grea● note . of ascalon sir george sandis writeth thus in his travels ; that it is a place now of no great reckoning , more than that the turk doth keep there a garrison : venerable heretofore amongst the heathen for the temple of dagon , and the birth of semiram● begotten of the goddess decreta , who enflamed with the love of a certain youth that sacrificed unto her , and having by him a daughte● ashamed of her incontinency put him away and exposed the child to the desarts , and confounded with sorrow , threw her self into a lake replenished with fish , adjoyning to the city : this decreta is said to be that dagon the idol of the agrotonites mentioned in the scripture , which signifieth the first of sorrow : who had her temple close by the lake , with her image in the figure of a fish , excepting the face , which resembled a woman ; but the infant nourished by doves , which brought her milk from the pails of the pastures , after became the wife of ninus , and queen of assyria , whereupon she was called semiramis , which signifieth a dove in the syrian tongue : in memorial whereof the babylonians did bear a dove in their ensign● , confirmed by the prophesie of jeremiah , who foretelling of the devastation of judea , adviseth them to flee from the sword of the dove . azotes , where was a sumptuous temple built to the lieutenant to demetrius ; eight miles beyond that stands acharon or ekron , where beelzebub was worshipped , to whom ahaziah sent to enquire of his health . lastly , gaza or aza , one of the five principal cities belonging to the palestines ( called philistines in scripture ) gaza signifieth strong , and in the persian language , a treasure ; so said to be called by cambyses , who invading egypt , sent thither the riches purchased in that war ; it was also called constantia by the emperour constantine , first famous for the acts of sampson , who lived about the time of the trojan wars , whose force and fortunes are said to have given to the poets their invention of hercules , who lived not long before him : and it was afterwards famous for two wounds there received by alexander the great , and was then counted the chief of syria . also there lyeth joppa now jafta , a famous mart town , and a good haven ; where jonah took ship to fly to tarsus , where peter raised dorcas from death to life , and where he lying in the house of one simon a tanner was in a vision , taught the conversion of the gentiles . this city they report to have been built before the flood . here reigned cephcus the son of phenix , whose daughter andromeda was by perseus delivered from a sea monster , some of whose bones the people had wont to shew to strangers , even till the flourishing of the romans : here lyeth gath also , the country of the huge giant goliah . judea is the chiefest part of palestina , and is of the same extent now , as it was when it was the kingdom of judea , and entertained the two great and puissant tribes of juda and benjamin . it lyeth between the midland sea and lacus asphaltites , or the dead-sea , and betwixt samaria and idumea : it took this name from the tribe of judah , in which lyeth the once famous city jerusalem . besides jerusalem also , there are in this country divers others town and famous cities ; as jericho , turris stratonis , afterward named caesarea ; hebron formerly , now arbea ; also mambre ; and carioth ; that is to say , a town of four men , the birth-place of judas iscariot , who betrayed our saviour jesus christ ; emaus , and divers others ; and beyon jordan markherus , a town with a strong castle ; here stood the towns of sodom and gomorrah , which for their sodomy and abomination , were consumed with fire from heaven ; and lye now buried in that cursed lake asphaltites ; so named of the bitumen which it vomiteth ; called also the dead-sea perhaps in that it nourisheth no living creature , or for his heavy waters hardly to be moved with any wind ; so extream salt , that whatsoever is thrown thereinto , not easily sinketh : vespasian for a trial caused divers to be cast in bound hand and foot , who floated aloft , as if supported by some spirit . they say , that birds , flying over it , fall in , as if inchanted or suffocated with the poyson of the ascending vapors . samaria lyeth in the midst , between judea , and galilea ; the land is so called from the metropolis samaria , built by omri king of israel , and now called sebasta ; the towns in ●t are , sichem , afterwards neapolis , capernaum , betzaida and chorazin . galilea lyeth between mount labanus and samaria , and is divided into upper and lower galilea ; upper galilea bordered upon tyrus , called otherwise galilea-gentium , or the heathenish galilea ; lower galilea lyeth near unto the lake of tiberius , and to nazareth : in it are the towns of naim , cana , nazareth and gadara . the holy land is seated between two seas , and the river jordan ; it hath within it many navigable lakes , and meers , abounding with fish ; the river jordan is called by the hebrews , jordan , and runneth through the midst of this country , dividing it into two parts . st. jerome writeth that this river springeth out of two fountains , not far distant one from the other ; the one called jor , the other dan , shooting out like two horns , which meeting together , make the great river jordan . the chief mountains in the holy land are mount hermon , lying in the east part thereof , and mount tabor in the west , both of them being very great and high , so that the other hills about them , are but arms and branches of them : for the mountains ebal betheron , mispa or mospoa , and bethel are reckoned under mount hermon ; gilboa , gerezin , saron and mount-carmel by the sea side , are counted under mount tabor . there are also about jerusalem , mount sion , moriah , mount olivet , mount calvary , and others ; with goodly woods , and forrests , full of all kind of deer , and many wild beasts . in this land , especially in and about jerusalem , there were many stately and magnificent buildings , as namely , mons domus and the castle of the jebusites , into which king david brought the ark of the lord , where it remained till solomons temple was finished . the remainder and ruines of these buildings , are yet to be seen to this day ; yea , it is said , that in the very place , the lord christ eat the paschal lamb with his disciples : there are also the sepulchres of david , and other kings of judah ; and the house of david , which yet retaineth the name of davids tower. upon mount moriah are to be seen some remainders of mello . above all , we must call to mind the most excellent and beautiful temple of king solomon , upon which one hundred and fifty thousand men wrought seven years continually till it was finished . the glory and magnificency thereof you may read in the scripture . the temple of the sepulchre at the first building was highly reverenced by the christians of those parts , and even until this day it is much resorted to , both by pilgrims from all parts of the romish church and by divers gentlemen of the reformed churches ; partly for curiosity , and partly for antiquity of the place . it is farmed from the turk and kept by the popes creatures ; whosoever is admitted to the sight of this sepulchre , payeth nine crowns to the turkish officers : so that this tribute is worth to the grand seignior , eight thousand ducats yearly . and thus much briefly for the description of the holy land , or land of promise . a strange and true account , of the late travels of two english pilgrims , and what admirable accidents befell them in their journey to ierusalem , grand cairo , alexandria , &c. 1. christs sepulchre 3 dives house 2 davids house 4. v. marys house page but now , to my journey toward the desart of arabia , which i was of necessity to pass before i could come to the holy land , we departed from the town philbits , travelling all night in company with the caravan of damasco , and the 14th at 9 of the clock we pitched our tents at baharo in the land of gozan . from thence we departed that night , and the 15 at night we pitched at salbia , which is to the eastward of the land of gozan , and stands on the borders of the arabian desart ; there we stayed two days for fear of the wild arabes , and parted thence 17. we passed that night over a great bridg , under which the salt water standeth . this water comes out of the sea from the parts of damietta , and by mens hands was cut out of that place , some 150 miles into the main land , by ptolomoeus king of egypt , who purposed to join the red sea and the mediterranean : but when he foresaw , that if he had gone through , all his country had been quite drowned , he gave it over , and built a bridge there to pas● over . this place parteth arabia and egypt , and no sooner had we past this bridg , but we were set upon by the wild arabes , and notwithstanding we were more than 1000 persons , yet a camel laden with callicoes was taken from us , 4 of our men hurt and one mortally wounded , and the arabes ran away with the prey , we being unable to help it , because it was night . the next day we pitched by a well of brackish water , but i forgot to tell you that my fellow pilgrim , mr. john burrel , escaped very narrowly in the last nights bickering : there we rested our selves till 3 of the clock in the afternoon , which they call lasara for the arabians and egyptians divide the day into four parts : we departed the next morning to a castle in the desart called carga , which is one of the three castles which the turks keep in the desarts , to de●end all travellers from the wild arabes : therefore there we paid a certain tax , which was six●y pieces of silver of two pence a piece value , for each man or boy , and seventy six pieces for a camel laden , and fourteen ●or a mule : having paid this imposition we departed , and pitched again the 19. at another brackish well , from whence setting onward , we pitched the 20. of march at the second castle called arris , k●pt also by the turks , in the said desarts , where our tax was but twenty pieces of silver for each passenger , and thirty for a camel. from thence we were guided by many soldiers to the third castle called rachael , making one long journey of 24 hours together : here it is said that the kings of egypt and judea , fought many great battles : which to me seemed very unlikely , because there is nothing to relieve an army withal , except sand and salt water . there we paid ten pieces every passenger , and 20 for a beast . so departing thence the 22. in the morning we came to gaza in pa●estine , a goodly fruitful country , and there ●e were quitted of all the desarts . in this town ● saw the place where ( as they told us samp●●n pull'd down the two pillars , and slew the ●hilistins : and surely it appears to be the same town by reason of the situation of the country : there we paid 22 pieces for each beast , and ten each passenger . from thence we went to a place called in arabian canuie , but by the christians bersheba , being upon the borders of judea , where we paid but 2 pieces of silver each one , and four for a beast . departing thence , the 23. in the morning , we pitched our tents upon a green close under the walls of ramoth in gilead : there i stayed all day , and wrote eight letters for england , by the caravan which went for damasco , to be conveyed to constantinople , and so for england . next day being the 24 in the morning , i with other christians , set toward jerusalem , and the great caravan went for damasco , but we pitched short that night at a place call'd in arabian cudechelanib , being 16 miles from hebron , where the sepulchre of our father abraham is , and 5 little miles from jerusalem . from thence departing in the morning , being our lady day in lent , and 9 before-noon , i saw the city of jerusalem , when kneeling down , and saying the lords prayer i gave god most hearty thanks for conducting me thither , to behold so holy a plac● with my eyes , whereof i had read so ofte● before . coming within a furlong of th● gates , i with my companion mr. joh● burral , went singing and praising go● till we came to the west gate of the city , and there we stayed , because it is not lawful for a christian to enter unadmitted . my companion advised me to say i was a greek . only , to avoid going to mass : but i not having the greek tongue , refused so to do , telling him even at the entry of the gate . that i would neither deny my country nor religion ; whereupon being demanded who we were , mr. iohn burrel ( answering in the greek tongue ) told them that he was a greek , and i an englishman . this gave him admittance to the greek patriark , but i was seized on and cast into prison , before i had stayed a full hour at the gate , for the turks absolutely denied , that they had ever heard either of my queen or country or that she paid them any tribute . the pater guardian , who is the defender of all christian pilgrims ( and the principal procurer of my imprisonment , because i did not offer my self under his protection , but confidently stood to be rather protected under the turk than the pope ) made the turk so much my enemy , that i was reputed to be a spy , and so by no means could i be released from the dungeon . now give me leave to tell you how it pleased god that very day to deliver me and grant me pass as a protestant , without yielding to any other ceremony , then carrying a wax-candle onely , far beyond my expectation . here let me remember you , that when i stayed at ramoth in gilead , where i wrote the 8 letters for england , having leisure , i went to a fountain to wash my foul linnen , and being earnest about my business , suddenly there came a moor to me , who taking my cloaths out of my hand , and calling me by my name , said he would help me . you need not doubt but this was some amazement to me , to hear such a man call me by my name , and in a place so far distant from my friends , country and acquaintance : which he perceiving , boldly thus spake in the frank tongue , why captain , i hope you have not forgotten me , for it is not yet 40 days since you set me , a-land at alexdria , with the rest of those passengers you brought from argier , in your ship called the trojan : aud here is another in this caravan , whom you likewise brought in company with me , that would not be a little glad to see you . i demanded of him if he dwelt there : he answered me no , saying , that he and his fellow were going in that caravan to damasco ( which place they call sham ) and from thence to begdat , which we call babylon , and from thence to mecha to make a hodge , for so they are called when they have been at mecha : moreover , he told me , that he dwelt in the city of fesse in barbary . this man ( in my mind ) god sent to be the means of my immediate delivery : for after i had taken good notice of him , i well remembred that i saw him in my ship ; though one man among 300 is not very readily known : for so many brought i from argier into those parts , of different nations : as turks , moors , jews and christians : i desired this man to bring me to the sight of his other companion , which having washed my linnen ) he did , and him i knew very readily . these two concluded , that one of them would depart thence with the caravan , and the other go along with me to ierusalem , which was the moor before mentioned ; and such kind care had the infidel of me , that he would not leave me unaccompanied in this strange land : which i cannot but impute to gods especial providence for my deliverance out of prison , or else had i been left in a most miserable case . when this moor saw me thus imprisoned in ierusalem , my dungeon being right against the sepulchre of christ , although he wept , yet he bid me be of good comfort , and went to the basha of the city , and to the saniacke , before whom he took his oath , that i was a mariner of a ship , who had brought two hundred and fifty , or 300 turks and moors into egypt from argier and tunis , their journey being unto mecha . this moor ( in regard he was a mussel-man ) prevailed so much with them , that returning with six turks back to prison he called me to the door , and there said unto me , that if i would go the house of the pater guardian , and yield my self under his protection , i should be forced to no religion but mine own , except it were to carry a candle : to the which i willingly condescended . so paying the charges of the prison , i was presently delivered , and brought to the guardians monastery , where the pater coming to me , took me by the hand , and bade me welcome , marvelling i would so much err from christianity , as to put my self rather under the turks , than his protection : i told him , what i did was because that i would not go to mass , but keep my conscience to my self : he replyed , that many english-men had been there but ( being catholiques ) went to mass , telling the turks at the gates entrance that they were french-men , for the turks know not what you mean by the word englishman ; advising me further , that when any of my country-men undertook the like travel , at the gates of ierusalem they should term themselves either frenchmen or brittans , because they are well known to the turks . he further asked me , how old our queen was , and what was the reason she gave nothing to the maintenance of the holy sepulchre , as well as other kings and princes did : with divers other frivolous questions : whereto i answered accordingly . this day being spent even to twilight , mr. iohn burrel who passed as a greek without any trouble came in unto us , being nevertheless confin'd to this monastery , or else he might not stay in the city ; for such sway do the papists carry there , that no christian stranger can have admittance there , but he must be protected under them , or not enter the city . mr. burrel and i being together in the court of the monastery , 12 fat fed friers came forth unto us , each of them carrying a wax candle burning , and two spare candles beside , one for mr. burrel , the other for me : another frier brought a great bason of warm water , mingled with roses and other sweet flowers , and a carpet being spread on the ground , and cushions in chairs set orderly for us , the pater guardian came and set us down , giving each of us a candle in our hands , then came a friar and pull'd off our hose , and ( setting the bason on the carpet washed our feet . when the friar began to wash , the twelve friars began to sing , continuing so till our feet were washed , which being done , they went along singing , and we with the guardian came to a chappel in the monastery , where one of them began an oration in form of a sermon , tending to prove how meritorious it was for us to visit the holy land , and see those sanctified places where our saviours feet had trod . the sermon being ended , they brought us unto a chamber where our supper was prepared ; there we fed somewhat fearfully , in regard that strange victuals have as strange qualities : but committing our selves to god , and their outward appearing christian kindness , we fell to heartily , supt very bountifully , and after ( praising god ) were lodged decently . thus much for my first entertainment in ierusalem , which was the 25. of march , being our lady day in lent. now follows what the friars afterward shewed me , being there to appointed by the pater guardian . early the next morning we arose , and having saluted the pater guardian , he appointed us seven friars and a trouchman : so forth we went to see all the holy places in the city which were to be seen , except those in sepulchra sancta ; for that required a whole days works , and at every place where we came we kneeled down , and said the lords prayer . the first place of note was the judicial next the house of veronica sancta : and demanding what saint that was , they told me it was she that did wipe our saviours face , as he passed by in his agony . descending a little lower in the same street , they shewed me the way which our saviour christ went to crucifying , called by them via dolorosa . then on the right hand in the same street , i was shewn the house of the rich glutton , at whose gate poor despised lazarus lay . holding on our way down this street we came to a turning passage on the left hand , whence they told me simon sirenus was coming toward the dolorus way , when the souldiers seeing him , called him , and compelled him against his will , presently to help our saviour to carry his cross. then they told me that in that same place the people wept , when christ answering , said unto them , oh daughters of ierusalem , weep not for me , &c. next they shewed the church where the virgin mary fell into an agony , when christ passed by carrying his cross. afterward they brought me to pilates palace , which though it be all ruinated , yet is there an old arch of stone , which is still maintained by the christians , and standing full in the high way , we passed under it : upon that arch , is a gallery which admitteth passage ( over our heads ) from one side of the street to the other : for pilates palace extendeth over the high way on both sides , and pilate had two great windows in the same gallery , to gaze out both ways into the street . into this gallery was our saviour brought when he was shewn unto the jews , and they standing below in the street , heard the words , ecce homo , behold the man. a little from this place , is the foot of the stairs where our saviour did first take up his cross. then they brought me to the place where the virgin mary was conceived and born , which is the church of st. anna , and no turkish church . next they shewed the pool where christ cleansed the leapers , and then guiding me to st. stevens gate , a little within it upon the left hand , they shewed the stone wherewith st. steven was stoned . from hence i saw the stairs going up to port area , at which port there are divers reliques to be seen ; it was the east gate of the temple which solomon built upon mount moria , in which temple was the place of sanctum sanctorum , but now in that place is builded a goodly great church belonging to the turks . thus spent i the second day , being the 26. day of march , all within the gates of ierusalem , except my going to see the stone wherewith saint steven was stoned . the next day being the 27. having done our duty to god , and the pater guardian , we hired asses for the friars and the trouchman to ride on , and going forth the city gates , we mounted and rode directly towards bythinia . by the way as we rode , they shewed the place of the fruitless fig-tree , which christ cursed : next the castle of lazarus , that lazarus whom christ loved so well : for his house or castle was in bythinia , but it was utterly ruinated , and nothing to be seen but the two sides of the wall. in the same town they shewed the house of mary magdalen , but so ruinated , that nothing is left of it but a piece of a wall : there i saw likewise martha's house , consisting of 3 pieces of wall : and thence they brought me to the stone where the two sisters told christ that lazarus was dead , from whence passing on , they shewed the place where our saviour raised lazarus from death , after he had layen three days in the ground , and where he was buried afterward when he died . this place hath been notably kept from the beginning , and is repaired still by the christians : but yet in poor and very bare sort : and this is all that i saw in bythinia . from hence we rode to mount olivet , and passing by bethphage , they brought me to the place where our saviour took the ass and colt when he rode to ierusalem upon palm sunday . riding from bethphage , directly north , we came to the foot of mount olivet , where they shewed the place benedicta of the virgin maries annunciation : and ascending to the top of the mount we saw the place of our saviours ascension : at the sight whereof we said our prayers , and were commanded to say 5 pater nosters , and 5 ave maries , but we said the lords prayer , took notice of the place and departed . this is the highest part of mount olivet , and hence may be discerned many notable places : as first , west from it is the prospect of the new city of ierusalem : south-west the prospect of mount sion which is adjoyning to new ierusalem : also in the valley between sion and the mount whereon i stood , i saw the brook cedron , the pool silo , the garden wherein our saviour prayed , the place where he was betrayed , and divers other notable things in this valley of gethsemanie : as the tomb of absolom , king davids son , the tomb of iehoshaphat , and others . full south from mount olivet i could see the places we came last from , as all bythinia and bethphage : also east north-east from this mount , may be seen the river of iordan which is 15 miles off , and iericho , which is not far , because west-ward of iordan . from mount olivet east and east-southeast , may be seen the lake of sodom and gomorrah , which is some 100 miles long , and 8 miles over : all these places i set with the compass , when i was on mount olivet : for i stayed on the top of it some two hours and a half , having a little compass about me . descending hence toward the foot west-ward , we came to a place where the friars told me , that a woman called st. pelagia , did pennance in the habit of a friar : whereat i smiling , they demanding why i did so ? i answered that to believe pelagia , was a saint , stood out of the compass of the creed : they told me , when i came home at night they would shew me sufficent authors for it : but when i came home i had so much to do in writing my notes out of my table book , that i had not leisure to urge their authors for st. pelagia . by this time they brought us to the place where our saviour did foretell the judgment , then where he made the pater noster or lords prayer , and then where the apostles made the creed . from hence we came to the place where christ wept for ierusalem , and from thence to the place where the virgin mary gave the girdle to st. thomas ; and then where she prayed for st. steven . all these last were coming down mount olivet , toward the valley of gethsemanie , where by the way we came to our ladies church , wherein is her sepulchre , and the sepulchre of her husband ioseph , with the sepulchre of anna , and many others . this church standeth at the foot of mount olivet , and was built ( as they say ) by helena the mother of constantine the great : here the friars went into the virgin maries sepulchre , and there either said mass or prayers while we in the mean time went to dinner . in this church is a fountain of exceeding fine water , in regard we went down into a vault , as it were it giveth a marvellous loud eccho or sound . hence we came to the cave whither iudas came to betray christ when he was at prayer , and thence to the garden where our saviour left his disciples , commanding them to watch and pray , but found them sleeping at his return : then they brought me to the garden where christ was taken : these last three were in the valley gethsemanie . riding into the town ( whereof the valley bears the name ) on the left hand i saw the before remembred sepulchres of absolom and iehoshaphat , and on the right the brook cedron , which at my being there had not one drop of water in it , for indeed it is but a ditch to convey the water to mount olivet , and mount sion when store of rain falleth . and this ditch , or brook cedron , is in the valley between both those hills . hard by they shewed me a stone marked with the feet and elbows of christ , in their throwing of him down when they took him , and ever since ( say they ) have those prints remained there . from thence we rode to the place where st. iames the younger hid himself and afterward was buried there : there also they shewed where zechariah the son of barachiab was buried , and brought me to another place , where they say the virgin mary used often to pray . then came we to the pool of silo , wherein mr. burrel and i washed our selves , and hence we were shewn the place where the prophet esay was sawn in pieces : thence they guided us to an exceeding deep well , where the jews ( as they say ) hid the holy fire in the rime of nebuchadnezzar . here we ascended from the valley to a hill side , which lyeth just south from mount sion ; but there is a great valley between , called gehemion , and there they shewed the places where the apostles hid themselves , being a cave in a rock . ascending higher they brought me to the field , or rather to the rock , where the common burial place is for strangers , being the very same as they say which was bought with the 30 pieces of silver , that iudas received as the price of his master , which place is called aceldama , and is fashioned as followeth . it hath 3 holes above , and on the side there is a vent , at the upper holes they use to let down the dead bodies , to the depth of about some fifty foot . in this place i saw two bodies , new or very lately let down , and looking down ( for by reason of the three great holes above , where the dead bodies lie , it is very light ) i received such a savour into my head , as made me very sick , so that i entreated the friars to go no further , but return home to the city . then we went through the valley of gehemion , and at the foot of mount sion having a little bottle of water which i brought from the pool silo i drank , and rested an hour eating a few raisins and olives which we brought with us from ierusalem . after i had rested and refreshed my self , we began to ascend mount sion , and a little way up the hill , they shewed me the place where peter having denied christ , and hearing the cock-crow , went out and wept . ascending higher , they shewed the house where the virgin mary dwelt , which was near the temple : then they brought me to the place where the jews setting on the blessed virgin mary to take her , she was conveyed away by miracle . hence we went to the house of cajaphas , which was somewhat higher upon mount sion , and therein i saw the prison wherein our saviour was detained . passing on still higher , they guided me to a little chappel which is kept by the armenians whereinto entring , at the high altar they shewed the stone which was upon our saviours sepulchre ( as they say ) it is near the place where peter denied christ : for there they shewed me the pillar whereon the cock stood when he crowed . hence was i brought to the place where our saviour made his last supper , and thence came where the holy ghost descended upon the apostles : whence passing on , they shewed me the place where christ appeared to his disciples the eighth day after his resurrection , where st. thomas desired to see his wounds . near this place upon mount sion , the virgin mary died , and hard by , they shewed a place bought by the pope of the turks , for the burial of the european christians , because he would not have them cast into aceldama : they told us the year before , five englishmen were buried in that place , whether by the fryars poysoning them , or how else it happened , but we thought it strange that all five should die in one week . thence came we to the house of annas the high priest , now only two very old walls : at the side of one is an old olive-tree , whereto they told me our saviour was bound : and demanding the reason , they said that when he was brought unto his house , annas being asleep , his people would not awake him : so during their stay , they bound him to that olive-tree , and when he awaked , then he was brought in and examined . departing hence toward the south gate of the city , which standeth likewise upon mount sion , we alighted from our asses , and entring , i noted it well : for i had seen three of the four gates . and being desirous to see the north-gate also , they brought me to the church of st. thomas , which is within the wall all ruinated : then to the church of st. mark , where peter came being delivered out of prison by the angel that brake open the gate . then they shewed me the house of zebedeus , whence we came to a place kept by the abassines , and there ascending first by a dark way , led on by a line or cord , we attained to a high place near to the sepulchra sancta , where i paid two pieces of silver to go in , and being entred i demanded what place it was ; the same ( quoth they ) where abraham would have sacrificed his son isaac . thence went we to the prison whence st. peter and st. iohn were , being the next door to the prison wherein i was put before : which made me the sorrier , that it was not my fortune to have gone into it , being so near it . hence we came to the north-gate , being on mount calvary side , where having well viewed the gate , and perceiving it grew late , we went directly home : this was my third days work , in and about ierusalem , wearied not a little with often alighting to pray : for at each several place before recounted , we dismounted and said the lords prayer on our knees . on the morrow being the 28th day , early in the morning , we took our asses , riding forth at the west gate , through which i first entred , and passing south , we left mount sion on the left hand : at the foot whereof they shewed the house of uriah , and the fountain where bathsheba washed her self when king david espied her out of his turret . thence went we to the place where the angel took up habakkuk by the hair of the head , to carry meat to daniel in the lions den. next came we to the place where the wise men found the star when it was lost , and then where the virgin mary rested her self under a tree as she came from bethlehem to ierusalem , which tree they still repair by setting another close to the root of it . hence rode we to the house of elias the prophet , where they shewed his usual place of sleeping , and his house standeth so upon a hill , as from thence i saw bethlehem afar off . thence we went to an old ruinated house , which they told me was iacobs : which may the better appear to be so , for in the field thereto adjoining , is the tomb of rachel , iacobs wife : and some two miles from this tomb is a town in the same field called bethesula , the inhabitants whereof are all christians . in this great field ( being between ierusalem and bethlehem ) did lie the camp of senacherib when he besieged ierusalem . from hence we rode to the field where the angels brought tydings of great joy to the shepherds , which is two miles from bethlehem : and thence we rode to bethlehem to the m●nastery , wherein were about ten friars ; who welcomed me very kindly and brought me first into a great church , then into a large entry wherein i saw the name of mr. hugo stapers twice set , one above another , and between them both i set my name . then they guided me down the stairs into a vault , where was a chappel built in the place of our saviours nativity , enclosing both it and the manger wherein christ was laid , and also the place wh●re he was presented with gifts by the wisemen . over thi● chappel is a great church , ●uilt by queen helena mother to constantine ●he great ( as they say ) and further i saw di●ers tombs of holy men and others . going up to the top of the church , i saw upon the ●eads the name of mr. hugo stapers again in●raven , which made me look the more ear●estly for some other englishm●ns names , but ●inding none , i graved my name and came ●way : then went we in and dined with the ●riars . after dinner , they brought me to a ●lace where the virgin mary hid her self , ●hen search was made to kill the children . ●o taking my leave of bethlehem , giving the ●riars three pieces of gold for my dinner ●nd my company with me being eight in ●umber , mounting our asses , we rode to the ●ell , where king davids three captains ●etched water for him , through the whole ●ost of the philistines : which standeth a little ●ay from bethlehem , towards ierusalem , ●nd hath three places to draw water up . hence went we presently back to ierusalem , entring the gate at four a clock afternoon , and at five the turks let us into the sepulchra sancta , each of us paying nine pieces of gold for our entrance . no sooner were we in , but they locked the gates ; so there i stayed till 11 of the clock the next day , and then came we forth : now follows what i saw in sepulchra sancta . first i observed hanging without the gate , at least 100 lines or strings , and in the gate is a great hole , whereat a little child may easily creep in : whereof demanding the reason , they told me that the hole served to give victuals at , for them which lie within the church , which are above 300 persons , men and women , all christians , and there they live continually night and day , and can have no passage in or out , but when the turks open the gate for some pilgrim : which happeneth not sometimes in 14 days : wherefore these christian lodgers in the church have their whole houshold there , and boarded lodgings built for them . the strings hanging at the gate , have each one a bell , fastned at the lodgings , and when their servants ( which are without bring them any meat , each rings the bell belonging to his houshold , and so come accordingly ( each knowing hi● own bell ) for the receipt of his food . the several sorts of christians which i saw in this church , i will in order describe . 1. the romans who bear the greatest sway . 2. the greeks , for they be next in number to the romans , yet little better then slaves to the turk . 3. the armenians , who have been so long servants to the turk , that having forgot their own language , they use all their ceremonies in the arabian tongue . the 4th sort of christians are nestorians , who are likewise slaves to the turk , and have no other language than the arabian . the 5th abassines , being people of the land of prestor iohn . the sixth iacobites that are circumcised christians , but slaves likewise to the turk . all these ( christians in name ) have bought their several places in the church , and by-rooms for ease , being never fewer of all these six sorts than 250 or 300 continually there lying , and praying after their manner . the places where they ordinarily go to their devotions are thus as the roman friars brought me to them . 1. the pillar whereat our saviour was whipped . 2. the place where he was imprisoned , while they were preparing or making his cross. 3. where the souldiers divided his garments . 4. where the cross was found by q. helena , which is at the foot of mount calvary , and hard by that is the chappel of the queen . 5. the place where chris● was crowned with thorns : which i could not see till i give the abassines that kept it two pieces of silver . 6. the place where the cross being laid on the ground , our saviour was nailed unto it . 7. the place on the top of mount calvary , where the cross stood when he suffered . 8. the rock that rent at his crucifying , which is worth observation , for it is slit like as if cleft with wedges and beetles , from the top to the two third parts downwards , as it were through the brow and breast of the rocks : the rent is so great in some places , that a man might hide himself in it , and grows downward less and less . 9. the place where the three maries anointed christ after he was dead . 10. where he appeared to mary magdelen like a gardiner ▪ and thence we came to the sepulchre it self , which is the last place where they use prayers . from whence i went to see the tomb● of baldwin and godfrey of bulloigne : an● returning back to the sepulcher , i measure● the distance between place and place , fro● five of the clock before night , until next da● at eleven at my coming forth , writing dow● all things i thought worth notice : my co●panion mr. iohn burrel and i went thence 〈◊〉 the pater guardian to dinner , where we hear● that five english-men were arrived at the city gates , travelling towards aleppo , their names were mr. william bedle , preacher to the english merchants at aleppo : mr. edward abbot , servant to sir iohn spencer : mr. ieffery kerbie servant to mr. p. banning , and leigiers for them in aleppo ; with two other young men iohn elkins , and iasper tymme : these five hearing of my being there , came all to the house , and ( though they saw not my imprisonment , nor were with me at the sight of those things , in and about ierusalem ) can witness that they were acquainted therewith at the gates , and with other truths beside . these with my companion mr. iohn burrel , i left behind in ierusalem , departing thence to see other places in the country of palestine : but let me first tell what i observed in the cities situation , because i was informed before i came , that it was all ruinated , though i found it otherwise , having a little compass about me , to set such places as i could easily come by . the very heart of the old city was seated on mount sion and mount moria : on the north part whereof was mount calvary , without the gates of the old city , about a stones cast , and no further . but now i find this new city situated so far in the north part , that it is almost quite off mount sion , but yet not off mount moria , which was between mount sion and mount calvary ; so that now ( undoubtedly ) the south wall of the city are plackd on the n. foot of the hill of sion . the east walls which confronts mount olivet , is a great part of the ancient wall from the s. e. angle north , a quarter of a mile behind mount calvary , so that mount calvary which was formerly a stones cast without the city , and the appointed place for ordinary execution , i find ●o be now seated in the middle of the new city . this mount calvary is not so high as to be called a mount , but rather a piked or spired rock : for i noted the situation , both when i was at the top , and when i came to the sepulchre , being distant from the foot of it 173 foot , as i measured it : whereupon i conclude , that the place of burial , which ioseph of arimathea made for himself , was from the foot of mount calvary , 173 foot west , in which place is the sepulchre of our saviour , which is two foot and a half high , eight foot in length , and four foot broad wanting three inches , covered with a fair white stone . over the sepulchre is a chappel , the north wall whereof is joyned close with the north side of the sepulchre : and of like stone as the sepulchre is , consisting of fifteen foot in breadth , five and twenty foot in length , and above forty foot in height . in this chappel are always burning thirty or forty lamps , but upon festival days more , maintained by gifts given at the death of christians in spain , florence , and other parts , to be kept continually burning , and the givers of these lamps have their names ingraven about the upper edges of them , in letters of gold , standing in a band of gold or silver . this chappel is inclosed with a church , and yet not that only , but therewith is circled in all the forenamed holy places , viz. where christ was whipt : where he was in prison : where his garments were divided : where the cross was found : where he was crowned with thorns : where he was nailed on the cross : where the cross stood when he suffered ▪ where the vail of the temple rent : where the three maries anointed him : where he appeared to mary magdalen : and in brief , all the notable things , either about mount calvary , or ios●phs field of arimathea , are inclosed within the compass of this church , which was built by q. helena , mother to constantine the great , she being ( as i have read in some authors ) an english woman , and daughter to king coel , that built colchester : wh●ch being urged to them , they denyed it . i measured this church within , and found it to be 422 fathoms about : the one side of it likewise i found to be 130 fathoms : thus much for mount calvary , now in the midst of the city . from the north-east angle , to the north-west is the shortest way of the city , and from the north-west angle , to the south-west , is as far as from the south-east , to the north-east : but from the south-west to the south-east , which is the south-wall that standeth on the foot of mount sion , i measured , and found it to be 3775 foot , which is about three quarters of a mile . upon this south side of the city , is a great iron gate , about which are laid 17 pieces of brass ordinance : this gate is as great as the west gate of the tower of london , and exceeding strong , the walls being very thick , and on the south side 50 or 60 foot high . the north wall is not altogether so long , but much stronger , for on the north side it hath been often surprised , but on the south-side never : and on the east-side it is impregnable , by reason of the edge of the hill which it standeth on , which is five times as high as the wall. on the north side are 25 pieces of brass ordinance near the gate , which is of iron also , but what are in other places , as at the corners or angles , i could not come to see , and inquire i durst not . the east wall containing the gate where st. stephen was stoned a little without , and to this day called st. stephens gate , i saw but five pieces of ordinance there , and they were between the gate and the ruins of port aurea , which is to the south , the west side of the city , at the gate whereof i entred at my first arrival , it is very strong likewise , and hath fifteen pieces of ordnance lying together , and all of brass : this gate is also of iron , and this west wall is as long as the east wall ; but standeth upon the higher ground : so that coming from the west to the west wall , you can see nothing but the bare wall , but upon mount olivet , coming towards the city , from the east , you hav● a very goodly prospect , by reason the city standeth all on the edge of the hill. to conclude , ierusalem is the strongest of all the cities that i have yet seen in my journey , since i departed from grand cairo : but the rest of the country is very easy to be surprised : yet in ierusalem are three christians for one turk , and many christians in the country round about , who all live poorly under the turk . now how the country about ierusalem lyeth , for your more easy understanding , i will familiarly compare several places , with some of our native english towns and villages , according to such true estimation as i have made of them . imagine i begin with london , i mean about that distance . the city of bethlehem , where our saviour was born , is from ierusalem as wansworth is from london , i mean much that distance . the plain of mamre is from ierusalem , as guilford is from london : in which place , or near to it , is the city of hebron , where our father abraham lyeth buryed . beersheba is from ierusalem , as alton is from london : ramoth gilead is from ierusalem , as reading is from london , gaza , which is the south west part of palestine , is from ierusalem as salisbury is from london . ascalon is from gaza north-east . ioppa is from ierusalem as alisbury is from london . samaria is from ierusalem , as royston is from london . the city of nazareth is from ierusalem , as norwich is from london . from nazareth to mount tabor and hermon is five miles north-east : these two stand very near together , tabor being the greater . from tabor to the sea tiberias , is eight miles north-east . from ierusalem to mount sania , is ten days journey and north-east thence . these places last spoken of , beginning at samaria , i was not in , but the other five englishmen that met me in ierusalem from galilee , came through them , of whom i had this description : they received of me likewise the description of my journey through palestine . the place where christ fasted 40 days and 40 nights , called quarranto , is from ierusalem as chelmsford is from london , the river iordan ( the very nearest part thereof ) is from ierusalem as epping is from london . iericho , the nearest part of the plain thereof , is from ierusalem as lowton hall ( sr. robert wroths house ) is from london . the lake of sodom and gomorrah , is from ierusalem as gravesend is from lon-don . the river iordan runneth into the lake , and there is swall●wed up ; which is one of the greatest secrets ( in my mind ) in the world , that a fresh water should run continually into this salt lake , and have no issue out , but there is lost : and the lake continuing still so salt , as no weight of any reasonable substance will sink into it , but floateth upon it , so that a man or dead beast will never go down ▪ and further note , that what fifth soever was brought into it by the river iordan , or any other substance , it swims continually upon the water , and being tossed thereon by the weather , in time it becometh a congealed froth , which being cast upon the banks , and there dryed by the extream heat of the sun , becomes black like pitch , which in that country is called bitumen , whereof i have brought some with me from thence . this lake is about eight or nine miles broad , and about a 100 miles long from the north , where the river iordan falleth into it , to the south-ward , and hath no farther issue . the fields where the angels brought tydings to the shepherds , lye from ierusalem as greenwich from london . mount olivet lyeth from ierusalem as bow from london . bethania is from ierusalem as black-wall from london . bethphage is from ierusalem as mile-end from london . the valley gethsemany is from ierusalem , as ratcliff fields lye from london . brook cedron is from ierusalem , as the ditch without algate from london . mount sion is near adjoyning to ierusalem , as southwark to london . thus have i described the city of ierusalem , as it is now built , with all the notable places therein , and near the same , and the country about it : by which comparisons you may well understand the situation of most places near it : and thereby you may perceive that it was but a small country , and a very little plat of ground , which the israelites possessed in the land of canaan , and is now very barren : for within fifteen miles from ierusalem , it is wholly barren , full of rocks , and stony : and unless it be about the plain of iericho , i know not any part of the country at present fruitful : what is hath been in time past , i refer you to the holy scriptures : my opinion is , that when it was fruitful , and a land that flowed with milk and hony , in those days god blessed it , and that then they followed his commandments , but now being inhabited by infidels ( that prophane the name of christ , and live in a filthy and beastly manner ) god cursed it , and it is made so barren that i could get no bread when i came near it : for one night as i lodged short of ierusalem , at a place called in the arabian tongue , cuda chenaleb , i sent my moor to a house ( not far from the place where we had pitched our tents ) to get some bread , and he brought word there was none to be had , and that the man of that house did never ●at bread in all his life , but only dryed dates , nor any of his houshold : whereby you may partly perceive the barrenness of the country at this day , only as i suppose , by the curse that god laid upon the same : for they use the sin of sodom and gomorrah very much in that country , so that the poor christians there are glad to marry their daughters at twelve years of age , unto christians , lest the turks should ravish them . and to conclude , there is not that sin in the world , but it is used amongst those infidels who now inhabit therein , and yet it is called terra sancta , and in the arabian tongue cuthea , which is the holy land , bearing the name only and no more : for all holiness is banished from thence by those thieves , filthy turks and infidels that inhabit the same . having my certificate sealed by the quadrian and a letter delivered me , to shew that i had washed my self in the river of iordan , i departed from ierusalem , in the company of the moor that helpt to get me out of prison , leaving edward abbot , ieffery kerbie , iohn elkins , iasper tymme and mr. bedle the preacher , whom i met there by chance , behind me in ierusalem , and which grieved me most , the gentleman of middleborough , mr. iohn burrel , that i met with at grand cairo , who had born me company thence to ierusalem , forsook me there , and stayed with the other five englishmen , and so was i left alone to the mercy of my moor that never left me till i came to grand cairo . now what happened to me in my travelling from ierusalem to cairo , and from thence to alexandria , where my ship lay , i will hereafter declare . departing from ierusalem , we got safe to rama , and from thence to ascalon , and so to gaza , which lyeth upon the borders of the desarts of arabia : at one of those two places i hoped to have some passage by water , either to alexandria , or to damietta , but failing thereof , i was in a maze , and knew not whether i were best go back again to ierusalem , or put my self desperately into the hands of the wild arabians , to be by them conducted to grand cairo : one of those courses i must take , there was no hope of passage , and yet i hoped i should find it at ioppa . and for that cause stayed at gaza , and sent my moor to ioppa to seek for passage , but there was none to be had . at last considering with my self that my haste into egypt was great ; for i had left my man waldred in cairo , with my stock of 1200 l. and my ship lay in the road of ale●andria , with sixty men in her , and whether they would depart without me , or no , i knew not : for when i went from them to go up to the river of nilus to cairo , i had no intent to go for ierusalem . i was forced in this extremity , to make away all the mony i had about me , and to put my self into the hands of two wild arabians , who undertook to carry me and my moor ( without whom i durst not go ) to the city of cairo , in four days if i would pay them 24 sultans of gold , when i came to the materia near cairo , and upon that condition , they would deliver me safely there , otherwise would carry me prisoner with them , or cut my throat ; and so agreeing with them , by my moor who sp●ke for me , and withal warranted me to go safely , swearing that he would not leave me by any means ; the two wild arabians provided two good dromedaries for us , i and the moor riding before , and the arabians behind us , two upon each dromedary , and so departed from gaza , about two in the afternoon , and rode apace : those kind of beasts going so hard , that within four hours i was so weary , that i desired them to suffer me to alight down to rest me ; which we did about six in the evening , and being alighted , the arabians tyed the dromedaries two forefeet together , as their manner is , making them kneel down : which done , we sat down to eat a few raisins and bisket which we carryed in our alforges ; but in the mean time , one of our dromedaries brake his halter and ran back towards gaza , whereupon one of the thieves took the other dromedary , and made after him , until both he and the other that broke loose , were out of our sight : then the other arabian that stayed behind with us , ran after them , and we were left alone in the wild desarts of arabia : at last , night approaching , and both our guides , and dromedaries being gone , we were in no small fear what would become of us : in which case , leaving my moor with the alforges ( wherein we carryed our victuals ) i went to the top of a sandy hill , not far from thence , to see if i could espy our two thieves ; i was no sooner upon the top of the hill , but i saw four wild arabians come running towards me , from the other side of the sandy hill : which i perceiving , ran in great haste to my moor , yet not so fast , but one of the thieves was at my heels , and drawing out his sword , bad my moor deliver me , but the moor bad him search me , for he knew i had nothing about me of worth , only my hair cloth coat , and said farther to him , this cuar ( which is as much as unbeliever ) is to be conducted to cairo in four days , by two of your companions , whom he named , whereunto they all answered , that if it were true , they would do me no hurt , but if their companions came not again with their dromedaries , then they would carry us away with them ; but within two hours after in the night , my two arabians came again with their dromedaries , and then they were all fellow thieves . and we gave them a few raisins and a little water , and so departed , and the fourth day at night we came to a place where the arabians had tents , and there they gave me some camels milk , and beheld ●e so earnestly , as if they had never seen a white man before : from thence we departed , and the next night we came to salhia , where being sore shaken in my body ( notwithstanding i was swathed with rollers ) i was constrained to give over my dromedaries , and to get horses , which they procured there of some of their acquaintance . this dromedary is a beast like a camel , but hath a lesser head , and a very small neck : but his leggs are as long , and there is no more difference between a camel and a dromedary , then there is between a mastiff-dog and a grey-hound : these beasts eat little , and drink less , for they drank not while i was with them ; and it is said that they will not drink in eight or ten days together , but cannot abstain so long from meat . and by this you see i went as far in 4 days , as in 12 before : i think a good horse will run as fast , but not continue it : their pace is a reaching trot , but very hard and quick . from the edge of salhia on the east side of gozan , i took horse : but the reason why the arabians did get me horses , was not because they pittyed me for my weariness , but that they durst not go any nearer to the inhabited countrey with their dromedaries , and there one of them stayed , the other went with me to materia , from whence i sent my moor to cairo , to fetch me their hire , and there i payed them that let me the horses , six pieces of gold , and gave the two wild arabians 24 pieces of gold , an●●hen they delivered me safe into the custody of my moor , within three miles of the city cairo , where i was welcomed by the consul and others there resident , i paid my honest moor six pieces of gold , and bought divers provisions to furnish him to mecha , in which journey as he returned again he dyed . in cairo i staid two days , and the seventh night after i came to bullac , and there took boat , and in 3 days i got down the river nilus to rossetta , and there taking horse with a ianisary , fell into greater danger than during my journey ; for between that town and alexandria , there were divers great ianisaries , who came from constantinople , and newly landed at alexandria , who having tyred their horses , would have taken our two mules from us , which my ianisary refused them , and drew his sword , and they to be revenged , came running to take me , and having laid hands upon me , four of them beat me cruelly , and drove me to the passage hard by , and there would have killed me ; which my ianisary perceiving , and seeing that nothing could appease them but our two mules , after he had been sore wounded , he delivered them unto the other ianisari●● , or i had there been sl●in , after my long and weary journey , being within five miles of my ship , that lay in the rode at alexandria : and so he being wounded , and i well beaten , at last we got to the gates of alexandria , but it was so late , that we could not get in , but were forced to stay all that night upon the hard stones , and in the morning i got aboard of my ship , when i had been from it fifty days : and so i ended my pilgrimage . a journey to jerusalem . or , the travels of fourteen english men to jerusalem , in the year . 1669. aleppo . honoured sir. these serve to accompany an account of my iourney to holy land , for which i might refer you to others , who have given ● most exact relation of that pilgrimage , yet according to your desire , i present you with this my description . tuesday , may 3. 1669. we set sail from scanderoon , with a n.e. wind on th● margaret , tho. middleton commander , being fourteen english men , ( of the factory of aleppo ) in company ; but being force● to return three times , by contrary winds , by may 10. we arrived at trippoly , whose por● is guarded with six small castles , near th● sea , and one great castle upon the land ; defended from tempests on the west wit● islands , and on the east with a cape of land● so that none but a north wind can be prejudicial to ships in this port : the ground i● stony , which forced the captains to buoy u● their cables , the ships riding in six or seve● fathom water . the town is about a mil● fr●m the marine , situate upon the shelf of 〈◊〉 hill , and hath one good castle for its defence● the town is ruinate , and there were few t● be seen , it being the time of making whit● sild , and most o● the people in their garden● . may 13. after three days treatment b● the consul ( for engl●sh , french and dutch 〈◊〉 with extraordinary civility , about four of th● clock in the afternoon , we set forward fo● mount lebanon , and two hours riding fro● tri●poly , we pitched our tent at the villag● coffersinue ; the inhabitants are christians , an● ●ive in houses made of reeds , and covered with bushes ; the rode to this village is ve●y pleasant , through a forest of olive trees ; and in the valleys , are gardens of mulber●ies , with which they f●ed their silk-worms , friday may 14 we departed from coffersinue , ●bout four in the morning , passing in a good rode , and through plains sowed wi●● wheat : ●bout six of the clock , we passed over seve●al mountains resembling marble , if not real●y so , from which we had a fine prospect of the ●ruitfulness of the valleys : between these mountains ; upon the ascent of an hill , we ●ame to a fountain , where we break fasted ; ●t seven we rose from the fountain , and ha●ing passed a very dangerous ragged moun●ain , about nine of the clock we came to eden , a small village , and very pleasantly seat●d , being surrounded with mulberries , wal●uts , and other sorts of trees ; walnus es●ecially we found very common in this mount : we went to the bishops house , a most misera●le ruinated cottage , who coming to bid us ●elcom , appeared more like a dunghill-raker ●han a bishop . we enquired whence this vil●●ge had its name , the m●ronites who inhabit ●he mountains say , this was the place where adam committed the sin of eating the for●idden fruit ; but the bishop told us , it was in heaven , where were three trees , adam being forbidden to eat of one of them which was the fig-tree : but having eaten , he fel● down from heaven , among those cedars 〈◊〉 which are some two hours riding from th● bishops house , and there he began to till th● ground . but the bishop being very ignoran● of these things , we forbare to enquire farther ▪ the bishop have great respect shewed him 〈◊〉 every one kissing his hand on their knees bare● headed : in his house he hath a ruinate church 〈◊〉 with an altar in it ; and a little beyond , is 〈◊〉 little chappel , near the head of the rivule● that feeds his house with water , where w● found many men with frank names , whic● had continued there from the year 1611. mid-day coming , the bishop made wha● preparation his house would afford for dinner , killing two kids , and a goat , and givin● us the best wine the mountain did afford 〈◊〉 being a well relished red and white win● night coming , after supper , we kissed 〈◊〉 hand , ; and the next morning being now 〈◊〉 twelve in company , went to take our leav●● and made him a present of livers , besid● something to the servants , as is usual 〈◊〉 pilgrims that take this voyage ; two of 〈◊〉 company waiting our return at trippol● saturday may the 15. about five a clo●● in the morning , we rose from thence , and about eight of the clock we came to the cedars ; all that remain of them , being in a very small compass : we spent some time in cutting sticks , and setting our names on the great trees . at this place came to us the captain of a village , called upshara , an hours riding from the cedars . in our way , as we returned ; he invited us to dinner at his village , which we accepted of , and after dinner made him a present , this man is a maronite , and takes caeffar or toll of the turks , which pass that way with their sheep and oxen ; he hath a hundred souldiers under his command , who are all christians . about two a clock we mounted , and after three hours riding , we came to a mighty deep descent , winding in and out , which is the way to the patriark of the maronites house , called caunibene ●t is a very good convent , and lies under the rock , they have a bell in the church as in eu●ope , and go to their devotions morning and evening : after we had kissed the patriarks hand , we demanded what was to be seen , ●nd the druggarman carryed us to see st. marren's cross , of whom they recount this story . that a venetian in the time that the franks had the country , came with his wi●e and one daughter to live there ; and after ▪ some years his wife dying , he was resolved to go into the convent and live a religious life , and would therefore have his daughter to leave him ; but his perswasions could not prevail with her ; but rather than leave her father , she would put on mans apparel , and live a devoted life with him also ; which at last ( though unwillingly ) he assented to ( she being young and handsom ; ) there they lived very strictly for several years ; afterward her father dyed : and the lay brothers and fathers going out , as usually , to till the ground ; she seldom went with them , the chief of the convent keeping her at home ( being much taken with such a handsom young man as he thought ) whereupon they began to grumble , that st. marrena did not go with them ; so that at last , to satisfy the fratres , he was sent out to work among them near the village tursa : presently after one of the young virgins of that village proving with child , she came to the convent , and laid it to the charge of st. marrena ; who was thereupon presently excommunicated , and lived a religious life in the grot near the convent for the space of 7 years ; and being then again admitted into the convent , and still continuing to live a very strict life , he at length dyed ; and the fathers coming according to their custom , to anoint the body , found that he was a woman ; whereupon they began to cross themselves , and to beg pardon for excommunicating her ; and have built an altar in the grot , and call it by the name of st. marrena , as they have also in several grots thereabouts , in remembrance of the religious relicks of those that dwelt therein ; and when they carry any body to see them , they presently fall down to prayers . about a league from the convent , are two french men that live a hermits life , having bread and wine allowed them by the patriark : night coming on , we went to supper with the patriark , the b. of aleppo ▪ and two other bishops , with what the place afforded ; at supper they brought out a great glass , which held near two quarts , with which the old man soon made himself merry , it being their custom to drink freely ; he telling us , that that glass had belonged to the convent more than one hundred years , and that the turks coming once to ransack the convent , seeing this glass , told one of the fratres , if he could drink off that full of pure wine , he would save the convent ; which one of them doing , the turks went away , admiring what sort of people they were . may 16. we took our leave of the patriarks , and presented him with some livers , as also to the poor fratres , and others belonging to the convent , and so took our journey to trippoly , having had a review of those mountains , and the country adjacent , over-spread with many fair villages , and fruitful valleys sown with corn , and great quantity of mulberry gardens ; it being the general imployment of the inhabitants to make silk . we returned to trippoly to the consuls house that night , where after two days repose , and having been extraordinary well treated , we took our leave of the consul may 18. about midnight , we set sail for ioppa , with a good wind ; in the morning we came in sight of cape-blanco , where the wind proving contrary , we were forced to bear up and down for two days , before we could weather the cape ; the wind coming good , we weather'd the cape , and came in sight of cape-carmel , which two cape● make the bay of aerica , on which there is a convent of white friars , and there they shewed us elisha's tomb. and three or four hours sail further , we came in sight of cesarea , now ruinate and inhabited by a company of savage arabs . may 23. we arrived at ioppa , which hath no harbour to defend ships from storms , but hath very good ground to anchor in , about ten fathom water : it is a poor town , and hath one castle : to defend those ships that come in close to the shoar ; the chief trade thereof is pot-ashes for soap , cottons , and cotton-yarn , which the franks bring from thence . may 24 , we arrived at ramah , a pleasant village ; the trade of the inhabitants is in fillado's ; the people are poor , and the lively-hood of the women is to spin it : we were treated there at the convent , till a messenger was dispatched to the convent at ierusalem , for our admittance to pass thither , because of some extravagant stories that flew abroad , of the plague raging in the place from whence we came ; our messenger returned back that night . may 25. in the morning , we mounted to take our journey for ierusalem , and baited at st. ieroms church about twelve of the clock , to eat what small provisions we had with us : and the heat of the day being passed , we proceeded on our journey ; and about four of the clock in the afternoon we arrived at ierusalem , at ioppa gate ; where we tarried till the druggerman of the convent went to the caddy for licence for us to enter the city ; which having obtaine● , and delivering up our swords , and what other arms we had , to be carried to the convent ; we entred the city on foot , and were conducted by the druggerman to the latines convent , with two or three fathers ; we found them at their devotion , and afterwards all went into the father guardians chamber , who imbraced , and bid us welcome ; we were carried to our lodgings , and the father procurator came to us , and passed a complement on us , bringing two or three bottles of the best wine , and desiring us to call for what we wanted ; this was our first entertainment . but i should have told you that our druggerman , mallanis salley , who conducted us from ioppa , through the mountains up to ierusalem , was formerly a robber himself , and could therefore the better carry us through the arabs , who molest those mountains and live all upon purchase ; he was a greek by nation and religion . now to our further entertainment at ierusalem ; the next morning father tomaso , a lay-brother , mighty serious , and religious in their way , came to our chamber with milk , wine and ●ruit , ( with a blessing in his mouth ) the season being very hot : and about twelve of the clock we went to dinner ▪ two or three lay-brothers attending at the hall door , with a bason and ewer for us to wash ; and then entring the hall , the fathers stood all on one side near one another , saying grace in latin , and then singing the lords prayer altogether ; and afterwards bowing towards the picture of our saviour at supper with his apostles , which is placed over the guardians head , adorned with silver crosses about it , &c. the guardian hath his table alone in the middle of the room and two long tables stand of each side , one for the pilgrims , and the other for the fathers ; after they had kiss'd the ground , we all sate down , and had every one his allotment brought in a little dish , never wanting three or four courses of several sorts of meat : our wine , water , and fruit , was set ready ; the wine about a quart , the water something less , which was the allowance of two men , and had two glasses belonging to it : about the middle of dinner , the frater came , & changed our water , that it might drink the fresher . dinner being ending , the father guardian knocks , and the fraters rise and kneel with their faces toward the picture of our saviour with his disciples at supper , and mumbling something to themselves , they kiss the ground , and then begin to take away ; one taking away the dishes , another the knives , every one having his appointment ; and then give thanks in the same manne as before dinner ; then washing at the door , they go into the church to prayer , for a quarter of an hour ; this they do daily , rising always early , and in the night also , to go to mass. at this time there were two or three christians come from bethlehem , whose art is to make the figure of our saviours sepulchre , or what holy story you please , upon your arm ; they make it of a blew colour , and it is done by the continually pricking of your arm with two needles ; they began presently to go to work on some of us , and having presented us the patterns of abundance of prints , every one took his fancy . the next day , may 27. we all agreed to go into the temple , and about four afternoon we went : ten or twelve fathers live there continually , and have their church there : the door is sealed with the caddys seal , and when any man goes in , he pays fourteen livers ; we being entred the temple , the fathers came and saluted us , and conducted us to their lodgings ; where after we had been about an hour , they prepared to go in procession to all the holy places , presenting us every one a book of holy songs , for every place in latin. and so we set out , the fathers being dres●ed in white surplices ; and the chief among them with cloth of silver over his surplice , with two more dressed in the like garb to lead him : there was a great silver crucifix carried before him , and two men going on each side of it , with incense pots , to perfume every holy place , that we came to . and so we went to the places following . 1. the pillar to which our saviour was bound when he was scourged . 2. the prison , wherein our saviour was put . 3. the place where the soldiers divided our saviours garments . 4. the place where st. helena found our saviours cross. 5. the pillar to which our saviour was bound when he was crowned with thorns . 6. to mount calvary , where he was crucified . 7. the place where our saviour was nailed to the cross. 8. to the place where he was anointed . 9. to the sepulchre of christ. 10. the place where our saviour appeared to mary magdalen in the shape of a gardiner . 11. the chappel of the virgin mary , where our saviour first appeared to her after his resurrection . i might give you a particular description of the adornment of these places ; but to be short , every one have lamps burning at them ; some are paved with marble , others are hung with pictures ; the place where our saviour was laid down to be nailed to the cross , is paved with marble also ; but in the exact place where the cross stood , the marble is covered over with silver , with silver lamps , and wax candles continually burning ; and our saviour crucified standing on it : the sepulchre also is covered with marble , with silver lamps continually burning on it ; so hath the anointing stone : you must go into the sepulchre bare foot , as also on mount calvary . here all sorts of christians have their churches : the greeks have the best , the latines ▪ the armenians , the c●pty's and the syrians , have each of them churches here . the greeks and latines are the two powerful religions in the temple , and with great sums of money , and the credit they have at stambul or constantin●ple , buy these holy places out of one anothers hands ; the other parties are poor ; and squeez'd into a small part of the temple ; the latines once offered ten thousand livers for a piece of the cross , which the greeks bought out of their hands . these religious people bear little respect one to another , speaking very basely each of other . after our procession , we went to view all the places and churches again ; the greeks have a place in the middle of their church , which they say , is the middle of the world : they have another place by the prison of christ , with two holes to put the feet in : there is also a narrow passage between two pillars , which is in imitation of the streightness of the path to heaven , which the greeks creep through . in the church of the syrians , is the intended s●pulchre of ioseph of arimathea , and nicodemus : and near the anointing stone , is a tomb , where godfrey and baldwin , kings of ierusalem , are buried . in the same place is the rent of the rock which begins above , near the place where our saviour was crucified , and in that rent they say , adams head was found , when our saviour gave up the ghost . thus having seen the temple , we returned to t●e convent . may 28. we went out of the city at damascus gate , and turning on the right came to one of the fish-ponds of the old city , and a quarter of a mile further , to the gro● where ieremiah lived when he wrote his lamentations ; on the left hand in the entrance , is a led● in the rock , about a story high , where they say ieremiah slept ; and below over against the door , is a hole intended for his sepulchre ; and passing through a ruinate door , you come into the y●rd , where his well is , being a very good spring of sweet water ; there you pay one liver ; afterwards passing along the side of a mountain , that lies level with the city , a little beyond ieremiahs tomb , we came to the sepulchre of the kings ; the entrance into the first room was so small and low , that we were forced to creep in , in which there were seven sepulchres cut out of the rock : in the second room , were eight ; and in the third room twenty six ; and many more in several other rooms : one of the rooms hath a door of stone , cut out of the rock , and shuts and opens as a door with hinges ; this door belongs to the room , wherein iehosaphat was buried ; his coffin is of stone with a cover to it , and is very neatly wrote on the sides with flowers , as several of them are also in the first room , but they know not what kings they are ; there is also one ●ther chamber into which we crept ; so that there are in all 42 burying places under ground , to which there is but one door to enter , all adorned with admirable workmanship ; which i being unskilled in , am unfit to express in proper terms : and so we return'd to the convent , entring the city at the same gate . may 29. we reposed , some of our company being a marking . may 30. we took horse to go for bethlehem , and went out at the west gate called ioppa gate , and turning on the left hand , and taking the lower path , we passed along the road that the virgin mary brought our saviour , when she came to offer him at the temple ; and half a mile from the city is the place where the tree tirabintha grew which the virgin mary sat under to give him suck ; but the tree being cut down , the place is incompassed with a wall. on the left hand you see davids house , when he spied bathsheba washing her self ; on the right a little out of the road , is old simeons and elias house ; and a quarter of a mile further is a well where the wise men first saw the star ; a little further is the ground where the reapers were at work , when habakkuk coming to bring them meat , the angel took him up by the hair of the head , and carried him into babylon to daniel in the lions den : afterward we saw iacobs house ; and a hill like a sugar loaf : where the franks remained forty years , after they were driven out of ierusalem ; next is a monastery of monks of the order of st. tavola paula romana , who when they die , are buried at the convent in bethlehem . a mile further is the place where the angels appeared to the shepherds , and cryed , gloria in excelsis , &c. when our saviou● was born , where there hath been a convent ; but now there only remains an arched vault , where we paid money to the arabs ; who when they espy any franks going thither , ride post before to take possession of the place , and get something from them ; a quarter of a mile from hence , in the way to solomons cisterns , is the village of the shepherds , on the back part whereof is a well , of which they say , the virgin mary desired to drink ; but the inhabitants denying to draw her any water , it presently overflowed for her to drink : a little way from this village , is iosephs house , and a while after , we came to solomons gardens lying shelving : at the bottom of them is the road from grand cairo , and round the top passes the aqueduct , which feeds ierusalem with water ( from thence we saw tekoa standing on a high hill ; ) the water comes from the fountains which feed solomons cisterns ; passing a mile along by the aqueduct , we came to solomons cisterns , which are three ; the first had no water in it , and might be about 250. yards long , sixty broad , and of a great depth ; the second had little water , something less in compass ; the third was full of water and as big as the first : they run one into another , and are fed by the spring that feeds the city . the fathers say , that they were made ●o swim in , they being built with steps for a man to go down , but seem rather intended for a reserve of water for the city or the gardens , having passage to both ; near the gardens , is an ill contrived castle , where a few villains inhabit , to whom we paid one liver per man , for leave to go into the grot , where the springs are that feed the city , and the cisterns ; it is large , and hath three springs , and a large passage cut through the rock , toward the cisterns , passable by a man , but we went not to the end of it . we mounted our horses to proceed on our journey , leaving the castle on the right hand , and at a distance we saw st. georges church , where the fathers say , the chains remain wherewith st. george was bound , which will presently cure a mad-man if he be bound therewith . after an hour and a halfs riding , we came near to bethlehem , where passing through a narrow lane , the guard consisting of four or five musqu●tiers , received five livers of every one of us , and our druggerman that went with us , received three : and arriving at the convent , we paid one for our entrance ; and after our being welcomed by the fathers , we took our repose till five of the clock in the evening ; and then we prepared to go in procession to the holy places in the same manner as we did at the temple in ierusalem ; the places we visited were these . 1. the place where our saviour was born. 2. the tomb of st. ioseph to whom the virgin mary was espoused . 3. st. innocents tomb. 4. the place where st. ierom lived , when he translated the bible into latin . 5. st. ieroms praying place . 6. st. ieroms tomb. 7. st. pauls tomb. 8. st. eustachias her daughter . 9. the s●pulchre of st. eusebius , abbot of bethlehem . 10. we return to the chappel of st. catherena , built by st. paula . next is the great church without the convent , which hath 48 pillars of marble about three yards long , all in one piece . at evening we went to visit the place of our saviours birth , formerly belonging to the latines , till the greeks bought it out of their hand● ; so that now the latines , when they go their procession , pray at that door by which they formerly entred . the precipio hath two doors , one over against the other , which are well lined with carved iron , and strengthned with iron spikes : we went in bare-foot ; on the right hand in the entrance , is the place they say where our saviour was born , which is lined with marble ; and in the middle of the room there is a little place covered with silver , by which they set a dish to receive your charity : on the left hand is the manger where the virgin mary laid our saviour ; which is lined with marble ; and at the end of the manger on the right hand , is the picture of st. ierom naturally in the marble , which the fathers esteem as a miracle , over ●gainst this manger , is the place where the three wise men stood , when they came to worship our saviour : at the end of this place in a corner , is a hole made up with marble , wherein they say , the virgin mary put the water , when she had washed her hands : over which a lamp burns continually : and a great many in other places . over this precipio , in the great church is the altar of circumcision , where our saviour was circumcised . having seen what was rare at bethlehem , may 31. early in the morning , we rose to proceed in our journey , in which we saw these places following . 1. the grot where the virgin mary hid her self , when she was warned to fly into egypt , and her milk running out of her breasts there made the earth turn white ; which earth the catholicks do very much esteem . 2. davids cisterns . 3. the grot wherein the virgin mary and ioseph lived , before they could get a house . 4. the tomb of rachel , iacobs wife , which the turks do also much esteem . 5. the field of sennacherib , where the angel of the lord slew in one night , one hundred eighty five thousand of the syrians ; in this place is a village , which is called botechelle , where the fathers affirm no turk can live . 6. the place where the pillars of the convent of ramah were built . 7. the vineyard whence the spyes of the land of canaan took the cluster of grapes , to shew the fruitfulness of it ; also the fountain where philip baptized the q. of sheba's eunuch . 8. the desarts of iohn baptist ; and after an hours riding we came to iohn ●aptists fountain , where was his chamber , and a rock , wherein there was a place cut out like a bench for his bed ; to break off any bit of this rock , is worthy excommunication . 9. zacharias house , where the virgin mary came to salute her cousen elizabeth ; for the angel that told her she should conceive , told her also , that her cousen was with child ; and upon her salutation , the child leaped in the womb ; near this is house a fountain with two cisterns , which is called elizab●ths fountain . 10. a stone where iohn baptist preached , which the fathers say , the turks have endeavoured to break in pieces , but could not . 11. the place where iohn baptist was born , now a stable , but formerly a church , where the fathers upon iohn baptists day carry their organs thither , and adorn the place for their prayers . 12. the tombs of the maccabees , which we saw at a distance , and being ruinated , appear as so many arches . 13. we passed by a village , where the men are all turks , and the women christians ; for the people being poor , the turks were very severe with them for their harach ; who not being able to pay all at once , turned turks , &c. 14. we came to the mountain crupil , where part of the wood whereof our saviours cross was made , was cut down , and over the place where they say the tree stood , is a stately church , in the possession of the greeks , the just place wh●re the tree grew is inlaid with silver , by which they set a d●sh for charity : the floor of this church is well wrought with mosaick work , and painted with scripture stories ; and instead of a bell they knock upon a board , that hangs up , which sounds somewhat like a bell. and now we go forward to the convent at ierusalem , passing by m●unt gihon where solomon was anoin●ed king , and about night we came to our lodgings , having made two days journey to see the holy places , and traverse the mountains of iudea ; we slept very well that night , but still we have mere pilgrimages . june 1. we lay still to recover our selves of our bethlehem journey , but father tomasa out of his zeal , is very importunate with us to be walking to see other places , which is very meritorious in the roman church ; and had we been of their religion , it had been impossible to have mist heaven ; for we had received indulgences for all our lives ; which fancy i wish do not deceive too many . june 2. we began to search for the holy places , which are these following . 1. the immolation of isaac near the temple , called mount moriah , inlaid with silver , and a dish set by for your offering . 2. peters prison , still made a prison by the turks : at the end of which , is a hole in the wall , where they say the chain was fasten'd , with which st. peter was chained ; little remembring , how oft jerusalem hath been destroyed , and the stones of that old wall are now probably as far under ground , as these are above . 3. the monastery of the knights of malta ; a very fair building , one room hath several partitions for beds , with a hole in the middle , that if any of them are sick or fluxitive , they are laid there to which the water , being bad and the air unwholesome , doth very much incline them . 4. solomons temple ; which , if any christian go into , or but up the stairs , he must turn turk , or be burnt : the rarity of which i shall give you an account of , when i come to a prospect . 5. st. hellen's hospital where there are seven great caldrons , in which she used to have proivsions dressed for the poor , where we pay one liver for entranc● . 6. the judgment gate , at which our saviour was brought in : and near the gate , is the place where he was condemned . 7. the dolorous way , which christ went , when he went to be crucified ; and in the way is the house of st. veronica , who gave our saviour a napkin to wipe his face , as he passed by : there is also lazarus's house , and the house of the rich glutton ; and the place where our saviour fainted ( as they say ) and simon took up the cross ; and near that , is the church , where the virgin mary stood to see him pass by , and swounded with grief ; now called the virgin maries church . 8. herods palace , now ruinated , and is now the bashah's seraglio ; in one room is the place where they clothed our saviour with purple . 9. pilates house , where they shew the place , where our saviour was crowned with thorns , and the pillar to which he was bound , which was brought from thence , and put into the temple : next , we enter the hall , where pilate washed his hands , and declared himself innocent of our saviours blood : out of which place we had a fair prospect of solomons temple ; which is built within the middle of a spacious yard very well paved ; there are several arches , good walks , and buildings about it : the temple is wrought with mosaick work , and by the turks r●port , is very rich within , it being one of th●●r mosques ; and though they have a halt moon upon all their temples or mosques , yet this only hath a cross through the middle ; the fathers reporti●g it would not stand till the cross was made . 10. the place where christ was scourged , now a sh●p for linnen cloth ; but the pillar to which ōur saviour was bound , is brought thence and put into the temple . 11. the house of annas , where our saviour being hurried with violence down a steep place , to prevent falling he laid hold of the corner of a wall , where there is a place in one of the stones , fit for a mans hand , which the fathers account a great miracle . 12. simon the pharisees house ▪ where there is a stone , with the print of a foot , which they said our saviour made when he stood to pardon mary magdale● her sins : the fathers say , the turks hav● endeavoured oft times to remove thi● stone , but still it comes into the same plac● again . 13. the house of joakim and anna● a fair high building ; and in an under room , cut out of the rock , is the plac● where they say the virgin mary was bor● 14. the pool of bethesda , where the sic● lay to be healed ; the angel coming to trouble the water , and he that entred in first , was healed ; but it is now dry , and half filled with earth . 15. s● . stephens gate and a little out of the city , is the place where stephen was stoned : and the fathers fancy , that there is the print of his hands , face and and knees , when he fell down . 16. the valley of jehosaphat , at the bottom of the hill , between the mountain on which jerusalem stands , and mount olivet . 17. the place vvhere the virgin mary is buried ; vvhere going dovvn a great many stone steps , you come into a large vault , vvhere all the christians have their altars apart , all being of several opinions , and the turks , and christians , both burn lamps , over her grave ; here vve pay one liver for entrance ; and 48 stone steps upvvard , is josephs tomb ; and against that , the tombs of joakim and anna. 18. the place vvhere christ svvate bloud , and the angel appeared to comfort him , is near the bottom of mount olivet . 19. the place vvhere our saviour prayed , that this cup might pass from him ; and near that place , is the rock on vvhich his disciples sate , vvhen he vvent to prayer , betvveen vvhich tvvo places he vvas taken ; it is novv bordering on the garden of gethsemana , but might formerly be part of the garden , and is on the ascent of the mount olivet ; vvhere the multitude going to carry our saviour avvay , peter smote off malchus his ear. 20. the place vvhere they say the virgin mary prayed for st. stephen , vvhile he vvas stoning . 21. the place vvhere christ wept over jerusalem , it is almost at the top of mount olivet . 22. the place vvhence our saviour ascended into heaven having as they say , left the print of his foot on a stone ; it hath novv a chappel built over it , vvith 14 marble pillars ; it is at the top of mount olivet , and a little vvay off , is the place vvhere the men of galilee stood , vvhen the angel asked them , why stand ye gazing up ? 23. the place vvhere the angel told the virgin , she should be raised in three days . 24. pelagius his grot ; whence vve savv bethphage , vvhere the asses colt vvas tied . 25. the tree under vvhich our saviour stood , vvhen he preached the judgment sermon . 26. the place vvhere he made the lords prayer . 27. the place vvhere the apostles made the creed ; being a grot of tvvelve arches . 28. the sepulchres of the prophets , 47 in number , cut out of the rock ; and entring in at a door , vve came into a large grot , vvhere there vvere several places to cut out , fit to contain a coffin : here vve paid one liver . 29. the tree vvhere judas hanged himself . 30. the sepulchre vvhich jehosaphat intended for himself ; but being a king , he vvas buried in the sepulchre of the kings . 31. absoloms pillar or sepulchre , vvhich is cut out of the rock , and about the bigness of a small chamber , vvith pillars round about ; like a room built for some single person : it is of a good height , and hath some carving about it . 32. they say hereby is the print of christs feet ; for vvhen he vvas carried to jerusalem he stopped at the brook cedron , and desired to drink : this brook is novv but a small channel and had no water , but in the winter time , the water comes dovvn from the hills , and makes a small current ▪ 33. next is the place vvhere s● . james hid himself three days , and three nights ; it is a place cut out of the rock , vvhich must needs have been made for a dvvelling place ; near this is the sepulchre of zacharia●s the son of barachias , cut out of the rock . 34. on the side of the hill on vvhich solomon worshipped moloch , are chambers cut out of the rock , vvhich they say vvas the place , vvherein the three hundred wives , and one thousand concubines of solomon vvere kept . 35. the fountain of the virgin mary , vvhich you go dovvn to by stone steps ; the water vvhereof is so svveet , that vvere a man blind-folded , he could not think it to be any thing but milk and water . 36. the place vvhere the prophet isaiah vvas savvn asunder : his sepulchre is under a rock near the same . 37. the fountain of siloa , by vvhich is a cistern , vvherein formerly the pilgrims used to wash , but novv ruined , and filled vvith stones and mud , yet is its water still accounted good for the eye-sight ; and near this is golgotha . 38. next in a bottom , is a well , vvherein they say nehemiah hid the holy fire , vvhen the children of israel vvere carried captive ; and vvhen they returned 40 years after , they say they found the same fire in the well . 39. ascending up the mount vve came to the tombs of annas and cajaphas , vvho vvere high priests . 40. and near it is the place vvhere the apostles hid themselves ; vvhere entring a streight passage , vve came into a room under ground , out of vvhich there go several holes vvherein they say , the apostles lay . 41. we then came to aceldama , a grot , novv held by the armenians for a burying place : it is said , the earth thereof vvill consume the body of a man in forty eight hours : there are several vents on the top to let out the smell : we vvent dovvn under a rock , to a place vvhere vve could look into it , and there savv the form of a man entire , they being only laid in , but not covered with earth . 42. we came to the fountain of beersheba , at the bottom of mount sion , in which there is now little water , we being forced to tarry a quarter of an hour for one draught . having seen all that was remarkable in these parts , we made toward the convent , having got a great deal of credit with father tomaso ; that we should be such zealous pilgrims as to walk from five a clock in the morning till mid-day ; but he to encourage us , would still be foremost ; and told us always , there was some place more worth our seeing , than any before ; and though he was old , and the weather hot , yet at the going up of a hill , he would run , that he might be foremost : and gave all the good words that could be , to encourage us protestants who never hoped or thought , that we merited any thing by it : but at length we came to the convent again well weary , every one retiring to his lodgings . iune 3. we reposed at the convent ; after dinner , one of the fathers came and told us , that the father guardian would wash our feet ; which honour we accounted too great for us , and desired to be excused , but we were forced to comply with the orders of the convent ; the bason , which was as big as a tub , was placed by a chair , there were rose-leaves and herbs put into the water ; the fathers all stood in a row , singing godly hymns ; we sat down , and the fath●● guardian wrapt a towel about our knees , to save our clothes ; then they began to scrub our leggs and feet , ( being masters of their art ; ) there were two fratres attending , one on one leg , and another on the other ; having first dryed the left foot , the frater kisses it , and puts on our slipper ; then he dryes the right foot , and wraps the towel about the sole of the foot , and setting it on his knee , covers the toes with his hand , and then come all the fratres , and kiss it ; he gives us a little candle , in taking which , we kiss his hand , and so rise and stand by , till all our company are washed in like manner . then went we in procession , round their chappel , they saying several prayers , at their three altars , and so we return'd to our chambers . iune 4. after dinner we went into the kitchen , where we found all the fathers , with napkins before them , washing the dishes , every one taking his part , even to the father guardian himself ; some were cleaning , some handing away ; but all the while with one consent , they say some prayer ; it seeming to be their endeavour , that all that they do , may be done to the glory of god ; this being done they go all to prayers , and you shall never see the chappel without some of them ; yea , and two or three times in the night they rise to prayers . on whitsunday the chappel was adorned something extraordinarily , a very rich canopy being set on the right hand of the high altar , for the father guardian to sit under ; when the prayers began , the father guardian came into the chappel , and sate under this canopy : there were three or four fathers drest in cloth of silver , like heralds , two whereof attend on each side of the guardian , and two stand over against him . then they began to dress the father guardian in his festival robes , and having read two or three lines , put a piece of linnen laced about his neck , and then his surplice , reading still between every robe that was put on . then they cover him with a garment of rich sattin , and cloth of silver ; the two that stand over against him , bowing at some words . his body being thus drest , the two fathers put a myter on his head , with all the respect imaginable ; after a short prayer , they take the father guardian by the hand , and lead him to the altar , he standing in the middle of the four fathers , adorned as aforesaid ; the other fathers have their surplices on , and the organs go ; then making a short prayer at the altar , they lead the guardian to his place again ; and after a little reading they take off his myter , and he sits bare till the prayer be done : then they put on another myter ; the first was of cloth of silver , and the second of cloth of gold● set full of rubies , and diamonds , and other sorts of stones ; they afterward took off that also , and put on a third myter , of cloth of gold , differing in shape from the others . the guardian being led to and from the altar , a great while , at length , when they came to read where ●he holy ghost came down upon the apostles assembled together , a father upon the terrass , was appointed to throw down a white pidgeon drest up with ribbons , in imitation of the holy ghost , but he met with some difficulty ; for the window was so fast shut that he could not open it a great while , so that we had like to have gone away without their holy ghost : but this difficulty overcome , he made the dove descend among us , which being done , after a prayer , they began to undress the father guardian again , reading all the while his robes were taking off ; and so that days service was done . now we began to think of going to the dead seas , and the river iordan , demanding what our expence would be ; the fathers say , 25 livers , but we all agreed not to give above 20. the fathers sent our resolution to the bassa , and he returned answer , that if we would go , we should pay 22 livers ; and if we would not , he would have ten livers a man ; we thinking our selves under his command , were not willing to embroil the convent , who bear all damages , as they have done for several ; but thanks be to god , none happened in our time . we all resolved to go except mr. t. h. and one englishman more , and a dutchman , not thinking the bassa had been in earnest ; but because they went not , they were forced to pay ten livers for nothing ; we then came to bethany , now a small village , where entring into a grot under ground , we saw a tomb ; from whence they say our saviour raised lazarus , after he had been dead so many days ; here we had the bassa's guard to wait upon us , for fear of the arabs , who are on the other side iordan in the land of moab , and often make incursions , and have sharp disputes , at the end of the lance , with those that live on this side , in the land of promise ; the bassa pretended , he must send fifty men with us , but it proved but fourteen or sixteen . having reposed a little on the ground , about nine at night , we mounted our horses , and passing through the turning and winding of the mountains , came in the morning to the foot of the quarantine mountain , where we dismounted ; and making the cold earth our bed , slept two or three hours , having our horses made fast to our hands ; and the sun rising , we rose also , and walked to elisha's fountain , a stones thro● off ; and before the sun was too hot , we mounted our horses at the foot of the mountain , and so began to ascend , it being very steep ; having ascended a great height , we came to the place where they say our saviour slept , when he fasted forty days ; and from that the mountain received its name ; this place is near the height of the mountain but the passage to the top is known only to the arabs ; here is a church over this place , where some fathers have lived , till they were murthered by the arabs . below are several cisterns of water , and frontis pieces of chappels , but the passage to them is cut off ; as we were going up , the thoughts of the danger of descending , enters into our heads , and the e. of germanies druggerman for these country languages , being fearful , got two turks to conduct him down , and so having all had a safe descent , we rode cheerfully back to elisha's fountain , formerly bitter ; but he throwing in a handful of salt , the waters became sweet . here we lay till four a clock , and the heat of the sun being over , made for iericho , arrived about five , where there are now only a few poor cottages : we pitched by zacheus tree . the inhabitants are most arabians , and some few greeks : here the captain of the village came to welcome our bassa and his people mounted upon a mare , valued at a thousand livers , mares being only in esteem among them ; here we reposed under a rotten hedge , till about four next morning , having little pleasure in our companions , the gnats and other stinging creatures . we proceed for the river iordan arriving by day light , and tarried about an hour to swim in the river ; the stream is strong and rapid ; and the force of a man can scarce resist it ; it runs into the dead sea. our guard were very hasty for us to be gone , being afraid their enemies should find them ; therefore we all made ready and set forward for the dead sea ; about two hours after in our way to the sea we passed through a most cursed , barren place , not having so much as a green herb , or grass , and the face of the earth was covered with salt ; and though it was dry , yet our horses sunk up to the knees . we come now to the dead sea , being about seventy or eighty miles in breadth , and about eighteen over : there is no place visible from whence the water , which comes into it , runs out again , except it be under the earth ; neither doth it seem to increase with the water of the river jordan , and of several other waters that run into it : it was once a fruitful valley , and compared , for delight , unto paradise , and called pen●apolis , of her five cities , but afterward destroyed with fire from heaven , and turned into this filthy lake , and barren desolation which doth encompass it : and to try the vertue that is reported to be in the water , wherein they say a man cannot sink , some of our company went into the sea , and found it impossible to get their bodies under water , yea could hardly keep their legs under ; the water is sulphury , and the extremity of the saltness not to be exprest ; when they came out , there was a perfect oyl upon their bodies . our eyes being satisfied with curiosities , and rarities , we make what haste we can back to jerusalem : the ruins of one of the cities , that were destroyed for sodomy , now lyes good part out of the water , and is supposed to be zeboim . now the sun gets strength , and by reflection on the ground , makes the heat so violent , that our faces looked as if the skin were flead off , by riding in the sun , from morning till four afternoon ; but the fathers being accustomed , to meet with tender faced travellers , soon provided something to mitigate our pain , which was much increased , by the saltness of the water of the dead sea : this night we took little pleasure in eating , but more in sleeping , having had but little in this voyage . having now visited all the places in the holy land , which pilgrims usually do , we prepare for our return . iune 9. we being resolved to set forward in the morning , the father guardian came and gave us his blessing , and sprinkled us with holy water , desiring us to excuse our bad treatment , and that if at any time we had been distasted we would pass it over ; but we knew it was a complement , for we had the civilest entertainment imaginable , and very far from disgusting us ; for they were not only ready to be our servants , but our slaves , yea , my honest name sake father tomaso , never ceased from morning to night , from bringing us either victuals or drink , or asking us whether we wanted any thing ; and now for this his fourteen days service , we were no ways capable to recompence him ; for they would take no money , but for our victuals , and some other small services ; we therefore presented to the convent , thirty livers a piece , and some that had servants more . the father procurator receiving it , they entred all our names in a book , and the sums we gave : the book where the names only were written we had a view of , and took a copy of all the english-mens that were in it , from the year 1661. to this day , being 158 in number . now taking our leaves of the fathers , they all shewed great affection to us , weeping , and expressing their desires , to enjoy our company longer ; and our desires were as much to be nearer home , to have an account of our friends . iune 4. we departed , our mulletteers having provided us horses ; intending to take emaus in our way , but night drawing on , we made st. ieroms church our sleeping place ; formerly fathers lived in it , but the arabs came upon them in the night , and cut all their throats ; the church is well built , and hath been adorned with pictures on the wall , of which some remain to this day . about two hours riding from ierusalem , we passed over the brook , out of which they say , david gathered the pebble stones , to slay goliah . iune 5. we arrived at the convent in ramah about ten in the morning ; where we tarried till mid-night , at which time there was a ship to depart , and some of us intended to embarque ; the rest took a boat like a gravesend barge ; we put our provisions of bread and wine aboard , and so put to sea , keeping always near the shore for fear of a storm . after three days sail , we arrived at aerica , formerly called ptolemais , always coming to anchor at night ; this place is famous for nothing but the ruins , the road being so bad , that all the art captains have , can but keep their cables together . the commodities in this place are only cottons , pot-ashes , and some filletto's . two days after we arrived at trippoly , where we made bold at our old house ; the consul receives us very gladly , and our design was to depart next day , but the plague still raging at aleppo , the consul forced us to stay 12 or 14 days ; all which time we were treated like princes , and then by his leave we imbarqued on a dutch ship for scanderoon ; the rest of our company ( whom we left at aerica to go to see the sea of galilee ) being arrived . iune 26. we arrived at scanderoon , where some were dead , and others dying , and one flying from another . we tarried upon the mount and aboard the ship for some time : and july 2d . we arrived at aleppo : where there died at that time , seventy or eighty of a day of the plague . and thus ended our journey . a true relation of the proceedings of the great council of the jews , assembled in the plains of ajayday , in hungaria , about 30 leagues distant from buda ; to examine the scriptures concerning christ. on the 12 th . of october , 1650. by samuel brett ( an english-man ) there present . it hath been much desired by many honest christians , that this relation of the jews council should be published , which i did intend to communicate only to my private friends . the chief argument which perswaded me to do it , was , because they conceived it to be a preparation , and hopeful sign of the jews conversion : and that will be glad-tydings to the church of christ : therefore i yielded to satisfie their desires . and thus it was . at the place above-said , there assembled about 300 rabbies ( called jews ) from several parts of the world , to examine the scriptures concerning christ. it seems this place was thought most convenient for this council , in regard , that part of the country is not much inhabited , because of the continual wars between the turk , and the king of hungaria . there they have fought formerly two bloody battels . yet , both these princes notwithstanding their own differences , did give leave to the jews to hold their council there . the jews for their own accommodation , made divers tents for their repose , and had plenty of provision brought them , from other parts of the country , during the time of their sitting . the jews making ( as we said ) divers tents , they set up one large tent , only for the council to sit in , being made almost four-square : the north and south , not altogether so large , as the east and west part . it had but one door , and that opened to the ea●t . in the middle of the tent there stood a table , and a stool for the propounder to sit on , with his face towards the door of the tent. the propounder was of the tribe of levi , named zacharias . and within this tent , round about , were placed forms on which stood the rest of the council . they were enclosed with a rail , at a distance from them ; to prevent all strangers , and all such as could not prove themselves to be iews by record , or dispute in the hebrew tongue : which many had forgotten , that lived in such countries , where they were not allowed their synagogues : as in france , spain , and those parts of italy , that belong to the k. of spain , and the k. of naples ; with the province of apulia , sicilia , calabria , and sardinia : in which places , if a iew be found , and denies the popish religion , he is condemned , and executed for it : and yet profit and benefit allure them to dwell in those countries , notwithstanding their fears and dangers : and , they are willing themselves to forget and neglect to teach their children their native language , rather than lose their opportunity of profit . and again , some of those iews have burned the ancient records of their tribes and families , that they might not be discovered , by searching , or otherways . and for this defect that they could not prove their tribe and family , they were not permitted to come within the rails , in the time of their council ; but commanded to remain with the strangers that attended to see the event of this assembly . we conceive , the number of the people that attended , to see the issue of their proceedings , were about three thousand persons : the most part of them germans , almains , dalmatians , with some greeks , and a few italians , but not one englishman more than my self : for , i was informed that the k. of hungary , not favouring the reformed religion , did give no no encouragement to any protestant churches , to send any divines thither . but , he did allow there should be some assistants sent from rome ; and , their coming thither proved a great unhappiness to this hopeful assembly or council . the first day , when the assembly first met , they spent some time in mutual salutations , and as their manner is , kissed one anothers cheeks : expressing great joy for this their happy meeting . and now , all things being prepared for their accommodation , they considered of the iews that were to be admitted for members of this council ; for they only were admitted to be members , that could , by record , prove themselves to be native iews . and i observed , there were about five hundred refused , and put by , though doubtless , they were true iews yet they could not , by record , prove themselves so to be . and , for this were not admitted to be members of this council , but commanded to abide without , among the strangers that attended there . the number of them that could prove themselves jews , by record , were three hundred ; who were accepted to sit in the council . and this was all that was done the first day . the second day , the assembly being full , the propounder zacharias , of the tribe of levi stood up , and made a speech , concerning the end of their meeting . and this ( said he ) is , to examine the scriptures concerning christ ; whether he be already come ; or , whether we are to expect his coming ? in examining this question , they searched the old testament , with great care , and labour , most part of that day , to be resolved in the truth ; having many bibles to that end . about which point began a dispute , that lasted many hours ; which , at last , drave to this conclusion , that the major part of this assembly were of opinion , that christ was not come . but , some others of the assembly , having strictly examined the scriptures , and finding them so plain for his coming , were inclined to think that christ was come . being the rasher moved so to think , by the consideration of the great judgment that hath been upon them these 1600. years . by reason whereof , they have been as a cast-off and vagabond people : which consideration , pr●vailed so far upon many others , as drave them not only to think , but to conclude , that christ was come . i remember one of them in conference with others , seemed to be very apprehensive of the great and long desolation of their nation , ever since their destruction by the roman empire ; and imputed their afflictions to their non-repenting of such a wickedness , as to kill the lord from heaven . and comparing their present , with other judgments , which their nation had suffered , he ingenuously confessed , he did believe it was for some wickedness that their nation was guilty of . and that one of their great sins he thought , was the spilling of the blood of the prophet sent from god to their nation , and so many massacres that have been committed by the several sects , and factions among them . for , said he , we are no idolaters , nor are we guilty of idolatry : and therefore i think , we have not had this heavy judgment upon us for that ; but , surely it is the spilling the blood of jesus , the prophet sent from god , and for massacring those that loved him . and this was the sum of what was disputed the second day of their meeting , and so they ceased until the next morning . the third day being assembled together again , the point chiefly agitated , was concerning the manner of christs coming . and that ( they said ) should be like a mighty prince , in the power and authority of a king : yea , in greater power than ever king had , and that he will deliver their nation out of the power of their adversaries ; and restore them to their kingdom again . and that the nations should be of their religion ; and worship god after their manner . for they held , that the messiah will not alter their religion , whensoever he cometh . and therefore began to conclude , that christ was not come . for jesus ( said they ) the great prophet , when he came , began to alter our religion : therefore he was not the true messiah . and farther , when jesus came , whom some call the true messiah , he began presently to pluck down our religion , and set up his own : therefore he was not the true messiah . thus some of them concluded . but some did not . but they went from this dispute to another , concerning his parentage : they did all agree in this , that he shall be born of a virgin , according to the praedictions of the prophets in the old testament . and in this also , that he should be born of a virgin , of mean note and parentage , among their nation , as was the virgin mary , that bare iesus , the great prophet from god. and , upon this , many of them seemed to incline to think that christ was come : but left it to the next day , when they should again meet together . the fourth day ; the assembly being met , the propounder demanded what they thought , whether christ was come , or no ? they said , they thought he was come . but they answered thus ; that if he were come , he was no other than elias : because , elias came formerly in great power , and with great power he declared it , in slaying the priests of baal , and for fulfilling the scriptures he was opposed by ahab and iezebel . and so they esteemed this man , whom they called iesus , to be that same elias . moreover , others said ; that they thought he was more than a mortal man in that he so strangely ascended up into heaven , which some of our fore-fathers saw ; and this was all that was done on the fourth day . the fifth day , the assembly being met , they went about the same question that was controverted the day before , and took it into examination again to answer them , that said elias was not the messiah . they of the contrary opinion , did argue the love and care of elias , for the good of their nation : that he left them elisha his disciple , to teach , and instruct the people : and this they took to be the care of the messiah . these were their chief arguments to maintain their opinion . the same day towards night , came into question among them , what then he was , that said , he was the son of god : and was crucified by their ancestours ? but , because this was a great question among them they deferred the farther consideration thereof until the next day . the sixth day , there were some pharisees , that stood up , who were the great enemies of christ , and said , they would undertake to answer the last question : and would by no means yield , that he was the christ. and these are the reasons they gave for their opinion , viz. 1. because he came into the world like an ordinary and inferior man ; not with his scepter , and royal power . for , they affirmed , that the coming of christ would be glorious . 2. reason they pleaded against him , was the meanness of his birth , in that his father was a carpenter , and this ( they said ) was a dishonour of which , when christ comes , he will not be capable . 3. reason ; they accused him to be a false christ , and an enemy to moses law , in doing , and suffering his disciples to do unlawful works on the sabbath day . for , they believed ( they said ) that the true messiah will exactly keep the law of moses . now , though it were replied , that the gospel doth testifie of christ , that he did fulfil the law of moses ; yet they rejected that answer , because they did not believe , and own the gospel . but these reasons did not satisfie the council , there still remaining doubts in them concerning christ. so that , after the pharisees had done speaking , there stood one up rabbi abraham , and objected against the pharisees , the miracles that christ wrought , while he was upon the earth , viz. the raising of the dead to life again ; his making the lame to walk ; the blind to see ; the dumb to speak ; by what power i pray you , my brethren , did he them ? with that the pharisees arose , and desired to answer him ; and this is the answer they returned before the council : perhaps , said they , this iesus was an impostor , and magician , and so was enabled to do those miracles . and for our parts , we believe , that all the miracles he did , were done by magick and charms , whereby they were restored to their former condition again . but , this answer gave little satisfaction to the council : and especially to abraham : whereupon abraham stood up , and replied , how could this christ charm them blind , lame and dumb , &c. when they were so born , before jesus christ himself was born ; as it appeared some of them were . this seemed a paradox to the pharisees . and truly , the prosecuting of this argument , almost put the pharisees to a nonplus : but , at last they began to speak again , and gave this answer ( though a weak and vile one ) perhaps ( say they ) the said impotent persons were made so , by other magicians , and conjured to be lame , blind , and dumb , &c. and though himself were not then born , when they were born with those evils , yet , this iesus being a greater dissembler , and more cunning than any magician before him , power was given him by the devil , to remove those charms which others had placed . but , there was one pharisee among the rest , named zebedee , who , among all the pharisees there assembled , did most opprobriously , and blasphemously revile christ ; and vehemently urged those things to the council , against him : but , i conceive not to the well liking of any that heard him , even of the members of the council , or of the pharisees . and , as the pharisees played their part against christ , so did the sadduces likewise : for , some of the council were of that sect , who did endeavour to render christ vile and odious to the the rest of the iews . i observed it to be with the pharisees and sadduces , as once it was with herod and pilate : though these two could not agree at other times , yet they could agree together to crucifie christ. so , the pharisees and sadduces , though they be much divided in opinion , among themselves , yet did they , at this time , too too well agree to disgrace christ , with their lies , clamours , and blasphemies , for , the sadduces as well as the pharisees , accused him for a grand impostor , and magician , in that , in his gospel he taught the resurrection from the dead , which ( say they ) we deny . but , it is no miracle to see factions agree in some evil design against others , as i found by experience in 1650. ( which was the year of their iubile . ) at which time there was a great strife between the iesuits , and the friars of the order of st. and though their dissension hath been , by the care and vigilancy of pope , smothered over , that the world then took not much notice ; yet this fire broke out again into a flame , greater ( as they informed me ) tha● before ; even to publick disputations , and bitter wranglings , one against another , opening the deluge of errors , and one anothers factions . thus seeking to disgrace one another , the pope threatned to excommunicate the authors of all such black libellous books , tended to the dishonour of the clergy ( as he called them ) to make them infamous to the world. but these things by the way . the great council of the iews in hungaria 1650. page . but , so soon as the assembly of the iews : heard these things from them , they were all exceedingly troubled thereat , and fell into high clamours against them ; crying out , no christ , no virgin mary , no woman gods , no intercession of the saints , no holy crosses , no worshipping of images , &c. their grief and trouble was so great , that it would have troubled an hard heart to have seen , and heard it : for , they rent their clothes , and tore their hair , and cast dust upon their heads , and cried out , blasphemy ; blasphemy , blasphemy against iehovah , and christ our king. and in this great confusion , and perplexity , the council brake up . but being willing to do something , being yet unresolved , they assembled again upon ●he eighthday . and , all that was done upon that day , was to agree upon another meeting of the iews which was to be ●hree years after ; which was then concluded ●pon , before their final departing . i believe ( saith the relater ) there were many iews there who would have been easily perswaded to own the lord iesus christ. and i assure it for truth ( to the hono●r of our protestant religion , and for the encouragement of our divines ) that one of the rabbies , eminent among them , did deliver unto me , in conference , his opinion in this wise . 1. that he found at first that they who were sent from rome , would cause an unhappy prejudice to their council . 2. that ( as he professed to me ) he much desired the presence of some protestant divines , at their assembly ; and especially of our english ministers of whom he had a greater liking than of any in the world beside . for , he did believe , we had a great love to their nation : and the reason for his good opinion of our ministers ▪ was ( as he told me ) that he had often heard that they do pray ordinarily for the conversion of their nation ; which he did acknowledge to be a great token of their love towards them . especially he commended th● ministers of london , for their excellen● preaching , and for their charity towards thei● nation , as he had heard by many trave●lers . moreover , he said , that he did a●compt the church of rome to be an idol●trous church : and therefore will not ow● their religion . but , by conversing with 〈◊〉 other of the iews , i found they thought there was no other christian religion , in the world , than that of the church of rome , and by the romish idolatry , they took offence at all christian religion . whence it doth appear , that rome is the greatest enemy of the iews conversion . now , for the place of the iews next meeting , it was appointed to be in syria : in which countrey i also was , and did converse with the sect of the r●chabites : who still observe their old rules and customs . they neither plant , nor sow , nor build houses ; but live in tents ; and often remove from place to place , with their whole families , bag and baggage . the italian tongue is much spread in the world : and the jews as frequently discourse in that language , as their own . and therefore i did converse with them , as well as if i could have spoken their own language . and if god give me leave and opportunity , i shall be willing to attend their next council , which will be in the year 1653. the lord prosper it . written by me samuel brett . a brief chronology concerning the jews , from the year of christ 1650 to 1666. having evidently seen in the foregoing relation , what was solemnly acted ( not done in a corner ) in 1650 , towards the call of israel ; and how far many of the said council were brought over to acknowledge christ our messiah : and how much further they and many others of the council , might have acknowledged christ , had not the jesuits and friars given them an irreconcilable offence ; pretending the rubbish of the popish religion , and idolatrous worship , to be the ordinances of christ ; there being not one protestant divine present to balance against them . ye have also heard what was resolved upon , of the same nature , to be acted in the year 1653. of which though we cannot give a relation ( not knowing whether mr. samuel brett lived to that day , and had liberty to keep his promise of being there ; or if he lived , whether he wrote the relation of that years meeting ; or , whether the man be yet alive ) yet we have little cause to doubt but the said meeting ( so publickly and solemnly appointed , and of so a grand matter ) was punctually observed and celebrated , according to the set time and place ; though we so remotely distant from them have not heard thereof . yet this we have heard , about that time , or presently after , that some ancient rabbies cautioned their countreymen , that , if their expected messiah did not come in a few years , thence following , they should imbrace the christian messiah for the true messiah . and this also we can affirm , that whatever came to pass about that time , in order to the call of the jews , may well comport with the compute of 1290 years , ( dan. 12. ) from the ceasing of the daily sacrifice , if we place that utter cessation of that sacrifice ( at the foot of the accompt , whence to commence ) as learned bucholcerus doth at the year 363. and ●hen ( according to this compute ) the 1290 ●ears expire , in the year of christ 1653. in the year 1658 april 19. we received letter from a religious and learned hand , that one rabbi nathan sephira , sent from ierusalem to the christian protestant churches in europe , to receive their free benevolence towards the relief of the iews , then in distress , spake as followeth , i profess ( saith he ) that the 53. of isaiah is meant of the messiah , who bare our sins ever since adam . and for that of christs doctrine , in the fifth , sixth , seventh , chapters of matthew , he said , i acknowledge it to be the head of all wisdom : and whoever walk according to it , are more just than we . of the spirit of messiah , he said , it hath appeared divers times , as in hezekiah , in habakkuk ; in our iesus , whom our fore-fathers wrongfully put to death ; and that sin lies upon us to this day . and this profession ( said he ) i make , not only for my self , but for others at ierusalem , where the most pious iews are dwelling : who with fastings , watchings and other exercises of penitency strive to reconcile themselves and the whole nation to god. thus far r. nathan sephira . now this , and whatsoever else happened about that year 1658 , in order to the iews call , may also competently comport with the compute of the 1290 years ( dan. 12. ) if we put ( as learned alsted doth ) the beginning of the said 1290 at the year of christ 367. his words are these , anno 367 , terrae motus ingens totum fere , &c. that is to say ; in the 367 year an huge earth-quake shook almost all the world. a deluge destroys nicaea , and many islands . a mighty hail at constantinople beats down flat to the earth many men , and destroys them . moreover the temple at jerusalem re-edifi●d by julian the apostate , falls down , and is burned by fire from heaven . according to which accompt , the 1290 years expire in the 1657. at the heels whereof follows the story aforesaid , &c. in the year 1658. learned functius puts the said earthquake , inundation , and fiery tempest ( destroying the temple , and causing the utter cessation of the daily sacrifice ) at the year of christ 369 , which being added to 190 makes 1659. if it be questioned , how learned men take this liberty , according to truth , to put the cessation of the daily sacrifice so variously , as aforesaid ; and so make the calculations , by the numbers added thereunto , to period so differently ? we answer : it may be , in respect of the cessation of the daily sacrifice , caused by the prodigious iudgments aforesaid , demolishing the new buildings of the temple : both which must of necessity require a latitude of time , viz. a considerable time for the re-building of the temple so far , as that it was ( among historians ) accompted a re-building . and a considerable time is required for the fulfilling of those judgments ; as that consuming of the timber-work , the overturning all the stone-work , and the making of the way inaccessible by many other prodigious judgments ( as bucholcerus asserts ) which ever and anon , at several times , detterred the workmen from that work. all which must measure out a long time , from the beginning of that cessation , since their repulse at mamre , and while preparing for , and re-building that structure , till with the destruction thereof , their utmost hope ever to sacrifice there any more , was totally and finally destroyed . and upon this accompt some may calculate from the beginning of the cessation , others from the end thereof . april . 13. 1663 , came a letter to me , from a pious and learned hand , that he had seen letters from a professor of the hebrew tongue , in a famous protestant university : declaring , that certain men of note came to him , professing themselves to be jews in blood , nation , and religion ; saving that they did acknowledge jesus to be the messiah : asking council of the said professor , about taking upon them circumcision ; who advising them , that his nation ( being protestants ) would not suffer a judaical christian religion among them : they departed , and went to another protestant nation , where such a mingled religion is tolerated , though not approved . in the same year 1663. september the fourth i received a letter from a learned man , who much converseth with many jews and rabbins ; that how contemptible soever the jews may seem to be in their present miserable condition , yet for all that , they are witnesses unto the world , that there is indeed a god ; yea , and that there was a christ , whom their fore-fathers crucified . a man that did great miracles : and whom his disciples held , was raised from the dead , &c. in the same year 1663 , december i received a little book , sent to me from the mart at franckfort , called judaeorum excitabulum matutinum ; containing much matter of the call of the jews approaching , as the said title shews . may 12. 1664. i received from a worthy friend as followeth : a certain jew a rabbin , in whose company i was , doth from that place of isaiah 34.8 . it is the day of the lords vengeance , and the year of recompences , for the controversie of zion , infer , that therein seems to be pointed out the year wherein the lord will begin to take in hand the cause of zion ; that he may render double to them who have hitherto afflicted her . the hebrew word ( saith he ) to express recompenses , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shillumim . it might have been sufficient to have said , this is the day of vengeance ; unless the holy spirit had had a mind , couchedly to presignifie the year , viz. in what year of the six thousand , should begin the great sabbatism . and this the holy spirit presignifies while it adjoyneth to the word year , the word shillumim the numeral letters of which word written in hebrew make 426. the present year 1663 , from the creation , is numbred by the jews to be 5424 ; to which , if ye add two years , ye have in the sixth millenary 426. and if we number from the birth of christ , we have , after two years , the number of the beast . viz. 666. if any should say , this wants solidity : i answer ; this suits with my purpose , viz. the expectation of the jews call ere long . for , the occasion of this calculation was that he undertook to praedict , ( as with a prophetick spirit , that , within two years a very great change would befall the jews , for good , or for ill . and being asked ; whence he did collect this , in answer to my question , he shewed me the said place of isa. 34.8 . and made upon it the aforesaid calculation . and thus i have brought the reader down from 1650 , to the brink of 1665 ; giving him all along some glimpses of the approaching call of the jews ( how near we cannot positively say . ) as for the present year 1665 ( within 5 days now expiring ) i have not medled with the occurrences thereof , because of them , mens pockets are full of letters ; their hands full of gazets ; their ears full of reports and tidings ; and their eyes sufficiently perceive the jews cease trading , pack up , and are marching . upon the consideration of the whole , i conclude with daniel in relation to israels call , ch. 12.10 . the wise shall be purified and shall understand : but the wicked shall do wickedly , and none of them shall understand . therefore i bid thee , reader , farewell , with this ; be not deceived ; one lately did advise ▪ beware , say i , christs day doth none surprize postscript . as by the preceding account we may observe what thoughts and expectations divers well meaning christians had of the call and return of the jews in the year 1666. and particularly of the noise that was made in the world by the pretended messiah sabatai sevi , who just about that time impudently assumed to himself that title , and declared that he was come to deliver the jews from slavery , and carry them to jerusalem , there to reign over them ; so the following relation gives a clear and impartial account of the actions , and death of that vain impostor , and the scandal which the jews brought upon themselves by their fond and easy credulity , and it may likewise serve as a remembrance to all sober men that secret things belong only to god , and revealed to man , that we may keep his laws . the author hereof is an english gentleman of quality , and a person who was in that station , as to be capable of throughly informing himself of the truth of all particulars and it may therefore challenge the credit of the most captious reader . the counterfeit messiah or false christ of the jews at smyrna , in the year 1666. written by an english person of quality there resident . according to the predictions of several christian writers , especially of such who comment on the apocalyps , or revelations , this year 1666 , was to prove a year of wonders , and strange revolutions in the world , and particularly of blessings to the iews , either in respect of their conversion to the christian faith , or of their restoration to their temporal kingdoms : this opinion was so dilated , and fixt in the countreys of the reformed religion , as to the downfall of the pope and antichrist , and the greatness of the iews , in so much , that this subtle people judged this year the time to stir , and to fit their motion according to the season of the modern prophecies ; whereupon strange reports flew from place to place of the march of multitudes of people from unknown parts into the remote desarts of arabia , supposed to be the ten tribes and half , lost for so many ages . that a ship was arrived in the northern parts of scotland with her sails and cordage of silk . navigated by mariners who spake nothing but hebrew ; with this motto on their sails , the twelves tribes of israel . these reports agreeing thus near to former predictions , put the wild sort of the world into an expectation of strange accidents , this year should produce in reference to the iewish monarchy . in this manner millions of people were possessed , when sabatai sevi first appear'd at smyrna and published himself to the iews for their messiah , relating the greatness of their approaching kingdom , the strong hand whereby god would free from bondage and gather them from all parts of the world. it was strange to see how the fancy took , and how fast the report of sabatai and his doctrine flew through all parts where turks and iews inhabited , the latter of which were so deeply possessed with a belief of their new kingdom , and riches , and many of them with promotion to offices of government , renown , and greatness , that in all parts from constantinople to buda ( which it was my fortune that year to travel ) i perceived a strange transport in the iews , none of them attending to any business unless to wind up former negotiations , and to prepare themselves and families for a journey to ierusalem : all their discourses , their dreams and disposal of their affairs tended to no other design but a re-establishment in the land of promise , to greatness , glory , wisdom , and doctrine of the messiah , whose original , birth , and education are first to be recounted . sabatai sevi was son of mordechai sevi an inhabitant , and natural of smyrna , who gained his livelihood by being broaker to an english merchant in that place ; a person who before his death was very decrepit in his body and full of the gout , and other infirmities , but his son sabatai sevi addicting himself to study , became a notable proficient in the hebrew and metaphysicks ; and arrived to that point of sophistry in divinity and metaphysicks , that he vented a new doctrine in their law , drawing to the profession of it so many disciples as raised one day a tumult in the synagogue ; for which afterwards he was by a censure of the chochams ( who are expounders of the law ) banished the city . during the time of his exile , he travelled to thessalonica , now called salonica , where he married a very handsome woman ; but either not having that part of oeconomy as to govern a wife , or being impotent towards women , as was pretended , or that she found not favour in his eyes , she was divorced from him : again he took a second wife , more beautiful than the former , but the same causes of discontent raising a difference between them , he obtained another divorce from this vvife also . and being now free from the incumbrances of a family , his wandring head mov'd him to travel through the morea thence to trippoly in syria , gaza , and ierusalem ; and by the way picked up a ligorness lady , whom he made his third wife , the daughter of some polonian or german , her original and parentage not being very well known . and being now at ierusalem he began to reform the law of the iews , and abolish the fast of tamuz ( which they keep in the month of iune ) and there meeting with a certain iew called nathan , a proper instrument to promote his design , he communicated to him his condition , his course of life , and intentions to proclaim himself messiah of the world , so long expected and desired by the iews . this design took wonderfully with nathan ; and because it was thought necessary according to scripture , and ancient prophesies , that elias was to precede the messiah , as st. iohn baptist was the forerunner of christ , nathan thought no man so proper to act the part of the prophet as himself ; and so no sooner had sabatai declared himself the messiah , but nathan discovers himself to be his prophet , forbidding all the fasts of the iews in ierusalem , and declaring , that the bridegroom being come , nothing but joy , and triumph ought to dwell in their habitations : writing to all the assemblies of the iews , to perswade them to the same belief . and now the schism being begun , and many iews really believing what they so much desired , nathan took the courage and boldness to prophesie , that one year from the 27th of kisleu , ( which is the month of iune ) the messiah shall appear before the grand signior , and take from him his crown , and lead him in chains like a captive . sabatai also at gaz● preached repentance to the iews , and obedience to himself and doctrine , for that the coming of the messiah was at hand : which novelties so affected the iewish inhabitants of those parts , that they gave up themselves wholly to their prayers , alms , and devotions ; and to confirm this belief the more , it happened , that at the same time news hereof , with all particulars were dispatched from gaza , to acquaint the brethren in forreign parts : the rumour of the messiah was flown so swift , and gained such reception , that intelligence came from all parts and countreys where the iews inhabited by letters to gaza , and ierusalem , congratulating the happiness of their deliverance , and expiration of the time of their servitude , by the appearance of the messiah . to which they adjoyned other prophesies , relating to that dominion the messiah was to have over all the world : that for 9 months after he was to disappear ; during which time th● iews were to suffer , and many of them to undergo martyrdom : but then returning again mounted on a coelestial lion , with his bridle made of serpents with seven heads , accompanied with his brethren the iews , who inhabited on the other side of the river sabatian , he should be acknowledged for the sole monarch of the universe ; and then the holy temple should descend from heaven already built , framed , and beautified , wherein they should offer sacrifice for ever . and here i leave you to consider , how strangely this deceived people was amused , when these confident , and vain reports , and dreams of power , and kingdoms , had wholly transported them from the ordinary course of their trade , and interest . this noise and rumour of the messiah , having begun to fill all places ; sabatai sevi resolved to travel towards smyrna , the country of his nativity ; and thence to constantinople the capital city , where the principal work of preaching was to have been performed : nathan thought it not fit to belong after him , and therefore travels by the way of damascus , where resolving to continue some time for better propagation of this new doctrine ; in the mean while writes the following letter to sabatai sevi . 22. kesvan of this year . to the king , our king , lord of our lords , who gathers the dispersed of israel , who redeems our captivity , the man elevated to the heighth of all sublimity , the messiah of the god of iacob , the true messiah , the caelestial lion , sabatai sevi , whose honour be exalted , and his dominion raised in a shor● time , and for ever , amen . after having kissed your hands , and swept the dust from your feet , as my duty is to the king of kings , whose majesty be exalted and his empire enlarged : these are to make known to the supream excellency of that place , which is adorned with the beauty of your sanctity , that the word of the king , and of his law , hath enlightened our faces : that day hath been a solemn day unto israel and a day of light unto our rulers , for immediately we applied our selves to perform your command , as our duty is . and though we have heard of many strange things , yet we are couragious , and our heart is as the heart of a lion ; nor ought we to enquire a reason , of your doings , for your works are marvellous , and past finding out , and we are confirmed in our fidelity without all exception , resigning up our very souls for the holiness of your name : and now we are come as far as damascus , intending shortly to proceed in our journey to scanderoon , according as you have commanded us ; that so we may ascend and see the face of god in light , as the light of the face of the king of life : a●d we , servants of your servants , shall cleanse the dust from your feet , beseeching the majesty of your excellency and glory to vouchsafe from your habitation to have a care of us , and help us with the force of your right hand of strength , and shorten our way which is before us : and we have our eyes towards iah , iah , who will make haste to help us , and save us , that the children of iniquity shall not hurt us , and towards whom our hearts pant , and are consumed within us : who shall give us tallons of iron to be worthy to stand under the shadow of your ass. these are the words of the servant of your servants , who prostrates himself to be trod on by the soles of your feet , na●han benjamine . and that he might publish this doctrine of himself , and the messiah more plainly , he wrote from damascus this following letter , to the iews at aleppo , and parts thereabouts . to the residue or remnant of the israelites , peace without end . these my words are to give you notice , how that i am arrived in peace at damascus , and behold i go to meet the face of our lord , whose majesty be exalted , for he is the soveraign of the king of kings , whose empire be enlarged . according as he hath commanded us and the 12 tribes to elect unto him 12 men , so have we done : and we now go to scanderoon by his command , to shew our faces together with part of the principal of those particular friends to whom he hath given licence to assemble in that same place ▪ and now i come to make known unto you , that though you have heard strange things of our lord , yet let not your hearts ●aint , or fear , but rather , fortifie your selves in your faith , because all his actions are miraculous , and secret , which humane understanding cannot comprehend ; and who can penetrate into the depth of them . in a short time all things shall be manifested to you clearly in their purity : and you shall know , and consider , and be instructed by the inventor himself ; blessed is he who can expect , and arrive to the salvation of the true messiah , who will speedily publish his authority and empire over us now , and for ever . nathan benjamine . and now all the cities of turkey where the iews inhabited were full of the expectation of the messiah ; no trade nor course of gain was followed ; every one imagin'd that daily provisions , riches , honours , and government , were to descend upon them by some unknown and miraculous manner : an example of which is most observable in the iews at thessalonica , who now full of assurance that the restoration of their kingdom , and the accomplishment of the time for the coming of the messiah was at hand , judged themselves obliged to double their devotions , and purifie their consciences from all sins and enormities which might be obvious to the scrutiny of him who was now come to penetrate into the very thoughts and imaginations of mankind : in which work certain chochams or priests were appointed to direct the people how to regulate their prayers , fasts , and other acts of devotion . but so forward was every one now in his acts of pennance , that they stay'd not for the sentence of the chocham , or prescription of any rules , but apply'd themselves immediately to fasting : and some in that manner beyond the abilities of nature , that having for the space of seven days taken no sustenance , were famished to death . others buried themselves in their gardens , covering their naked bodies with earth , their heads only excepted , remained in their beds of dirt until their bodies were stiffned with the cold and moisture : others would endure to have mel●ed wax drop● upon their shoulders , others to rowl themselves in snow , and throw their bodies in the coldest season of winter into the sea , or frozen waters . but the most common way of mortification was first to prick their backs and sides with thorns , and then to give themselves thirty nine lashes . all business was laid aside , none wrought , or opened shop , unless to clear his warehouse of merchandize at any price : who had superfluity in housholdstuff , sold it for what he could ; but yet not to iews , for they were interdicted from bargains or sales on the pain of excommunication , pecuniary mulcts , or corporal punishments ; all business and imployment was esteemed for the test , and touchstone of their faith. it being the general tenent , that in the days that the messiah appears , the iews shall become masters of the estates and inheritance of infidels ; until when they are to content themselves with matters only necessary to maintain and support life ; but because every one was not master of so much fortune and provision , as to live without daily labour , therefore to quiet the clamours of the poor , and prevent the enormous lives of some , who upon these occasions would become vagabonds , and desert their cities , due order was taken to make collections , which were so liberally bestowed that in thessalonica only , 400 poor were supported by the meer charity of the richer . and as they indeavour'd to purge their consciences of sin , and to apply themselves to good works , that the messiah might find the city prepared for his reception ; so lest he should accuse them of any omission in the law , and particularly in their neglect of that antient precept of increase and multiply ; they married together children of ten years of age , and some under , without respect to riches , or poverty , condition or quality : but , being promiscuously joined to the number of 6 or 700 couple , upon better and cooler thoughts , after the deceipt of the false messiah was discover'd , or the expectation of his coming grew cold , were divorced , or by consent separated from each other . in the heat of all this talk and rumour comes sabatai sevi to smyrna , the city of his nativity , infinitely desired there by the common iews ; but by the chochams , or doctors of their law , who gave little or no credence to what he pretended , was ill received , not knowing what mischief or ruine this doctrine and prophesie of a new kingdom might produce . yet sabatai bringing with him testimonials of his sanctity , holy life , wisdom and gift of prophesie , so deeply fixed himself in the heart of the generality , both as being holy and wise , that thereupon he took courage and boldness to enter into dispute with the grand chocham ( who is the head , and chief expositor of the law and super-intendent of their will and government ) between whom the arguments grew so high , and language so hot , that the iews who favoured the doctrine of sabatai , and feared the authority of the chochams , doubtful what might be the issue of the contest , appeared in great numbers before the cadi of smyrna , in justification of their new prophet , before so much as any accusation came against him . the cadi ( according to the custom of the turks , ) swallows money on both sides , and afterwards remits them to determination of their own justice . in this manner sabatai gains ground daily ; and the grand chocham with his party , losing both the affection and obedience of his people , is displaced from his office , and another constituted , more affectionate , and ●●greeable to the new prophet , whose power daily increased by those confident reports , that his enemies were struck with phrensies and madness , untill being restored to their former temper and wits by him , they became his friends , admirers , and disciples . no invitation was now made in smyrna by the iews , nor marriage , or circumcision solemnized , where sabatai was not present , accompanied with a multitude of his followers , and the streets cover'd carpets , or fine cloth for him to tread on ; but the humility of this pharisee appeared such that he would stoop and turn them aside , and so pass . and having thus fixed himself in the opinion and admiration of the people , he began to take on himself the title of messiah , and the son of god , and to make this following declaration to all the nation of the iews , which being writ originally in hebrew is thus translated into english. the only , and first-born son of god , sabatai sevi , the messiah and saviour of israel , to all the sons of israel , peace . since that you are made worthy to see that great day of deliverance , and salvation unto israel , and accomplishment of the word of god , promised by his prophets , and our fore-fathers , and by his beloved son of israel : let your bitter sorrows be turned into joy , and your fasts into festivals , for you shall weep no more , o my sons of israel , for god having given you this unspeakable comfort , rejoyce with drums , organs , and musick , giving thanks to him for performing his promises from all ages ; doing that every day , which is usual for you to do upon the new moons ; and , that day dedicated to affliction and sorrow convert you into a day mirth for my appearance : and fear you nothing , for you shall have dominion over the nations , and not only over these who are on earth but over those creatures also which are in the depth of the sea : all which is for your consolation and rejoycing . sabatai sevi . notwithstanding the disciples of sabatai sevi were not so numerous , but many opposed his doctrine , publiquely avouching that he was an impostor , and deceiver of the peopl● , amongst which was one samuel pennia , a man of a good estate and reputation in smy●na , who arguing in the synagogue , that the present signs of the coming of the messiah were not apparent , either according to scripture , or the doctrine of the rabbins , raised such a sedition and tumult amongst the iews , as not only prevailed against arguments , but had also against his life , had he not timely conveyed himself out of the synagogue , and thereby escaped the hands of the multitude , who now could more easily endure blasphemy against the law of moses , and the prophanation of the sanctuary , than contradiction , of mis-belief of the doctrine of sabatai . but howsoever it fell out , pennia in a short time becomes a convert , and pr●●ches up sabatai for the son of god , and deliverer of the iews : and not only he , but his whole family ; his daughters prophesie , and fall into strange extasies ; and not only his own house , but four hundred men and women prophesie of the growing kingdom of sabatai , and young infants who could yet scarce stamm● out a syllable to their mothers , repeat and pronounce plainly the name of sabatai the messiah , and son of god. for thus far had god permitted the devil to delude this people , that their very children were for a time possessed , and voices heard to sound from their stomachs , and intrails : those of riper years fell first into a trance , foamed at the mo●th , and recounted the future prosperity , and deliverance of the isra●lites , their visions of the lion of iudah , and the triumphs of sabatai , all which were certainly true , being effects of diabolical delusions : as the iews themselves since have confessed unto me . with these concomitant accidents , and successes , sabatai sevi growing more presumptuous , that he might correspond with the prophesies of the greatness , and dominion of the messiah , proceeds to an election of those princes which were to govern the israelites in their march towards the holy land , and to dispense judgment and justice after their restoration . the names of them were these which follow , men well known at smyrna , who never ( god knows ) had ambition to aspire to the ti●le of princes , until a strange spirit of deceit and delusion had moved them , not only to hope sor it as possible , but to expect it as certain . isaac silvera . king david . salomon lagnado . was salomon . salom. lagn●do jun. named quovah . ioseph cophen . vzziah . moses galente . iosaphat . daniel pinto . hilkiah . abraham scandale . iotham . mokiah gaspar . zedekiah . the counterfeit messiah of the iews at smyrna 1666 page . abraham-leon . achas . ephraim arditi . ioram . salom. carmona . achab. mat●ssia aschenesi . asa. meir alcaira . rehoboam . iacob loxas . ammon . mordecai iesserun . iehoachim . chain inegna . ieroboam . ioseph scavilla . abia conor nehemias . was zorobabel . ioseph del caire . named ioas. elcukin schavit . amasia . abraham rubio . josiah . elias sevi had the title of the king of the kings of kings . elias azar his vice king , or vizier . joseph sevi , the king of the kings of judah . joseph inernuch his vice-king . in this manner things ran to a strange heighth of madness amongst the jews at smyrna , where appeared such pageantry of grea●ness , that no comedy could equal the mock-shews they represented ; and though none durst openly profess any scruple , or doubt of this common received belief , yet for confirmation of the jews in their faith , and astonishment of the gentiles , it was judged no less than necessary that sabatai should shew some miracles whereby to evince to all the world that he was the true messiah : and as the present occasion seemed to require an evidence infallible of this truth , so it was daily expected by the vulgar , with an impatience sutable to humours disposed to novelty ; who out of every action and motion of their prophet began to fancy something extraordinary and supernatural . sabatai was now horribly puzzled for a miracle , though the imagination of the people was so vitiated that any legerdemain or slight of hand would have passed more easily with them for a wonder than moses striking the rock for water , or dividing the red sea : and an occasion happening that sabatai was , in behalf of his subjects , to appear before the cadi , or judge of the city , to demand ease , and relief of some oppressions which aggrieved them : it was thought necessary a miracle should now or never , when sabatai appearing with a formal and pharisaical gravity , which he had starcht on : some on a sudden avouched to see a pillar of fire between him and the cadi , which report presently was heard through the whole room , filled with jews that accompanied sabatai , some of whom , who strongly fancied it , vow'd , and swore they saw it ; others in the outward yard , or that could not come near to hear , or see for the crowd , as speedily ●ook the alarm , and the rumour ran , and belief receiv'd by the women and children at home in a moment , so that sabatai sevi returned to his house triumphant , fixed in the hearts of his people , who now needed no surther miracles to confirm them in their faith ▪ and thus was sabatai exalted , when no man was thought worthy of communication , who did not believe him to be the messiah : others were called kophrim , infidels , or hereticks , liable to the censure of excommunication , with whom it was not lawful so much as to eat : every man produced his treasure , his gold and jewels , offering them at the feet of sabatai , so that he could have commanded all all the wealth of smyrna , but he was too subtil to accept their money , lest he should render his design suspected by any act of covetousness . sabatai sevi having thus fully fixed himself in smyrna , and filled other places with rumours of his fame ; declared that he was called by god to visit constantinople , where the greatest part of his work was to be accomplisht ; in order whereunto , he privately ships himself , with some few attendants in a turkish saick , in the month of ianuary 1666. lest the crowd of his disciples , and such who would press to follow him , should endanger him in the eyes of the turks , who already began to be scandalized at the reports and prophesies concerning his person . but though sabatai took few into the vessel to him , yet a multitude of iews travelled over land to meet him again at constantinople , on whom all their eyes and expectations were intent . the wind proving northernly , as commonly it is in the hellespont and propontis ; sabatai was thirty nine days in his voyage , and yet the vessel not arriv'd , so little power had this messiah over the sea and winds , in which time news being come to constantinople that the iews messiah was near , all that people prepared to receive him with the same joy and impatience as was exprest in other parts where he arrived ; the great vizier ( then also at constantinople , being not yet departed on his expedition for candia ) having heard some rumours of this man , and the disorder and madness he had raised amongst the iews ; sent two boats , whilst the saick was detained by contrary winds , with commands to bring him up prisoner to the port , where accordingly sabatai being come , was committed to the most loathsome and darkest dungeon in in the town , there to remain in farther expectation of the viziers sentence , the iews were not at all discouraged at this ill treatment of their prophet , but rather confirmed in their belief of him , as being the accomplishment of the prophesie of those things which ought to precede his glory and dominion ; which consideration induc'd the chiefest persons amongst the iews to make their visits and addresses to him with the same ceremony and respect in the dungeon as they would have done had he then sat exalted on the throne of israel : several of them , with one anacago , by name , a man of great esteem amongst the jews , attended a whole day be●ore him ▪ with their eyes cast down , their bodies bending forward , and hands crost before them ( which are postures of humility , and service in the eastern countreys ) the undecency of the place , and present subjection , not having in the least abated their high thoughts , and reverence towards his person . the jews in constantinople were now become as mad and distracted as they were in other places , all trade and traffique forbidden , and those who owed money , in no manner careful how to satisfie it : amongst which wild crew some were indebted to our merchants at galata , who not knowing the way to receive their money , partly for their interest , and partly for curiosity thought fit to visit this sabatai complaining that such particular iews , upon his coming , took upon them the boldness to defraud them of their right , desired he would signifie to these his subjects , his pleasure to have satisfaction given : whereupon sabatai with much affectation took pen and paper , and wrote to this effect . to you of the nation of the iews , who expect the appearance of the messiah , and the salvation of israel , peace without end . whereas we are informed that you are indebted to several of the english nation : it seemeth right unto us to enorder you to make satisfaction to these your just debts : which if you refuse to do , and not obey us herein : know you , that then you are not to enter with us into our joys and dominions . in this manner sabatai sevi remained a prisoner at constantinople for the space of two months ; at the end of which the vizier having designed his expedition for candia ; and considering the rumor and disturbance the presence of sabatai had made already at constantinople ▪ thought it not secure to suffer him to remain in the imperial city , whil'st both the grand signior and himself were absent : and therefore changes his prison to the dardanelli , otherwise called the castle of abydos , being on the europe side of the hellespont opposite to sestos , places famous in greek poetry . this removal of sabatai from a worse prison to one of a better air , confirmed the jews with greater confidence of his being the messiah , supposing that had it been in the power of the vizier , or other officers of the t●rks , to have destroyed his person , they would never have permitted him to have lived to that time , in regard their maxims enforce them to quit all jealousies and suspicions of ruine to their state by the death of the party feared , which much rather they ought to execute on sabatai , who had not only declared himself the king of israel , but also published prophesies fatal to the grand signior and his kingdoms . with this consideration and others preceding , the jews flock in great number to the castle , where he was imprisoned , not only from the neighbouring parts , but also from polana , germany , legorn , v●nice , amsterdam , and other places where the jews reside : on all whom , as a reward of the expence , and labours of their pilgrimage , sabatai bestowed plenty of his benedictions , promising encrease of their store and enlargement of their possessions in the holy-land . and so great was the confluence of the jews to this place , that the turks thought it requi●ite to make their advantage thereof , and so not only raised the price of their provision , lodgings , and other necessaries , but also denied to admit any to the presence of sabatai , unless for money , setting the price sometimes at five , sometimes at ten dollars , or more or less a●cording as they guessed at their abilities , or zeal of the person , by which gam and advantage to the turks no complaints or advices were carried to adrianople , either of the concourse of people , or arguments amongst the jews in that place , but rather all civilities , and liberty indulged unto them , which served as a farther argument to ensnare this poor people in the belief of their messiah . during this time of confinement , sabatai had leisure to compose and institute a new method of worship for the jews , and principally the manner of the celebration of the day of his nativity , which he prescribed in this manner . brethren and my people , men of religion inhabiting the city of smyrna the renowned , where live men , and women , and families ; peace be unto you from the lord of peace , and from me his beloved son , king salomon . i command you that the ninth day of the month of ab ( which according to our account answered that year to the month of june ) next to come , you make a day of invitation , and of great joy , celebrating it with choice meats and pleasing drinks , with many candles and lamps , with mu●ick and songs , because it is the day of the birth of sabatai sevi , the high king above all kings of the earth . and as to matters of labour , and other things of like nature , do , as becomes you , upon a day of festival , adorned with your finest garments . as to your prayers , let the same order be used as upon festivals . to converse with christians on that day is unlawful , though your discourse be matters indifferent , all labour is forbidden , but to sound instruments is lawful . this shall be the method and substance of your prayers on this day of festival : after you have said , blessed be thou , o holy god! then proceed and say thou hast chosen us before all people , and hast loved us , and hast been delighted with us , and hast humbled us more than all other nations , and hast sanctified us with thy precepts , and hast brought us near to thy service , and the service of our king. thy holy , great , and terrible name thou hast published amongst us : and hast given us , o lord god , according to thy love times of joy , of festivals , and times of mirth , and this day of consolation for a solemn convocation of holiness , for the birth of our king the messiah , sabatai sevi thy servant , and first born son in love , through whom we commemorate our coming out of egypt . and then you shall read for your lessons , 1 , 2 , and 3. chapters of deut. to the 17. verse , appointing for the reading thereof five men in a perfect and uncorrupted bible , adding thereunto the blessings of the morning , as are prescribed for days of festival , and for the lesson out of the prophets usually read in the synagogue every s●●bath ; you shall read the 31 chapter of ieremiah . to your prayer called mustas ( used in the synagogue every sabbath and solemn festival ) you shall adjoyn that of the present festival ; in stead of the sacrifice of addition , of the returning of the bible to its place , you shall read with an audible voice , clear sound , the psalm 95. and at the first praises in the morning , after you have sung psalm 91. and just before you sing psalm 98 , you shall repeat psalm 132. but in the last verse , where it is said , as for his enemies i shall cloath them with shame , but upon himself shall his crown flourish ; in the place of ( upon himself ) you shall read upon the most high : after which shall follow the 126. psalm , and then the 113. to the 119. at the consecration of the wine upon the vigil , or eve , you shall make mention of the feast of consolation , which is the day of the birth of our king the messiah sabatai sevi thy servant , and first born son , giving the blessing as followeth : blessed be thou our god , king of the world , who hast made us to live , and hast maintain'd us , and hast kept us alive unto this time . upon the eve of this day you shall read also the 81 psalm , as also the 132. and 126. psalms , which are appointed for the morning praises . and this day shall be unto you for a remembrancer of a solemn day unto eternal ages , and a perpetual testimony between me , and the sons of israel . audite audiendo & manducate bonum . in hearing hear , and enjoy good . besides which order , and method of pray●●s for solemnization of his birth , he prescribed other rules for divine service , and particularly published the same indulgence and priviledge to every one who should pray at the tomb of his mother ; as is he had taken on him a pilgrimage to pray , and sacrifice at jerusalem . the devotion of the jews toward this pretended messiah increased still more and more , so that not only the chief of the city went to attend , and proffer their service toward him in the time of his imprisonment , but likewise decked their synagogue with s. s. in letters of gold , making for him on the wall a crown , in the circle of which was wrote the 91 psalm at length in fair and legible characters ; attributing the same titles to sabatai , and expounding the scriptures in the same manner in favour of his appearance , as we do of our saviour . however some of the jews rem●ined in their wits all this time , amongst which was a certain chocham at smyrna , one zealous of his law , and of the good and safety of his nation : and observing in what a wild manner the whole people of the jews was transported with the groundless belief of a messiah , leaving no tonly their trade , and co●rse of living , but publishing prophesies of a speedy kingdom , of rescue from the tyranny of the turk , and leading the grand signior himself cap●ive in chains ; matters so dangerous and obnoxious to the state wherein they lived , as might justly convict them of treason and rebellion , and leave them to the mercy of that justice , which on the least jealousie and suspicion of matters of this nature , uses ●o extirpate families , and subvert the mansion hou●es of their own people , much rather of the iews , on whom the turks would gladly take occasion to despoil them of their estates , and condemn the whole nation to perpetual slavery . and indeed it would have been a greater wonder than ever sabatai shewed , that the turks took no advantage from all these extravagances , to drain the iews of a considerable sum of money , and set their whole race in turky at a ransom , had not these passages yielded them matter of pastime , and been the subject of the turks laughter and scorn ; supposing it a dissparagement to the greatness of the ottoman empire , to be concerned for the r●●ors and combustions of this dispersed people . with these considerations this choch●m , that he might clear himself of the blood and guilt of his countrey-men , and concern'd in the common destruction , goes before the cadi , and there protests against the present doctrine ; declaring , that he had no hand in setting up of sabatai , but was an enemy both to him and to his whole sect. this freedom of the chocham so enraged and scandalized the jews that they judged no condemnation or punishment too severe against such an offender and blasphemer of their law , and holiness of the messiah ; and therefore with money and presents to the cadi , accusing him as disobedient in a capital nature to their government , obtained sentence against him , to have his beard shaved , and to be condemned to the gallies . there wanted nothing now to the appearance of the messiah , and the solemnity of his coming , but the presence of elias , whom the jews began to expect hourly ; and with that intention and earnestness , that every dream or phantasm to a weak head was judged to be elias ; it being taught , and averred , that he was seen in divers forms and shapes , not to be certainly discovered or known , before the coming of the messiah ; for this superstition is so far fixed amongst them , that generally in their families they spread a table for elias the prophet , to which they make an invitation of poor people , leaving the chief place for the lord elias , whom they believe to be invisibly present at the entertainment , and there to eat and drink , without diminution , either of the dishes , or of the cup. one person amongst the jews commanded his wife after a supper of this kind , to leave the cup filled with wine , and the meat standing all night , for elias to feast , and rejoyce alone ; and in the morning arising early , affirmed , that elias took his banquet so kindly , that in token of gratitude , and acceptance , he had replenished the cup with oyl , in stead of wine . it is a certain custom among the jews on the evening of the sabbath , to repeat certain praises of god ( called havaila ) which signifies a distinction , or separation of the sabbath from the prophane days ( as they call them ) which praises they observe to perform in this manner ; one takes a cup filled with wine , and drops it through the whole house , saying , elias the prophet , elias the prophet , elias the prophet , come quickly to us with the messiah , the son of god , and david ; and this they affirm to be so acceptable to elias , that he never fails to preserve that family , so devoted to him , and augment it with the blessings of increase . many other things the jews avouch of elias , so ridiculous , as are not fit to be declar'd , amongst which this one is not far from our purpose that at the circumcision there is always a chair set for elias , and sabatai sevi being once invited at smyrna to the circumcision of the first-born son of one abraham gutiere , a kinsman of sabatai , and all things ready for the ceremony , sabatai sevi exhorted the parents of the child to expect a while until his farther order : after a good half hour , sabatai order'd them to proceed and cut the prepuce of the child , which was instantly perform'd with all joy and satisfaction to the parents : and being afterwards demanded the reason why he retarded the performance of that function , his answer was , that elias had not as yet taken his seat , whom assoon as he saw placed , he ordered them to proceed ; and that now shortly elias would discover himself openly , and proclaim the news of the general redemption . this being the common opinion amongst the jews , and that sabatai sevi was the messiah , being become an article of faith , it was not hard to perswade them , that elias was come already , that they met him in their dishes , in the dark , in their bed-chambers , or any where else invisible , in the same manner as our common people in england believe of hobgoblins and fairies . for so it was , when solomon cremona , an inhabitant of smyrna , making a great feast , to which the principal jews of the city were invited , after they had eaten and drank freely , one starts from his seat , and avouches that he saw elias upon the wall , and with that bows to him , and complements him with all reverence and humility : some others having in like manner their fancies prepossessed , and their eyes with the fume of wine ill prepared to distinguish shadows , immediately agreed upon the object , & then there was not one in the company who would say he did not see him : at which surprize every one was struck with reverence and awe ; and the most eloquent amongst them , having their tongues loosed with joy , and wine , directed orations , encomiums , and acts of thankfulness to elias , courting and complementing him , as distracted lovers do the supposed presence of their mistresses . another jew at constantinople reported that he met elias in the streets , habited like a turk , with whom he had a long communication ; and that he enjoyn'd the observation of many neglected ceremonies , and particularly the zezit , numb . 15. v. 38. speak unto the children of israel , and bid them that they make fringes in the borders of their garments , throughout ▪ their generations , and that they pu● upon the fringe of the border a ribbon of blue . also the peos , levit. 19. v. 27. ye shall not round the corners of your head , nor marr the corners of your beard : this apparition of elias being believed as soon as published , every one began to obey the vision , by fringing their garments ▪ and for their heads , though always shaved , according to the turkish and eastern fashion , and that the suffering hair to grow , to men not accustomed , was heavy , and incommodious to their healths and heads ; yet to begin again to renew as far as was possible , the ancient ceremonies , every one nourished a lock of hair on each side , which might be visible beneath their caps ; which soon after began to be a sign of distinction between the believers and kophrims , a name of dishonour , signifying as much as vnbelievers ; or hereticks , given to those who confessed not sabatai to be the messiah ; which particulars , if not observed , it was declared , as a menace of elias , that the people of the jews , who come from the river sabation , as is specifyed in the second of esdras , chap. 13. shall take vengeance of those who are guilty of these omissions . but to return again to sabatai sevi himself , we find him still remaining a prisoner in the castle of abydos upon the hellespont , admired and adored by his brethren , with more honour than before , and visited by pilgrims from all parts where the fame of the coming of the messiah had arrived ; amongst which one from poland , named nehemiah cohen , was of special ●ote and renown , learned in the hebrew , syriack , and chaldee , and versed in the doctrine and kabal● of the rabbins , as well as sabatai himself , one ( of whom it was said ) had not this sevi anticipated the design , esteemed himself as able a fellow to act the part of a messiah as the other ; howsoever , it being now too late to publish any such pretence . sabatai having now eleven points of the law by possession of the office , and with that the hearts and belief of the jews , nehemiah was contented with some small appendage , or relation to messiah ; and therefore to lay his design the better , desired a private conference with sabatai : these two great rabbins being together , a hot dispute arose between them ; for cohen alledged that according to scripture , and exposition of the learned thereupon , there were to be two messiahs , one called ben ephraim , and the other ben david , the first was to be a preacher of the law , poor , and despised , and a servant of the second , and his fore-runner ; the other was to be great and rich , to restore the jews to jerusalem , to sit upon the throne of david , and to perform and act all those triumphs and conquests which were expected from sabatai . nehemiah was contented to be ben ephraim , the afflicted and poor messiah and sabatai ( for any thing i hear ) was well enough contented he should be so : but that nehemiah accused him for being too forward in publishing himself the latter messiah , before ben ephraim had first been known unto the world. sabatai took this reprehension so ill , either out of pride , and thoughts of his own infal●ibility , or that he suspected nehemiah , being once admitted for ben ephraim , would quickly ( being a subtile and learned person ) perswade the world that he was ben david , would by no means understand or admit of this doctrine or of ben ephraim for a necess●ry officer : and thereupon the dispute grew so hot , and the controversie so irreconcileable , as was taken notice of by the jews , and controverted amongst them as every one fancy'd : but sabatai being of greater authority , his sentence prevailed , and nehemiah was rejected , as schismatical , and an enemy to the messiah , which afterward proved the ruin and downfal of this imp●stor . for nehemiah being thus baffled , and being a person of authority , and a haughty spirit , meditated nothing but revenge ; to execute which to the full , he takes a journey to adrianople , and there informs the chief ministers of state , and officers of the court , who ( by reason of the gain the turks made of their prisoner at the castle on the hellespont ) heard nothing of all this concourse of people , and prophesies of the rovolt of the jews from their obedience to the grand signior ; and taking likewise to his council some certain discontented and unbelieving chochams . who being zealous for their nation , and jealous of the ill consequences of this long continued , and increasing madness , took liberty to inform the chimcham ( who was deputy of the great vizier then at candia ) that the jews , prisoner at the castle , called sabatai sevi , was a lewd person , and one who indeavoured to debauch the minds of the jews , and divert them from their honest course of livelihood , and obedience to the grand signior ; and that therefore it was necessary to clear the world of so factious and dangerous a spirit : the chimcham being thus informed , could do no less than acquaint the grand signior with all particulars of this mans condition , course of life , and doctrine ; which were no sooner understood , but a chiaux , or messenger , was immediately dispatched , to bring up sabatai sevi to adrianople . the chiaux executed his commission after the turkish fashion in haste , and brought sabatai in a few days to adrianople , without further excuse or ceremony ; not affording him an hours space to take a solemn farewel of his friends , his followers and adorers ; who now were come to the vertical point of all their hopes and expectations . the grand signior having by this time received divers informations of the madness of the jews , and the pretences of sabatai , grew big with desire and expectation to see him : so that he no sooner arrived at adrianople , but the same hour he was brought before the grand signior : sabatai appeared much dejected , and failing of that courage which he shewed in the synagogue ; and being demanded several questions in turkish by the grand signior , he would not trust so far to the vertue of his messiah-ship , as to deliver himself in the turkish language ; but desired a doctor of physick , ( who had from a jew turned turk , ) to be his interpreter , which was granted to him ; but not without reflection of the standers by ; that had he been the messiah , and son of god , as he formerly pretended , his tongue would have flown with variety as well as with the perfection of languages . but the grand signior would not be put off without a miracle , and it must be one of his own choice : which was , that sabatai should be stript naked , and set as a mark to his dexterous archers : if the arrows pierced not his body , but that his flesh and skin was proof like armour , then he would believe him to be the messiah , and the person whom god had designed to those dominions , and greatness , he pretended . but now sabatai not having faith enough to stand to so sharp a trial , renounced all his title to kingdoms and governments , alledging that he was an ordinary chocham , and a poor jew , as others were , and had nothing of priviledge , or vertue above the rest . the grand signior notwithstanding , not wholly satisfied with this plain confession , declared , that having given publique scandal to the professors of the mahometan religion , and done dishonour to his soveraign authority , by pretending to draw such a considerable portion from him , as the land of palestine ; his treason and crime was not to be expiated by any other means then by a conversion to the mahum●tan faith , which if he refus'd to do , the stake was ready at the gate of the seraglio to empale him . sabatai being now reduced to extremity of his latter game ; not being in the least doubtful what to do ; for to die for what he was assured was false , was against nature , and the death of a mad man : replied with much cheerfulness , that he was contented to turn turk , and that it was not of force , but of choice , having been a long time desirous of so glorious a profession , he esteemed himself much honoured , that he had opportunity to own it first in the presence of the grand signior . and here was the non plus ultra of all the bluster and noise of this vain impostor . and now the reader may be pleased to pause a while , and contemplate the strange point of consternation , shame , and silence to which the jews were reduc't , when they understood how speedily their hopes were vanished , and how poorly and ignominiously all their fancies and promises of a new kingdom , their pageantry , and offices of devotion , were past like a tale , or a midnights dream : and all this was concluded , and the jews sunk on a sudden , and fallen flat in their hopes , without so much as a line of comfort , or excuse from sabatai , more than in general , to all the brethren : that now they should apply themselves to their callings and services of god ▪ as formerly , for that matters relating unto him were finished and the sentence past . the news that sabatai was turned t●rk , and the messiah to a mahumetan , quickly filled all parts of turky . the iews were strangely surprized at it , and ashamed of their easie belief of the arguments with which they had perswaded one the other , and of the proselytes they had made in their own families . abroad they became the common derision of the towns where they inhabited : the boys hou●ed after them , coyning a new word at smyrna ( ponslai ) which every one seeing a jew , with a finger pointed out , would pronounce with scorn and contempt : so that this deceived people for a long time after remained with confusion , silence , and dejection of spirit . and yet most of them affirm that sabatai is not turned turk , but his shadow only remains on earth , and walks with a white head , and in the habit of a mahumetan : but that his natural body and soul are taken into heaven , there to reside untill the time appointed for accomplishment of these wonders ; and this opinion began so commonly to take place , as if this people resolved never to be undeceived , using the forms and rules for devotion prescribed them by their mahumetan messiah : insomuch that the chochams of constantinople , fearing the danger of this error might creep up and equal the former , condemned the belief of sabatai being messiah , as damnable , and enjoyned them to return to the antient method and service of god upon pain of excommunication . the style and tenure of them was as followeth , to you who have the power of priest-hood , and are the knowing learned , and magnanimous governours and princes , residing in the city of smyrna , may the almighty god protect you , amen : for so is his will. these our letters which we send in the midst of your habitations , are upon occasion of certain rumours and tumults come to our cars from that city of your holiness . for there is a sort of men amongst you , who fortifie themselves in their error , and say , let such a one , our king , live , and bless him in their publique synagogues every sabbath day : and also adjoyn psalms and hymns , invented by that man for certain days , with rules and methods for prayer , which ought not to be done , and yet they will still remain obstinate therein ; and now behold it is known unto you , how , many swelling waters have passed over our souls for his ●●ke , for had it not been for the mercies of god , which are without end , and the merit of our foref●●●ers , which have assisted us , the foot of israel had been 〈◊〉 out by their enemies . and yet you conti●u● ob●ti●ate in things which do not help , but rather do mischief , which god avert . turn you therefore , for this is not the true way , but restore the crown to the ancient custom and use of your forefathers , and the law , and from thence do not move ; we command you that with your authority , under pain of excommunication , and other penalties , that all those ordinances and prayers , as well those delivered by the mouth of that man , as those which he enjoyned by the mouth of others , be all abolished and made void , and to be found no more , and that they never enter more into your hearts , but judge according to the ancient commandment of your forefathers , repeating the same lessons and prayers every sabbath , as hath been accustomary , as also collects for kings , potentates , and anointed , &c. and bless the king , sultan mahomet , for in his days hath great salvation been wrought for israel , and become not rebels to his kingdom , which god forbid . for after all this which is past , the least motion will be a cause of jealousie , and you will bring ruine upon your own persons , and upon all which is near and dear to you , wherefore abstain from the thoughts of the man , and let not so much as his name proceed out of your mouths . for know if you will not obey us herein , which will be known , who , and what those men are , who refuse to conform unto us , we are resolved to prosecute them , as our duty is . he that do●h hear , and obey us , may the blessing of god rest upon him . these are the words of those who seek your peace and good , having in constantinople , on sunday the fifth of the month sevat , under-wrote their names . joam tob son of chananiah ben. jacar . isaac alnacagna . joseph kazabi . manasseh barndo . kalib son of samuel . eliezer castie . eliezer gherson . joseph accohen . eliezer aluff . during the time of all these transactions and passages at constantinople , smyrna , ahydos upon the hellespont , and adrianople , the jews leaving their merchantly course , and advices , what prizes commodities bear , and matters of traffick , stuffed their letters for italy and other parts , with nothing but wonders and miracles wrought by their false messiah . as then when the grand signior sent to take him , he caused all the messengers immediately to die , upon which other ianizaries being again sent , they all fell dead with a word only from his mouth ; and being desired to revive them again , he immediately recall'd them to life ; but of them only such who were true turks , and not those who had denied that faith in which they were born , and had profest . after this they added , that he went voluntarily to prison , and though the gates were barred and shut with strong looks of iron , yet that sabatai was seen to walk through the streets with a numerous attendance , and when they said shackles on his neck and feet , they not only fell from him , but were converted into gold , with which he gratified his true and faithful believers and disciples . some miracles also were reported of nathan , that only at reading the name of any particular man or woman , he would immediately recount the story of his , or her life , their sins or defaults , and accordingly impose just correction and penance for them . these strong reports coming thus confidently into italy and all parts , the iews of casel di montserrato resolved to send three persons in behalf of their society , in the nature of extraordinary legates to smyrna , to make inquity after the truth of all these rumours , who accordingly arrived in smyrna , full of expectation and hopes , intending to present themselves with great humility and submission before their messiah and his prophet nathan , were entertain'd with the sad news , that sabatai was turned turk , by which information the character of their embassy in a manner ceasing , every one of them laying aside the formality of his function , endeavoured to lodge himself best to his own convenience . but that they might return to their brethren at home , with the certain particulars of the success of these affairs , they made a visit to the brother of sabatai ; who still continued to perswade them , that sabatai was notwithstanding the true messiah , that it was not he who had taken on him the habit and sorm of a turk , but his angel or spirit , his body being ascended into heaven , until god shall again see the season , and time to restore it ; adding further , that an effect hereof they should see by the prophet nathan , certified , now every day expected , who having wrought miracles in many places , would also for their consolation , reveal hidden secret● unto them with which they should not only remain satisfied , but astonished . with this only hope of nathan , these legates were a little comforted , resolving to attend his arrival , in regard they had a letter to consign into his hands , and according to their instructions , were to demand of him the grounds he had for his prophesies , and what assurance he had , that he was divinely inspir'd , and how these things were reveal'd unto him , which he had committed to paper , and dispersed to all parts of the world. at length nathan arrives near smyrna , on friday the third of march , towards the evening , and on sunday these legates made their visit to him : but nathan , upon news of the success of his beloved messiah , began to grow sullen and reserved ; so that the legates could scarce procure admittance to him ; all that they could do was to inform him , that they had a letter to him from the brother-hood of italy ▪ and commission to confer with him concerning the foundation and authority he had for his prophesies ; but nathan refused to take the letter , ordering kain abol●sio a chocham of the city of smyrna to receive it ; so that the legates returned ill contented , but yet with hopes at nathans arrival at smyrna to receive better satisfaction . but whil'st nathan intended to enter into smyrna , the chochams of constantinople , being before advised of his resolution to take a journey into their parts , not knowing by which way he might come , sent their letters and orders to smyrna , prussia , and every way round , to hinder his passage , and interrupt his journey ; fearing that things beginning now to compose , the turks appèas'd for the former disorders , and the minds of the iews in some manner setled , might be moved , and combustions burst out afresh , by the appearance of this new impostor ; and therefore dispatchéd this letter as followeth . to you who are the shepherds of israel , and rulers , who reside for the great god of the whole world , in the city of smyrna , which is mother in israel ▪ to her princes , her priests , her judges , and especially to the perfect wise men and of great experience , may the lord god cause you to live before him , and delight in the multitude of peace , amen , so be the will of the lord. these our letters are dispatched unto you , to let you understand , that in the place of your holiness , we have heard the learned man , which was in gaza , called nathan benjamin , hath published vain doctrines , and made the world tremble at his words and inventions : and that at this time we have received advice , that this man some days since , departed from gaza , and took his journey by the way of scanderoon , intending there to imbark for smyrna , and thence to go to constantinople or adrianople : and though it seem a strange thing unto us , that any man should have a de●ire to throw himself into a place of flames and fire , and into the sparks of hell ; notwithstanding we ought to fear , and suspect it ; for the feet of man always guide him to the worst : wherefore we under-written do advertise you , that this man coming within the compass of your jurisdiction , you give a stop to his journey , and not suffer him to proceed farther , but presently to return back . for we would have you know , that at his coming , he will again begin to move those tumults , which have been caused through the imaginations of a new kingdom ; and that miracles are not to be wrought every day . god forbid that by his coming the people of god should be destroyed in all places where they are , of which he will be the first , whose blood be upon his own head : for in this conjuncture , every little error or fault is made capital . you may remember the danger of the first combustion : and it is very probable that he will be an occasion of greater , which the tongue is not able to express with words . and therefore by vertue of ours , and your own authority , you are to hinder him from proceeding farther in his journey , upon pain of all those excommunications which our law can impose , and to force him to return back again , both he and his company . but if he shall in any manner oppose you , and rebel against your word , your indeavours and law are sufficient to hinder him , for it will be well for him and all israel . for the love of god , let these words enter into your ears , since they are not vain things ; for the lives of all the iews and his also , consist therein . and the lordgod behold from heaven and have pitty upon his people israel , amen . so be his holy will : written by those who seek your peace . joam tob , son of chanania jacar , caleb son of chocham , samuel deceased . moise benveniste , isaac alce-nacagne , joseph kazabi , samuel acaz sine , moise barndo . elihezer aluff . jehoshuah raphael . benveniste . by these means nathan being disappointed of hi● wandring progress , and partly ashamed of the even of things , contrary to his prophesie , was resolve● without entring smyrna , to return again : howsoeve● he obtained leave to visit the sepulchre of his mother , an● there to receive pardon of his sins ( according to the institution of sabatai before mentioned ) but first washed himself in the sea , in manner of purification , and said his tephilla , or prayers , at the fountain , called by us the fountain sancta veneranda , which is near to the cymetry of the iews , and then departed for xio , with two companions , a servant , and three turks to conduct him , without admitting the legates to audience , or answering the letter which was sent him , from all the communitiēs of the jews in italy . and thus the embassie of these legates was concluded , and they returned from the place from whence they came , and the jews again to their wits , following their trade of merchandize and brokage as formerly , with more quiet and advantage , than the means of regaining their possessions in the land of promise . and thus ended this mad phre●sie amongst the jews , which might have cost them dear , had not sabatai renounc't his messiahship at the feet of mabom●t . these matters were transacted in the years 1665 & 1666 , since which sabatai hath passed his time devoutly in the ottoman court educated at the feet of the learned gamaliel of the turkish law that is , vanni effendi , preacher to the seraglio , or as we ●ay so term him chaplain to the sultan , one so literate as to be esteemed the grand oracle of their religion , so precise and conceited of his own sanctity as a pharisee and so superstitious that nothing seemed more to unhallow his worship than the touch or approach of a christian. to this master sabatai was a most docil scholar , and profited , as we may imagine , beyond measure in the turkish doctrine , so that in exchange of such impr●ssions , vanni thought it no disparagement from so great a rabbin as his new disciple , to learn something of the iewish rites and rectify those crude notions he had conceived of the mosaical law ; in this manner sabatai passed his days in the turkish court , as some time moses did in that of the egyptians , and perhaps in imitation of him , cast his eyes , often on the afflictions of his brethren , of whom during his life he continued to profess himself a deliverer , but with that care and caution of giving scandal to the turks , that he declared unless their nation became like him , that is , renounce the shadows , and imperfect elements of the mosaical law , which will be compleated by adherence to the mahumetan , and such other additions as his inspired wisdom should suggest , he should never be able to prevail with god for them , or conduct them to the holy land of their forefathers : hereupon many iews flocked in , some as far as from babylon . ierusalem and other remote places , and casting their caps on the ground in presence of the grand signior , voluntarily professed themselves mahumetans : sabatai himself by these proselytes gaining ground in the esteem of the turks , had priviledge granted him to visit familiarly his brethren , which he imployed in circumcising their children the 8 h day according to the precept of moses , preaching his new doctrines by which he confirmed many in their faith of his being the m●ssiah and ●tar●led all with expectation of what these strange ways of enthusiasm may produce , but none durst publickly own him , lest they should displease the turks , and the iews , and incur the danger of excommunication from one , and the gallows from the other . howsoever in ianuary 1672 appeared another bold impostor amongst the iews in smyrna from morea , as it was said , or not known from whence , who in despight of sabatai , and his own governours , pretended to be the messiah ; but with so petty and inconsiderable a deluder as this , the jews thought to make quick work , but being ashamed at first to bring another messiah on the stage by help of money they accused him of adultery , and procured a sentence from the kadi , condemning him to the gallies ; in order unto which , and i● proof of his good behaviour , he remained some time in prison , in which interim he found means to clear himself of that crime by open evidence to the contrary , and had for the present escaped out of the power of the synagogue had not their authority and money prevailed more than the friends and disciple of this impostor ; so that he was still detained in prison , and sabatai sevi continued in the house of pharaoh or the grand sign●or , where he remained till the year 1676 , and then died . the fatal and final extirpation and destruction of the jews out of the empire of persia , begun in 1663. and continuing till 1666 , and the occasion thereof . you have heard in the foregoing story from what glorious expectations the whole nation of the jews were precipitated by the impostorious ▪ but improsperous villany of their late pretended messiah : you will in this relation perceive farther , how signally the hand of almighty god ( about the same time ) went out to their yet greater shame and extermination : and if any thing were capable to reduce that miserably deluded people ▪ certainly one would think these continu'd frowns , and accents of his displeasure against all their interprises ; as , it ought to confirm the truth of the christian profession so it should even constrain them to hasten to it ; for ▪ the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . in the reign of the famous abas , sophy of persia , and grand-father to the present emperor , the nation being low , and somewhat exhausted of inhabitants , it entred into the mind of this prince ( a wise and prudent man , and one who exceedingly studied the benefit of his subjects ) to seek some expedient for the revival and improvement of trade , and by all manner of priviledges and immunities to encourage other contiguous nations to negotiate and trade amongst them ▪ and this project he fortified with so many immunities , and used them so well who came , that repairing from all parts to his country , in a short time the whole kingdom was filled with multitudes of the most industrious people and strangers that any way bordered on him . it happened , that amongst those who came , innumerable flocks of jews ran thither from all their dispersions in the east ; attracted by the gain , which they universally make where evere they set footing , by their innate craft . sacred avarice , and the excessive extorti●ns which they continually practise . and it was not many years but by this means , they had so impoverished the rest , and especially the natural subjects of persia , that the clamor of it reached to the ears of the emperour ; and indeed it was intolerable , for even his own exchequer began to be sensible of it , as well as his peoples purses , and estates , which they had almost devoured . how to repress this inormity , and remedy this inconvenience , without giving vmbrage to the rest of those profitable strangers now setled in his dominions , by falling severely upon the jews on the sudden , he long consulted ; and for that end call'd to his advice his chief ministers of state , the musti , and expounders of the law. after much dispute 't was at last found , that the jews had already long since forfeited their lives by the very text of the alcoran ; where it is express'd , that if within 600 years from the promulgation of that religion , they did nor u●iversally come in , and profess the mahumetan faith , they should be destroyed . the zealous emperor would immediately have put this edict in execution ; but , by the interc●ssion of the musti , and the rest of the doctors , 't was thought fit to suspend it for the present : but that these growing evils might in time have a period ; his majesty commanded that all the chochammi , rabbins , and chief amongst the jews , should immediately appear before his tribunal , and make answer to some objections that were to be propounded to them . the iews being accordingly convened , the sophy examines them about several passages of their law , and particularly concerning the prophet moses , and those rites of his which seemed to have been so long annihilated amongst them , since the coming of isai ( for so they call iesus ) after whom they pretend their mahomet was to take place , and all other predictions to determine . the iews much terrified with the manner of these interrogatories , and dubious what the meaning and drift of them might signifie , told the emperor ; that for christ they did not believe in him , but that they expected a messiah of their own to come , who should by his miraculous power deliver them from their oppressors and subdue all the world to his obedience . at this reply the sophy appe●red to be much incensed : how ! says he , do you not then believe christ , of whom our very alcoran makes so honourable mention ? as that he was the spirit of god , sent down from him , and returning to him , &c. if we believe him , why do not you ? what say you for your selves , you incredulous wretches ? the confounded jews perceiving the emperour thus provoked , immediatly prostrated themselves on the ground , humbly supplicating him to take pity on his slaves , who acknowledged themselves altogether unable to dispute with his majesty , that for the christians , they seemed indeed to them to be gross idolaters ? men who did not worship god but a c●ucified malefactor , and a deceiver , which still the more displeased the sophy ; not induring they should so blaspheme a person for whom their alcoran had so great reverence : however , for the present he dis●embles his resentmemt ; t is well says he , you do not believe , the god of the christians : but tell me , what think you 〈◊〉 our great prophet mahomet ▪ this demand exceedingly perplexed them , not knowing what to reply : and indeed it was contrived on pu●pos● that convincing them of blasphemy ( as they esteemed it ) against their prophet the sophy might find a specious and legal pretence toruine and destroy them without giving any jealousie or suspicion to the rest of the strangers , who were trafficking in his country , of several other religions , but who were not in the least obnoxious to his displeasure . after along pause & secret conference with ōne another , it was at last resolved among them , that though they had deny'd christ , they would yet say nothing positively against mahomet : therefore they told the emperour ; though their religion forbad them to believe any prophet save moses , &c. yet they did not hold mahomet for a false prophet , in as much as he was descended of ismael the son of abraham ; and that they desired to remain his majesties humble vassals and slaves , and craved his pitty on them . the sophy easily perceiving the cunning and wary subterfuge of their reply told them ; this should not serve their turn : that they were a people of dissolute principles , and that under pretence of their long expected messiah they persisted in a false religion , and kept off from proselyting to the true belief ; and therefore required of them to set a positive time when their messiah was to appear ; for that he would support them no longer who had impos'd on the world and cheated his people now so many years ; but withal assuring them that he would both pardon & protect them for the time they should assign , provided they did not go about to abuse him by any incompetent procrastinations , but assign the year precisely of his coming ; when if accordingly he did not appear , they were sons of death , and should all of them either renounce their faith , or be certainly destroy'd , and their estates confiscated . the poor iews , though infinitely confounded with this unexpected demand , and resolution of the sophy ; after a second consultation among themselves , ( which the emperour granted , ) contriv'd to give him this answer : that according to their books and prophecies , their messiah should infallibly appear within seventy years ; prudently ( as they thought ) believing , that either the emperour or they should be all of them dead before that time ; and that , in the interim , such alterations might emerge , as all this would be forgotten , or averted ; and that at the worst , a good sum of money would reverse the sentence . but that something was of necessity to be promised to satisfie his present humorous zeal . the emperour accepts of the answer , and immediately causes it to be recorded in form of a solemn stipulation between them ; that in case there were no news of their messiah within the seventy years assign'd ( to which of grace , he added five more ) they should either turn mahumetans , or their whole nation utterly be destroyed throughout persia , and their substance confiscated : but with this clause also inserted ; that if their messiah did appear within that period , the emperour would himself be obliged to become a iew , and make all his subjects so with him ; this drawn ( as we said ) in form of an instrument , was reciprocally sign'd and seal'd on both parts , and the iews for the present dismiss'd ; with the payment yet of no less than two millions of gold ( as my author affirms ) for the favour of this long indulgence . since the time of this amperor abas , to the present sophy now reigning there are not only these 70 years past but 115 expired ; during which the persians have been so molested by the turks and by continual war in the east-indies , &c. that the succeeding princes no more minded this stipulation of their predecessors , till by a wonderful accident in the reign of the second abas , ( father of him who now governs ) ● person extreamly curious of antiquities , searching one day amongst the records of his palace . there was found this writing in the iournal of his father , intimating what had so solemnly pass'd between him and the chiefs of the jews in the name of their whole nation . upon this the sophy instantly summons a council , produces the instrument before them , and requires their advice , what was to be done ; and the rather , for that there began now to be great whispers , and some letters had been written to them from merchants out of turkey of the motions of a pretended messiah , which was the famous sabatai : this so wrought with the emperor and his council , that with one voice , and without longer pause , they immediately conclude upon the destruction of the jews , and that this wicked generation of impostors and oppressors of his people were no longer to be indured upon the earth . in order to this resolution proclamations are issu'd out and publish'd to the people , and to all that were strangers and inhabitants amongst them , impowering them to fall immediately upon the jews in all the persian dominions , and to put to the sword man , woman and child , but such as should forthwith turn to the mahumetan belief : and to seize on their goods and estates without any remorse or pitty . this cruel and bloody arrest was accordingly put ●n execution first at ispahan , and suddenly afterwards in all the rest of the cities and towns of persia. happy was he that could escape the fury of the inraged people , who by vertue of the publique sentence grounded upon the declared stipulation , and now more encouraged by the dwindling of their pretended messiah , had no commiseration on them , but slew and made havock of them , wherever they could find a jew through all their vast territories ; falling upon the spoil , and continuing the carnage to their utter extermination ; nor did the persecution cease for several years , beginning from about sixty three till sixty six , at ispahan , the cities and countries of seyra , ghelan , humadan , ardan , tauris , and in sum , through the whole empire , without sparing either sex or age ; excepting ( as was said ) such as turned mahumetans , or escaped through the desarts into turkey , india , and other far distant regions , and that without hopes of ever re-establishing themselves for the future in persia , the hatred of that people being so deadly and irreconcileable against them . and in truth this late action and miscarriage of their pretended messiah has rendred them so universally despicable , that nothing but a determined obstinacy , and an evident and judicial malediction from heaven could possibly continue them in that prodigious blindness out of which yet , god , of his infinite mercy , one day , deliver them , that they may at last see and believe in him whom they have pierced ; and that so both iew and gentile may make one flock under that one shepherd and bishop of our souls , iesus christ the true messiah . amen . the epistle of king agbarus to our saviour iesus christ , with our saviours answer . i know not how better to fill up the following vacant pages , than by adding this notable relation mentioned by the famous historian , eusebius in his fi●st book of ecclesiastical history which followeth in these words . after the divinity of our lord and saviour jesus christ was made manifest to all men , by the working of miracles , he drew unto him an innumerable company of strangers , who dwelt far distant from judea , and were afflicted with divers diseases , and maladies , hoping of him to recover their health ; among which number king agbarus governour of the famous nations inhabiting beyond the river euphrates , being grievously diseased in body , and judged incurable by the skill of men , hearing the renowned fame of iesus , and the wonderful works that he wrought in all places he petitioned to him by letters , humbly desiring deliverance from his disease , iesus ( though not presently ) yielding to his petition vouchsafed to answer him by an epistle , that he would shortly send one of his disciples who should cure his malady , and not only his but all that belonged to him , which promise he in a short time performed ; for after his resurrection from the dead and ascension into heaven , thomas one of the twelve apostles sent his brother thaddeus ( who was reckoned among the seventy disciples of christ ) by divine inspiration unto the city of edessa , to be a preacher and evangelist of the doctrine of christ by whom all things which concerned the promise of our saviour were performed ; and for the further confirmation hereof , the letters themselves are recorded in the monuments of the princely city of edessa , and inrolled in the publick registry there among things of antiquity acted about the time of king agbarus , and preserved unto this day ; and i know no reason why we may not give you the very letters themselves , as they were copied out of the registry ; and translated by us out of the syrian tongue . the epistle of agbarus to our saviour . agbarus , governour of edessa unto iesu the good saviour shewing himself in ierusalem , sendeth greeting . i have heard of thee and thy cures , which thou hast done without medicines or herbs ; for as the report goeth , thou makest the blind to see , the lame to go , the lepers thou cleansest , evil spirits and devils thou castest our , the long diseased thou restorest to health , and raisest the dead to life . when i heard these strange tidings concerning thee , i imagined with my self , one of these two things ; that thou art either a god come from heaven and performest these matters , or else the son of god that bringest these things to pass . wherefore by these my letters , i beseech thee , to take the pains to come unto me , and that thou wilt cure me of this my grievous malady wherewith i am sore vexed . i have heard moreover that the jews murmur against thee , and go about to destroy thee , i have here a little city and an honest , which will suffice us both . our saviours answers to agbarus . agbarus blessed art thou , because thou hast believed in me when thou sawest me not , for it is written of me , that they which see me shall not believe in me , that they which see me not may believe and be saved ; concerning what thou writest unto me that i should come unto thee , i let thee understand that all things touching my message are here to be fulfilled , and after the fulfilling thereof , i am to return again to him that sent me ; but after my assumption i will send one of my disciples unto thee , who shall cure thy malady , and restore life unto thee , and them that be with thee . these epistles eusebius affirms he translated out of the records of edessa written in the syrian tongue , in which records it afterwards followed ; that when iesus was taken up , iudas who is also called thomas , sent unto him thaddeus the apostle , one of the seventy , who when he arrived remained with one tobias the son of tobias ; when the fame of him was spread abroad , and that he was made manifest by the miracles which he wrought , it was signified to agbarus , that thaddeus the apostle of iesus , of whom he wrot in his epistle was come , and that this thaddeus through the power of god began to cure every disease and malady , so that all men greatly marvelled ; agbarus hearing of the mighty and wonderful works which he wrought , and that he healed in the name and power of iesus , was confirmed that this was he of whom iesus had written saying , after my ascension i will send one of my disciples unto thee who shall cure thy malady . he then sent for tobias where thaddeus lodged , and said unto him , i hear say that a certain mighty man who came from ierusalem so journeth with thee , and cureth many in the name of iesus ; tobias replied , yea my lord , there came a certain stranger and lodged at my house who hath done many wonderful things ; to whom the king said , bring him unto me . tobias returning to thaddeus said unto him , agbarus the governor sent for me , and commanded me to bring thee unto him , that thou maist cure his disease ; thaddeus answered i go , for it is for his sake that i am sent thus mightily to work ; tobias rising betimes the next day went with him to agbarus . as he came in even upon his entrance , the countenance of thaddeus appeared very glorious to agbarus , in the presence of his chief men , upon which the king gave him so much reverence that all there present marvelled thereat , for none of them saw the glory save agbarus only , who discoursed with thaddeus , and said , art thou of a truth a disciple of iesus the son of god , who made me this promise , i will send unto thee one of my disciples who shall cure thy disease , and shew life unto thee and all thine ? to whom thaddeus answered , because thou hast greatly believed in the lord iesus that sent me , therefore am i sent unto thee , and if thou still continue to believe in him , thou shalt obtain thy hearty petitions according to thy faith ; agbarus replied , i have so firmly believed in him that i could have found in my heart utterly to have destroyed the iews who crucified him , were not the roman empire an hindrance to my design , thaddeus said . our lord and god , jesus christ , fulfilled the will of his father , which being finished he is ascended unto him ; agbarus answered , and i have believed in him and in his father ; therefore , said thaddeus , in the name of the same lord jesus , i lay my hand upon thee ; which when he had done he forthwith cured him of his malady , and delivered him from the pain wherewith he was sore afflicted ; agbarus was hereat astonished , and that as it was reported to have of jesus , so he now found it true by his disciple and apostle thaddeus ; that he was cured without the virtue of herbs or medicines , and not only he , but also abdus the son of abdus grieved with the gout , who falling at the feet of thaddeus recovered his former health by the laying on of hands ? he likewise cured many more of his fellow citizens , and wrought sundry miraculous things , preaching the word of god. then agbarus proceeded to discourse with him saying , thou thaddeus through the power of god dos● these things , and we have thee in admiration , i pray thee therefore further to expound unto me the coming of iesus how he was made man and by what might and power he brought such things as we have heard of to pass ; at this season , replyed thaddeus , i will be silent , though i am sent to preach the word , but to morow call together all thy people and citizens , and i will then preach and shew to them the word of god , and sow the word of life ; and teach them the manner of his coming , how he was made man , of his message , and to what end he was sent from the father , of his miracles and mysteries declared to the world , and his power in bringing mighty things to pass ; likewise his new preaching , and how low mean and humble he seemed as to outward appearance , how he humbled himself , died , and vailed his divinity , what great things he suffered of the iews ▪ how he was crucified and descended into hell , ren● that hedge and midwall which was never severed before , and raised the dead who of a long time had slept , how he descended alone , but ascended to the father accompanied with many , how he fi●eth in glory at the right hand of god the father in heaven , and last of all , how he shall come again with glory and power to judge both the quick and the dead . when the morning was come , agbarus commanded his citizens to be assembled , to hear the sermon of thaddeus , which being ended , he ordered that gold both coined and uncoined should be given unto him ; but he received it not , saying , insomuch as we have forsaken our own , how can we receive the goods of other men ? these things , saith eusebius , were done in the forty third year after christ ; which being translated word for word out of the syrian tongue , he thought good to publish . finis . a catalogue of books printed for nath. crouch at the bell in the poultrey near cheapside . history . i. englands monarchs : or , a compendious relation of the most remarkable transactions , from iulius caesar to this present ; adorned with poems , and the picture of every monarch from king william the conqueror , to the third year of k. william and q mary . with a list of the nobility ; the knights of the garter ; the number of the lords and commons , who have votes in both houses of parliament : and many other useful particulars . price one shilling ii. the wars in england , scotland and ireland ; containing a particular and impartial account of all the battels , sieges , and other remarkable transactions , revolutions and accidents which happened from the beginning of the reign of k. charles i. 1625. to his majesties happy restauration ; the illegal tryal of k charles i at large , with his last speech at his suffering . and the most considerable matters till 1660. with pictures of several a●cidents . price one shilling . iii. historical remarks and observations of the antient and present state of london and wes●minster ; shewing the foundations . walls , gates , towers , bridges , churches , rivers , wards , halls , companies , government , courts , hospitals , schools , inns of court , charters , franchises , and priviledges thereof ; with an account of the most remarkable accidents , as to wars , fires , plagues , and other occurrences , for above 903 years past , in and about these ( ities , to the year 1681. illustrated with pictures , and the arms of 65 companies of london , and the time of their incorporating . price one shilling . iv. admirable curiosities , ●arities and wonders in england scotland and ireland ; or an account of many remarkable persons and places ; and likewise of the battles , seiges , prodigious e●rthquakes , tempests , 〈◊〉 , thunders , lightnings , fires , murders and other considerable occurrences and ac●●●ents for , many hu●●●●● years past . together with the natural and artifi●●●● rarities in every county in england , with several cu●ious sculptures . price one shilling . v. the history of the kingdoms of scotland and ireland , containing , 1. an a●count of the most remarkable transactions and revolutions in scotland for above 1200 years past , during the reigns of 68 kings , from 424. to k. iames the first in 1602. 2. the history of ireland from the conquest thereof to this time ; with the miraculous persons and places , strange accidents , &c. and a list of the nobility and great officers of state in both kingdoms . illustrated with several pictures of some extraordinary observables . price one shilling . vi. the english empire in america , or a prospect of his majesties dominions in the west-indies , namely , new found-land , new england , new-york , new-iersey , pensylvania , mary-land , virginia , carol●na , bermuda's , barbuda , anguilla , monserrat , dominica , st. vincent , antego , mevis or nevis , st. christophers , barbadoes , and iamaica ; with an account of their discovery , scituation and product ; the religion and manners of the indians , and other excellencies of these countreys ; to which is prefixed a relation of the first discovery of this new-world , and of the remarkable voyages , and adventures of sebastian cabot , sir martin frobisher , captain davies , capt. weymouth , capt. hall , captain hudson , sir thomas cavendish , the earl of cumberland , sir walter rawleigh , and other english worthies to divers places therein . illustrated with maps and pictures of the strange fruits , birds , beasts , fishes , insects , serpents , and mon●●●●● found in those parts of the world. price one shilling . vii . a view of the english acquisitions in guinea and the east-indies . with an account of the religion , government , wars , strange customs , beasts , serpents , monsters , and other observables in those countreys . and among others , the life and death of mahomet the grand impostor , with the principal doctrines of the turkish religion as they are display'd in the alcoran . two letters , one written by the great mogul , and the other by the king of sumatra in the east-indies , to our k. iames i. of an unusual and extravagant stile ; the cruel executions in those parts ; with the manner of the womens burning themselves with their dead husbands . together with a description of the isle of st. helena ; and the bay of souldania where the english usually refresh in their voyages to the indies . intermixt with pleasant relations , and enlivened with pictures . price one shilling . viii . the english heroe : or , sir francis drake revived . being a full account of the dangerous voyages , admirable adventures , notable discoveries , and magnanimous atchievements of that valiant and renowned commander . as , i. his voyage in 1572. to nombre de dios in the west indies , where they saw a pile of bars of silver near seventy foot long , ten foot broad , and twelve foot high . ii his incompassing the whole world in 1577. which he performed in two years and ten months , gaining a vast quantity of gold and silver . iii. his voyage into america in 1585. and taking the towns of st. iago , st. domingo , carthagena , and st. augustine . iv. his last voyage into those countreys in 1595. with the manner of his death and burial . revised , corrected , very much inlarged , reduced into chapters with contents , and beautified with pictures . by r. b. price one shilling . ix . two journeys to ierusalem , containing first , an account of the travels of two english pilgrims some years since , and what admi●able accidents befel them in their journey to ierusalem , grand cairo , alexandria , &c. 2. the travels of 14 english merchants in 1669. from scanderoon to tripoly , ioppa , ramah , ierusalem , bethlehem iericho , the river of iordan , the lake of sodom and gomorrah , and back again to aleppo . to which is added , a relation of the great council of the iews assembled in the plains of ajayday in hungary 1650. to examine the scriptures concerning christ. by s. b. an english-man there present : with the notorious delusion of the iews , by a counterfeit messiah , or false christ at smyrna in 1666 ▪ and the event thereof . lastly , the extirpation of the iews throughout persia in 1666. epistle of king agba●us to our saviour with our saviour's answer ; beautified with pictures . price one shilling . x. extraordinary adventures of several famous men ; with the strange events , and signal mutations and changes in the fortunes of divers illustrious places and persons in all ages ; being an account of a multitude of stupendious revolutions , accidents , and observable matters in divers states , and provinces throughout the whole world . with pictures . price one shilling . xi . the history of the nine worthies of the world ; three whereof were gentiles ; 1. hector son of priamus king of troy. 2. alexander the great king of macedon and conqueror of the world. 3. iulius caesar first emperor of rome . three jews . 4. ioshua captain general and leader of israel into canaan . 5. david king of israel . 6. iudas maccabeus a valiant iewish commander against the tyranny of antiochus . three christians . 7. arthur king of ●rittain , who couragiously defended his countrey against the saxons . 8. charles the great k. of france and emperor of germany ; 9. godfrey of bullen king of ierusalem . being an account of their glorious lives , worthy actions , renowned victories and deaths , illustrated with poems and the picture of each worthy . by r. b. price one shilling . xii . female excellency or the ladies glory , illustrated in the worthy lives and memorable actions of nine famous women , who have been renowned either for virtue or valour in several ages of the world : as , i. deborah the prophetess . ii. the valiant iudith . iii. queen esther . iv. the virtuous susanna . v. the chast lucretia . vi. voadicia queen of brittain in the reign of nero emperor of rome . containing an account of the original inhabitants of brittain . the history of danaus and his fifty daughters who murdered their husbands in one night . of the arrival of brute . of the two giants corineus and gogmagog ; of king lear and his three daughters ; of belin and brennus who took the city of rome ; of the manner of iulius caesars invading brittain , and of the valour of voadicia under whose conduct the brittains slew seventy thousand romans , with many other remarkable particulars . vii . mariamne wife to king herod . viii . clotilda queen of france . ix . andegona princess of spain . the whole adorned with poems and pictures to each history . by r. b. price one shilling . xiii . wonderful prodigies of judgment and mercy , discovered in above 300 memorable histories , containing , 1. dreadful judgments upon atheists , blasphemers , and perjured villains , 2. the miserable ends of many magicians , &c. 3. remarkable predictions and presages of approaching death , and how the event has been answerable . 4. fearful judgments upon bloudy tyrants , murderers , &c. 5. admirable deliverances from imminent dangers , and deplorable distresses at sea and land. lastly , divine goodness to penitents , with the dying thoughts of several famous men , concerning a future state after this life . imbellished with divers pictures . price one shilling . xiv . unparallel'd varieties , or the matchless actions and passions of mankind ; display'd in near 400 notable instances and examples ; discovering the transcendent effects ; 1. of love , friendship and gratitude , 2. of magnanimity , courage , and fidelity . 3. of chastity , temperance , and humility , and on the contrary , the tremendous consequences . 4. of hatred , revenge and ingratitude . 5. of cowardice , barbarity , and treachery . 6 ▪ of vnchastity , intemperance and ambition . imbellished with proper figures . pr. 1. s. xv. the kingdom of darkness : or the history of demons , specters , witches , apparitions , possessions , disturbances , and other wonderful and supernatural delusions , mischievous feats , and malicious impostures of the devil . containing near fourscore memorable relations , forreign and domestick , both antient and modern . collected from authentick records , real attestations , credible evidences , and asserted by authors of undoubted verity . together with a preface obviating the common objections and allegations of the sadduces and atheists of the age , who deny the being of spirits , witches , &c. with pictures of several memorable accidents . price one shilling . xvi . surprizing miracles of nature and art , in 2 parts containing , 1. the miracles of nature , or the wonderful signs , and prodigious aspects and appearances in the heavens , earth and sea ; with an account of the most famous comets , and other prodigies , from the birth of christ to this time . ii. the miracles of art , describing the most magnificent buildings , and other curious inventions in all ages ; as , the seven wonders of the world , and many other excellent structures and rarities throughout the earth . beautified with pictures . pr. 1 shilling . xvii . the carlet whore , or the wicked abominations , and horrid cruelties and persecutions of the pope and church of rome displayed . being a brief relation of their bloody practices , and inhumane tortures inflicted upon protestants for many hundred years past to this present , in all countreys where they had authority and dominion ; namely , in piedmont , bohemia , germany , poland , lithuania , france , italy , spain , portugal , holland , scotland , ireland , and england ; containing among many other particulars ; the original and practices ●f the spanish inquisition ; the massacre at paris ; the bloody massacre in ireland 1641. wherein above two hundred thousand innocent protestants were barbarously murdered , and the prophecy thereof by arch-bishop vsher forty years before it happened ; 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together with some account of his life , and his affectionate letters to his lady the day before his death , with his heroick behaviour and last speech at his suffering ; also the speeches and carriages of d. ham. and the e. of holl. who suffered with him : with his pious advice to his son. price 1 s. xx. winter evenings entertainments in 2 parts containing , 1 ten pleasant relations of man● r●●e and notable accidents and occurrences ; with brief remarks upon every one . 2. fifty ingenious rid●les , with their explanations , and useful observations ; and morals upon each . enlivened with above 60 pictures , for illustrating every story and riddle . excellently accommodated to the fancies of old or young , and useful to chearful society and conversation . price one shilling . xxi . delightful fables in prose and verse , none of them to be found in aesop , but collected from divers ancient and modern authors ; with pictures and proper morals to every fable . several of them very pertinent and applicable to the present times . published as a means which in all ages hath been found for pleasure and likewise for instruction in the prudent conduct of our lives and actions . by r. b. price bound one shilling , divinity . xxii . the divine banquet , or sacramental devotions , consisting of morning and evening prayers , contemplations and hymns for every day in the week , in order to a more solemn preparation for the worthy receiving of the holy communion , representing the several steps and degrees of the sorrow and sufferings of our blessed saviour , till he gave up the ghost ; as , 1. his agony in the garden . 2. his being betrayed by judas . 3. his being falsly accused , smitten , b●ffe●ed and spit upon before caiaphas the high priest . 4. his condemnation , scourging , crowning with t●o●●s , and being delivered to be cruc●fi●d by pontius pilate . 5. his bearing his c●oss to golgotha . 6. his crucifixion and bitter passion . 7. our saviours institution of the blessed sacrament . together with brief resolutions to all those scruples and objections usually alledged for the omission of this important duty . with eight curious sculptures proper to the several parts , with graces . imprimatur . z. isham , r. p. d. hen. epis. lond. à sacris . price one shilling . xxiii . a guide to eternal glory : or , brief directions to all christians how to attain everlasting salvation : to which are added several other small tracts ; as i. saving faith discovered in three heavenly conferences between our blessed saviour and 1. a publican . 2. a pharisee . 3. a doubting christian. ii. the threefold state of a christian. 1. by nature . 2. by grace . 3. in glory . iii. the scriptures concord , compiled out of the words of scripture , by way of question and answer , wherein there is the sum of the way to salvation , and spiritual things compared with spiritual . iv. the character of a true christian. v. a brief directory for the great , necessary and advantagious duty of self-examination , whereby a serious christian may every day examine himself . vi. a short dialogue between a learned divine and a beggar . vii . beams of the spirit , or cordial meditations , enlivening , enlightning , and gladding the soul. viii . the seraphick souls triumph in the love of god. with short remembrances and pious thoughts . ix . history improved or christian applications and improvements of divers remarkable passages in history . x. holy breathings in several divine poems upon divers subjects and scriptures . price one shilling . xxiv . youths divine pastime ; 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with pictures and poems exposing the follies of every age. to which is added , verses upon several subjects and occasions , containing , the history of the cruel death of cassianus bishop and school-master of brescia in italy , who suffered martyrdom for the profession of the christian faith by the hands of his own scholars in the bloudy reign of dioclesian an heathen emperor 〈◊〉 rome ; with divers other poems compiled by mrs. ann askew and mr. iohn rogers whilst they were prisoners in newgate , and afterward burnt in smithfield , in the bloudy reign of queen mary . by r b. licensed and entred . price eight pence . xxvii . mount sion , or a draught o● that church that shall stand for ever . together with a view of that world which shall be broken in pieces and consumed . by william dyer , author of christs famous titles , and a believers golden chain . price one shilling . xxviii . distressed sion relieved , or , the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness . a poem . wherein are discovered the grand causes of the churches trouble and misery under the late dismal dispensation . with a compleat history of , and lamentation for those renowned worthies that fell in england by popish rage and cruelty , from the year 1680 to 1688. as the lord russel , collonel sydney , alderman cornish , and divers others ; with a relation of the cruel proceedings , of the late lord chancellor iefferys in the west . together with an account of the late admirable and stupendious providence which 〈◊〉 wrought such a sudden and wonderful delivera●●● for this nation , and gods sion therein . conclud●●● with the tryal and condemnation of mystery baby●●● the great whore ; & divers hymns of praise & thanksgiving : with sighs for ireland humbly dedicated to their present majesties . by benjamin keach , author of a book called , sion in distress , or the groans of th● true protestant church . price one shilling . xxix . antichrist stormed , or the church of rome proved to be mystery babylon the great whore , revel . 17. by many and undeniable arguments answering all the objections of the papists , and all others . together with the judgment of many ancient and modern divines , and most eminent writers about the mystical numbers in daniel and revelations , concerning the rise and final 〈◊〉 of the beast and babylon , proving it will be in this present age. tog●ther with an account of the two witnesses , who they are , their slaying , resurrection and ascension , with the probability of their being now upon their rising ; shewing also what their ascension is , and the glorious effects thereof . with an account of many strange predictions relating to these present times . by benjamin keach . price one shilling . xxx . the d●vout soul 's daily exercise in prayers , contemplations and praises , containing devotions for morning , noon , and night , for every day in the week ; with prayers before and after the holy communion : and likewise for persons of all conditions , and upon all occasions : with graces and thanksgivings before and after meat . by r.p. d.d. price bound six pence . xxxi . sacramental meditations upon divers select places of scripture , wherein believers are assisted in preparing their hearts , and exciting their affections and graces when they draw nigh to god in that most awful and solemn ordinance of the lords supper . by io. flavel minister of christ in devon. pr. 1. s. finis . the history of the rites, customes, and manner of life, of the present jews, throughout the world. vvritten in italian, by leo modena, a rabbine of venice. translated into english, by edmund chilmead, mr. of arts, and chaplain of christ-church oxon historia de' riti hebraici, vita ed osservanze de gl'hebrei di questi tempi. english modena, leone, 1571-1648. 1650 approx. 291 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 144 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47706 wing l1099a estc r216660 99828385 99828385 32812 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47706) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32812) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1953:11) the history of the rites, customes, and manner of life, of the present jews, throughout the world. vvritten in italian, by leo modena, a rabbine of venice. translated into english, by edmund chilmead, mr. of arts, and chaplain of christ-church oxon historia de' riti hebraici, vita ed osservanze de gl'hebrei di questi tempi. english modena, leone, 1571-1648. chilmead, edmund, 1610-1654. [46], 80, 91-249, [1] p. printed for jo: martin, and jo: ridley, at the castle in fleet-street, by ram-alley, london : 1650. an english translation, by edmund chilmead, of: modena, leone. historia de' riti hebraici, vita ed osservanze de gl'hebrei di questi tempi. running title reads: the history of the present jews throughout the world. text is continuous despite pagination. reproduction of the original in the cashel, cathedral library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -social life and customs -early works to 1800. judaism -customs and practices -early works to 1800. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-02 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of the rites , customes , and manner of life , of the present jews , throughout the world . vvritten in italian , by leo modena , a rabbine of venice . translated into english , by edmund chilmead , mr. of arts , and chaplain of christ-church oxon. london ▪ printed for jo : martin , and jo : ridley , at the castle in fleet-street , by ram-alley , 1650. to the most illustrious , and his most honoured lord , and patron , clavde mallier , counsellour to the most christian king , and his majesties ambassadour to the most flourishing state of venice . the fame of your lordships gallantry having already spread it self throughout all italy , by reason of the report of your lordships being chosen his majesties ambassadour , as the most prudent person , to the most prudent state of venice : whilest all others , that are any whit addicted to the crown of france , applaud this election ; and all persons of worth , and learning , earnestly expect your lordships entrance upon this charge ; give me leave also , as one of the least of your lordships servants , to congratulate this your honour . and , since none might appear before the lord , empty-handed ; i have also made bold to present your lorship with this small gift ; which is , the history of the manner of life , rites , and customes of my own nation , at this present : which being dispersed throughout the whole world , the subject is therefore so much the more proportionate to the vastnesse of your lordships knowledge , and imployment , which pretends to a general insight in humane affaires . neither do i despair of being favourably received by your lordship , since i perceive , that all the muses of italy are of the same judgment with me ; and all , with one consent , strive to proclaim your lordships praises to the world , in making dedications of the choicest fruits that the most learned academies have ever yet brought forth : beseeching your lordship courteously to entertain , not the gift onely , but the perpetual service also of the doner ; whose continual prayer shall be , that your lordship may be crowned , with all , both earthly , and heavenly blessings . venice , jan. 12. 1637. your lordships most devoted servant , leo modena . to the most illustrious , and his most honoured lord , and patron , the lord president of hovssay , counsellour to the most christian king , and his majesties ambassadour to the most honourable state of venice . my lord , that oblation , which was once presented at one altar , could not by any , but a sacrilegious hand , be brought to any other : and therefore this piece , which came formerly forth at paris , under the patronage of your lordships name , ought not to seek any other , for this second edition , at venice . fame , the trumpeter of truth , was , at that time , the guide , that led me to direct my pen , and my affections , toward your lordship , so soon as i had received the report of your lordships being design'd for the charge of the royall interest : so that , having now the happinesse of paying my personal devotions , and services to your lordship , i ought not , by any means , to change my purpose . and seeing your lordship was pleased favourably to receive your servant , when he had no opportunity of making his desires to serve your lordship known , but by writing onely : i cannot but hope , that your lordship , having now read in my countenance also , my hearty affections , and devotion to your service , will confirm me in your lordships favour , and give me the liberty of ever professing myself your lordships most humble , and devoted servant , leo modena . to his most learned , and knowing friend , leo modena , a rabbine of venice . james gaffarel wisheth all health . sir , i have at length sent you , though not so soon as i should have done , your history , of the rites , and customes of the jewish nation , which i have caused to be printed . and this i should have done much sooner , had not my own continued travells throughout almost all parts of france , together with the troubled condition of our kingdome , ( wherein mars had so frighted the muses , that they have scarcely yet put off their trembling , and returned to their peaceful cells again , ) hindered me . for i ought not at all to have delayed , but should have speedily returned you very great thanks , upon the receit of your letter ; in that , among so many , and so great persons of worth , and learning , that france affordeth , you were pleased to do me so much honour , as to make choice of me , to be the onely man , to whose censure you thought fittest to submit this your learned history . not that i shall ever suffer my self to be drawn into your perswasion , and to believe , that , to undergo my censure , is all one , as to receive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the heighth , and crown of approbation . but seeing that you are pleased to have so great an esteem of me , as that you have not ceased by frequent letters , to solicite me to give my judgment , such as it is , upon this your learned piece ; i conceived it did not become me to deny you any longer . for , that i may here give you your just praises , what glory soever all those authors that have written of the rites , and customes , of the jews , ( who were sometime called , the holy nation ) can have deserved , it is all ( i speak it seriously , and without flattery , ) due to your excellent history . for , the greatest part of those other writers , were , either not sufficiently acquainted with the secrets of the jewish religion ; or else , were carried away with their own choler , and a burning hatred against them : or perhaps they were not very skilfull in the hebrew tongue , or were too much addicted to dreams , and trifles ▪ or lastly , were perhaps not so faithfull in their writings , as they should have been : since rashnesse it self is ingenious enough in lying ; and a haughty spirit cares not to inform himself sufficiently , in what he undertakes . but , i must needs confesse , you are free from all these crimes : so that all things , here , are perfect , and every way absolute : neither can i find where to complain of any thing , unlesse it be , ( pardon the liberty i take , to speak freely , ) of the too much brevity therein observed ; so that , by this means , you have omitted to say any thing , concerning the origination , and ground of the divine precepts , to which you so strictly keep your selves : though this , perhaps , you have done willingly , and of set purpose ; lest otherwise you should be forced , in relating the most prodigious allegories of those of your nation , either to defend , or else condemn them . for they do so shamefully stuff up their writings with these ; that a man would take them rather for horrid monsters , then for serious stories ; and , such as scarce hercules himself would ever be able to overcome . and yet i do protest seriously , that i could wish , you had not past by with so quiet a silence , that so infinite a number of other things , which do not a little puzzle , and perplex the most learned of us christians : as namely , that of your lilith ; concerning which , it is a wonder to observe , how many , various mysteries are delivered by the rabbines : as likewise , touching their vestments , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , zizith , or tephilim : of their divination of dreams : of the modesty to be observed in their easements : of the cock , offered for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , caparah , or , the redemption of sins : of the mystical kindling of the sabbath lights : of the closing up of all the passages of a dead man's body : of the manner of making the knot , wherewith they bind up the jawes of their dead : of their looking upon , and cutting off their nailes : what their powder at present is , in punishing malefactors : of the purging of souls by fire ; and the like . for , as concerning lilith , whom they , in their writings , affirm to have been adam's first , though dis-obedient wife ; if we look but on the bare letter onely of these things ; there is hardly any one so stupid , or senselesse , as not to perceive how justly all those things , which are frequenly brought in , by the greatest masters in the secrets of your religion ▪ deserve to be scorned , and hissed at . but if we but look higher , into the most hidden , and mysterious points , delivered by your writers ; we shall not be able any where to discover more deep , and profound theology ; as may appear to any one , that will but take the pains , diligently to consider that book of yours , which you call pardes tract . 21. cap. 5. and as concerning the divination of dreams , you might perhaps forbear to say any thing here , because you had been before informed by our learned countryman naudaeus , that i had already , in a just volume , written upon the same subject , discovered whatsoever , in a manner , is to be found , concerning the observation of dreams , both among the hebrews , egyptians , and chaldeans : and had also in another work of mine , spoken largely of the placing of your beds from north to south ; which is one of your most famous , and sacred rites : namely , in my notes upon the learned nachman's epistola sacra , or , de sacro conbitu : which having translated into latine , and illustrated with annotations , i promised to send to you , in a late letter of mine , wherein i desired to be informed by you , concerning the mysterious manner of making your tephilim , and the true use of them ; though you returned me not anything in answer . for , i earnestly desired to know the reason , why your borders must consist , each of them , of five knots , and eight threads : for i professe , i am no whit satisfied with the applying this , to the five books of moses ; and to the commandments of the most glorious and eternal deity : as i neither am in those other subtle , quaint niceties , concerning the easing of the belly ; where you say , that those that make water , naked ; in a porch , or entry of any house , shall be poor men : and that whosoever useth the name of god , in any stinking place , shall die shortly after . neither am i satisfied any whit at all in the reason , which is given , for your stoping up all the passages of a dead body , after the breath is gone out of it : and therefore the wise ben maimon did very discreetly forbear to say any thing of it , where he gives us the plain manner of ordering the dead , in the beginning of his halaca ebhet , cap. 4. in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say ; the manner of the hebrewes ordering their dead , is thus : they close their eyes , and bind up their jawes , if their mouth chance to gape ; and stop up all the passages of the body , and anoint it with divers kinds of sweet spices . where he maketh not the least mention at all of that superstitious manner of stopping these passages ; lest he should seem to heap trifles upon trifles . he likewise slightly passeth over their binding up of the jawes ; and hath not one syllable , of the figure of that maxillary knot : which yet i should have taken very unkindly at his hands , but that the author of the additions to eleazar metensis his book , entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , jereim , hath relieved us herein , and preserved this piece of antiquity from being lost : for in the 17. maamar , he saith thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is to say : they cover their dead with winding-sheets , sewed together with white thread : and if the mouth gape never so little , they bind it up with a knot , the ends whereof represent the figure of the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this knot is made of black strings ; which sorcerers also afterwards make use of , in their inchantments . i could wish , that you had likewise furnished us , with some other such passages as this , either out of the gamarah , or other writings of the rabbines ; which might assisted us in the understanding of those things , which you have delivered : or , at leastwise , that you had given us some information , concerning your power of punishing malefactors , and your wayes of punishments . for seeing you have , at present , no true power of sentencing offenders , you do not put any criminal person to death ; but inflict some other kind of punishment upon him , which the roman law is unacquainted with : as for example , your making them stand in cold water : your banishing them , and causing the banished person to wear upon his back , an inscription , declaring the cause of his banishment : yonr causing them to sit , naked , upon an ant-hill : your making them to stand , naked , among swarmes of bees , and to endure their stings : your enjoyning them tedious , and restlesse watchings , and perpetuall wanderings from place to place : your forcing them to submit themselves to be trod upon , and kicked by others ; and to wear iron chaines about their neck , either for ever , or for a certain time onely ; and likewise your binding their hands behind their back , with bonds of iron : and lastly , your so long , and irksome fasts ; by which your penetentiaries have become so stinking , and ill-savoured , as that they have been rendred a scorn , and become loathsome to all other nations ; and have been a fit subject , for the most witty , and tart epigrammatist to play upon . and these fasts of yours are so rigid , as that they are called , in the language of your most secret theology , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , malcuth , that is to say , the kingdome ; intimating hereby , regnum severitatis , the kingdome of severity . they are also called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , haiabascha , signifying , dry , and withered ; as we are informed at large , by the zohar , the treasury of the mecubalists ; and by r. meir gaun ben gabbai , upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , derek emunah . or , the way of faith ; as also , by abraham ben david , upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , jetzirah , cap. 1. com. 40. of this kind are your sabbatarian fasts also , which they were anciently wont to begin , by looking upon their nailes , and paring them : for no other reason , as i conceive , but to intimate thereby , the prodigious multiplying of the children of israel ; who , though they were cut off , as it were , like the nailes of a man's hand , in that most heavy bondage of theirs in egypt ; yet did their nation still spring up plentifully , and multiply , in spight of their egyptian oppressors . the learned rabbi bechai conceiveth the reason of this custome to be ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say ; that a man should think of the excellency of the first man , adam , whose garment before his fall , was like a man's nail , that is to say , of a white and ruddy colour . whence the bride , being sick of love , calls her bridegroom , white and ruddy . but i shall omit to speak any more of this particular , here ; as having elsewhere discoursed of it more largely . their sabbatarian fasts were begun then , by their looking upon , and paring their nailss ; and were ended with a dolefull hymne ; which they , even to this day , are wont to prolong , ( as you very well note ) after sun-set , every sabbath day at even , that the soules of the wicked , ( which they conceive , are free from their torments all that day ) may return again unto them so much the later , by how much the longer this dolefull song is drawn forth in length . in the mean time the pious women take especial care of the lights , which they set up , on the eve before the sabbath , that they may burn clearly : of which ancient superstition of theirs , you have , very discreetly , forborn to make any mention : namely , how they were of old , and at this day are wont to promise to themselves good , or evill fortune , according as they find these lights , to burn , either cleerly , or dimly : which , certainly , is , a a kind of pyromancy . these women are very careful also , to see that these lights be every way pellucid , and shine with an equal flame : which is the true reason also , as i conceive , why they do so much abhor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , levanah , the noon , when it is horned ; and also forbear to do any manner of business , or worke , in the new-moones , when as but a part of it is enlightened , towards us : and this was the reason , that there was anciently a propitiatory sacrifice used to be offered , in the temple , at this time , which was supposed might be a means of diverting the bad influences of the new moons from them . so that it may hence appear , how much some of your rabbines , ( who are herein , though upon no very good grounds , followed also by one of our christian divines ; a man otherwise very knowing in the jewish affairs ) are wide of the truth ; where they affirm , that the jewish women keep this day holy , because that it was upon the same time , that they refused to give up their golden ear-rings , chains , and other pretious ornaments , toward the making of the golden calf . and thus you may see , that there are no sick mens dreams so grosse , but that some of the wise ones , may chance , sometimes , to take them up , and maintain them for truth . the new moons then were accounted unfortunate , by the jewish women , unlesse they chanced to happen upon the monday : upon which day , rabbi chomer , a learned jew , and a very great astronomer , accounts them to be most fortunate ; especially if they happened after sun-rising : although neither he gives any reason , why it should be so ; nor any other author , that i ever remember to have seen . not but that i know very well , that the talmudists have delivered in bava kama , cap. 7. that the divine law-giver went up into the mount sinah , to receive the law , upon a thursday ; and , having received it , he came down again upon a monday ; which was the reason perhaps ( say they ) why the women have ever since kept this day holie . but why should it not then be so kept , by the men also ? but these are trifles . if a man might have libertie to give a guesse at the reason , why they accounted the new-moon , falling upon a monday , to be fortunate , i should conceive this to be the most probable ; namely , because that the generation of mankind being much governed by moisture , this day having a moderate proportion of it , is therefore thought the more fortunate : and also , because it is the second day of the week ; which number the pythagoreans conceive to be , &c. primus generans , the first in generation : and therefore , it being so fortunate , and of so good omen , to the businesse of generation , which women , by reason of the blessing promised by god upon it , do so much desire ; they observe every new moon , falling upon a monday , as a holy day ; and celebrate it , as being a fortunate day , as to the businesse of procreation of children ; that so , by this means , they may be fruitfull and happy in child-bearing . however the truth of this be , it hath been an ancient custome , both for men , as well as women , to fast upon thursdaies , and mondaies : yet not every week throughout the year , as ben caspi informs us , but only vpon those weekes , wich they called , sabbaticall . but , what those weeks were , i do not very well understand : and therefore i conceive it would be more consonant to truth , and to historie too , to say ; that , anciently , each several week , throughout the year , was called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sabbath ; whence that boasting speech of the proud pharisee may receive no small light , when he saies , in the holie gospel of our saviour christ , jejuno bis in sabbatho ; i fast twice every sabbath : that is to say , two daies in every week ; namely mondaies , and thursdaies : upon which daies they yet use , with the most vehement affection of mind that can be , to say a certain prayer , which begins with these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vehurachum ; by the secret virtue whereof they believe , that those three ships which were filled with the chiefest of their nation , and sent into banishment by the emperour vespasian , without either oar , or sail , about them , were delivered from most evident perill of shipwrack : the first of which , they say , landed safe at a place , called lovanda ; the second , at arlada ; and the third , at a place called burdela . which names , though buxdorfe say , are no where to be found ; yet i conceive , the two last of them may , without any absurditie , be understood of burdeaux , and arles , or orleans , two cities of good note , in france . but i shall here forbear to prosecute these things any further , as you have done ; least while i endeavour to take away all scruples out of the reader 's way , and to bring forth such novel points of learning , as he must needs be pleased withall ; i should much exceed the bounds of an epistle , and offend him ▪ with a courtesie . i shall therefore , ( learned sir , ) take my leave of you at present ; wishing you all the true health , which is to be found , onely , in the faith of christ ; and beseeching god , that he would at length bring you home to the sacred banner of our mediator , and saviour christ ; without which , the holy scriptures proclaim , that there is no way , or passage to heaven , and the joyes thereof . from paris , mart. 31. an. dom. 1637. the avthors answer , to the former epistle . sir , i should think my self to have offended , beyond all excuse , if being now about to to reprint my history of the rights of the jewes , i should not say something , in answer to your learned epistle , wherewith you were pleased the last year , to grace the first edition of it . and indeed , what return is not due , from me , to those many favours you have been pleased to shew me ? seeing that , when i sent this my historie unto you , to be examined , and corrected ; you so courteously took this trouble upon you , as that i cannot say , whither of the two took the greater pleasure in it ; you , in conferring ; or , my self , in receiving this favour . and i must needs here confesse , that it was a point of my cunning , to make choice of your self , in the perusing of my book ; the fame of whose worth , and learning , had long since , like the sun-beams , broken forth , and appeared even in our horizon . for , you are as a second sun , in learning ; and your worth shines forth more eminently , then any others . for as all waies , and secret paths , lie open , and are exposed to the sun's view ; in like manner are the entrances into all the opinions , and most hidden rites of all nations , open to you ; who , having the keyes of all the chiefest languages in your power , do , at your pleasure , bring to light all the choicest treasures , not onely of the greekes , and latines , but which is more strange , even of the hebrewes too : that i may not say any thing of your abundant goodnesse , which moved you to heap so many praises upon me , undeservedly : although , i confesse , i dare own that , of being a faithfull relator , as it was fit i should be ; and my style , i confesse , is also very concise . the former of these owo qualities i have been endewed with , even from my childhood ; and the later i have learnt , from my observation of other historians : neither could i ever endure , i confesse , to expresse my conceptions , in a copious , flourishing stile . yet i must needs professe , that i see not any cause , why you should accuse me , in your epistle , of having omitted any thing . for , as i intimated in my preface to my historie , though i set my self so narrow bounds , and affected so great brevity : yet i am confident , i have not omitted any rite , or custome , now observed by the present jewes , ( which was the subject i proposed to my self ) but onely such things , as i thought i was not bound to mention , as having been now a long time out of use , and neglected by them . such as , for example , are , that dolefull hymne , &c. their story of lilith : the so superstitious ordering of their dead ; the paring of their nailes ; their sabbatarian fasts , and the like : all which customes are now quite out of use among them . but , as concerning their zizit , and their tephilim , i have discoursed of them , par. 1. cap. 11. of their dreams , par. 1. cap. 4. of their modesty in their evacuations , par. 1. cap. 6. of the cock , given for caparah , par. 3. cap. 6. of the kindling of their sabbath lights , par. 3. cap. 1. and par. 5. cap. 5. of their placing their beds , north and south , par. 1. cap. 4. of malcuth , par. 3. cap. 5. of their observing of monday , and thursday , par. 1. cap. 1● . of the purging of souls by fire , par. 5. cap. 10. all which things , since they have undergone your learned censure , and have also , by your care , and goodnesse , been committed to the presse , i cannot possibly doubt , but that you have very diligently read over , and considered . but perhaps , learned sir , you expected from me an account of the reasons , and grounds , of these rites , and customes , of theirs : but this was wholly besides my purpose ; who never intended any thing at all , save onely to give my reader a bare historical narration of them : and to shew only their , quòd sunt , and not the propter quod sunt : as the philosophers use to speak : that these customes are , but not , why they are : least , while i pretend to be a meer relater onely , i should appear to be a perswader . if there be any thing you find wanting here , you need not go abroad for it , hoving so rich a magazine of learning at home , within your own breast ; whence , i am confident , you are able to bring forth , whatsoever the vast body of the hidden learning of the hebrews can afford . it remaineth , sir , that i commit you to the protection of god , the great creator , and former of all things ; beseeching him , that he would preserve you in health , and blesse you with long life , for the common benefit of the learned , and the more full increase of learning ; for your own expectation of the deserved rewards , due to your worth ; and , lastly , for my own particular interest , in your noble patronage . the avthor's preface . courteous reader , if the curiosity of the wisest men hath sometime raised a desire in them , of having knowledge of the laws , and customs , even of the very gentiles themselves , who were worshippers of false gods ; that so they might draw thence that benefit , which a wise man knows how to gather from a fool : what marvel is it , if some very learned christians have also long since had a desire , to have some account given them , of the rites , and customes , of the present jews : the ground whereof cannot be denied to have been , once , derived from the true fountain of all wisdom ? and that they were disposed , by means , proportionable to that end . i having therefore had my continual conversation with , and been brought up in the service of christian prelats , and persons of honour ; it hath been often moved unto me , that i would write a short , and true account , of the manner of life , customes , and rites , observed by the jews , at this day , throughout the world. which i having performed , some years since , and shewed to some of my friends ; i have bin since sollicited , by some others , to enlarge it , and publish it to the world , for a more publick satisfaction to all , that desire information herein . but i , refusing so to do , gave in these reasons for my denial : first , that it was needlesse ; and secondly , that the thing must needs be suspected , from me. it might be thought needlesse ; because the business hath bin already done by many christians ; and it would be suspected , because it came from a jew ; of whom it might be very well doubted , that he would either cōceal , or change such things , as he should conceive not so fit to be published , when he should cōsider better of them . but , to the first of these my objections , it was answered ; that they were not so very well satisfied , in what ever they had yet seen written of this subject ; their discourses being either lame , and imperfect , or else , too copious in things of least concernment ; and written , rather in derision of this nation , and to make the reader merry , then to inform him : wherin they have often lashed out so much , as that they have wander'd very far out of the way , and left their reader very much unsatisfied , in what they ought to have informed him . to the second objection it was answer'd , that very many persons of great learning , and quality , were , after long experience , confirmed in so good an opinion of me , and of my integrity ; as that it would not be questioned by any , but that i would deal ingeniously , and sincerely , in my narration : so that , they could not see any just reason that should hinder me , from complying with their desires . now i , that have bin alwaies , naturally , easie to be intreated by my friends , and obedient to the commands of my superiours , could not deny them any longer ; but have endeavoured to satisfie their desires . take here , therefore , courteous reader , a short abridgment of the rites , and customes of the jews : wherein notwithstanding there is not any the least circumstance omitted ; unlesse it be such , as are not at all observed now , or regarded by them . i have divided this history into five parts ; according to the number of the books of the law , written by moses . and , in my writing , i have kept my self exactly to the truth , remembring my self to be a jew , and have therefore taken upon mee the person of a plain , neutral relater onely . i do not deny , but that i have endeavoured to avoid the giving occasion to the reader of deriding the jews , for their so many ceremonies : neither yet have i at all taken upon me to defend , or maintain them : for as much as my whole purpose is to give a bare relation of them onely , and no way to perswade any to the observing of them . however , very observable is the saying of that great person , though not by many rightly understood , ( which yet is agreeable to that of the prophet hosea , cap. 11. ) lex judaeorum , lex puerorum : that is , the law of the jews , is a law of children . a table of the chapters , contained in this book . part . i. chap. i. of the division , and originall , of all the jewish rites ; and , wherein they differ among themselves . page 1. ii. of their houses , and places of dwelling , page 4. iii. of their utensils , and vessels in their houses , p. 7. iv. of their manner of preparing to bed ; and their esteem of dreams , p. 9. v. of their habits , and vestments ; and of their fringes , and frontlets , p. 12. vi. of their modesty in evacuation , p. 18. vii . of the manner of their washing in the morning , p. 21. viii . of uncleannesse , p. 22. ix . of their benedictions , of laudatory prayers , p. 23. x. of the form of their synagogues , or schools , p. 26. xi . of their prayers , square vestment , called taleth ; their frontlets , and book of the pentateuch , p. 32. xii . of their priests , and levites , and of their wives , and tithes , p. 43. xiii . of their flocks , and tillage of the ground . p. 46. xiv . of their charity to the poor , and their tendernesse shewed to their very beasts . p. 50. part . ii. chap. i. vvhat language they use , in their ordinary speech , writings , and preaching , p. 56. iii. of their academies , and studies : and of the original , and continuation of the gemara , p. 62. iii. of the manner how their rabbines are created ; and of their authority , and power of excommunication , p. 68. iv. of their oathes and vowes . p. 71 v. of their dealing in worldly affairs , and of their usury , p. 73. vi. of their contracts , evidences , witnesses , judges , and judgments , p. 77. vii . of meats that are forbidden them : and how they eat their flesh . p. 80. viii . of their drink , p. 98. ix . of their making their bread , p. 100. x. of their manner of sitting at meat . p. 101. part . iii. chap. i. of the feast of the sabbath , p. 104. ii. of the beginning of their moneths , and of their order , and names : and of the thirteenth moneth . p 119. iii. of the feast of the passeover , p. 124. iv. of the feast of weekes , or pentecost , p. 134. v. of their caput anni , or beginning of the year : and of the first moneth , called , elul , p. 137. vi. of the day of pardon of sins , or expiation , called chipur , p. 143. vii . of the feast of booths , or tabernacles , p. 148. viii . of their fasts , commanded , and voluntary , p. 154. ix . of the feast of lights , called also , chanucha , p. 161. x. of the feast of purim , or lots , p. 164. part . iv. chap. i. of the several kinds , and degrees of adultery , and fornication , pag. 167. ii. of their marriages , p. 171. iii. of their contracts , and manner of marrying . p. 174. iv. of the liberty a woman , that was married young , hath , to refuse her husband : and of the penalty of forcing , or deflowring a virgin , p. 181. v. how their women behave themselves , during the time of their courses , and after child-birth , p. 183. vi. of the manner of putting away their wives : and of jealousie , p. 186. vii . of their ibum , and calitzah ; that is to say , of the next kinsman 's taking , or refusing the relict of his deceased kinsman , p. 193. viii . of their circumcision , p. 201. ix . of the redemption of their first-born , p. 209. x. of the manner of their education of their children , and bringing them up in learning , p. 212. xi . of the honour they account due to their parents , tutors , rabbines , and ancient persons , pag. 215. part . v. chap. i. of the jewish hereticks : and particularly , of the karraim , pag. 218. ii. of the manner of being made a jew , p. 222. iii. of their opinion concerning all magick , divination , and augury , p. 223. iv. of their slaves , p. 225. v. what precepts the jewish women are bound to observe , p. 236. vi. of their manner of confessing their sins , and doing penance , p. 228. vii . of their sick , and dead , p. 230. viii . of their manner of ordering their dead , and burying them , p. 233. ix . of their mourning praying for , and commemorating of the dead , p. 239. x. of their paradise , hell , and purgatory , p. 243. xi , of their belief of the transmigration of soules , the resurrection , and day of judgment , p. 245. xii . of the thirteen articles of their faith , pag. 246. faults escaped . the last page of the first sheet , l. 16. read power . b. p. 2. line 1. r. concubitu , b. 4. l. 22. r. have assisted . b. p. 8. l. 24. r. the moon . b. p. 11. l. 7. r. to be , primus . page 43. l. 11. r. tithes . p. 48. l. 12. r. untilled . p. 53. l. 7. r. called . p. 92. l. 10. r. within it . p. 97. l. 16. r. it is unwholesome . p. 111. l. 16. r. useth . p. 112. l. 22. r. not say . p. 117. l. 9. r. sabbath's being . p. 118. l. 14. r. hands , p. 122. l. 19. r. commemorate . p. 130. l. 21. r. take out . p. 146. l. 7. r. or not . ib. l. 16. r. consist . p. 149. l. 4. r. wattelling . p. 153. l. 9. r. sponsus legis . p. 161. l. 7. r. wise-men . p. 162. l. 24. r. of businesse . p. 178. l. 3. r. is done . lb. l. 22. r. before , ) they . p. 180. l. 13. r. brought her . p. 188. l. 18. read this means . p. 198. l. 15. r. planke . p. 202. l. 4. r. no precept . p. 214. l. 2. r. to . p. 220. l. 7. r. acknowledge this . p. 226. l. 18. r. three precepts . p. 239. l. 11. r. and then . p. 247. l. 16. r. incorporeal . lb. l. 17. r. corporeal . part . i. chap. i. of the division , and original of all the jewish rites ; and , wherein they differ among themselves . the rites which are at this day observed , and in use , among the jewes , are not all of them of equall authority , nor equally practised by all , after one and the same manner . for we are to understand , that they are divided into three sorts : the first , are precepts of the written law , ( as they use to speak , ) namely , such as are contained in the pentateuch , or five books of moses ; which are in all 613. in number ; that is to say , 248. affirmative ; and 365. negative : and these they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mizuoth de oraita , that is to say , praecepta legis , precepts of the law. the second sort are , of the law given by word of mouth ; by which they understand all the declarations and expositions , which have been given by the rabbines , and doctors , in all ages , upon that which was written by moses ; besides many other of their ordinances , and institutions , which are not to be numbered : and these they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mizuoth de rabbanan , praecepta sapientum , precepts of the wise men : all which are collected together in a large volume ; a more particular account whereof , we shall give you , in the second part , cap. 2. the third sort are , certain things , which at divers times , and in divers places , have been brought into use ; or else have been any where lately introduced ; and are therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , minhaghim consuetudines ; usances , or customes . now as these usances have sprung from the dispersion of the jews into divers and severall countries , and have consequently borrowed the name , and manner of use , from the several inhabitants : so on the other side we are to take notice , that as well in the particulars of the law written by moses ; as in that other , received from the mouth of the wise men , there is very little , or no difference at all , betwixt any nation of the jews , how remote , or far distant soever their habitations be : onely in those things , that are of the third sort , concerning usances , and customes , there is no small variety to be observed amongst them . and that chiefly , amongst these three ; the levantines , or eastern jews , the dutch , and the italian : comprehending under the levantine , not only all those that inhabit eastwardly from us ; but those of barbary also , moores , greeks , and those of spain : as , under the title of dutch , we understand those of bohemia , moravia , poland , russia , and others . i am here therefore to advertise the reader , that as i shall endeavour , in this discourse , to give a touch at whatsoever is observed by the jews , both from the written law , and that of the rabbines , and that other of usance only ; wheresoever any diversity of usage is mentioned , it is not to be understood either of the first , or second sort of precepts , which they account essential , and wherein they all agree ; but onely in those of the third sort , to which the name of precept agreeth not at all . chap. ii. of their houses , and places of dwelling . when any one buildeth a house , the rabbines say , that he is to leave one part of it unfinished , and lying rude : and this , in remembrance that jerusalem , and the temple , are at present desolate : and he must also use some expression of sorrow ; as it is in the psalm 137. si oblitus fuero jerusalem , &c. if i forget thee , o jerusalem , let my right hand forget her cunning . or at least , they use to leave about a yard square of the wall of the house unplaistered ; on which they write , either the forementioned verse of the psalmist , in great letters ; or else these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , zecher lachorban , that is to say , the memory of the desolation . 2. at the doores of their houses , and of each particular room in them , and in every part thereof , where they either dwell , or work , they write with very great diligence , in parchment prepared for the same purpose , these words out of deuteronomy , cap. 6. ver . 4. audi israel , dominus deus noster unus est , &c. hear , o israel , the lord our god is one lord : unto the 9. ver . scribesque ea in limine , &c. and thou shalt write them upon the posts of thy house , and on thy gates : and to this they add that other passage of deuteronomy , cap. 11. ver . 13. si ergo obedieritis , &c. if therefore you shall hearken diligently unto my commandements which i command you this day , &c. unto ver . 20. and thou shalt write them upon the door-posts of thine house , and upon thy gates : then rowling this parchment up together , and writing upon it the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shaddai , they put it either into a cane , or else into the like hollow piece of wood ; and so fasten it to the wall , on the posts of the door , at the right hand of entrance : and thus , as often as they go in and out , they make it a part of their devotion to touch this parchment , and kisse it : and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mezuzah , that is , the post . 3. they have neither figures , images , nor statues , in their houses ; much lesse in their synagogues , and holy places ; observing that which is written , exod. 20. non facies tibi sculptile , &c. thou shalt not make to thy self any graven image , nor the likenesse of any thing that is in heaven above , or in the earth beneath , or in the waters under the earth : and also in many other places . notwithstanding , in italy , many take the liberty of having pictures and images in their houses ; especially if they be not with releif , or imbossed work , nor the bodies at large . chap. iii. of their utensils , and vessels , in their houses . the utensils of their houses , that is to say , the vessels wherewith they dresse their meat , and serve it in , must all be bought new . for if they should have been used by any , besides jews ; or if they be of earth , or wood , that hath been made use of in heating any thing ; a jew can by no means use them : and this they observe , from the prohibition of eating divers kinds of meats : as we shall shew in the 2. part , cap. 6. for they presume , that some or other of these forbidden meats may have been dressed , or put into them , and so the fume of them have pierced into the very substance of the vessel . but if it be of metall , or of stone , which do not suck so much , and receive in vapours , they may then make use of it ; provided they first put it into the fire , or into seething water . 2. when they buy any new , if they be of glasse , earth , or metal , they wash it first throughly , plunging it under water , either in some river , well , bath , or sea : and this out of the abundant cleannesse , which is enjoyned them , numb . 31. 23. every thing that may abide the fire , ye shall make it go through the fire , and it shall be clean : neverthelesse it shall be purified with the water of separation . 3. they have different vessels , for the use of the kitchin , and of the table ; and , one dish for cheese , and white-meats , and another for flesh : it being unlawful for them to eat either cheese , or milk , with flesh ; as we shall shew in the second part , cap. 6. 4. in like manner have they different vessels also for the passeover ; such as have not touched any leavened bread : as shall be said in the third part , cap. 3. chap. iv. of their manner of preparing to bed , and their esteem of dreams . the counsel of the rabbines is , that there should care be taken , that the bed's head be placed toward the north , and the feet toward the south , or else the contrary way ; but it must not stand from east to west ; out of reverence to jerusalem , and to the temple , which was indued with a greater measure of holinesse in both those parts : but there are few that take any heed to this . 2. when they are lying down to rest , they use to say some certain prayers to god ; beseeching him , that he would preserve them from all perils of the night , and that he would give them comfortable rest , that they may rise alive , and in health the next morning ; saying moreover the aforenamed verses out of deuteronomy , cap. 6. and the 91. psalm . whoso dwelleth under the defence of the most high , shall abide under the shadow of the almighty , &c. and the 121. psal . i will lift up mine eyes unto the hills , from whence cometh my help , &c. and the 5. vers . psal . 31. into thy hands i commend my spirit . some add moreover some other the like prayers ; every one , according to his own custome , and fancy . 3. they take very great heed to dreams ; induced thereto by the examples , which are found written in the scripture , of jacob , joseph , pharaoh , nabuchadonosor , daniel , and others ; and by that passage in job , chap. 3. 14 , 15 , 16. for god speaketh once , yea twice ; yet man perceiveth it not : in a dream , in a vision of the night , when deep sleep falleth upon men , in slumberings upon the bed : then he openeth the eares of men , and sealeth their instruction . 4. and so great is the regard they have to dreams , that if any one dream of any ill , so that it causeth him to be sad , and melancholy ; particularly , if it be any of the four kinds of dreams , which are specified by the rabbins ; they blesse themselves ; and so fast all that day , as the manner is in all other fasts ; as shall be declared hereafter . insomuch , that , even upon the sabbath day also , whereon it is forbidden to fast , for any other cause whatsoever , in this case of a dream it is lawful to fast , as well on it , as on any other feast day . 5. and in the evening , when he hath ended his fast , before he eareth any thing , he calleth unto him three friends : to whom he saith , seven times thus : may the dream which i have seen be fortunate ; and they answer him every time ; may it be fortunate ; and god make it fortunate . and then , repeating some certain verses out of the prophets ; wherein are promises of life , redemption , and peace , they say unto him that of ecclesiastes , chap. 9. 7. vade ergò , et comede in laetitia panem tuum , &c. go thy way , eat thy bread with joy , &c. and so he goes to meat . chap. v. of their habits , and vestments ; and of their fringes , and frontlets . it is unlawfull for a jew to wear any garment , that is mixed of linnen and woollen together ; according to that of levit. chap. 19. ver . 19. veste quae ex duobus texta est , non induer is : neither shall a garment ming led with linnen and woollen come upon thee : and also in deut. 22. 11. and hence also they observe , not to sewe a woollen garment with linnen thread ; nor contrariwise . 2. likewise the man may not wear the woman garment ; nor the woman the mans : as it is said , deut. 22. 5. non induetur mulier veste virili , nec vir utetur veste foeminea , &c. the woman shall not wear that which pertaineth unto a man ; neither shall a man put on a woman's garment : for all that do so , are abomination unto the lord thy god. and hence also all effeminate acts , as , to paint the face , to cause the hair to fall from the privy parts , are forbidden to the man ; and so likewise are those of the man , to the woman . 3. and perhaps it was from hence , that the jewes were forbidden to shave the corners of their beard ; which they understand of the hair beneath the temples , as well as the beard it self : from that place in leviticus , cap. 19. ver . 27. nec radetis barbam , &c. ye shall not round the corners of your heads ; neither shalt thou marr the corners of thy beard . 4. they do not willingly imitate any other nation in the fashion of their apparell ; unlesse their own make them there seem very deformed . neither may they shave their crown , nor wear locks of hair upon their head ; nor any the like things . and , in what country soever they are , they generally affect the long garment , or gown . 5. the women also apparell themselves , in the habit of the countries where they inhabite . but when they are married , upon their wedding-day they cover their own hair , wearing either a perruke , or dressing of some other hair , or something else that may counterfeit natural hair , according to the custome of the women of that place : but they are never to appear in their own hair more . 6. the men also have no very good opinion of going bare-headed ; neither do they use it , one to another , as an act of reverence ; as , not esteeming it to be so : neither yet are they uncovered in their schooles , or synagogues . notwithstanding , living as they do , among christians , where this custome is used in shewing reverence to ones superiors , they also use the same . 7. every garment they wear , if it have four corners , that is to say , four distinct sides , they are bound to fasten to each of these corners a pendant , or tassel , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , zizitt ; so that there must be four of these also : and they use to make them eight threads broad , each of them being knit , to the middle , with five knots ; and of wooll , spun of purpose for this use : this they do according to that command in the book of numbers , cap. 15. ver . 38. speak unto the children of israel , that they make them fringes in the borders of their garments throughout their generations ; and that they put upon the fringe of the borders a ribband of blue ; and also in deut. cap. 22. 12. 8. this injunction reacheth onely to the men , and not the women ; neither is there any of them , which use it . 9. now forasmuch as at present this four-cornerd garment is not any where in common use among them , because it would make them a scorn , and laughingstock to the nations among whom they live ; they , instead thereof , wear only under their other garments a kind of square frock , with the aforesaid pendants , or tassels fastened to it ; and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arbancanfod : and this they do , in remembrance of the commandements of the lord , as it is enjoyned them in the above-cited place of numb . ver . 40. quas cum viderint , recordentur omnium mandatorum domini , &c. that ye may remember , and do all my commandements , and be holy unto your god. notwithstanding in their schools , at the time of their prayers , they put on a certain square woollen vestment , with the said pendants fastened at each corner of it ; and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taleth ; as we shall shew hereafter , cap. 11. 10. the men also ought to wear continually their frontlets , which the scripture calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , totafot , and are named by them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tephilin : commanded them , deuteron . cap. 6. ver . 8. & cap. 11. ver . 18. et ligabis ea quasi signum in manu tua , &c. therefore shall ye lay up these my words in your heart , and in your soul , and bind them for a sign upon your hand , that they may be as frontlets between your eyes : the manner , and form of these , you shall have described , cap. 11. notwithstanding at present , partly to avoid the scoffes of the nations where they live , and also because they account of these , as of a holy thing , and such as ought to be used with great discretion , and not upon every triviall occasion , they neither put on these , but only in the time of prayer . 11. some of them observe in dressing themselves in the morning , to put on the right stocking , and right shoe first , without tying it ; then afterward to put on the left , and so to return to the right ; that so they may begin , and end with the right side ; which they account to be the most fortunate . 12. they hold it also an unbeseeming thing , for a man to make himself ready , without putting on a girdle ; or something , that may divide the lower part of the body , from the upper . chap. vi. of their modesty in evacuation . the rabbins have delivered very many circumstances to be observed , in evacuation , or easing the body , concerning the place , and manner how they are to order themselves in the act ; all which are tending to health , civility , and modestie . and they have been the more easily induced to treat of this particular , because they found it specified also in the law , deuteron . cap. 23. ver . 12. &c. habebis locum extra castra , ad quem egrediaris ad requisita naturae , gerens paxillum , &c. thou shalt have a place also without the camp , whither thou shalt go forth abroad . and thou shalt have a paddle upon thy weapon : and it shall be , when thou wilt ease thy self abroad , thou shalt dig therewith , and shalt turn back and cover that which cometh from thee . for the lord thy god walketh in the midst of thy camp , &c. therefore shall thy camp be holy , that he see no unclean thing in thee , &c. 2. and first they say , that they must accustome themselves to do this business in the morning , as soon as they are up ; and afterwards to wash their hands , that so they may go clean to their prayers . 3. whensoever a man feeles himself moved toward this businesse , he must not hold it : for in so doing , he should render himself willingly abominable ; against the command given levit. cap. 11. ver . 44. nolite contaminare animas vestras , &c. 4. if the place be such , as that they may be seen by any , they must then use all possible honesty , and modestie . in ancient times , when they had not the conveniencie of doing this businesse within doores , but were fain to go abroad , they observed very many points , tending toward the modestie of the act : and because the place might sometimes not be so safe , and free from dangers , they used a certain form of prayer , or invocation , to their tutelar angels , that they would defend them from all dangers : but at this time there is no such thing used . 5. after they have done , they must wash their hands , and give praise to god ; acknowledging his great goodnesse , and wisedome , in that he hath made man in so wonderful a manner , and so preserves him : whereas if the passages for the evacuating the superfluities of the body should be stopt up never so little a while , he would die . and this benediction they use to repeat , as often in the day , as their necessitie calls them to this act. chap. vii . of the manner of their washing in the morning . they wash their hands , and face , every morning , as soon as they are up : and before they have so done , they take speciall care that they touch not either bread , or any thing that is to be eaten ; neither any book , or holy thing . 2. as concerning the quality of the water , and the manner of washing , the rabbines have written , and enjoyned many subtilties , and nice circumstances : and they also say , that the water must not be cast upon the ground ; nor may they tread upon it ; because they account it an unclean thing . 3. while they are wiping their hands , and face , they say a benediction : as we shall see in the 9. chapter following . chap. viii . of uncleannesse . it was ordained in the law , as appeareth out of leviticus , that whosoever touched a dead body , or the carcasse of any creeping thing , or a leaper , or menstruous person , and the like , should be unclean : but for as much as the reason of this was , because such persons were forbidden to enter into the temple : now that the temple is destroyed , they say , that all these precepts of uncleannesse are ceased also . only this one remained some time in force , by the appointment of esdra ; namely , that he , whose seed of copulation hath gone from him , should be unclean : as it is commanded levit. 15. 16. vir de quo egredietur semen coitus , &c. and if any mans seed of copulation go out from him , then he shall wash all his flesh in water , and be unclean untill the even . but this being afterwards found to be too full of trouble , and difficultie , to be observed , by reason of the frequent commerce betwixt man and wife , it was at length wholly dispensed withall . chap. ix . of their benedictions , or laudatory prayers . we are here to understand , that it is ordained by the rabbines , that they should say a benediction , and render particular praise and thanks to god , not onely for every benefit that they receive , and in all their prayers ; but even upon every extraordinary accident also that befalls them , and in every action that they do ; and likewise for every meat they eat , and every liquor they drink , and every good smell ; for all the precepts of the law , and of the rabbines that they observe ; for everie new thing , and every strange thing that happens : and for each of these particulars , they have a proper benediction , and which is fitted , and appropriated to such , or such a thing . but seeing these several benedictions are so many , as that it would be too tedious a businesse here to rehearse them , i shall onely touch at some of them , referring you to the writings of the rabbines , for fuller satisfaction herein . 2. in the morning then , as soon as they are up , they say this ; blessed be thou o lord our god , who raisest the dead to life ; who givest sight to the blind ; who stretchest forth the earth upon the waters : and many other the like . if they wash , according to the precept , they use this benediction : blessed be thou o lord our god , king of the world ; who hast sanctified it in thy precepts , and commanded us to wash our hands : if it be for the study of the law , they say ; blessed , &c. who hast given us the law : if in rejoycing , when they eat bread ; blessed , &c. who bringest bread out of the earth : if in drinking ; blessed , &c. that hast created the fruit of the vine : for the fruit of other trees ; blessed , &c. that hast created the fruit of the trees : for the fruits of the earth ; blessed , &c. that hast created the fruits of the earth : for any pleasant smell ; blessed , &c. who hast created such an odoriferous thing : when they behold the high mountains , or the vast sea ; blessed , &c. who hast created all things from the begining : when they see , eat , or put on , any new thing ; and likewise , at the begining of every solemn feast ; blessed , &c. who hast given me life , preserved me , and brought me up to see this day : if any one die ; blessed , &c. thou judge of truth . in a word , both in all things , and actions whatsoever , either before , or after ; and in some , both before , and after , they say some benediction to god : accounting it a high point of ingratitude , if they should enjoy , and make use of any thing in the world , without having first made a thankful acknowledgment of it to god , the creator of all things . 3. and they are bound to say , at least , a hundred benedictions , every day : and because they use to say the most of them in the morning , when they go to their devotions in the school ; these first morning benedictions are therefore called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meah beracoth ; that is to say , the hundred benedictions . chap. x. of the form of their synagogues , or schooles . they make their synagogues , which are called by them , schooles , either little , or great , on the ground , or above staires , standing by themselves , or in part of another house , according as their best opportunities will give them leave : it being impossible for them now to erect any starelie , or sumptuous fabricks . 2. the walls within are onely whited , or else wainscoted , or lined with boards : and round about them are written certain verses , or sentences , exhorting to attention in prayer . and round about the school are benches made , to sit on ; and , in some , there are also certain chests , to lay books , cloaks , and other things in . over head are many lamps , candles , and lights , both of waxe , and of oyl , to enlighten the place . at the doors are boxes , or little chests , into which , who so pleaseth , putteth in money ; which is afterward distributed to the poor . 3. in the east part is placed an ark , or chest , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aron ; in imitation of the ark of the covenant , that was in the temple : and herein is laid up the pentateuch , that is to say , the five first books of moses , written most exactly , in parchment , and with ink prepared for the same purpose , in a large square letter , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , merubaath , majuscula , in imitation of one of those books , which was written by the hand of esdra , ( whereof such a one is said to be at cairo , ) who copied out that which was written by moses his own hand ; as we read in the cap. 8. of esdra . and there must be so much exactnesse used in the writing of this book ; as that if there should chance to be but one of the least letters , as a vau , or a jod , more or lesse , then the just number , it must be thrown aside , as uselesse , and not fit to be read at all : and many other particulars there be , wherein the transcriber may thus dangerouslie erre ; which are all set down at large by the rabbines . now this book is not made up in the form of other books now in use , but in manner of a rowl , as all books were anciently used to be made ; that is to say , large pieces of parchment are sewed together at length , with thongs made of the skin of some clean beast , and not with thread ; which they rowl up , and unrowl at pleasure , upon two staves of wood. for the better preserving of this book , it is alwaies covered with a case of linnen , or of silk , which the women use to beautifie with needle-work , and imbroyderie , with all the art they can , and so present it ; and also with another silken cover about it , by way of ornament . and he that is of abilitie , will cover the ends of the two staves , whereon his book is rowled up , which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , etz chaijim , ligna vitae , with something of silver , either in the form of pomegranats , which they yet for this reason call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rimonim ; pomegranats ; or of bells , or some other the like : or else they encompasse them about at the top with a coronet of silver , either that goes round about them , or else hanges as it were in the midst before them : and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chatarath , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ cheder torah , corona legis , the crown of the law : according to the use and manner of the place , and the fancie of the owner of the book . and there are in this ark , or chest , sometimes two , sometimes four , ten , twentie , or more , of these books : and they are called all of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sepher torah , the book of the law : and out of these , they read , on every festival day , and other set times ; as we shall shew hereafter in its proper place . 4. in the midst , or else at the upper end , there is a kind of woodden table raised up something high , on which they lay the said book , when they read in it ; and on which they lean , when they either preach , or otherwise speak to the congregation upon any occasion . 5. there is also a place either above the rest of the congregation , or on one side of it , separated from the rest by lattises of wood , for the women ; who there stand at their devotions , and see whatever is done in the school , though they are themselves unseen of any man , neither do they at all mix with them ; that by this means , their minds may not be led aside by any sinful thought , during the time of prayer . 6. notwithstanding , the situation , and ordering of all these particulars is diverse , according to the different customes of the severall countries , nations , and places where they inhabite . 7. there is one , that sings out the prayers lowder then the rest , whom they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cazan ; and another , that hath the charge of looking to the school , and keeping it clean , and orderly , to set up lights , and to attend all other needfull offices that may occurre , during the time of prayers ; and he also keepeth the keys of the school . this officer is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , schamash , that is to say , a minister , or serving officer . and both of these , as well the cazan , as the shamas , have stipends allowed them , out of the common stock of the school they are of . 8. of these synagogues , or schooles , there are perhaps one , two , sixe , ten , or more , in a city ; according to the proportion of the jews there inhabiting : allotting to each school such a number of persons , as it will receive ; and according to the different customes of the levantines , dutch , and italians : because there is more diversity found amongst them , in this particular , and in what else relates to their prayers , then in any other thing whatsoever ; every nation following herein its own particular fancy . chap. xi . of their prayers , square vestment called taleth , their frontlets , and book of the pentateuch . they repair to their devotions in their synagogues , or schools , three times a day ; that is to say , in the morning , from sun-rising , till about the fourth hour of the day ; and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , schacrith : in the afternoon , about the ninth hour ; which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , minchah : and in the evening , at the beginning of the night ; and this is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arbith . but in many places , except it be upon festivall daies , they say their afternoon prayers , and their evening , all together , about the time of sun-set , as being the more convenient time . 2. they alwaies wash their hands , before they enter into the school : and in the morning , they must neither eat nor drink any thing before they go , nor do any manner of businesse , nor so much as go to salute any friend , nor do any reverence to any . 3. in the morning , as soon as they are entred , they put on each man his taleth , or square vestment , mentioned before , chap. 5. 7. 8. & 9. saying the benediction , blessed be thou , &c. which is used , when they put on their zizith , or pendants . and some put it onely on their head ; others turn it back about their neck , that so they may be the more attentive at their prayers , without looking aside any way . 4. after this they put on their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tephilin , mentioned before , chap. 5. paragr . 10. which are made after this manner : they write upon two pieces of parchment , with ink prepared for the same purpose , and with verie great exactnesse , in a fair square letter , in each of them these four passages out of the law. the first is out of the chap. 6. deuteron . ver . 4. hear o israel , the lord our god is one lord , &c. the second out of the 11. chapt. ver . 13. and it shall come to pass , if you shall hearken diligently unto my commandments which i command you this day , &c. the third out of exodus , chap. 13. ver . 1. and the lord spake unto moses , saying ; sanctifie unto me all the first born , &c. and the fourth , out of the same chapter , ver . 11. and it shall be , when the lord shall bring thee into the land of the canaanites , &c. and these they rowl up in a black piece of calves skin ; that is to say , in one of them they put all the aforesaid passages of scripture together in one rowl , made up pointed at the end , which they fasten to a square piece of the said calves skin , in the hardest part of it ; out of which skin there comes a certain string , or thong of the same leather , being an inch broad , and about a yard and a half long : so that it may be tied upon the brawnie part of the left arm ; and the said string , after a small knot made up , in the fashion of a jod , may be turned round about the arm , and so reach down to the middle finger of the hand : and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tephilah she l jad , that is to say , the pendant of the hand . in the other , the aforesaid four places of scripture are divided into four several parts , each from other ; and being afterwards fastened together again , they make a kind of square , with the figure of the letter schin upon it : and then fastening it to the like square piece of hard leather , as the other was , there are cut out of it two such strings , or thongs , as the other had : and so the said square is to be placed upon the midst of the forehead , the two strings encompassing the head , and being tied in a knot behind , in the figure of a daleth , and the rest of them hanging down before , upon the breast : and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tephilah shel roseh , the pendant of the head. these are the frontlers , which together with the taleth they generally put on every morning , and onely then : although there are some of the more devout among them , that put them on at the afternoon prayers also : but there are not many that do so ; unlesse it be the cazan , or chaunter , who alwaies puts on the taleth , or square vestment . 5. when they see , that there are ten men , of the age of thirteen years and a day , assembled together , ( for if they be under the number of ten persons , they may not begin to sing prayers solemnly : ) the cazan , or chaunter goes then to the table , or woodden altar before spoken of ; and there begins the prayers in a loud voyce , all the rest of the congregation saying after him , in a softer tone . 6. the manner of saying their prayers is very different among the three several nations above specified : and indeed there is not any thing wherein they differ more , then in this ; as was intimated before . in their singing , the dutch far exceed all the rest : the levantines , and spaniards , use a certain singing tone , much after the turkish manner ; and the italians affect a more plain , and quiet way , in their devotions . the formes and words are more , or lesse , according to the day , whether it be a festival , or otherwise ; and yet there is some difference among them , on their festivals also . 7. neverthelesse the main bodie , and substance of their prayers , wherein all in a manner agree , is this . in the morning they say certain psalms , especially the 145. exaltabo te deus meus rex , &c. i will magnifie thee o god my king , &c. to the end : and all those following hallelujahs : then a certain collection of praises to god , which is often repeated in all the prayers , and at all times : a short prayer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cadisch , that is to say , holinesse : a prayer of thanksgiving to the creatour of the light , and of the day ; which they call , jozer : that of deuteron . audi israel , &c. si ergo obedieritis , &c. diverse times mentioned before : together with those words out of num. cap. 15. loquere filiis israel , ut faciant sibi fimbrias , &c , these three lessons are called chiriat scheman : then followeth the veiaziu , &c. the nineteen benedictions to god : the schemonah asre , wherein giving praise to god , they crave at his hands all things that are most necessary for them , as food , health , understanding , liberty , forgivenesse of sins , &c. which they first say in a low voice , and is afterwards repeated aloud by the cazan ; adding thereto the 145. psalm , and some certain verses out of the prophets ; and that of isaiah , cap. 6. sanctus , sanctus , sanctus , dominus deus exercituum : holy , holy , holy , lord god of hosts , &c. with the interpretation of the said words in chaldee : and after all this is said , there followes one lesson more ; and in the last place they give thanks to god , who hath enlightened them to do him service ; beseeching him , that he would be pleased to bring all men unanimously to the knowledge , and worship of him : and so saying , the haleno lesabeah , they make an end of their morning prayers . 8. on mundayes , and thursdays , they adde in their prayers , after the schemonah asre , certain confessions , and penitential prayers . and these two dayes they account the fittest of the whole week , for a man to indict himself either a fast , or any manner of abstinence ; calling these two days , days of justice : because that anciently , the magistrates , and ministers of justice were wont in their several cities ; to sit on these dayes , and administer justice ; and the villages , and places adjacent , came all in , as to a market , to the chief city , or town , as it were in a kind of relation to the divine justice . 9. in their afternoon prayers , they begin with the 145. psalm ; then the cadisch ; the nineteen benedictions ; the schemona asre , first in a low voice , and afterwards aloud : and so repeating the cadisch again , they make an end . 10. in the evening they say certain praises to god , who bringeth on the night ; and , who loving israel , gave them his precepts : then the three lessons , called chiriath scheman : an acknowledgment of his mercie , in bringing them up out of egypt ; after that , a prayer , that he would vouchsafe to preserve them that night from dangers : then 18. verses out of the prophets , the nineteen benedictions , the schemona asre , in a plain tone onely , the haleno leschabeah ; and lastly , the cadisch , with which they end their evening service . 11. these are the principal parts , of which their three daily services do consist always : and although that on their solemn and feastival days , there are certain other pieces added , suitable to the day , and the present occasion , as shall be declared in its proper place ; yet is this the base and ground-work of the businesse , both for the order , and substance of the whole . and thus farre there is no great difference , betwixt the three principal nations above specified ; but they do , in a manner , all conform to this method in their devotions . 12. the whole pentateuch they divide into 48. or 52. lessons , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , paraschoth , that is to say , divisions : and one of these is read every week in the school ; so that by this meanes , throughout the whole year , though it should have thirteenth moneths in it , it will notwithstanding all be read . on mondaies , and thursdaies , after the penitential prayers , they take the sepher torah , or book of the law before spoken of , chap. 10. out of the chest or ark ; and saying the third verse of the 34. psalm ; o magnifie the lord with me , and let us exalt his name together ; and some others the like , they lay it upon the table , or wooden alter : and then taking it out of the covers , and opening it , there are three persons invited up , to read the beginning of the parascha , or lesson for the day ; one , one piece ; and another , another : and these say a benediction , at the beginning , and another at the end . then the cazan , or chanter , giveth a blessing upon them ; and so each of them promiseth to give something , either to the poor , or to the use of the school ; or else to the chanter himself , or to the schamas , or ministring officer . after this , the said sepher torah is lifted up on high , open , and the holy scripture , contained in it , is shewed to all the congregation ; saying these words out of deuter. cap. 4. ver . 44. ista est lex , quam proposuit moses coram filiis israel , &c. this is the law , which moses set before the children of israel , &c. but the levantines use to hold up the book , in the sight of the people , before they begin to read in it . after this is done , they shut it up , and put it into its covers , and so lay it up in the chest again . 13. this ceremonie , of reading in this book , and of inviting , in this manner , more , or fewer , up to the reading in it , is said to have been ordained by esdra ; and it is done every feastival , and every fast day ; as shall be hereafter declared in order . 14. and because every one desires , out of devotion , to have a hand in some or other of these religious acts , either of taking forth , or laying up the book again , or other the like occurrences , during the time of prayers ; these favours are therefore bought of the chaunter ; and he that biddeth most , shall have a share in them : and the money , which cometh in this way , goes either to the use of the school , or else to the poor mans box. chap. xii . of their priests , and levites ; and of their wives , and titles . in ancient times , while the temple stood , their priests were onely such as were descended from the stock of aaron ; as we read in exodus , chap. 29. and in other places . and these served at the altar , in offering all their sacrifices and oblations , burning incense , and whatever other religious duties were to be performed : and to them was given , not onely those portions of the sacrifices there set down ; but , of every beast also that was killed , they were to have the shoulder , the head , and the inwards and likewise the firstlings of all their flocks , and herds ; the price of redeeming the first-born of their sons ; the first shearing of their sheep ; two in the hundred , at the gathering in of all their fruits ; a piece of dough , when they made their bread ; and all other things , set down at large in the scriptures . 2. the levites were to sing , at the times appointed , in the temple : and their portion was , the tithe of their fruits ; which they gathered up , going from place to place , throughout the several villages . 3. but now that they are no longer bound to the payment of these gifts , except those jews only , that inhabite within the territorie of jerusalem , and other parts of judaea ; and also because there are very few of them that have either lands , or flocks ; it is hence come to passe , that notwithstanding there are many among them , that pretend to have it delivered over unto them by infallible tradition , that they are descended of the stock of the ancient priests , and levites ; yet since the transmigration hath been so long , and so universal , these men have no priviledge at all above the rest : save onely , that the price of redeeming the first-born of their sons , belongs to them ; and besides , they have the priviledge of being the first in reading in the pentateuch , when they are invited up to it among others : as was declared in the precedent chapter , part 12. they also blesse the people , upon solemn feastival daies , saying those words out of numb . chap. 6. vers . 24. benedicat tibi dominus , & custodiatte , &c. the lord blesse thee , and keep thee , &c. 4. they may not touch , not stand under any roof , or covered place , where any dead person is . the first-born of their males are also redeemed from them : as we shall shew , part. 4. chap. 9. 5. a priest may not take to wife any woman that hath been put away by a former husband ; nor any kinswoman , that hath had the caliza , or been refused by her husbands brother : as shall be declared , part. 4. cap. 7. 6. lastly , in some few cases , the levites follow in their order , next after th●● priests . chap. xiii . of their flocks , and tillage of the ground . they may by no means sow two sorts of seed together , as wheat and barley ; and the like : much lesse may they sow them together with the stones of grapes : as it is written , levit . chap. 19. ver . 19. agrum tuum non sere● diverso semine , &c. thou shalt not sow thy field with mingled seed , &c. neither may they graffe any tree , or plant ; as a nut-tree upon a peach-tree ; or an apple-tree upon an orenge-tree ; and the like : neither may they plant young graffes among their ploughed lands : notwithstanding it is lawful for them to eat of the fruit that growes upon the said graffes , or trees . 2. if a man plant any tree that beareth fruit , he may not eat of the fruit of it , till after the third year that it had been planted : notwithstanding that anciently it was the fourth year also to be brought unto the temple : and now it is redeemed , with some little ceremonie . and this they observe , out of the said levit. 19. 23. 3. they may not put together any beast with another , that is not of the same kind ; as an asse and a cow , or the like , that they may engender one upon the other : as it is said , levit. chap. 19. ver . 19. jumentum tuum non facies coire cum alterius generis animantibus , &c. thou shalt not let thy cattel gender with a diverse kind . neither may they yoak them together , either in plowing their land , or drawing a cart : as it is enjoyned , deuter. cap. 22. ver . 10. non arabis in bove simul , & asino , &c. thou shalt not plow with an oxe , and an asse together . 4. in reaping their corn , they were to leave a part of their field uncut : and so likewise in gathering in their vintage , they were commanded to leave some grapes behind them . 5. every seventh year their land was left untilied ; and whatsoever sprung up of it self that year , went to the poor : as we find , levit. cap. 25. 6. the firstlings of the males of every clean beast , as of cow , sheep , and the like , if they be without blemish , they may neither eat nor keep for their own use ; because anciently they were to be given to the priest , or else they were to be redeemed of him . and so , at this time , they may not make any use of them , neither for food , nor any other service , except they should chance to be some way defective . an asse must be redeemed with a lamb , given to the priest ; as it is written , exod. 13. 13. 7. if any one find a nest , in the field , of clean birds , that is to say , such as it is lawful for them to eat , and the damme sitting either upon the egges , or the young ones , he may not take the damme with the young ; but if he will take away the egs , or the young ones , he must let the dam flie . and this is commanded in the chap. 22. ver . 6. deuteron . si nidum avis inveneris , &c. if a birds nest chance to be before thee in the way , in any tree , or on the ground , whether they be young ones , or egs , and the dam sitting upon the young , or upon the egs , thou shalt not take the dam with the young. chap. xiv . of their charity to the poor , and their tendernesse shewed to their very beasts . it cannot be denied , but that this nation is very full of pitie , and compassion , toward all people in want whatsoever : seeing that , notwithstanding there must necessarily a very great number of them be such ; the greatest part of them being poor , and the whole nation exposed to more misfortunes , then any other people in the world ; and besides , those few rich men , that are found amongst them , having neither any revenues , or possessions , which are onely properly to be called riches : yet notwithstanding do they relieve all their own poor , principally ; and besides these , what other person soever they find to be in want ; and that upon all occasions . 2. in great cities , the poor go every friday , and on the eves of every solemn feastival , to the houses of the richer sort , and of others also that are but of indifferent fortunes , collecting their benevolence ; and to all of them is given something , according to each man's abilitie : besides , that there are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parnassin , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , memunim , men that are deputed to be overseers of the poor , and which send their allowances home to their houses ; especially to such as have been men of esteem , as also to those that are ashamed to ask , to the sick , and to poor widows , who do not so much as stirre abroad all the week long . 3. in each school , or synagogue , all the offerings are put together , and part of that also , which is given for the favour of being an assistant in any of the religious ceremonies before mentioned , cap. 11. paragr . 14. and that which is cast into the poor man's box : and all this is distributed among the poor . 4. but in case of any extraordinary occasion ; as when any poor man , either of that citie , or a stranger , is to marry a daughter , or to ransome slaves , or the like ; the aforesaid overseers procure a promise to be made him , from each particular man in the congregation ; that is to say , the chaunter upon the sabbath day goes about the school , and saies to each particular person ; the blessing of god be upon the man ; that shall give so much , to such a charitable work. and because it is unlawful so much as to touch any money upon the sabbath day , therefore every man in particular makes a promise to give what he pleaseth ; and this is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nedabah , oblatio voluntaria , a voluntary offering , or free gift : which each man very willingly payeth , the week following , according to the sum which he had formerly made promise of . and so , all the particular sums , being put together , are delivered to the poor man , for whom they were collected . 5. there are moreover , in every great citie , several fraternities , or companies of select officers , who have the charge of many works of charitie : as for example , some that take care of the sick ; and for the burial of the dead ; and this is commonly called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ghemiluth hassadim : others , for simple alms , cailed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , zedacah : others , for the redeeming of slaves , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pidion shebim ; and some , that have the charge of marrying poor virgins , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hassi betuloth : and many others ; either more , or lesse , according to the number of the jews , that inhabite in the said citie . 6. if any poor man have any extraordinary necessitie , greater then the inhabitants of the citie where he lives are able to supply ; he then goes to the principal rabbines of the citie , and they give him a testimonial under their hands , that he is an honest man , and one that deserves their charitie ; and withal intreat , that every one would lend him his assistance . then goeth he , with this testimonial , to all places where any jewes dwell ; and whether it be a castle , village , or other small place , he is there entertained , a day , or two , with meat , drink , and lodging ; and money , at his departing . and if he come to any great citie , he there procures a confirmation of his testimoniall , by the subscriptions of the rabbines of that place ; and so is sent to the school , from the parnassim , or the publick officers , that have the charge for the relief of the poor in that place ; and thus , in some one of the forementioned manners of collection , he is relieved , and receives their assistance . 7. the jews send their almes yearly , from all parts wheresoever they inhabite , to jerusalem , for the maintenance of the poor that live there , and spend their time praying for the well-fare of the whole nation : as they also do to other parts of judea ; as namely to saffet , tiberias , and to hebron , where the sepulchres are of the patriarks , abraham , isaac , and jacob , and of their wives . 8. each man in particular may , besides all this , give alms , when , and how much he pleaseth , according as he shall think fit . 9. they account it also a work of pietie , to relieve any one whatsoever that is in misery , although he be no jew ; and especially those of the city , or place , where they inhabite : esteeming it an act of charitie due to all mankind , indifferently ; the rabbines having also expresly enjoyned them so to do . 10. and the greatnesse of their charitie , and pity , appears in this ; that they are very careful not to torment , or abuse , or put to any cruel death , any brute beast ; for as much as , they are all of them created of god : according to the psalmist , psal . 145. ver . 9. et miserationes ejus super omnia opera ejus : and his mercy is over all his works . part ii. chap. i. what language they use in their ordinary speech , writings , and preaching . there are at this time very few among them , that are able to discourse perfectly in the hebrew , or holy tongue , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laschion hacodesch , wherein the twentie four books of the old testament are written : nor yet in chaldee , which is the language of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 targum , or chaldee paraphrase of the bible , and which they commonly spake before their dispersion : because they all generally learn , and are brought up in the language of the countries , where they are born : so that , in italy , they speak italian : in germany , dutch : in the eastern parts , and in barbary , they speak the language of the turks , and moors ; and so of the rest . and they have made these strange languages so much their own , as that many of them that have gone out of germany , into poland , hungary , and russia , to inhabit , have notwithstanding preserved the dutch tongue in their families , and made it their mother tongue to all their posterities : as likewise those that have gone out of spain into the eastern parts , for the most part speak the spanish language : but in italy they use both the one , and the other ; according to the place , from whence the fathers are descended . so that the common people every where conform themselves to the language of the nations , where they inhabit ; onely mixing now and then a broken hebrew word , or two , in their discourse one with another : although the learneder sort among them are somewhat more perfect in the language of the scripture , and have it , as it were , by heart . notwithstanding it is a very rare thing to meet with any among them , except they be their rabbines , who are able to maintain a continued discourse in hebrew , elegantly , and according to the proprietie of the language . 2. and besides , in the pronunciation of the hebrew , they are so different among themselves , that a dutch jew can hardly be understood by an italian , or an eastern jew : neither is there any among them that speak more clearly , and exactly according to the rules of grammer , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dikduk , then the italian doth . 3. and indeed the pure hebrew tongue being of little extent , and very barren of words , there being no other bookes , anciently written , to be found now , save onely the aforenamed twentie four books of the old testament , whence the whole language was to be fetched ; the rabbines have since thought good to enlarge it , by borrowing many words from the chaldee , and some few from the greek , and other languages , and inventing also severall words for the names of things ; in like manner as writers in all ages have done , fitting terms of art , for the better understanding of their philosophy , and other sciences . 4. this language is still in use among them , in writing of books ; in all kinds of contracts ; in bills , either private , or publick , and the like . but their ordinarie letters of complement , or businesse , are written , for the most part , in the vulgar language of the place where they are ; although sometimes they use the hebrew character : onely those of morea still retain the hebrew tongue also , and use it in their familiar letters . 5. in their preaching they likewise use the language of the countrie , that they may be understood by all ; that is to say , they cite the texts of scripture , and sayings of the rabbins in hebrew ; and afterwards interpret the same in the vulgar tongue . 6. their manner of preaching , or making sermons is thus : the whole congregation sitting quietly in the school , he that hath a mind to preach , ( which is easily granted to any that desire it , ) either putting on the aforenamed taleth , or else going , without it , up to the wooden alter , or table , spoken of par. 1. cap. 8. begins his speech there , repeating some verse or other , out of the lesson for the day , and this is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nosè : that is to say , the text , or subject , whereof he intends to treat : adding after it some sentence out of the wisemen , or rabbins ; and this is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 maamar : and so making a kind of preface , and proposing some certain subject , suitable to the sense of the aforesaid passage out of the lesson for the day , he proceeds on to his sermon ; alledging texts of scripture , and the authoritie of the rabbines in his discourse , every man as he is able , both for the style , and method : which is very different , among the several nations . 7. and this is done every sabbath day , and at all the chief feastivals , for the most part , and onely then : unlesse there be some funeral sermon to be made , at the death of any person of note , which useth to be done upon any of the week daies , or working daies , according as the occasion requireth . chap. ii. of their academies , and studies , and of the originall , and continuation of the gemara . they account it the most pious work that may be , to studie either the holy scripture it self , or any expositions of it : having regard to that command , deuteron . cap. 6. ver . 7. et meditaberis sedens in domo tua , & ambulans in itinere , &c. thou shalt teach ( these words ) diligently unto thy children , and shalt talk of them when thou sittest in thine house , and when thou walkest by the way , and when thou liest down , and when thou risest up . 2. some few among them studie the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cabalah , that is to say , revealed speculation , and the secret theology of the scripture : others studie philosophie , and other sciences , both natural , and moral ; notwithstanding applying all of them to the understanding of the scripture : for otherwise they would account the studie of these points of learning a most dangerous , and pernicious thing : unlesse it were in reference to the studie of physick , which some of them professe . but the most usuall , and common studie among them , is , that of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gemara , which was properly , and originally called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , talmud , where the use of it is permitted them ; or , where it is forbidden them , they studie the writings of the wisemen , or paraphrases , and abridgments of the talmud . 3. and for this cause have they their academies also , called by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , jesiboth , where they meet together to dispute , the rabbines with their schollers ; but talking all together confusedly , and without any order at all : and this is usually done in the mornings , after prayers are ended , every day of the week , except fridaies , the sabbath day , and their feastival daies , and their eves . 4. and because that all the rites , precepts , and customes of the jewes , and their authoritie , are all grounded upon this book of the talmud , i shall here give the reader a short account of the originall , order , and continuation of it . 5. in the first chapter then of this book is declared , how that the written law , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tora shebichthab , lex quae in scripto , was given by moses : and the exposition of this written law , and other of their ordinances , they have received from the mouth of their rabbines . now no part of this later was to be put into writing , so long as the temple stood : and it was therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , torah schebeal peh , lex quae per os , the law delivered by word of mouth , because it was traditional , and delivered over from one to another , by word of mouth only . 6. but afterwards about one hundred and twentie years after our saviour christ , when the temple was now destroyed , there was a certain rabbine , named rabbi juda , who , for his sanctitie , and holinesse of life , was honoured by the jewes with the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rabbenu haccadosch , magister noster sanctus , our holy master , who was very intimate with , and greatly respected by antoninus pius the emperour , and was also a very richman . this rabbi jehuda , perceiving , that since the transmigration , and dispersion of the jewes , the traditionall law began by degrees to be lost , and to be in danger of being quite forgotten ; he makes a collection , in writing , of all the decrees , opinions , and traditions of all the rabbines , that had ever been , down to his own time ; and this collection , being made in as good a method , and as short as he could , he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mishnah , that is to say , lex secundaria , or a repeating of the law : and he divided it into six tracts , or parts . the first of which treated of seeds , and of tillage : the second , of the feastivall daies : the third , of marriages , and things appertaining to women : the fourth , of dammages , and suites of law , and all civil matters : ths fift , of sacrifices : the sixt , of cleannesse , and uncleannesse . and because this collection of his was so very brief , and therefore the harder to be understood , in so much that it gave occasion of many disputes , and controversies , which were raised upon it ; therefore about some three hundred and fifty years after him , there were two other rabbines , dwelling in babylon , the one of them named ravenà , the other ravascè , which collected together all the expositions , disputes , and additions , that had been made upon the mischnah , down to their own time ; adding besides many reports , sentences , and sayings of their own , which they found to make any thing to the businesse in hand , and thus making , as it were , the mischnah to be the text , and all the rest to serve as a comment , or exposition upon it , they made all up into a book , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , talmud baveli , the talmud of babylon , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gomarah , which they divided into sixtie sections , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , massactoth ; but following the order , and method of the fore-mentioned first six tracts . and although that one rabbi jochanan had , not many yeares before , made the like collection , at jerusalem , which book is therefore in like manner called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , talmud jerusalmi , the jerusalem talmud ; yet by reason of its being too compendious , and also because of the roughnesse , and uneavennesse of the style , that of babylon hath onely obtained , and is now in use ; as being both the larger , and the easier to be understood . upon this later there is a comment made , by one rabbi solomon jarchi , called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , raschi , by way of abbreviation : and there are also extant upon it the disputations of a certain academie of rabbines , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tossaphoth : and many are the extracts that have been made out of this book ; especially three of the aforesaid six tracts ; those other three , concerning seeds , sacrifices , and of cleannesses , being at this day not to be found any where . 7. this talmud , we have here described , was afterwards prohibited to the jewes , by some certain popes ; and then again the use of it was permitted them , by some others : but now it at length continues utterly prohibited ; and , in italy especially , it is not read , nor so much as any where to be found . chap. iii. of the manner how their rabbines are created ; and of their authority ; and power of excommunication . the rabbines use not to make any means , for the procurement of the title of doctor ; yea they rather account it an argument of pride , and a shameful thing , to endeavour any such thing ; and therefore neither do they put themselves upon the examination of any . but , when any one is known to be of sufficient knowledge , and an apt person for the dignity of a rabbine , that is to say , such a one as is sufficiently well skilled in the traditional law , or that which was delivered by word of mouth , how little knowledge soever he hath of the other humane sciences ; he is by a common consent of all , in the eastern parts , accounted a rabbine , and called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cacham , that is to say , a wiseman . but in germany , and italy , they are to be honored by the ancientest rabbines , ( and that either in writing , or by calling them so , ) with the title either of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , caber di rab , that is to say , a master's fellow ; which is a kind of a middle title of dignity , and is usually given to young men , or to such persons as are not thoroughly versed in the law ; or ese of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , morenu , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rab , that is to say , master , or doctor ; and so are they from thenceforth called . 2. these men , that is to say , the cacham , rab , or morenu , decide all controversies concerning the things that are either lawful , or prohibited , and all other differences ; they execute the office of publick notaries , and give sentence also in civil controversies ; they marry , and give bills of divorce ; they preach also , if they can ; and are the chief men in the academies before mentioned ; they have the uppermost seats in their synagogues , and in all assemblies ; and they punish those , that are disobedient , with excommunication : and there is generally great respect shewed unto them in all things . 3. when they excommunicate any one , they curse him , and declare him openly to be excommunicate ; and in this case it is not lawful for any other jew , either to speak to him , or come within four yards of him : neither may he come within the synagogue , or school ; but he is to sit upon the ground with his shoes off , as if he mourned for some of his dead kindred ; and this must he do , till such time as he shall have been absolved by the rabbine , or rabbines , and shall have received their benediction . 4. and if it be the solemn , and grand excommunication , then do the people all repair to the school , and lighting black torches , and sounding hornes , they curse him that shall do , or that hath done such , or such a thing . and all the children and the people answer , and say , amen . chap. iv. of their oathes , and vowes . they are utterly forbidden to swear in vain ; or , so much as to name , without special occasion , any one of the many several names of god : according to that commandment in the decalogue , exod. cap. 20. ver . 8. and deuteron . cap. 5. ver . 11. how much more unlawful then is it , to swear falsly by it , and to defraud any thereby : as it is written levit. 19. ver . 12. non perjurabis in nomine meo , &c. thou shalt not swear by my name falsly ; neither shalt thou profane the name of thy god. 2. neither are vowes very commendable , in their esteem ; yet when they are made , they ought to be kept . neverthelesse the husband may dispence with , or break any vow of abstinence , that his wife shall have made , and that without her consent too ; provided he do it within the space of 24. houres , after he heard of it . and the father may in like manner break , or dispence with a vow made by his daughter that is a virgin : according to that of num. 30. where these things are spoken of at large . 3. they have a tradition also , that , if a man , or a woman , make a vow , or take any oath whatsoever ; if it be not to the prejudice of of any third person , that it should be broken ; and if it may , upon any tolerable pretence , or reason , be wisht unmade again ; in this case any one of the principal rabbines , or any other three men , though they have not any title of dignity , may absolve , and discharge them from it . so that , he that would be absolved from any vow , by him made , goeth either to a rabbine , or to any three other men ; and they , hearing his reasons why he repents himself of having made such , or such a vow , if the thing seem but reasonable , they say unto him thrice , be thou absolved from this vow , &c. and so he is discharged . chap. v. of their dealing in worldly affaires , and of their usury . they are commanded , both by the law of moses , as also by that of the rabbines , or the traditionall law , to carry themselves most uprightly in their dealings , and to defraud , or cozen no man , neither jew , nor other : observing alwaies , and with all sorts of men , those just waies of dealing , which are commanded them in many places of the scripture ; and particularly in levit. cap. 19. ver . 11 , 13 , 15 , & 33. to the end of the chapter . 2. and those men , that have given out , of them , some in speeches , and others in writing , that they swear every day , ( and account it a godly work , ) to endeavour to defraud , and cheat the christians , is a most grosse untruth , and scattered abroad by these men , onely to render them more odious among the nations , then they are . whereas , in truth , many of the rabbines have commanded them the clean contrary , in their writings : out of which , rabbi bechai hath made a full collection of the passages , that concern this particular , in his book intituled , cad hachemah , under the letter , ghimel ghezelah : where he saith , that it is a far greater sin , to defraud one that is not a jew , then to defraud a jew ; in respect of the scandal , which by this means is given ; besides the wickednesse of the act it self : and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chillul haschem , to profane the name ( of god. ) which is one of the greatest sins that can be . so that if there chance to be found any among them , who is a fraudulent , cheating person ; it must be imputed to the dishonestie , and basenesse of that particular mans disposition ; and not , that he is any way prompted thereto , by any encouragements , either found in the law , or any way given him by the rabbines . 3. true it is , that by reason of the distresse , into which their so long captivitie hath brought them , and their not being suffered to enjoy any lands , or possessions at all , or to exercise many other kinds of merchandisings , and waies of traffick , that are of reputation , and profit ; they are at length become much abased in spirit , and have degenerated from the ancient israelitish uprightnesse , and sinceritie . 4. in like manner as , for the same reason , they have made it lawfull to take use-money : notwithstanding that which is said , deuter. 23. ver . 19 , & 20. extraneo foenerabis , & fratri tuo non foenerabis , &c. thou shalt not lend upon usury to thy brother , &c. unto a stranger thou mayst lend upon usury , &c. where , by the word stranger , it is clear , that no other could be meant , but onely those seven nations , of the hittites , amorites , jebusites , &c. from whom god commanded them to take even their lives also . but for as much as , now , they have no other way of livelihood left them , but onely this of usury ; they allege it to be lawful for them to do this , as well as for the rest of their brethren by nature . 5. and these seven nations are onely meant , in all those places , where ever the rabbines permit any usurie , or any extortion to be used ; seeing that the same is so often permitted unto them in the holy scripture , and , without all doubt , none of those nations , among whom they are at this present dispersed , and suffered to inhabite ; and do likewise receive all courteous usage , from the princes of the several nations ; especially among the christians : seeing that , this would be a crime , not onely against the written law , but against that of nature also . chap. vi. of their contracts , evidences , witnesses , judges , and judgments . every contract , or agreement , is concluded by each of the parties touching the skirt of a garment , or other cloath of witness : and this is done , as it were , in form of an oath , and is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , kinian sudar , possessio per sudarium , ( sive pannum : ) a bargain by a cloath , or handkercheif . 2. the writings drawn by a publick notary , are of no authoritie at all among them , unlesse they are subscribed by one witnesse : and any writings whatsoever , either of bargaines , wills , marriage , divorce , and whatever other businesse imaginable , if they be signed by two witnesses , they are of force and validitie . 3. if any man would have his writings to be of force , for ever after , and in all places whatsoever ; he then adds , a confirmation to them , by adding three others , to the former ; and these are called judges of that case . 4. when any witnesses are , in any business , to be examined , their examinations must be taken , in the presence of the person accused , or of the adverse partie . 5. when any differences , or controversies of what nature so ever , do arise , the principal rabbines are the judges of them , in most parts of the world : or else , they refer the business to arbitration , putting it into the hands of two or three of their friends , that are indifferently ingaged to both parties . 6. their manner of giving judgments is agreeable to the rules set down by the rabbines at large , in many of their books : and particularly in a book called by them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chosen hammischpat , pectorale judicij , the breast-plate of judgment : and in many of their resolutions of cases proposed , which they call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scheeloth , teschivoth ; questions and answers : which are taken , for the most part , out of exod. cap. 21. haec sunt judicia , &c. now these are the judgments , which thou shalt set before them : and the following , cap. 22. & 23. and deuter. cap. 22. 23. 24. 25. and lastly , according as the judge , in reason , shall think meet , who is to have regard both to the person , the case in controversie , and the circumstance of time. 7. in criminall matters they , in all places , submit themselves wholy to the punishment of the prince , under whose subjection they live . onely in case of offending against any rites of their own law , they are liable to excommunication by their rabbines , as hath been formerly said , chap 3. chap. vii . of meats that are forbidden them ; and how they eat their flesh . they may not eat of any beast , that is not cloven-hoofed , and which cheweth not the cud ; as oxen , and sheep do : but not either conies , hares , or hogs . neither may they eat any fish , that hath not skales , and fins : nor , that is covered with a shell : nor any birds of prey , nor any creeping thing : as is specified at large , levitic . cap. 11. 2. and for this reason , they eat not any thing that is dressed by any other , then of their own nation : nor use any of their vessels , or kitchen implements : least haply they might have been formerly used , in the cooking of some or other of the meats forbidden them : as hath been formerly touched , part. i. cap. 3. neither do they use any other bodies knife . 3. they eat not the fat , either of an oxe , lamb , or goat : according to the command given them , levit. cap. 3. ver . 17. nec sanguinem , nec adipem omninò comedetis , &c. it shall be a perpetuall statute for your generations , throughout your dwellings , that ye eat neither fat , nor blood. neither do they eat of the sinew of the thigh : observing that which is written , genes . 32. ver . 32. quamobrem non comedunt nervum filii israel , &c. therefore the children of israel eat not of the sinew which shrank , which is upon the hollow of the thigh unto this day , &c. and therefore of what beast soever they eat , they are very carefull to take away all the fat , and the aforesaid sinew . and hence it is , that in many places of italy , and especially in germany , they eat not at all of the hinder quarters of the aforenamed beasts : because there is , in these parts of the beast , both very much fat , and also the forbidden sinew ; and it asketh so much care to cleanse the parts of these , that there are few that are able to do it , or dare undertake it . 4. they may not eat the blood of any beast of the earth : as it is written , levit. cap. 17. repleatur omnis anima ex vobis , non comedet sanguinem , &c. and in many other places : neither yet will they eat an egge , least happily there should be some string , or small thread of blood within eat . and perhaps it was for this reason , that they were forbidden to eat any beast of the earth , or any bird of the ayr , except they first cut the throat of it , that so the blood might go out . 5. this act of cutting the throat , or sticking of any beast , must be performed by the hands of one that is very well versed in it , and skilled in all the necessarie circumstances that belong hereto : for example , he must slit the gullet , with a sharp knife , that hath no notches , or cracks in the edge of it , thrusting it nimbly in , as far as needs , that so the blood may issue out in a free uninterrupted stream : which blood is poured upon some dry part of the ground , or into ashes ; and afterwards covered with the said ashes , or part of the earth : as it is commanded , levit. cap. 17. ver . 13. fundat sanguinem ejus , & operiat illum torr'd ▪ he shall pour out the blood thereof , and cover it with dust . 6. they may not cut off a joynt of any living beast , and eat it , either boyled , or raw. 7. they may not kill , in the same day , a cow , and her calf ; nor an ewe , & her lamb ; nor a shee-goat , and her kid ; nor the sire of any beast , with the young , if they know it : as it is commanded , levit. cap. 22. ver . 28. sive illa bos , sive ovis , non immolabuntur una die cum foetibus suis : and whether it be cow , or ewe , ye shall not kill it , and her young , both in one day . 8. if any beast , or bird , of the number of those which it is lawful to eat , die of it self , or were killed in any other manner , then hath been said , they may by no means eat of it . 9. and if by chance it should have had any bone broken in its life-time , in certain parts of the bodie , which are specified by the rabbines ; or if it were any way hurt , so that it might have died of that hurt , they must not eat of it . 10. so likewise , if in the bowels of any bird , there should chance to be found any thorn , or sharp prick , that had got into the bodie of it ; or , in the bodie of any four-footed beast , any impostumation , or swelling , or that the lungs grew to the sides , ( all which particulars they very diligently search into , after they have killed it : ) they must not eat of it : observing all these circumstances , from that which is written , exod. cap. 23. toward the end of the chapter ; and likewise in other places . 11. from this prohibition of eating of blood it is , that they put all their flesh into salt , letting it lie in it for the space of an hour , before they put it into the pot , or pipkin , to be boiled ; that so it may be the more throughly cleansed from the blood : for , otherwise they may not eat of it , unlesse it be rosted . and for this reason also they never boil the liver , because it is wholly made of blood : but they either broil it upon a gridiron , or upon the coles ; or else they rost it throughly . 12. but in the several kinds of fishes which it is lawfull for them to eat , they observe none of all these things aforesaid : because they are not forbidden to eat these in their blood ; or to eat them , though they die of themselves , or otherwise . 13. they may not eat flesh , and cheese , or milk-meats , together : observing this , from what is delivered exod. 23. ver . 19. non coques haedum in lacte matris suae , &c. thou shalt not seeth a kid in his mothers milk : that is to say , thou shalt not seeth any beast , in any milk. whence it is , that they not onely observe , not to eat them together , either boyled , or otherwise ; but they also forbear to eat them , at the same meal ; nor yet will they eat cheefe within an hour , after they have eaten flesh : because they conceive , that haply some of the flesh may stick betwixt their teeth , and so may chance to mixe together with the cheese : but if they eat cheese first , by it self , they may afterwards eat flesh , if they please . 14. and for this reason every one hath several vessels , for the dressing , and serving in of their meat ; and likewise several knives ; one for cheese , and another for flesh ; which have their different marks too , that they may be known by : as hath been formerly said , par. 1. cap. 3. and if by mistake any one chance to dresse either of these in the vessels appointed for the other ; or in case it should be put into it while it is hot , they may not eat thereof ; and the vessel , or dish , if it be of earth , must not be used any more . 15. they eat not any cheese , which is not of their own making , or which they have not seen made , and with their own rennet too : lest by chance there should be mingled together in it , the milk of some forbidden beast , or that some of the skin had been mixed together with the rennet ; and so there would be both flesh , and cheese , in one : or else lest it might have been boiled in a kettle wherein some forbidden thing had formerly been dressed . and that cheese , which they have seen the making of , they set a mark upon ; that so they may know it again . 16. the rabbines have delivered also in their traditions , that it is not lawfull to eat fish , and flesh , together ; because it is not unwholesome so to do : but , now , there are very few that observe this . chap. viii . of their drink . there are some , who observing an ancient tradition of the rabbines , hold it unlawful for a jew , to drink any wine that is made , or ordered by any , but a jew : and this is still observed , amongst the dutch , and eastern jews . but in italy , they observe no such thing ; alleging for themselves , that haply this might have been an ordinance made by some of those rabbines , who lived among idolatrous nations ; that by this means they might avoid all commerce with them : but it cannot have respect unto the people , amongst whom they live ; whom themselves confesse , to be no such men. 2. there are many ceremonies used , in their drinking ; as namely , at the beginning , and end of their feasts , at their marriages , circumcisions , and at other times : at which times they use a certain thanksgiving , over a vessel of wine , and so drink of it : and every time that they drink , both before , and after they have drunk , they say a benediction : as having this liquor in grert veneration , of which it is said , psal . 104. ver . 15. et vinum quod laetificat cor hominis , &c. and wine that maketh glad the heart of man , &c. and in the book of judges , cap. 9. ver . 13. vinum meum , quod laetificat deum , & homines . and the vine said unto them ; should i leave my wine , which cheareth god and man ? &c. chap. ix . of their making their bread. when they have made any bread , that is to say , any lump of dough , of the bignesse of fourtie egs ; they first take a cake out of it ; as it is commanded , num. cap. 15. ver . 20 , & . 21. de primitiis pastarum vestrarum dabitis domino , &c. ye shall offer up a cake of the first of your dough , for an heave-offering , &c. 2. this cake was anciently given to the priest : but now , they take and cast it into the fire , and burn it . 3. and this is one of the three precepts , which the women are enjoyned to observe ; because they commonly make the bread , chap. x. of their manner of sitting at meat . before they sit-down to meat ▪ they are bound to wash their hands very carefully ; wherein the rabbines have delivered very many subtilties , and nice circumstances to be observed : as they have likewise done , about the washing of hands every morning ; as hath been before touched , part. 1. cap. 7. 2. after they are sate down , they use to say , for the most part , the 23. psalm , dominus regit me , &c. the lord is my shepherd , therefore can i lack nothing , &c. and afterwards the master of the house takes a loaf of bread ▪ and faies a benediction over it ; which having done , he breaks it , and gives to each person at the table , a piece of it , about the bignesse of a great olive : and afterwards , every one eats , as much as he pleaseth . and so , the first time that any one drinketh , he sayeth the benediction before set down , part. 1. cap. 9. 3. the rabbines have delivered many particular circumstances , relating to civilitie , and modestie , which are to be observed , during the time of sitting at meat : and in particular , that they must not cast upon the ground , nor trample under feet , any bread , or other meat , that they seem not to despise gods gifts . 4. when they have done eating , they wash their hands , and take up their knives from off the table : because , say they , the table represents the altar , upon which no iron tool was to come : and many use to say the psalm , that was used to be said by the devites in the temple , on that day of the week : and likewise the 67. psalm , deus misereatur nostri , &c. god be mercifull unto us , and blesse us , and cause his face to shine upon us , &c. and if they be three , or more , that eat together ; then doth one of them command a glasse to be washed , and filling it with wine , he taketh it up from off the table , saying with a loud voice ; sirs , let us blesse his name , of whose good things we have been filled : and they answer him , and say , blessed be his name ; who hath filled us with his good things , and by whose goodnesse we live . and thus they proceed , in giving thanks to god , who giveth food to everything : who gave the land of promise to the ancient fathers : beseeching him , that he would again build up jerusalem . after this , the master of the house blesseth them , and prayeth for peace : and having so done , he giveth to each of them a little of that wine , which he hath in his glass ; and he himself also drinks of it : and so they rise from table . part iii. chap. i. of the feast of the sabbath . the jewes have the sabbath in very great . veneration , and far above all the other feastivals ; as being in so many several places of the scripture made mention of , and commanded to be kept , even from the very creation of the world : as namely in gen. cap. 2. and twice , in the decalogue ; besides very many other places ; where the doing of any manner of work is forbidden , and a rest upon that day enjoyned to all. 2. the several works , forbidden upon that day , are reduced by the rabbines to thirtie nine heads ; under which are comprehended all kinds of work whatsoever . and the heads are these ; to plough , to sow , to mow , to bind up in sheaves , to thresh the corn , to winnow it , to try it , to grind it , to sift the meal , to knead dough , to boile , to lop or shread , to whiten any thing , to card , to spain , to wind in scaines , to warp , to weave , to die , to tie , to untie , to sewe , to tear asunder , to build , to break down , to use a hammer , to chase any beast , to kill it , to flea it , to dresse it , to fetch off the hair of the skin of it , to cut it out into joynts , to write , to cancel , to rule paper , or the like , to kindle a fire , to quench it , and to carry any thing from a private place to a publick . these are the general heads , under which are comprised all the particular kinds , that are reducible to these generals : as for example ; to use a file upon any thing , is comprehended under the title of grinding of corn : because that , in both these , one body is reduced into many . so likewise to make any thing to coagulate , or to gather into a curd , is comprised under the. title of building : because that in both these , one body is made up of many : and so in all the rest . and all these things , that are herein to be observed , are with very great subtiltie , and punctualitie delivered by the rabbines ; who have declared at large , how , and in what manner these particulars are to be observed . 3. they may not either kindle , or put out a fire : according to that which is commanded , exod. cap. 35. ver . 3. non succendetis ignem in omnibus habitaculis vestris , die sabbati : ye shall kindle no fire throughout your habitations , upon the sabbath day : and therefore neither do they meddle with any fire , nor touch any wood that is on fire , nor kindle any , nor put it out ; nor do they so much as light a candle upon the sabbath day . and if the place be cold , where they dwell , except they have any stowes , or hot-houses ; or else , have some one that is no jew , to kindle a fire for them ; or , had so ordered the matter aforehand , that the fire should kindle of it self at such a time ; they must even be content to sit in the cold all that day . 4. and therefore they dresse not any meat upon the sabbath day themselves , neither do they cause any others to do it for them : neither may they eat any thing that is either dressed , brought forth into the world , or any fruit gathered in , upon that day . 5. they may not carry any burthen upon that day ; and therefore no man is to have upon his back anything , that is not of his necessarie apparel , and tied on : for otherwise , they say , it is to be accounted as a burthen , or load . and the same is observed by the women , in their dressings , and in that of their children , and servants ; and even of their beasts also : seeing it is so commanded , exod. cap. 20. and likewise deuter. cap. 5. ver . 14. non facies in eiquicquam operis , &c. in it thou shalt not do any work , thou , nor thy son , nor thy daughter , nor thy man-servant , nor nor thy maid servant , thine oxe , nor thine asse , nor any of thy cattel , &c. 6. it is not lawfull to treat upon any publick affairs , or to make any bargain , or to make any order , touching buying , selling , giving , or taking into possession : as it is written , isaiah , cap. 58. ver . 13. si averteris a sabbato , &c. if thou turn away thy foot from the sabbath , from doing thy pleasure on my holy day , and call the sabbath a delight , the holy of the lord , honourable ; and shall honour him , not doing thine own ways , nor finding thine own pleasure , nor speaking thine own words , &c. 7. they may not touch , or handle , any thing of weight , or burthen , nor any tool , or instrument , of any act , or work , that may not be done upon the sabbath . 8. they may not walk above a mile from the citie , or place where they dwel , that is to say , two thousand yards . 9. there are besides these things , many other particulars , forbidden by the rabbines , for the more certain avoiding of all manner of businesse , or work of handicrafts to be done that day : as for example , the handling of any money , which is the cause , and occasion of all manner of trading : as likewise riding on horseback , going by water , playing upon any musical instrument , or bathing . 10. in case of any persons being ill or diseased ; if the grief require onely the chirurgeons hand , there are many , and severe restraints laid upon them by the rabbines . but if the physicians help be necessarie , if he esteem it a sicknesse of any danger , although it be not great , and so likewise in case of any woman being newly brought to bed , the physician hath libertie to do any thing . 11. on friday then , every one provides himself of whatsoever he shall need the day following : as the children of israel did of old , in gathering their manna : as it is written , exod. cap. 16. ver . 5. die autem sexto , parent , quod inferant , &c. and it shall come to passe , that on the sixt day they shall prepare that which they bring in ; and it shall be twice as much as they gather daily . and they account it a good work , to spend liberallie that day , in honour of the feast : as it is written in isaiah , cap. 58. ver . 13. et glorificaveris eum &c. and shalt honour him , &c. and they willinglie employ themselves , even in the meanest offices , that are any whit tending to the honour of the sabbath . 12. they do not begin any kind of businesse , or work , upon the friday , unlesse they are very well able to finish it fully , some while before the evening comes on : and when it is now within an hour of sun-set , they set their meat on the fire in the best manner they can , that so it may be readie to eat , against the next day : and having done this , they make an end of working any more , till the sabbath be over . in many cities there is one that is appointed to go about , and proclaim the approaching of the sabbath , about some half an hour before the time that it is to begin : that so they may dispatch , and quit their hands of all manner of businesse whatsoever , before the beginning of the feast . 13. when the 23. hour then of friday is now come , about half an hour before sun-set , the feast is understood to be begun ; and then also the forbearing from all works that are forbidden , begins to take place . and now the women are bound to set up a lamp in the house lighted , which used to carry four , or six lights at least : and this lamp burneth the greatest part of the night . they also spread the table with a clean table-cloath , and set bread upon it ; and over the bread , they spread a long narrow towel , which covers it all over : and this is done , say they , in memorie of the manna in the wildernesse , which in like manner descended upon the earth , being covered beneath , and having a dew on the top of it ; and on the sabbath , it fell not at all . 14. there are many that shift themselves at that time , putting on clean shirts , and washing their hands and face ; and so go to the school , where they say the 92. psalm : bonum est confiteri domino , &c. it is a good thing to give thanks unto the lord , and to sing praises unto thy name , o thou most high , &c. together with the accustomed prayers ; withall , naming the sabbath in their prayers : and rehearsing those verses of genesis , cap. 2. igitur perfecti sunt coeli , & terra , &c. thus the heavens , and the earth were finished , and all the host of them . and on the seventh day god ended his work , which he had made , &c. and god blessed the seventh day , and sanctified it , &c. 15. then do they return , each man to his home ; and if they salute any one that night , they do dot say unto him , good even ; nor the next day , good morrow ; but alwaies their salutation is , a good sabbath to you : and so the fathers blesse their children , and the masters their scholars ; and some use to say certain verses , in praise of the sabbath , either before , or after meat , according as the custome of the place is . 16. when they are set down to meat , the master of the familie takes a bowl of wine in his hand , and saying the afore-cited verses of gen. cap. 2. igitur perfecti sunt coeli , & terra , &c. he giveth thanks to god , who hath given them the commandment of keeping the sabbath : and so he blesseth the wine , and drinketh of it ; and afterwards gives a little of it to each person at the table with him . then doth he rehearse the 23. psalm : dominus regit me , &c. the lord is my shepherd , therefore can i lack nothing , &c. and so blesseth the bread , and giveth of it to all : and after this they eat , every one as much as sufficeth him : as they likewise do , each meal the day following . when they have done , then do they wash their hands ; and so perform all those other ceremonies , that we have before set down , par. 2. cap. 9. speaking of their manner of sitting at meat . some use to say , after meat , the 104. psal . benedic anima mea domino , &c. blesse the lord , o my soul , &c. 17. the next morning they rise later , then they usuallie do on the week daies , and go to the school ; where , after the singing of many psalms , and the accustomed prayers , together with certain laudatory prayers , in honour of the sabbath , they take out the book of the law , before spoken of , and read the lessons , or portion of it , appointed for that day ; and this is done by seven persons : after this , they read some place or other , out of the prophets , which they find to be most suitable to the ordinarie lesson for the day : and this is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , haphtarah , lectio dimissoria , a dimissory lesson : and this is read by some child , for the most part , to exercise him in reading the scripture . 18. after this , they take the said book , and holding it up on high , that it may be seen by all , they blesse all the assistants . 19. then is there a solemn benediction said , for the prince of that state , under which they live ; wherein they pray to god , that he would preserve him in peace , and quietnesse , and that he would prosper him , and make him great , and powerful , and that he would also make him favourable and kind to their nation : observing to do thus , from that passage in jerem. cap. 29. ver . 7. et quaerite pacem civitatis , &c. and seek the peace of the city , whither i have caused you to be carryed away captives ; and pray unto the lord for it : for , in the peace thereof , shall ye have peace . after this , they say another prayer , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , musaph , additamentum , an additional prayer ; wherein is read the sacrifice that was wont to be offered in the temple : and thus is their morning prayer ended . 20. they have their sermons also , or preaching ; which is performed , either in the the morning , or in the afternoon , in the school , or some other place designed for that purpose : wherein they treat of good manners , and reprove vices , fitting their discourse to the ordinarie lesson for the day , that was taken out of the pentateuch , and citing many sentences out of the rabbines : as hath been formerly declared , par. 2. cap. 1. 21. in the evening they repair to the school again ; where , after the ordinarie prayers are said , there is added a commemoration of the sabbath ; and the beginning of the lesson for the week following is read , out of the pentateuch , by three persons . 22. they use to make three meals , that is to say , they sit down to meat three times , during the time that the sabbath lasteth : namely once , on friday night , and twice the day following : doing this , in honour of the feast . and the table-cloth continues laid all the day long . 23. in the evening , when the time is come that they can now see three stars of the middle magnitude , they account the sabbath to be at an end ; and it is now lawfull to do any manner of work , so soon as ever the evening prayer is begun ; to which they make the lesse haste , that they may not seem to anticipate , or end the sabbath before the due time . 24. they adde , to the ordinarie evening prayers , a certain commemoration , or acknowledgment of the sabbaths , being a day distinguished , and set apart , from the week-daies : saying also the 91. psalm . qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi , &c. he that dwelleth in the secret place of the most high , shall abide under the shadow of the almighty , &c. and many other verses out of the scripture , treating of blessings , and prosperitie , and the like . 25. then returning , each man to his own home , they light a torch , or lamp , with two wicks in it at least ; and taking a bowl of wine in one hand , and sweet spices in the other , they say certain verses out of the prophets , touching prosperitie and blessings ; and also out of the 116. psalm . calicem salutis accipiam , &c. i will take the cup of salvation , and call upon the name of the lord : and likewise out of esther , cap. 8. ver , 16. judaeis autem nova lux , &c. the jewes had light , and gladness , and joy and honour : and the like ; praying withall , that the week following may be prosperous unto them . after this they blesse the wine , and the sweet spices , withall smelling to them , that so they may seem to begin the week with delight , and pleasure : then do they also blesse the light of the fire , which as yet hath not been made any use of ; withall looking upon their own heads , because now they may fall to their work again . and all these things are , with them , of very mysterious signification . now the meaning of all this is , to signifie , that the sabbath is now ended , and that that instant of time divides it from the working-daies : and having so said , it is quite finished . now all this ceremonie is , for the same reason , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , habdalah ; which is as much as to say , distinction : which being now ended , they cast a little of the wine upon the ground , in token of joy , and gladnesse ; and some use to sing certain songs , and verses , ominating prosperitie , and good fortune the week following . and from henceforth it is lawfull for them to do any work . 26. when they salute one another that night , they do not say , god give you a good night ; but , god send you a good week . chap. ii. of the beginning of their moneths ; and of their order , and names : and of the thirteenth moneth . the jewes reckon their moneths , according to the revolution of the moon : so that every moneth contains 29 daies , and the third part of a day : and every new-moon is the beginning of a moneth . 2. heretofore in ancient times , they were used to send forth two , out of the sanhedrim , that is to say , the judges of jerusalem , to be witnesses of the new moon 's appearance : which as soon as they had discovered , they presently returned , and gave notice thereof to the rest of the judges ; who immediatly appointed , and published that day to be , caput mensis , the head , or beginning of the moneth : and in this manner did they order the businesse , for the finding out the times , that all their feastivals were to be kept at . but now since the destruction of the temple , it is done by computation ; and there is yearly a kalendar , or monethly almanack made , and printed , by which they may find out the age of the moon , together with the time of its change , and the four quarters , with all the feastival daies throughout the yeer , and all other the like things . and they now set down in their kalendars , the feastival daies of the christians also , for the better ordering of their businesse , and affairs , wherein they have to deal with them. 3. their caput mensis , which sometimes is two daies together , that is to say , the end of one moneth , and the begining of the next , is a feastival time with them . as it is commanded , num. 10. ver . 10. also in the day of your gladnesse , and in your solemn daies , and in the beginnings of your moneths , ye shall blow with the trumpets over your burnt-offerings , &c. and also because there was then a new sacrifice to be offered : as is enjoyned in the 28. chap. ver . 11. and in the beginnings of your moneths , ye shall offer a burnt-offering unto the lord ; two young bullocks , and one ram , &c. but yet it is lawful , on these daies , to do any manner of work , or businesse : onely the women use to abstain from working , on these daies . the solemnitie of these feasts is shewed , chiefly in feeding more plentifully , and being more frolick at their meat . 4. at the time of prayers , there is notice given to all , that that day is the beginning of the moneth : and so they say certain psalmes , from the 113. unto the 118. then do they take out the book of the law ; and the lesson is read by four persons . after this they adde the musaph ; wherein they make mention of the sacrifice , that was wont to be offered upon that day . 5. the next sabbath eve , after the change of the moon ; or else , the next evening after the new moon hath first appeared , they all meet together , and say a laudatorie prayer to god , who hath created the planers , and that reneweth the light of the moon : and leaping uptowards heaven , they pray that they may be defended from their enemies , repeating that verse out of exod. cap. 15. fear and dread shall fall upon them , &c. and they commemorated the prophet david : and so saluting each other , they depart , each man to his several home . 6. the names of the moneths are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tisri , hassuan , kisleu , tebeth , schebath , adar , nisan , jiar , sivan ; tamuz , ab , elul : answering to our moneths , september , october , november , december , january , february , march , aprill , may , june , july , august : beginning to reckon them , from tisri , that is , september : as we shall shew hereafter more fully , chap. 5. when we come to speak of their caput anni , or beginning of the year . 7. now that they may make the solar , and lunar year equal ; every revolution of nineteen years , they make seven to consist of thirteen moneths ; that is to say , every second , or third year , one : and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meubar , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 schanah meubereth , annus intercalaris , or a leap-year : and they make the moneth adar , which falls betwixt our february , and march , to be double , the first adar , and the second adar ; and this later they call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , veadar . chap. iii. of the feast of the passeover . upon the 15. of the moneth nisan , which is , for the most part , of our aprill , the feast of the passeover , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pesach , begins ; which was instituted , in memory of their comeing forth our of egypt ; and was commanded to be kept seven daies together : but they keep it eight daies , all those jews that inhabite not in jerusalem , and the country thereabout ; following the ancient custome of keeping it , which was in use , before they had any kalender , or way of computation , to be directed by ; but were informed by the sanhedrim , when the beginning of each moneth was to be kept ; as we have shewed , in the precedent chapter . this feast is commanded to be kept , exod. cap. 12. ver . 14. which command is also repeated in many other places , where they are continually put in mind of it , and urged to the keeping thereof . 2. the two first daies , and the two last , are solemn feastivals ; insomuch , that , upon these daies , it is unlawfull to do any manner of work , or businesse ; in like manner , as it is on the sabbath : onely they are permitted to kindle fires , and to dresse meat ; and likewise to carry any thing from one place to another : and as for the four middlemost daies , they are onely in them forbidden to labour ; but they may handle money : and there are onely some few other things , wherein they are different from the rest . 3. in all the time of these eight daies , they may not either eat , or have in their house , or in their power , any leavened bread , or leaven ; but they are to eat unleavened bread onely : as they are commanded , exod cap. 12. ver . 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. septem diebus fermentatum non invenietur in domibus vestris , &c. seven daies ye shall eat unleavened bread ; even the first day you shall put away leaven out of your houses , &c. for whosoever eateth that which is leavened , even that soul shall be cut off from the congregation of israel , &c. 4. and therefore they begin , before the passeover , with all the diligence , and care they can , to put away all leaven , or any thing that hath had leaven in it , out of their houses , and out of their power ; searching all their cupboards , and bins , and cleansing the whole house , and whiteing it all over : and they provide themselves also of new utensils for their kitchin , and table ; or else they new-make the old again , and scowr them well ▪ or else they have a select number of vessels , set apart for the use of the passeover onely : that so they may be certainly assured , that they use not any thing , during those eight daies , that hath had leaven in it . and for this cause also , the evening before the vigil , or eve of the passeover , do they use to lay , up and down , in certain places of the house , little pieces of bread ; which the master of the familie , having a wax light in his hand , is to go about searching after ; to see , if by this means , he may chance to light upon any other morsels , or scraps of bread , lost in some hole or other : which pieces of bread they take , about the fift hour of the day following , and cast into the fire , and burn it : in token that the prohibition of eating leavened bread now begins to be in force ; saying withal some certain words , intimating the putting away of all leaven out of their houses , and out of their power ; if not effectually , yet at least intentionally , and to the utmost of their power . 5. and now do they begin to make such a quantitie of unleavened bread , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matzoth , as may serve for their whole houshold to eat , during those eight daies ; having an especial care of their meal , so soon as ever it comes from the mill , that it neither take vvet , nor be over-heated ; least by this means it should chance to rise , or prove leavened : but when they make their unleavened bread , they mixe water and meal together , and so kneading it into dough , they make it up into flat cakes , of divers forms , and shapes , and immediately put them into the oven to be baked : and these cakes they keep , as neat and clean as they can ; eating them instead of bread , so long as the feast of the passeover lasteth . they also make , for those that are daintie , and of tender stomacks , and such as are sick , a richer sort of cakes , with egs , and sugar mixed amongst it ; but these cakes are to be unleavened also : and these are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , matzah aschirah , rich unleavened bread. 6. upon the vigil , or eve of the passever , which is on the 14. day of the moneth nisan , all their first-born use to fast ; in memorie , that , the night following , god smote all the first-born of egypt . 7. in the evening they all repair to the school , to prayers ; which being ended , they return home to their houses , and sit down to meat , the table having been laid before , in the day time , and furnished with the greatest varietie , and pomp , that possibly they can . and instead of those ceremonies that were anciently to be used , at the eating of the pascall lamb , expresly set down , exod. cap. 12. where they are commanded to eat it with bitter herbs ; et edent , &c. et azymos panes , cum lactucis agrestibus , &c. and they shall eat the flesh in that night , rost with fire , and unleavened bread , and with bitter herbs shall they eat it , &c. they have now onely some part of a lamb , or a kid , brought in , in a dish , with certain bitter herbs about it , as smallage , endive , lettice , and the like ; together with another little vessel , with a certain sauce in it : in memorie of the brick , which they were forced to make for the egyptians . and so the master of the house , taking a bowl of wine in his hand , makes a certain narration , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , agadah , wherein are reckoned up all the miseries they underwent ; and all the miracles , with which god brought them up out of egypt ; giving thanks to god for the many great benefits , which they had received at his hands : and then do they begin the 113. and all the five following psalmes , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hallel ; and so they fall to their meat . after supper they say the rest of the forementioned psalmes , together with some certain praises , and songs , tending to the same purpose ; and so they go to bed : doing all the same things , the day following . 8. the prayers in the morning , are here , as in all the other feastivals , onely the ordinarie , daily prayers ; adding withall some certain passages , that are pertinent to the present occasion ; and repeating the aforesaid psalmes , from the 113. to the 119. then do they out take the book of the pentateuch , and five persons read in exodus , cap. 12. and in other places where mention is made of the sacrifices which were to be performed at the passeover , as in num. cap. 28. and these they afterwards repeat over again , in their musaph , or additional prayer : and then do they read , out of the prophets , some passage , which is suitable to the ordinarie lesson for the day , which was taken out of the pentateuch , called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haphtarah , as they use to do on the sabbath : and they likewise do the same in the afternoon , making withall a commemoration of the feast ; and they also blesse the prince , under whom they live ; as upon the sabbath . 9. the very same things are done , the two last daies of the feast : save onely ; that they do not , on the last evening , do the same , which they did on the first . 10. at the end of the feast , they use the same ceremonies , which they do on the sabbath , which they call habdalah ; of which we have formerly spoken . onely they use the words barely , without the ceremonie of smelling to any sweet spices ; and so they return to their eating of leavened bread again . 11. from the second evening of the said passeover , they begin to reckon 49. daies , unto the feast of weeks , which then followes ; accounting from the day , whereon they offered the sheaf of wheat , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omer , manipulus , a sheaf : and therefore this they called , numerare omer ; to reckon omer ; or , the daies before harvest : as it is commanded , levit. cap. 23. ver . 10 , & 15. numerabis ergo ab altero die sabbathi , in quo obtulisti manipulum primitiarum , septem hebdomadas plenas , &c. and ye shall account unto you from the morrow after the sabbath , from the day that ye brought the sheaf of the wave-offering ; seven sabbaths shall be compleat , &c. and every evening following , after they have said a benediction to god , for giving them this precept , they say , to day are so many dayes past of the omer . 12. and during the space of the first 33. daies of the omer , they make shew of a kind of sadnesse in their countenances ; neither doth any of them either marry a wife , or make himself any new clothes , or cut his hair , or publickly make shew of any mirth at all : because they have a tradition , that at this time , that is to say , betwixt the second day of the passeover , and the 33. day after , there was a very great mortalitie happened , among the disciples of a great person , named rabbi hachiba , wherein some thousands of them died : and that on the 33. day , it ceased : and therefore they call this day , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chag , dies festus , a feastivall day ; wherefore they make good chear upon it , and are merry ; neither do they any longer shew any tokens of sorrow , as they did before . chap. iv. of the feast of weeks , or pentecost . when the fiftieth day of the aforesaid account is come , which falls out to be upon the sixth of the moneth of sivan , they then celebrate the feast of weeks , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , schebuoth : which is so called , because it is kept , at the end of seven full weeks , accounted from the passeover , as hath been formerly said . it is also called in the scripture festum primitiarum , the feast of the first fruits : because at this time they were commanded to bring an offering , to the temple , of the first of their fruits : as you may see , deut. cap. 26. it is also called festum messis , or , the feast of harvest ; because they now first began to put the sickle into their corn. this feast is commanded to be observed , exod. cap. 23. & levit. 23. and in num. cap. 28. and in divers other places , where it is mentioned , under several names . at this time , they keep it two daies together . 2. these two daies they keep holy , in like manner , as at the passeover ; abstaining from all manner of work , or businesse , as they do upon the sabbath : onely they may make fires , and dresse meat ; and also carry any thing from one place to another . 3. they have a tradition , that , at this very time , the law was given , upon mount sinai : according as it is delivered exod. cap. 19. and therefore they use to adorn , and trim up their schooles , and places where they read the law , and their houses also , with roses , flowres , garlands , and all manner of florishing boughes , and the like . 4. their prayers they use , are the same that at other feasts : and they also take out the book of the law , reading the sacrifice , that was to be done at this feast ; then the haphtarah , out of the prophets ; adding a benediction , for the prince under whom they live : and in the afternoon there is a sermon made , in praise of the law. 5. when the evening of the second day is come , they use the ceremonie of the habdalah ▪ as hath been said , touching the end of the passeover ; in token , that the feast is now ended . chap. v. of their caput anni , or beginning of the year ; and of the first moneth , called elul . it was once a great controversie among the talmudists , at what time of the year the world was created : some of them said , it was in the moneth nisan , or march ; that is to say , in the spring : others again maintained , that it was rather in the moneth tisri , or saptember ; because autumn then begins . and this opinion prevailed , so that it was thenceforth concluded , that the world began in the autumn , on the moneth tisri : which moneth they also ordained to be accounted the beginning of the year . so that notwithstanding that we find in the holy scripture , that they were commanded by god , to account nisan , the first moneth of the year : as appears plainly out of exod. cap. 12. ver . 2. mensis iste vobis principium mensium , &c. this moneth shall be unto you the beginning of moneths ; it shall be the first moneth of the year to you , &c. and so , following this order of reckoning nisan the first , they would end with adar , which would be the twelfth , and last moneth of the year : yet notwithstanding it was afterwards decreed , that tisri , or september , should be the first moneth , and the beginning of the year . 2. the first , and second daies then of the moneth tisri , are a feastival to them , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rosch haschanah , caput anni , the head , or beginning of the year : as it is enjoyned livit . cap. 23. ver . 24. mense septimo , prima die mensis , erit vobis sabbatum , &c. speak unto the children of israel , saying ; in the seventh moneth , in the first day of the moneth , shall ye have a sabbath , &c. and all manner of work , or businesse , is prohibited , in like manner , as at the passeover , and the feast of weeks : as hath been declared in the precedent chapters . 3. and for as much as they have a kind of ancient tradition , that god , at this time especially , judgeth all the works of men , that they have done the year passed ; and also disposeth of , and ordereth all that is to happen the year following ; as if , this day being , as it were , the natalitium , or birth-day of the world , he at this time examined , and considered more strictly , of all the accidents that had come to passe : therefore do they begin , on the first day of elul , which is the moneth immediately going before , to think of acts of penance ; and , in some places , they rise before day , and say prayers , make confession of their sins , and rehearse the penitentiall psalms . and there are many among them , that indict themselves fasts , do penance , and give alms to the poor ; continuing on this course , till the day of pardon comes , which we shall speak of in the following chapter ; that is to say , for the space of forty daies . and on the first day of the moneth elul , they sound a horn ; for the reasons , which shall be hereafter specified . 4. but these things are generally done by all of them , at least a week before the feast , and especially upon the vigil , or day before the said feast begins : at which time many among them wash themselves , and cause themselves to be beaten , and whipt ; observing , not to exceed the number of scripes , set down , deuter , cap. 25. ver . 3. et plagarum modus ita dunta●at , ut qua●r agenarium numerum non excedat , &c. fourty stripes he may give him , and not exceed , &c. and therefore in whipping one another , they give but 39. stripes ▪ and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , malcuth , regnum , the kingdomè of severity . 5. the eve before the first day of this feast , they go to the school , where saluting each other , they say , one to another , be thou written into a good year ▪ and the other answereth ; and thou also . and they use , at this feast , to have alwaies upon the table , honey , leaven , and diverse other things to signifie increasing , and growth , and to ominate a sweet , and a happie yeer to follow ; and many the like ceremonies do they use , all to the same end . 6. the morning of the first of these two daies , they go to the school , and many of them apparel themselves all in white , in token of cleannesse , and as a sign of penitence : and many also , especially of the dutch jewes , apparel themselves in the same habit now , that they have provided for their funerals , and intend to be buried in : and they do this , in sign of the greater contrition . when they are met together in the school , they say a greater number of prayers , then ordinarily they use to do ; praying that the succeeding yeer may be prosperous unto them , and begging pardon of all their sins . then is the book of the pentateuch taken out , and the lesson for the day is read by five persons : then the sacrifice that was wont to be performed on that day , described , num. cap. 28. after this , the haphtarah out of the prophets is read , and so they say a benediction for the prince . 7. after this , they blow a horn , which is to be a goats horn , giving with it thirty blasts in all ; of which , some are to be held out in length , and others to be short broken ones . this they observe , from that passage in levit. cap. 23. ver . 23. repeated also , num. cap. 29. ver . 1. and in the seventh moneth on the first day of the moneth , ye shall have an holy convocation , ye shall do no servil work ; it is a day of blowing the trumpets unto you . and this is done , they say , to strike a terrour into themselves , and to put themselves in mind of the judgment of god , and to induce them to repent them of their sins . after this , they say the musaph , or additionall prayer : and many other things they add , which are proper to the day , and the businesse in hand : and then , lastly , they sound the horn again , in the same manner as before . then returning home each man to his house , they sit down to meat ; and so spend the rest of the day in hearing sermons , and other religious exercises : and all these things are in the same manner done over again , the day following . and upon the second day , in the evening , when the feast is now ended , they say the habdalah ; as in all the other feasts , before-mentioned . chap. vi. of the day of pardon of sins , or expiation , called chipur . immediately after the two daies of the feast of the beginning of the year , they fall to doing of penance , rising to prayers before day-light : and this they continue doing , untill the tenth day of the said moneth tisri : which tenth day is a fast , for the obtaining pardon of their sins , and is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jom hachipur , dies expiationis , the day of expiation , or pardon of sins : as we find written , levit. cap. 23. ver . 27. decimo die mensis hujus septimi dies expiationum erit , &c. also on the tenth day of this seventh moneth there shall be a day of atonement , it shall be an holy convocation unto you : and ye shall afflict your souls , and offer an offering made by fire unto the lord , &c. and they are prohibited from doing any manner of work , or businesse , as upon the sabbath : and they fast all day without eating or drinking any thing . 2. the vigil , or evening before this fast , they were wont heretofore to use a certain ceremonie with a cock , swinging it about their head , and giving it up in exchange of themselves , and this they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , caparah , or reconciliation . but this custome is now left off , both in the east , and in italy , as being a thing both superstitious , and groundlesse . 3. on this day they feed very plentifully , considering that they are to fast all the next : and many go into bathes , and wash themselves ; and they cause themselves to be whipt also , undergoing the aforementioned discipline , of the 39. stripes , called malchuth . and there are some among them so conscionable , as that if they have wronged any one in any thing , they make restitution ; and ask pardon of all that they have offended ; and also pardon all persons whatsoever , that have injured them at all . they also give alms to the poor : in a word , they do all things whatsoever , that can be required to true and hearty repentance . 4. two or three hours before night , they go to their afternoon prayers ; and after this , to supper : and they make an end of eating before sun-set . afterwards , many of them put on white garments , or else the habit they intend to be buried in , as hath been said before : and so they go , bare-footed , to the school , which on this day is all hung about with several lights , as lamps of oyl , and wax tapers : and now do they say many penitentia prayers , and make confession of their sins ; every nation according to their own custome , and usage ; but these devotions last for the space of three hours , at the least : and thus having finished here , they go home to bed . yet some there are , that stir not out of the school all night long , but continue saying their prayers , and now and then psalms , sleeping very little , nor not at all . 5. in the morning following , as soon as it is day-light , they all repair to the school again , in the aforesaid habits ; and there they stay till night , continually praving and saying of psalms , and making their confessions , and craving pardon of god , of the sins they have committed . the devotions of this day consists of four parts : the first , is , that of the morning , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shackrith : the second , the additional prayers , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , musaph : the third , the afternoon service , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mincha : and the fourth and last , the evening prayers , which they call . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nehilah . at the schakrith , and mincha , they take out the book of the law ; and in the morning , six persons are invited to read in it ; but in the afternoon , they call but three to it : and after this , they read the haphtarah , or lesson out of the prophets . 6. at the musaph , or additional prayers , they read the sacrifice of that day ; & then do they make a commemoration of the great solemnitie that was wont to be celebrated by the high priest on that day ; at which time onely , throughout the whole yeer , it was lawfull for him to enter into the sanctum sanctorum , or holy place , to burn incense , and to cast lots upon the two goats ; one lot for the lord , and the other lot for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , azazel , the scape-goat : as it is commanded , levit. cap. 16. 7. when it is now night , and that they can see the stars appear , they then blow the horn , as they did at the feast of the beginning of the yeer ; to signifie , that the fast is ended : and so going out of the school , they salute one another , wishing each other that they may live many yeers : and then do they blesse the new moon ; as hath been touched before , par. 3. cap. 3. and so going home to their houses , they say the habdalah , and so go to their meat . chap. vii . of the feast of boothes , or tabernacles . vpon the fifteenth day of the said moneth tisri , is the feast of boothes , tabernacles , or tents , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , succoth , tuguria : in memorie , that the children of israel , at their coming up out of egypt , made use of such , in the wildernesse : as you may find , levit. cap. 23. ver . 42 , & 43. habitabit is in umbraculis septem diebus , &c. ye shall dwell in boothes seven daies : all that are israelites born , shal dwell in boothes : that your generations may know , that i made the children of israel to dwell in booths , when i brought them out of the land of egypt . and therefore every man maketh him one of those boothes , in some place about his house , in the open air , covering it at the top with green boughes , and walling it about , and trimming it up as handsomely as he can . there are many nice circumstances set down by the rabbines , to be observed , concerning the height , bignesse , and form , or manner how they are to bee made : which we shall here omit . in these boothes they eat and drink , and some there are that sleep in them , and keep altogether in them , ( during the eight daies of the feast ) as at other times they do in their houses . 2. this feast continueth nine daies , that is to say , seven daies , which are commanded in the law ; and one more , which they adde , out of an ancient custome : as hath been formerly said , in the feast of the passeover . par. 3. cap. 1. and one more , commanded num. 29. to be a more solemn assemblie , then any of the seven . dies quoque octavus erit celeberrimus , &c. on the eighth day ye shall have a solemn assemble : ye shall do no servil work . the two first , and the two last daies , are solemn feastivals ; but the five intermediate are not so : like as hath been formerlie said , in the feast of the passeover . 3. the form of prayers is the same , that upon other daies ; onely there is some commemoration made , of the reason of the feast , and its original : they also say the six psalmes , from the 113. to the 119. called hallel : then do they take forth the book of the pentateuch , and read in it ; afterwards they say the haphtarah , and say a benediction for the prince , under whom they live : then the additionall prayer , called musaph , wherein they commemorate the sacrifice , that was wont to be offered that day , described , numb . cap. 29. namely , on the first day 13. bullocks ; on the second , 12. on the third , 11. &c. till it came to 70. in number , throughout the whole seven daies : and on the eighth , they sacrificed one bullock onely . 4. they also take a branch of palme-tree , and three boughes of mirtle , and two of willow , and a citron which must be a fair one , and every way perfect : and binding all these boughes together , when in their prayers at the school they come to the aforesaid psalms , called hallel , holding the boughes in their right hand , and the citron in their left , clapping them together , they shake them about , holding them forth toward the four quarters of the world , and moving them upwards , and downwards : this they do , observing the command given , levit. cap. 23. s●metisque vobis die primo fructus arboris pulcherrimae , &c. and ye shall take you on the first day the * boughes of goodly trees , branches of palm-trees , & boughes of thick trees , and willowes of the brook , and ye shall rejoyce before the lord your god seven daies . then do they all go round about the table , or woodden altar , whereon they use to lay the book of the law , when they read in it , every day once ; singing withal certain hymnes , and swinging their boughet about in one hand , and the citron in the other : because , thus they were of old used to do in the temple , round about the altar . 5. on the seventh day , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hos●anah rabbah , the great hosanna , they adde to their former bundle of boughes , other branches of willow , and go round about the school seven times , and say the 29. psalm , afferte domino fidei israel , &c. give unto the lord , ( oye sons of the mighty . ) give unto the lord glory and strength . and they keep that day somewhat more solemnly , then they do the five intermediate daies . 6. the ninth , and last day of the feast , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shimchah torah , laetitia propter legem ; that is to say , their joy for having finished the law : because that at this time they make an end of reading over all the pentateuch , according to the division of it into so many lessons , or sections , as there be weeks in the year : as hath been formerly said , part. 1. cap. 11. it being so ordered , that the reading over of the whole pentateuch , should be finished , at the same time that the year also ends . 7. there are at this time , chosen , in every school , two , which are called sponsi legis , bridegrooms of the law : one of which , is to read the end of it , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , kathan torah , sponsus the bridegroom of the law ( ended : ) and the other is presently to begin it again ; and he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , kath●● beres●hith , sponsus principi ; the bridegroom of the beginning ( of the law. ) which two persons are to expresse some tokens of joy ; and thus they do , in all the several schools : and so this whole day , is a day of rejoycing . chap. viii . of their fasts ; commanded , and voluntary . upon the 17. day of the moneth tamuz , or june , they observe a fast ; in memorie of certain disasters , that have befallen the citie jerusalem upon that day : and particularly , because they have a tradition , that it was upon this day , that the first tables were broken in pieces by moses , upon the children of israel's making to themselves the golden calf . 2. all their ordinarie , commanded , fasts begin upon one evening , and end upon the evening following ; during which space of time , they neither eat , nor drink any thing , little or much ; till such time as the stars begin to appear . 3. in the morning , at their prayers in the school , they adde to the usual prayers of the day , certain confessions of sins , and withal make a sad rehearsal of the disasters that had befallen them upon this day : then do they take out the book of the law , and read in exod. cap. 32. ver . 12. &c. et oravit moses , &c. and moses besought the lord his god , and said : lord why doth thy wrath wax hot against thy people , &c. in the afternoon , at the mincha , or afternoon service , they read the same things again : and for the haphtarah , or lesson , out of the prophets , they read that place in isaiah , cap. 55. ver . 6. quaerite dominum , dum inveniri potest , &c. seek ye the lord , while he may be found : call ye upon him while he is near . 4. there are some , that will neither eat flesh , nor drink wine , from the said 17. day of tamuz , or june , till the 9. of the moneth ab , or july ; that is to say , for three full weeks together : but this is more then they are bound to do : and they do it , because that all these daies have been unfortunate to the house of israel . 5. upon the 9. of the said moneth ab , or july , they observe a more severe fast then ordinarie ; and they call it , by the name of the day of the moneth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tischah beab , nona mensis julii , the ninth of july ; because that , upon this day , the temple was twice burnt down , at the taking of jerusalem ; the first time by nabuchadonozar , and the second time by titus , son to the emperour vespasian . they begin this fast , an hour before sun-set , or thereabout ; and neither eat , nor drink any thing , but go barefooted , and forbear also to wash themselves , till the evening following , when the stars now begin to appear . 6. at night they repair to the school , at the ordinarie time of evening prayers : and there , they all sitting upon the ground , the lamentations of jeremy are read : and the morning following they do the like , adding withal many other passages , tending all to sorrow , and lamentation . and thus they continue all that day ; neither may they any way refresh , or recreate themselves , nor so much as studie , or read the law , nor any other book ; except it be the book of job , or jeremy , or the like melancholy , sorrowful discourses . 7. the next sabbath after this fast , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nachamu , that is to say , a day of consolation ; and therefore reading the 40. chapter of isaiah , for the haphtarah ; consolamini , consolamini popule meus , &c. comfort ye , comfort ye my people , saith your god : speak ye comfortably to jerusalem , &c. they go on , comforting one another with the hopes , that they shall yet see jerusalem , and the temple , built up again . 7. on the third day of the moneth tisri , or september , which is the next day after the feast of the beginning of the year , they have another fast , keeping it after the usual manner , from evening to evening : and the reason of their observing this fast , is , because that this is the day , on which gedaliah , the son of ahikam , who was onely left remaining for the defence of the residue of the house of israel , and was a just man , was slain . and because it is one of the daies of penance ; which happen at this time of the year , therefore do they take occasion , in their prayers , to make a solemn commemoration of this just person ; and keep a fast : calling the day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tzom gadaliah , jejunium gadaliae , the fast of gedaliah . 9. after this , followeth the fast of chipur , or day of expiation : spoken of , formerly , chap. 6. where it is described at large . 10. upon the 10. of tebeth , or december , there is another yearly fast ; because that , upon that day , nebuchadnezzar began to lay siege to jerusalem , and afterwards took it . 11. on the 13. of adar , or march , which is the day before the feast of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , purim , which is kept in memorie of the things which queen esther did for the jewish nation , they observe also a yearly fast ; because that esther her self fasted also , at that time ; as you find it written in the book of esther . 12. and these are all the fasts that are commanded them in the law : but they have besides , other , which the severall nations use to observe : as the dutch , for example , after the feast of the passeover , and that of tabernacles , make three fasting-daies ; one monday , one thursday , and another monday again : and the reason they give , for so doing , is , because the precedent feast being eight daies long , they might haply have committed some sin or other , during that space of time . and so they likewise fast , the eve before the feast of the beginning of the year : and some there are among them , that keep a fast the day before the beginning of every moneth . 13. and if any man have a mind , out of particular devotion , or penance , to indict himself a fast , besides all these ; he then , on the evening before the day he intends to fast , before the going down of the sun , ( except it be , in case of fasting upon any dream ; as hath been formerly declared , part. 1. cap. 4. ) saith thus : i take upon my self to fast to morrow . and having so said , he continues , without eating , or drinking , till the evening following ; as the usual manner of fasting is : and in his devotions , he adds a prayer to god , that he would be pleased to accept this fast of his , instead of sacrifice . chap. ix . of the feast of lights , called also chanucha . vpon the 25. day of the moneth kislein , which is our november , by an ancient ordinance of the wise-man , is kept the feast of the dedication of the altar , which is celebrated for the space of eight daies together ; and at evening , upon each of these eight daies , they set up lights ; one , upon the first day : two , upon the second : three upon the third , and so forward , till the eighth . and this feast is observed in commemoration of a great victorie obtained by the maccabees , against the greeks , who had possessed themselves of the citie of jerusalem , and had entred into the temple , and profaned it : but were afterwards overcome by judas , and his brethren , and driven out again . now , there being no pure oyl , which had not been defiled by the heathen , to be found , for the lighting of the lamps that were to be set up of course in the temple , they at last found by chance a smal vessel sealed up , wherein was oyl hid , but onely as much as was sufficient for lights one night onely ; which oyl notwithstanding miraculously lasted for eight whole nights : and therefore , for this reason , it was decreed , that the said feast of lights , should ever afterward be observed . they have a tradition also , that in ordaining this feast to be kept , they had an eye also upon that famous exploit , performed by judith , upon holofernes : although many are of opinion , that this happened not at this time of the year ; and that they make a commemoration of that piece of gallantrie of hers , now , because she was of the stock of the maccabees . 2. during the time of these eight daies , it is lawfull for them to do any manner businesse , or work : neither is there any kind of solemnitie observed at this time , save onely of the said lights ; and that , at their prayers , there is added a panegyrick , or laudatorie oration , in memorie of that great victorie obtained by them against the heathen ; and besides , every morning they say the six psalms , called hallel , beginning at the 113. psalm : and likewise the 30. psal . exaltabo te domine , &c. i will extol thee o lord , for thou hast lifted me up , and hast not made my foes to rejoyce over me , &c. and they also use some certain ceremonies , more then ordinarie , at their meat . 3. this feast is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chanucah , which is as much as to say , the feast of dedication , or initiation , and their being restored to the exercise of their religion again ; having now purified the temple again anew , which had been defiled by the heathen . chap. x. of the feast of purim , or lots . vpon the 14. day of the moneth adar , or march , they celebrate yearly the feast of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , purim : in memorie of what we read in the book of esther , concerning the children of israels escaping the danger of a totall extirpation , by the machination , and subtle devices of haman , who was afterwards hanged together with his ten sons . this feast is called the feast of purim , or lots , for the reason set down , cap. 9. of the said book of esther : dies isti appellati sunt purim , &c. because haman the son of hammadetha the agagite , &c. had devised against the jewes to destroy them , and had cast pur , ( that is the lot ) to consume them , &c. therefore they called these daies purim , after the name of pur. 2. this feast continueth two daies , although they keep the first onely , solemnly ; fasting the day before it , as hath been formerly said . and notwithstanding that they are not forbidden to do any manner of businesse , or work , upon the aforesaid two daies of the feast : yet do they voluntarily forbear , upon the first of the two daies , and make it a solemn feastival . 3. upon the first evening they all repair to the school , where saying the ordinarie prayers , they adde also a commemoration of the great deliverance at that time , when they were now at the jawes of death : and then do they read the whole storie of their escape , that is to say , the whole book of esther ; which they have in their schools , fairly written in parchmet , in a long roll , as the pentateuch is : and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meghillah , that is to say , volumen , a volume , or roll. and while this is reading , there are some , that , as often as they hear haman named , they beat the ground , and make a great murmuring noise , in token of cursing him , and execrating his memorie : and they do the like at their morning prayers also : and withall read out of the pentateuch , exod. cap. 17. ver . 8. venit autem amalech , &c. then came amalek , and fought with israel in rephidim , &c. 4. on this day they give much alms to the poor , publickly : and they likewise send dishes of meat one to another , every friend , and kinsman , to each other , and scholars send presents to their masters , or tutors , and masters give to their servants ; and generally , all superiours to their inferiours . and they use all expressions of mirth , and joy , that may be ; inviting , and feasting one another : as it is commanded , esth . cap. 9. esséntque dies isti epularum , &c. that they should make them daies of feasting , and joy , and of sending portions one to another , and gifts to the poor . 5. and this they observe chiefly upon the second evening ; at which time every one makes as great a feast , as he is able ; eating , and drinking more freely , then at other times . and after supper , they go on visiting one another , entertaining their friends with banquets , pastimes , and all manner of jollities , and entertainments of mirth . 6. they do not make so great chear , or expressions of joy , upon the second day : nor is any thing read in the school : yet do they on this day also make shew of some kind of joy . 7. when there are thirteen moneths in the yeer , that is to say , when the moneth adar is doubled , or there are two moneths of march , as hath been touched formerly , par. 3. cap. 2. they call the 14. of the first adar , the lesser purim . notwithstanding they , at this time , observe nothing at all , that is essentiall to the said feast : neither have these daies any thing in common betwixt them , save onely the bare name . part iv. chap. i. of the several kinds , and degrees of adulterie , and fornication . the severall degrees of adultery , and fornication , are these that follow : the first , is , to lie with another man's wife ; or , with any woman , that is but onely betroathed to another man. and this is , among the jews , accounted for one of the greatest , and most hainous crimes , that can be committed . the next to this is , to lie with any of ones kindred , that is to say , with any of those specified , levit. cap. 20. and the children , that are begotten by any such unlawful copulation , are to be esteemed bastards , whom they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mamzer , spurious : neither may they acknowledge , or make alliances with them : according to that which is written , deuter. 23. ver . 2. non ingredietur mamzer , hoc est , spurium , in ecclesiam domini , &c. a bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the lord : even unto his tenth generation shall he not enter into the congregation of the lord. next to the aforesaid degrees of adulterie , followes the having carnall knowledge of a woman , that is not a jew ; because , they say , this was forbidden by esdra : or to lie with any strumpet , that is a jew ; the publick toleration of which kind of people is not in reason to be thought of , amongst the jewes ; seeing it is against the expresse text of the scripture , in the aforesaid deut. 23. ver . 17. non erit meretrix de filiabus israel , &c. there shall be no whore of the daughters of israel , &c. 2. it is also a sin , to have to do with any woman whatsoever , although she be free from all the aforesaid particulars ; unlesse she be a man 's own wife ; or to deflowr any virgin , unlesse he afterwards marry her : because all these things are accounted fornication . 3. they may not lie with any menstruous woman : as you may find written , levit. cap. 18. ver . 19. ad mulierem quae patitur menstrua non accedes , &c. also thou shalt not approach unto a woman to uncover her nakednesse , as long she is put apart for her uncleannesse : neither may they have knowledge so much as of their own wives , so long as they are in this condition ; as we shall shew hereafter . chap. ii. of their marriages . every jew is bound by the law to marry : and the most convenient time to do this , is determined by the rabbines to be , at eighteen years of age : but they must by no means live unmarried , after twentie : and what man soever is not married , after he is of this age , he is accounted as one that lives in sin. the reasons of this are : first , because all men are bound to endeavour the procreation of children ; according as god commanded adam , gen. cap. 1. ver . 28. crescite & multiplicamini , et replete terram , &c. and god said unto them , be fruitful , and multiply , & replenish the earth , &c. and they conceive themselves not to have fulfilled this precept here given , till they have begotten one son , and one daughter , at least . and besides , they say , they are bound to marrie , that by having wives of their own , they may by this means the easier avoid all occasions of falling into the sins of adulterie , or fornication ; which , if they should live unmarried , they would be apt to fall into . 2. they may marrie as many wives , as they please , as we find practised by the ancient hebrewes : examples whereof , we frequently meet withall in the scriptures : and this custome is in use still , among the levantines , or eastern jewes : but the having of many wives is not at all , either permitted , or practised , among the dutch : and among the italians also it is very rare ; and seldome , or never used ; save onely , in case that a man hath lived many years with his wife , and hath not been able to have any children by her. 3. a man may marrie his niece ; that is to say , the daughter of his brother , or sister : and yet a man may not marry his aunt , to whom he is nephew . in like manner may cousen-germans marrie ; that is to say , brothers and sister's children , both by father and mother . all the other degrees of alliances , specified levit . cap. 20. are prohibited , from marrying with each other . 4. there are many among them , that will not marrie a woman , that hath had two , or more husbands before ; calling her , a husband-killer : but however , this is not any where forbidden . and the like is to be understood of a man , that hath had more then two wives . 5. a widow , or a woman , that hath been put away by a former husband , cannot marrie , within the space of ninety daies , after the death of her husband , or of her divorce : to the end , that it may be known , whether or no she be with child by her former husband ; and , that there may not be any controversie , whose the child is . 6. if a man die , and leave behind him a young child , sucking at the mothers breast ; his widow may not marrie again , till the child be full two years old . and this is so ordered by the rabbines , that the infant might be sure not to be neglected , till it should come to be of some strength . chap. iii. of their contracts , and manner of marrying . the manner of their making of contracts , or espousalls , is thus : there is a writing drawn betwixt the man , and the kindred of the woman ; and then doth the man take the woman by the hand , and acknowledgeth her for his spouse : and the business is done , as to the matter of contract . in some places they use , at this time , to put a ring upon her finger , and so betroath her : but in italy , and in germany , they do not use this ceremony , for the most part , when they are contracted onely . afterwards they continue thus , promised ; some , a year ; others , two , four , sixe moneths ; more , or lesse , as they please themselves , and according as they conceive it to be most convenient for them : during which time , the man hath libertie to visit , and to sport and toy with his betroathed mistresse ; but he must not know her carnally . 2. when the time of their marriage approacheth , and the day is now set , ( which useth to be in the increase of the moon ; and for virgins , on wednesday , or friday ; and for widowes , on thursday : ) if the bride hath passed the time of her monethly courses , she then goeth to a bath , and washeth her self : as we shall shew more fully hereafter , chap. 5. otherwise , she may not lie with her bridegroom , although the marriage may however be solemnized betwixt them ; till such time as she shall be in case to go , and wash her self . 3. it is a custome with many , that the bridegroom and his bride should both fast , upon their wedding day , till such time as the ceremonie of the benediction is finished . 4. upon the marriage day , the parties to be married are brought into some large hall , or chamber ; and there placing themselves under a kind of canopie , they have musick brought before them : & in some places they have little boyes , with lighted torches in their hands , that sing before them . when the people are now gathered together in the place where the wedding is to be celebrated , there is one of the afore-mentioned square vestments , called taleth , with the pendants about it , put over the head of the bridegroom , and the bride together . then doth the rabbine of the place , or the cazan , or chaunter of the school , or else some one that is the nearest of their kin , take a bowl of wine in his hand , and saying a benediction to god , who hath created the man , and the woman , and hath ordained marriage , &c. he giveth the bridegroom , and the bride , of this wine to drink . after this , the bridegroom putteth a ring upon her finger , in the presence of two witnesses , which commonly use to be the rabbines , saying withall unto her : behold , thou art my espoused wife , according to the custome of moses , and of israel . then is the writing of her dowrie produced , and read ; wherein the bridegroom is bound , in lieu of her dowrie by him received , both to feed , cloath , and cherish her , &c. and he binds himself to the performance of all these things . after this , they take another bowl of wine , and sing six other benedictions , making up the number of seven in all : and then do they give of this wine also to the new married couple to drink : and having so done , they pour out the rest of the wine upon the ground , in token of joy , and gladnesse : and the emptie vessel being delivered into the bridegrooms hand , he takes and dasheth it with all his might against the ground , and so breaks it all to pieces : signifying hereby , that in the midst of all their mirth , and jollitie , they are to remember death , that destroies , and breakes us in pieces , like glasse : that so we grow not proud . and when this done , then doth all the people with a loud voice crie out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mazal tob , which is as much as to say , good fortune to them . and so they all depart . 5. in the evening they make a feast , and invite their kindred , and friends : and the custome in some places is , that after supper is ended , the guests present the bride with several gifts , some with gold , others with silver , &c. and some do this before supper . afterward they again sing over the seven benedictions , before spoken of , at the solemnitie of the marriage ; having first said the ordinarie benediction , used after meat : and so they rise from table . 6. after this , if the bride hath found her monethly courses to be over , and hath washed her self , ( as we have touched before ) if they go to bed together : and if she were a virgin before , so soon as ever he hath made her a woman , he riseth from her , and may not touch her any more , till such time as she hath fulfilled the time required in married women for their continuing clean , and hath washed her self again in a bath : as shall be shewed , chap. 5. 7. the sabbath following , at morning prayers , the bridegroom goeth to the school , as his bride also doth , accompanied with other women . and when the book of the pentateuch is now taken forth , the new-married man is invited up to read in it : who presently maketh a promise of giving great alms to the poor ; as likewise do all the invited persons after him in order . and when prayers are ended , the men accompanie the bridegroom , and the women the bride , home to their house : where after complements passed betwixt them , they take their leave , and depart . in some places they have a custome , that the bridegroom is to keep within doors , seven daies after the espousals , or contract , made betwixt both parties : during which time he is visited by his friends and acquaintance ; among whom he entertaineth the time with pastimes , and pleasing recreations . 8. and this is the most usuall manner of their making contracts of marriage , and celebrating of nuptials among them : although the customes of the severall countries are herein , though not very much , yet something different . 9. if the bride should chance to die , after the marriage , without having brought forth any children , the dowrie which she brought , her husband must in this case be disposed of , according to the agreements before made betwixt both parties : which are very different , according as the customes , and usages , of the several countries are . chap. iv. of the liberty a woman that was married young hath , to refuse her husband : and of the penalty of forcing , or deflowring a virgin. if a young girl , under the age of ten years old , ( being an orphan , or fatherlesse : or though she had a father then , who is now dead ) be espoused by the consent of her mother , or of her brothers , to a man that she liketh not ; after that she hath the tokens of womanhood upon her , and hath now arrived to the age of twelve years , and a day , she may refuse this man for a husband : and so making open protestation , that she will not have him , before two witnesses , they are bound to testifie this her renunciation , in writing . and having so done , it is lawfull for her to leave him , and to marry whom she pleaseth . 2. whosoever , either by force , or by any enticements , or fair promises , so far prevaileth upon a virgin , as that he know her carnally ; if her father , and she be so pleased , the judges must force him either to marry her , ( neither may he ever after be divorced from her : as it is expresly commanded , deut. cap. 22. ) or else they must make him give her reparations , for her honour , and the injurie he hath done her , in robbing her of her virginitie . chap. v. how their women behave themselves , during the time of their courses , and after child-birth . when a woman perceiveth , that her monethly courses are now upon her , she is bound to give notice of it to her husband : who immediately separateth himself from her , and toucheth her not any more : neither may he deliver any thing into her hand , nor receive any thing from her , nor sit near her , nor eat with her in the same dish , nor drink with her in the same cup. 2. and thus she continueth , during the time that her courses are upon her ; which lasteth , in most women , for the space of five daies : but in case this flux should continue upon her longer , she must expect , till it stops . at which time , she changeth her smock , and the sheets of the bed ; and thus continuing clean , for seven other daies , she cutteth her nails , and cleanseth them throughly , and washeth her self in a bathing tub , and also combeth her head. after this she goeth to a bath , made for the same purpose ; which is to be , either of springing water , or of rain-water , ( but it must not , by any means , have been brought thither by man's hand : ) and the water must be at least three yards deep , and one yard over ; for otherwise , the washing in it , would be insufficient , and of no force . but in those places , where they have not any such bathes , made for the purpose , they in this case go , either to some river , well , sea , or pond : and there must they duck themselves in , all over head and ears , stark naked ; so that , there may not the least part of their bodie scape being washed by the water . in so much that , if they should chance to have a ring upon any of their fingers , that sate close to their flesh , so that the water could not perhaps get under it , their washing is utterly to no purpose ; and they must even return , and bath again . and while she is at her work , she must have another woman to stand by her ; who is to see , that she be wholly covered over with water : and having thus done , she putteth on her cloaths again ; and so returning home , she may lie with her husband again , till such time as her courses return again upon her : at which time , she must cleanse her self as formerly ; and so as often as occasion requireth . 3. when a woman hath been delivered of a child , she is to continue , separated from her husband , in the like manner , as hath been declared : and if she hath brought forth a male-child , her husband may not touch her for the space of seven weeks ; but if it be a female , for three moneths space : although in some places they continue separated a lesse while , according as the custome of the place is . and thus , seven daies before the said time of separation is expired , the woman useth to shift her self ; and on the eight day she washeth her self , in the manner before delivered : and having so done , she may accompany with her husband again . chap. vi. of the manner of putting away their wives , and of jealousie . in ancient times , when a husband was jealous of his wife , he brought her to the priest ; who , giving her a certain water to drink , if she were innocent , it did her no harm ; but if she was guiltie of the offence she was suspected for , she then presently had a swelling in her bellie , and her flesh rotted ; as we find it written , num. cap. 5. but now , if a man have forbidden his wife , and charged her , saying ; let me not see thee any more in such a man's company : if he afterwards find , that she still keepes the said person companie ; or if there be a publick fame abroad , that she is dishonest ; or if there be any sufficient arguments , to prove that she is naught ; and especially if she be taken in the act ; the rabbines have power to force him , whether he will or no , to put her away , and never more to have to do with her : the manner of which divorse , or putting away a man's wife , is hereafter set down . and a woman that is thus repudiated , or put away , hath libertie afterwards to marry with any other man whatsoever , save onely with him , for suspicion , or certain knowledge of too much familiarity with whom she had before been put away by her husband . 2. a man hath power , according to the strict letter of the law , to put away his wife , not in case of adulterie onely , but for any other dislike that he hath toward her : as it is said , deuter cap. 24. ver . 1. si acceperit uxorem , &c. when a man hath taken a wife , and married her , and it come to passe that she find no favour in his eyes , because he hath found some uncleannesse in her ; then let him write her a bill of divorcement , and give it in her hand , and send her out of his house . howbeit a man should not take hold of the bare letter of the law , so as to put away his wife , upon any slight dislike , but onely in the aforementioned case of jealousie ; or else , for some other notorious wickednesse , that he hath found in her . and to the end that this businesse of divorce , and putting away of a man's wife , may not so easily be put in practice , upon every light occasion : therefore have the rabbines so intangled it with difficulties , and brought in so many nice circumstances , to be observed both in the writing , and the delivering of this bill of divorce to the woman ; that by his means the time being protracted , the husband may have opportunity to repent himself of what he is going about , and so may haply return , and be reconciled to his wife . 3. now the manner of putting away a mans wife , is this . there is a notary called in the presence of one , or more of the chiefest rabbines : then doth the husband require , that a bill of divorce , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ghet , be written , for such a woman , his wife . this bill of divorce must be written in parchment , exactly ruled , and in a large square letter : and it must not consist of either more , or fewer , then just twelve lines : and many other puntilios , and nice circumstances are there to be observed , both in the character , and the manner of writing it ; and in the name and surname of the husband , and of the wife . and it is necessary also , that neither the notary , nor the rabbines , nor the witnesses be any whit of kin , either to the man , or to the woman ; nor yet among themselves : neither may any one of all the aforesaid witnesses , that were present at the delivery of this bill of divorce , afterwards marry , and take to wife the woman thus repudiated before them. 4. the form of this ghet , or bill of divorce , is briefly this : on such a day , of such a moneth , year , and place , &c. i such a one , do voluntarily repudiate , put away , and set free , thee , such a one , who wast formerly my wife ; so that thou mayest henceforth marry whomsoever thou pleasest , &c. 5. when this is written , in the manner as hath been formerly delivered ; then doth the rabbine ask the husband very formally , whether or no he doth this voluntarily , and freely ; and whether he hath made any vow , or oath to do this : if so , he is ready to dispence with him , and absolve him from it : or whether he hath made any protestation to her , against her keeping company with such a man : and many other the like trifling questions are put to him. 6. there must be ten persons at least present , at the making of this bill : and the names of the witnesses must be subscribed to it ; and there must also be two other witnesses of the delivery of it : to whom the rabbine proposeth this question : whether or no , there be any of them that knoweth any impediment , why this divorce should not go forward : if so , they must now speak . 7. after this , the rabbine commandeth the woman to take her rings off her fingers , and to open both her hands , and to joyn them together , that she may receive this writing , and that it fall not to the ground : and then asking some other questions of them , the husband gives the woman the writing in her hand , and saies ; take here thy bill of divorce ; behold thou art now put away from me , and hast liberty to marry any other man. then the woman taking the writing in her hand , delivers it to the rabbine , who readeth it over again : which being done , she is from thenceforth , a free woman . there are many other ceremonies , and nice circumstances to be observed , which are purposely made so numerous by the rabbines , to render the businesse of divorce the more difficult , and hard to be exactly performed ; as hath been formerly touched : a more particular enumeration of all which circumstances , i have not here set down , that i might not be too prolixe , and tedious to the reader . 8. after this , the rabbine gives the woman notice , that she is not to marrie , for the space of ninety daies ; for the reason before given , concerning a woman that buries her husband , who may haply have left her with child by him . and from this time forward , it is not lawfull for that man and that vvoman to be together alone in any place ; and either of them hath thenceforth liberty to marrie again . chap. vii . of their ibum , and calitzah ; that is to say , of the next kinsman 's taking , or refusing the relict of his deceased kinsman . if a man die , without leaving any children by his vvife which he last had , or by any former , and hath any brother surviving ; the vvidow of the person deceased must then come to the next of kin ; who is either to take her to wife , or else to release her , and set her free ; as it is written , deut. cap. 25. quando habitaverint fratres simul , &c. if brethren dwell together , and one of them die , and have no child , the wife of the dead shall not marry without unto a stranger : her husbands brother shall go in unto her , and take her to him to wife , &c. and if the person deceased , chanced to leave behind him more wives then one ; if his brother take , or release one of them , he is free from all the rest . and if the deceased had many brothers , they must begin with the eldest , and so down in order : and if any one of them either take , or release the woman , it serveth the turn . 2. to take to vvife a brothers relict , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ibem ; that is to say , to take to wife a kinsman's vvidow : and if any one resolve so to do , it is sufficient that he take her home to him , without any formalitie of nuptials , or the like : although the rabbines have ordained , that a man in this case is to make a new marriage of it . and if he take her to him , all the goods of his deceased brother , and his wives dowrie are his ; and she becometh to him , as any other vvife . 3. it was anciently accounted the more laudable thing to take her , then to release her : but now the corruption of the times , and the hardnesse of men's hearts is such , as that they onely look after worldly ends , either of riches , or of the beauty of the woman : so that there are very few , that in this case will marry a brother's vvidow ; especially among the dutch , and italian jews ; but they alwaies release her . 4. to release her , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chalitzah , that is to say , the taking off the shoe : as it is described , in the aforementioned chapter of deuteron . where it is said , that if a man refuse to take his brothers vvife , she is to take off his shoe , and to spit in his face , in the presence of the elders . accedet mulier ad eum coram senioribus , & tollet calceamentum de pede ejus , spuétque in faciem illius , &c. the manner of this ceremonie , is thus : three rabbines , and two other , who are to stand as witnesses , are to go the evening before , and appoint the place , where this businesse is to be done : which being agreed upon , they say : in this place do we intend to morrow , god willing , to perform the chalitza : then do they give notice to the vvoman , that she must fast on the morrow , and not eat any thing , till this be done . they also inform themselves by other women , if the signes of vvomanhood do not manifestly appear upon her , whether she be of that age , which is required , or not . 5. the next morning , when they come from the school , all the people gather together to the place appointed : and there the rabbines , and the two witnesses , placing themselves upon their seats , the kinsman comes before them , with his right foot unshod , and washed , and with some cloath wrapped about it : and the kinswoman also cometh , being covered with a mantle ; and they both sit before the rabbines . then doth the senior rabbine gravely demand of them ; what businesse have you in this place ? then the man answereth : i am come to perform the chalitza ; and to release this my kinswoman . then saith he to the vvoman : and will you , mistris , be released ? she answereth , yes , sir. then saith the rabbine unto them , stand up then ; and so turning himself to the vvitnesses , he asketh them , whether this be the woman , and this man her next kinsman ; and whether it be ninety daies , since her husband died ; and whether he had not any children by her ; and many other the like questions . after this , he tells the man , that if he will take his kinswoman to wife , he shall do very well in it ; and withal , exhorts him so to do : which the man utterly refusing : he then saith unto him : wilt thou release her then ? he answereth , yes sir. after this he asketh them both , whether they have either of them made any oath , or protestation to this purpose ; telling them , if they have so done , that they ought not to keep it , but should be absolved from it : but they deny , that they have done any such thing . then do they set up a plank or board , against the wall , and they take a certain shoe , which the rabbines use to have , made for the same purpose , in such a manner , that it may be made wider , or straighter , by certain buttons , and strings , fastened to it , as occasion shall require . this shoe they give to the kinsman ; and then doth the rabbine ask them again , saying ; are you still of the same mind you were ? and they answer him , yes . let us proceed then to the chalitza , saith the rabbine . and so takeing heed that the man put it not on , upon the left foot , instead of the right : nor , that the vvoman use the left hand , instead of the right , the man putteth the said shoe upon his foot : which when it is well fitted on to his foot , and tied with the aforesaid strings , then doth he walk four paces forward , and so returneth to his place again : where leaning against the aforesaid planks , or board , and the woman being commanded to stand before him face to face , the rabbine repeats those words out of the above named chapter of deut. ver . 7. my husbands brother refuseth to raise up unto his brother a name in israel : he will not perform the duty of my husbands brother : the vvoman saying it after him , vvord for word . then doth he speak to the man ; who answereth him , as it followeth , ver . 8. i like not to take her . then doth the vvoman stoop down , and with her right hand untyeth , and taketh off the shoe from off the man's foot ; and lifting it up on high , she throweth it against the ground , before the place where the rabbines sit ; who presently command her to spit in his face : then doth she spit upon him : as it followeth , ver . 9. then shall his brothers wife come unto him in the presence of the elders , and loose his shoe from off his foot , and spit in his face : and the rabbine saying the words before her , she goes on , and saith ; so shall it be done unto that man , that will not build up his brothers house . and his name shall be called in israel ; the house of him that hath his shoe loosed : repeating these last words three times ; and at every several time , all the people with a loud voyce answer , and call him , one that hath had his shoe loosed . then doth the rabbine tell the man that he is at liberty now to marry when he please : and if he desire a certificate from them , of this setting free his kinswoman , they presently give him one : and if there be found any writing , or contract about her dowry , it is presently torn in pieces . and as the people depart , many of them use to pray , and say : may it please the lord , that the daughters of israel come not any more to such acts as these . all these circumstances , and many other the like petty ceremonies , which they use to observe in this case , are grounded upon the aforecited passage , deut. cap. 25. as may appear to any , that mark well the place . 6. and for as much as , when the case of this ibum happeneth , a woman cannot have her dowry , nor marry again , without this release , or being set at liberty ; therefore do many of these kinsmen , hold them off , and bear them in hand a long while , that so they may vex them , and get money of them for their release . many therefore , when they marry their daughter to a man that hath brothers , do get the brothers to enter into bond , that if need require , they will give her a release . others there are , that cause the husband to bind himself , that in case at any time he should be sick , if the physitians conceive his sicknesse to be of any danger , he shall be bound to give his wife a bill of divorce , that so she may be dis-engaged from the next kinsman . chap. viii . of their circumcision . when a male child is born to any one , his friends come to him , and make merry with him , wishing him much joy in it . some of them use to set up certain scrols , or billets , in the four quarters of the chamber , where the woman lies in , with these four words written in hebrew : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adam , chavah : chutz lilith : that is to say : adam , eve : out lilith . and they also write the names of three angels : conceiving this to be a means of defending the child from the strix , or night-witch . but they that please , may chuse whether they will do this , or not ; it being grounded upon no precept at all , but looks rather like an act of vanity and superstition . 2. upon the eight day they are bound to circumcise the child , according to the command given to abraham , gen. cap. 17. infans octo dierum circumcidetur in vobis , &c. he that is eight daies old shall be circumcised among you : which is also reiterated , levit. cap. 12. et die octavo circumcidetur infantulum , &c. and in the eight day , the flesh of his foreskin shall be circumcised . this may not be done before the eight day : and in case the child should be sick , or very weak , it may be deferred longer , till such time as he shall be in health , and able to endure it . 3. the night before the day of circumcision they call the watching-night : because that all the people of the house watch all that night , to guard the young infant : and in the evening the friends of the father of the child go to visit him ; as the women likewise do to the mother , and there they spend that evening in feasting and mirth . 4. they are to be provided before-hand of a god-father , who is to hold the infant in his armes , while it is circumcised ; and also of a god-mother , who is to carry it from the house to the school , and to bring it home again ; which for the most part use to be some man and his wife , of the parents kindred . they also use to make choice of a circumciser , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mohel ; which may be whomsoever they please , so he be but an expert , skilfull man at the businesse : and they account it to be the most meritorious thing that can be , to be a circumciser . and if by chance the father of the infant be one of these , he then circumciseth his own child himself . 5. on the morrow morning there are two seats made ready in the school , or if they please , at home , where they sometimes use to circumcise them : these seats are covered with cushions of silk ; and are provided , the one for the god-father to sit upon , while he holdeth the child to be circumcised : the other , as some say , for the prophet elijah , whom they believe to be alwaies invisibly present at all circumcisions ; as having been very jealous for the observation of the covenant of israel : as it is written , reg. 3. cap. 19. ver . 14. and he said : i have been very jealous for the lord god of hosts , because the children of israel have forsaken thy covenant , &c. at this time there useth to be a great congregation of people together ; and then comes the circumciser , with a charger in his hand , wherein are the instruments , and other necessaries for the present businesse ; as namely , a razor , restringent powders , with little clouts dipt in oyl of roses ; and some also use to provide ready a dish full of sand , to put the foreskin into , when it is cut off : then do they begin a certain hymne , till such time as the god-mother , accompanied with a train of women , bringeth the child in her arms : where the godfather meeteth her at the school door , and receiveth it of her : then do all the people present cry aloud , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , baruch haba , benedictus qui venit : blessed be he that coneth . 6. the god-father sitteth upon the seat , provided for him ; and so taking the child in his arms , and fitly placing him upon his knees , the circumciser unswathes him ; and some use to have silver pincers , with which they take up , as much as they mean to cut of the foreskin . then doth he take his razor , and saith : blessed be thou o lord , &c. who hast commanded circumcision : then doth he cut off that thicker skin of the prepuce ; and afterwards with his thumb nail he rends in pieces that other thinner skin that remaineth . in the mean while the father of the infant giveth thanks unto almighty god , for giving them this precept of circumcision and the people that are present forthwith presage unto him , that this will be much advantagious to his marriage : in the mean time , the circumciser going on in his businesse , with his mouth sucketh the blood , which abundantly floweth from the wound , doing thus two or three times , and so spitteth it forth into a bowl of wine . then doth he clap upon the wound some sanguis draconis , powder of corall , and other restringent things , wrapping it about with plaisters of oyl of roses ; and so binding it up close , the child is swathed again . 7. then doth he take a bowl of wine in his hand , and blessing it , he saith another benediction also upon the child , and so giveth him his name , that the father will have him called by ; adding withall those words out of ezekiel , cap. 16. ver . 6. et dixi tibi , cum esses in sanguine tuo , vive , &c. i said unto thee , when thou wast in thy blood , live : and having so said , he taketh of the wine , into which he had spit the blood of the infant , and besprinkleth the face of the child . after this , they say over the whole 128. psalm . beati omnes qui timent dominum , &c. blessed are all they that fear the lord , and walk in his ways , &c. which being ended , the god-father delivers the child again to the god-mother , to carry it home to the mother : and then do all the people depart ; and taking leave of the father of the child , they wish that he may live to see his marriage , as he hath now seen his circumcision . 8. after this , the circumciser sendeth a present of smeet-meats , or the like , to the woman that lyeth in ; and so doth the god-father also , and the god-mother , and all their kindred , and acquaintance : and if the parents of the child chance to be poor people , they then send them money , or what else they think best . 9. at noon the father maketh a collation , or feast , for the circumciser , and the god-father , and god-mother , and the rest of his kindred , and friends , according as the ability of the person is : and when they have dined , there is added to the benediction a certain prayer for the child , that he may become great and prosperous , and one that feareth god. 10. the child useth to have his wound healed in a short space , and it is never above 24. hours in healing : and therefore some use , the third day after the circumcision , to send to their friends , and kindred , some present of sweet-meats , or the like , in token of joy . 11. when a girle is born , there is no ceremony used at all about her ; saving that at the beginning of the moneth , when the mother of it is now up , and goeth to the school , the cazan , or chaunter , saith a benediction over the child , and putteth a name upon it , such as the father pleaseth . it is the custome in germany , that the cazan goeth home to the parents house , and lifting up the childs cradle on high , he blesseth it , and so giveth it the name . if an infant chance to die before the eight day , and uncircumcised , some use to circumcise it at the grave , with a reed . chap. ix . of the redemption of their first-born . if a mother bring forth at first a male child , that is to say , if she never had any child before , although the father might have had , or hath other sons besides this ; this first-born male-child falleth to the priest : as hath been touched formerly , par. 1. cap. 12. and as it is specified , exod. cap. 13. sanctifica mihi omne primogenitum , &c. sanctifie unto me all the first-born , &c. and again , omne autem primogenitum hominis , &c. all the first-born of man amongst thy children shalt thou redeem . 2. this redemption is performed after this manner : thirty daies being expired , after the birth of the child , they call a priest unto them , that is to say , one that is descended of the stock of aaron , whom the father of the child pleaseth : and so , many people being gathered together at the time appointed , the father of the child bringeth before the priest in a bowl , or bason , a good quantity of gold and silver ; and then they give him the child into his arms . the priest then calling the mother of it before him , saith unto her : mistris , is this your son ? she answereth , yes : then replieth he , have you never had any child before , either male , or female , or have aborted , or miscarryed any way ? she saith unto him , no. then doth the priest say , this child is mine , as being the first-born : then turning himself toward the father , he asketh him , whether he will redeem it , or not ? who answereth him , saying : see , here is gold , and silver ; take your own price : then saith the priest unto him , you will redeem it then ? the father answereth , i will redeem it . it shall be so then ; saith the priest ; and so turning about to the people assembled , he saith with a loud voice : this child is mine , as being the first-born : as it is written , num. cap. 18. ver . 16. and those that are to be redeemed , from a moneth old shalt thou redeem , according to thine estimation , for the money of five shekels , &c. i therefore take this in exchange , &c. and so he taketh the sum of two french crowns , or thereabout , as he thinks good , and then delivers the child to his father and mother again : and this day they make a feasting day . 3. if either the father , or the mother of the child , be descended from the stock either of the priests , or of the levites , they shall not need then to redeem it . chap. x. of the manner of their education of their children , and bringing them up in learning . when a child hath now learnt to speak well , his father putteth him forth to school to learn to read ; and afterwards he is taught to render the bible , in the language of the country , where he lives : and thus he is initiated , and entered into points of learning , without any grammatical way , which they call dichduch . and if he have any mind to it , when he is come to be about ten years of age , he then sets him to learn his grammar . but now , in these daies , there are very few , throughout the whole nation of the jews , that take so much care , about the education of their children , as to make them so learned : and , for the most part , they use to read , speak , write , and compose , whatsoever businesses they have to do , meerly out of practise , and use ; and especially the dutch. 2. after this , they begin to read some expositions upon the bible , as , for example , rabbe salomon , and the like : and also certain compendious authors , who treat of morality , and the rules of vertuous life ; as namely , rabbenu moseh , and others of the same kind : all which books being printed , and written without pricks , which are instead of vowels ; and the phrase of these books also being very different from that of the scripture of the bible , and therefore not to be learnt , without much pains , and practise ; it rendreth the reading of these books , the much more difficult . 3. notwithstanding , some among them , that are more quick-witted , and of better parts then ordinary , go on , from these books , to the misnah , and to study the talmud : which they account for the ground-work of all knowledge , and the best study they can betake themselves too : for , very few of them apply themselves to the study of any other sciences : as hath been said before , part. 2. cap. 2. 4. when a son is now come to be thirteen years , and a day old , he is then accounted a man , and becomes bound to the observation of all the precepts of the law : and therefore he is now called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bar mitzvah , that is to say , filius mandati , a son of the commandement : although some call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . bar de minian ; that is to say , one that is of age to do any businesse , and may make one , in the number of the ten , that are required to be present at any of their publick acts of devotion . and whatever contracts he makes , they are of force ; and if he were formerly under tutors , he is now freed from their jurisdiction over him : and , in a word , both in spirituall , and temporal affaires , he is absolute lord and master of himself . 5. a girle , when she is come to the age of 12. yeares and a half , is called a woman . chap. xi . of the honour they account due to their parents , tutors , rabbines , and ancient persons . the obligation is great , that they hold a son hath , to honour his father and mother : observing the command , given exod. cap. 20. honora patrem tuum , & matrem tuam : honour thy father , and thy mother , &c. and the particulars of this duty are at large set down by the rabbines ; who affirme , that we must honour them , not onely while they are living , but when they are dead also . 2. they also instruct fathers , how they ought to carry themselves towards their sons ; and especially when they now begin to be of years : that so they give them not occasion to despise them . 3. they conclude also , from the aforesaid passage in exodus , that every man is bound to honour his elder brother , and his step-mother also : and for his master , or tutor , who hath instructed him in the principles of religion , they account him worthy of more respect , and observance , then his father that begot him : for , they say , that he hath given him onely his being ; but the other , his well-being . after these , they have respect to all religious , and learned persons , doing them all honour , both in their words , and actions . they also reverence all ancient persons ; as they are commanded to do , levit. cap. 19. and the rabbines say , that honour is likewise due to any ancient person whatsoever , or of what nation , or religion so ever ; as being one , that hath a long while been a citizen of the world , and hath seen many occurrences , and consequently must have much knowledge , and experience , in things of this world : as it is written , job , cap. 12. in antiquis est sapientia , & in multo tempore prudentia : with the ancient is wisedome , and in length of daies understanding . part v. chap. i. of the jewish hereticks ; and particularly of the karraim . there were , toward the later end of the second temple standing , divers sects of hereticks among the jewes : of which we shall not here discourse ; it being besides our purpose in hand , to give an account , in this place , of any thing , save the present condition of things amongst them . and therefore the reader is to take notice , that of all the ancient kinds of hereticks , there is at this time onely , one sect remaining ; who , though they are jewes , and observe the law of moses , are yet accounted amongst the rest of that nation as hereticks , and are commonly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , karraim : which name is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , karah , legere , to read ; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mikrah , lectura , scil. sacra : that is to say , the holy scripture , or writings : because these men keep themselves so strictly to the bare text of the bible , as that they hold , that we ought onely to observe the pentateuch , as it lies in the bare letter : neither do they admit , or will they hear of any interpretation , glosse , or exposition of the rabbines whatsoever . 2. these are questionlesse some of the old stock of the sadduces , though somewhat reformed ; because they follow their doctrine , in rejecting all things , save onely the literall sense of the scripture : onely , whereas the sadduces denied the immortality of the soul , and so consequently both hell , and paradice , and purgatory , and the resurrection of the dead , and the like these men therefore considering , that in holding these opinions , they should stand at a distance with all the religions in the world besides ; seeing that , not onely the jewes , but also all other religions generally acknowledge . this truth , they have taken it into their belief : as they have also admitted of some of the most ancient traditions ; that so , by this their compliance , they might render themselves not so odious even to their own nation of the jewes ; under which name they also passe ; although it is most certain , that they are , in truth , descended from , and really are sadduces . 3. there are many of them in constantinople , in cairo , and in other parts of the east ; as likewise in russia , where they live , according to their own rules , having synagogues , and certain rites of their own ; but under the name of hebrews , or jews : and , which is more , they pretend themselves to be the onely , true observers of the mosaicall law. 4. in all places wheresoever they live , they are beyond measure hated by the rest of the jews ; whom these men , by way of reproach , call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rabbanim , that is to say , observers of the rabbins . and the hatred they bear to those men is so great , as that they will not contract any alliance with them , nor willingly have any manner of conversation with them at all ; as conceiving them to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ma●●zerim , that is to say , bastards : because that in the businesse of their marriages , and divorces , and in the purification of their menstruous women , they do not observe the ordinances of the rabbins : and , which is more then all this , if any one of these men should be converted , and desire to be admitted into the number of the rabbanim , that is to say , of the other jews , they would not by any means accept of him . chap. ii. of the manner of being made a jew . if any have a mind to be made a jew , he must first be examined strictly , by three rabbins , or other persons in authority , what it is , that hath moved him to take up this resolution ; and , particularly , he is to give an account , whether it be any worldly end , or no : and this they must be satisfied in , before he can be received . after this , they in very serious manner give him to understand , that the mosaicall law is a most strict , and severe law ; and that the jewish nation is , at present , in a very low , and abject condition , and the generall scorn of mankind : and therefore they give him the most earnest exhortations that they can , that he would continue in the state he now is in . 2. if , after this their strict examination , and their earnest dehorting him from his purpose , he still continue stedfast in it ; they then take , and circumcise him : and , as soon as he is well of his sore , he is to wash himself all over in water : and this is to be done , in the presence of the three rabbins , or other persons in authoritie before specified : and so , from thenceforth , he becomes as a naturall jew . chap. iii. of their opinion , concerning all manner of magick , divination , and augury . they account it a very great sin , to give any credit to , or have any faith in any kind of divination whatsoever , or to judiciary astrology , geomancy , chiromancy , or to any fortune-tellers ; or the like . 2. much more do they abhor the practice of any necromancy , or receiving answers from the dead , magick , witchcraft , consuration of devils , or of angels , and the like : all which particulars are expressed , deut. cap. 18. nec inveniatur in te , &c. there shall not be found among you any one that maketh his son , or his daughter , to passe through the fire , or that useth divination , or an observer of times , or an inchanter , or a witch , or a charmer , or a consulter with familiar spirits , or a wizard , or a necromancer , &c. 3. it is unlawfull for them to cut their flesh , or to make any figures in it with ink , or any other colour : as it is commanded them , levit. cap. 19. ver . 28. neque figuras aliquas , aut stigmata facietis vobis , &c. ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh , for the dead , nor print any marks upon you , &c. 4. many other things are forbidden them by the rabbins , which were superstiously used to be put in practice by the idolatrous ammorites , which they call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , darche aemori : that is to say , the wayes of the ammorites . chap. iv. of their slaves . there were many particular circumstances to be observed , concerning the slaves , which a jew should chance to have ; whether it were an hebrew slave , or a canaanitish : but now if any among the eastern , or barbary jewes chance to buy any slaves , they keep them such ; and either make use of them themselves , or else sell them away to others ; according as the custome of that particular place is , where they inhabite . and , in case a slave should desire to be made a jew , they circumcise him , and wash him all over in water , and so make him free. chap. v. what precepts the jewish women are bound to observe . the jewish women are prohibited all things , whatsoever the men are , by virtue of the negative precepts : but as concerning the affirmative , the rabbins have determined , that the women are not bound to the observance of any of all those , that have any prefixt time upon them : and the reason they give of this , is , the weaknesse , and imbecility of their sexe ; and also the obedience they owe to their husbands , and the necessity of their being employed in this duty , of doing them service . 2. and therefore there are onely there precepts , which they are particularly enjoyned to observe . the first is , to keep themselves with all diligence from their husbands company , during the time of their monethly flux , till they are in a condition to wash themselves : as hath formerly been said , par. 4. cap. 5. the second is , to take forth a cake out of their dough , when they make any bread : which cake was heretofore to be given to the priest , as an offering ; as hath been said , par. 2. cap. 7. the third , and last , is , to set up●n light in the house every friday night , on the eve of the sabbath : as hath been declared formerly , par. 3. cap. 1. 3. notwithstanding there are many women among them , that are much more devout , and pious , then the men ; and who not onely endeavour to bring up their children in all manner of vertuous education ; but are a means also of restraining their husbands from their vitious courses , they would otherwise take , and of inclining them to a more godly way of life . chap. vi. of their manner of confessing their sins , and doing penance . they observe no other manner of making confession of their sins , save only in their prayers to god : and they have a certain form of confession composed alphabetically , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viddui : which proceeding in order of the letters , comprehendeth , under every particular letter , some one of the most principal sins , which men usually commit . but , those that can do so , are wont to specifie the particular sin of such , or such a kind , which they remember they have committed . 2. this confession they use to say every monday , and thursday , and every fast-day , repeating it over many times , particularly at the fast of expiation , as hath been shewed , par. 3. cap. 6. and in all cases of sicknesses , or of eminent danger : and there are some , that use to say it , every morning , when they rise ; and every night when they go to bed . 3. the ordinary daies , appointed for the doing of penance , are from the first of elul , to the aforenamed day of expiation : but most people begin it , at the beginning of the year , and so continue it till the time aforesaid : and indeed , any time is convenient enough for this businesse , if a man find any thing to lie heavie upon his conscience . if he be an illiterate man , he hath recourse to some rabbine , whose counsel he desires in the businesse : but if he be a man of any learning , he may then examine the writings of the rabbines , where he shall find some kind of directions delivered , for the proportioning his penance , to the quality , and greatnesse of his sins ; whether he mean to exercise himself either in fasting , whipping , abstinence , almes-giving , prayer , works of charity , or the like ; as he shall conceive to be most suitable , and proper to the sin he hath committed . chap. vii . of their sick , and dead . they hold it for a very great work of pietie , to visit the sick , and to lend them all manner of assistance that possibly they can , and as the necessity of the person shall require . 2. when any one thinketh he shall die , he then desireth , that ten , or more persons may be called unto him ; among which , there is to be one rabbine : yet sometimes they do not desire to have so great a company called . when they are all met together , that are sent for , the sick man begins then to say that generall confession before spoken of , in the hearing of these persons ; and after this , he maketh a prayer to god , beseeching him to restore him to his former health : or if it be his pleasure to deal otherwise with him , and to take him out of this world , he then beseecheth him , that he would be merciful unto his soul , and take it into his protection ; intreating withall , that this bodily death may serve as an expiation of all his sins . if he have any desire to confer privately with the rabbine , or to ask his counsel about any thing , or commit any secret to his trust , he hath liberty so to do : then doth he ask pardon of god , and of all men , whomsoever he hath at any time offended ; and he himself also pardons all his enemies , and all those , that have ever offended , or injured him. and if he be the father of a family , and have children , he calleth them to his bed-side , and so giveth them his blessing : or if he himself have either a father , or mother living ; he then desireth their blessing . after all this is done , if he be a person of estate , and hath any thing to dispose of by will , and testament , he causeth one to be made ; and so distributeth his goods among his friends , and kindred , as he thinks best . 3. some of them , when they are sick , desire that there may be publick prayers said for them in the school by the whole congregation : and they also at the same time change their names , and cause themselves to be called by new ; in token of changing their manner of life , if it should please god to restore them : and they promise also to give almes to the school , and to the poor . 4. when the sick man is now at the point of death , and that he perceiveth he cannot live long ; he is not then to be left alone , without some company by him ; and there is some one to be by his beds side , night and day : and they account it a very great blessing to be present at the departure of a dying person ; especially if it were a man of learning , and an honest man : observing that passage , psal . 49. non videbit interitum , cum viderit sapientes morientes , &c. and he that is present , at the departure of any dying person , is to rent his cloathes in some part , or other ; according to an ancient custome they have . 5. they have a custome also , that when any one dies out of a house , the people of that house , and all the neighbours also of the same place , or village , throw away all the water , that they have in their houses : it being conceived , that this they were anciently wont to do , to give notice , that there was a dead person in that place , or village . chap. viii . of their manner of ordering their dead , and burying them . when the breath is now gone out of the body , they take and lay the corpse upon the ground , wrapping it about with a sheet , and covering the face ; and so having placed the feet of it toward the chamber dore , they set up , at the head , a waxe light , placed in an earthen pitcher , or vessel , full of ashes . 2. then do they presently prepare to shift the corpse , & put it in clean linnen ; and therefore they call in some friend to assist them in the businesse ; and most women esteem it a very charitable work , to help in such a case . then do they wash the dead body with warm water , with camomil , and dryed roses in it : and having so done , they put a clean shirt upon his back , and other shifting garments ; & many use also to put upon him a long linnen garment ; and over all , his taleth , or square vestment , with the four pendants annexed to it ; and lastly , a white night-cap upon his head . having thus apparelled him , they then take measure of his body , and make a coffin for him accordingly : and putting into it a sheet , or other white linnen , they lay him in it , and cover him all over with the same . if the person deceased were a man of note , they then usually make his coffin sharp-pointed : and if he were a rabbine , they use to lay many books upon his coffin ; which having covered all over with black , they forthwith carry it out of the house : and as soon as ever they are gone with him , one of the people of the house , that staies behind at home , takes a broom , and sweeps all the house after them , even to the very dore . 3. when any one is to be buried , all the jews of that place meet together , and accompany the corpse to the grave . and forasmuch as they account it a very meritorious work , to attend any of their dead brethren , and bear him to his grave ; you shall therefore have them endeavouring , every one of them , to put his shoulder under the coffin : and thus , taking their turnes all of them , one after another , they bring him to his grave . in some places they use to carry lighted torches , after the hearse , and to sing certain hymnes of lamentation : but in other places they use it not . and as the corps is carryed to the grave , the kindred of the deceased person follow after it , making expressions of lamentation , and mourning . 4. and in this manner is he brought to the place of burial , which useth to be in some field , appointed onely for the same purpose : which burial-place they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beth hachaijm , that is to say , the house of the living : calling the dead here , by the name of the living , in respect of the soul , which never dies : when they have now set down the corps , if he were a person of note , or quality , they use to have one that makes a certain funerall oration , in praise of the party deceased : and after this , they say a certain prayer , that begins with those words out of deut. cap. 32. ver . 4. dei perfecta sunt opera , &c. he is the rock ; his work is perfect : for , all his waies are judgment , &c. which prayer they call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tzidduck , haddin , that is to say , just judgment . and so , laying a little bag of earth under his head , and nailing up the coffin , he is carried to the grave , which useth to be , a pit dug up , according to the length of the corps : and they take what care they can , to lay him as near the rest of his dead kindred , as may be . in some places they have a custome , that , as soon as the coffin is set down near the grave , if it be a man that is dead , ten persons are to go round about the coffin seven times , saying a certain prayer for the soul of their deceased brother : but this is not used in all places . this being done , the nearest kinsman is to rent his cloathes a little ; and so letting the coffin down into the grave , they cover it with earth , every one of them casting a shovel-full , or a handful of earth upon it , till it is wholy cover'd over . 5. it is a sin for any of them , either men , or women , to scratch themselves , or tear their flesh , or to pull their hair off , in their mourning , or lamenting for the dead , as well while the corps is present , as after it is buried : observing the text of scripture , deut. cap. 14. ver . 2. ye shall not cut your selves , nor make any baldnesse between your eyes , for the dead . 6. as they return from the grave , every one of them plucks up grasse from off the ground , twice , or thrice , and casts it over his head behind him , saying withall those words of the psalmist , psal . 92. ver . 16. et florebunt de civitate sicut foenum terrae , &c. and they of the city shall flourish like grasse of the earth : and this they do , to signifie their hopes of the resurrection of the dead . after this , they wash their hands , and sit down , and rise up from their places again , nine times , saying withall the 91. psal . qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi , &c. he that dwelleth in the secret place of the most high , shall abide under the shadow of the almighty : and having done all this , they return home to their houses . and this is the most usuall manner of burying the dead in most places ; although there may be , here and there , some little diversity found , as the customes of the several countries , and places are . chap. ix . of their mourning , praying for , and commemorating of the dead . the nearest kindred of the party deceased , that is to say , the father , mother , sons , husband , wife , brothers , and sisters , when they are returned to their house , sit down all together upon the ground , without shoes upon their feet ; any then is there sent them in , from their friends , wine , and bread , and hard eggs ; and so they eat , and drink : according to that which is written , prov. cap. 31. date sichera morientibus , &c. give strong drink unto him that is ready to perish , and wine unto those that be of heavy hearts . let him drink and forget his poverty , and remember his misery no more : one of them first saying the ordinary benediction , which is used to be said at meat ; adding withall , certain consolatory speeches , and comfortable sentences . in the eastern parts , and many other places , their kindred , and friends , use to send in , to the mourners , every evenin , and morning , during the whole seven daies of mourning , dishes of meat , and good chear , and go in and feast with them , and comfort them up . 2. the bed , whereon the sick person died , as soon as ever he is carried out of the house , they take and rowl up together doubling up the coverlet also , and laying it all in a heap together , upon the same bedstead : and , close by the beds head , they set up a lamp of oyl , which is to burn continually , during the whole seven daies following . they also set a bason of water , and a clean towel , near the bed's head . 3. those that are nearest of kin to the deceased , as hath formerly been said , are to continue in the house seven daies together , sitting upon the ground all the day long , and eating their meat in the same posture . onely , upon the sabbath , they go to the school , being accompanied by other of their friends ; upon which day also they are more visited , and comforted by them , then upon any other . during the time of these seven daies of mourning , they may not do any manner of work , or businesse ; neither may the husband lie with his wife . and every evening and morning during the said seven daies , there are to meet ten persons together at the house of mourning , to say the usual prayers by the mourners , who are not , during this time , to go out of the house , ( save only on the sabbath ) and some use to adde , after the ordinary prayers , the 49. psalm , audite haec omnes gentes , &c. hear this all ye people , give ear all ye inhabitanns of the world , &c. and they also pray for the soul of the party deceased . 4. all mourners apparel themselves in black ; but they do this , following the use of the countries where they inhabit , and not from any precept . 5. when the seven daies of mourning are now ended , they go abroad ; and many use to set up lights in the school , and have speeches made , and promise to give alms for the soul of their dead friend : and this they also do , at the moneth's , and at the years end ; and if he were a rabbine that is dead , or a person of quality , they then have sermons , and funeral orations , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hesped , made for him . 6. they have a custome , that the son useth alwaies to say in the school , for his father and mother , that prayer which they call the cadisch , every evening and morning , for the space of eleven moneths together ; and this he does , for the soul of his deceased father , or mother . and some use to fast every year , upon that day that their father , or mother died . 7. in many places they lay a marble stone , upon their graves , writing epitaphs upon them of divers kinds , some in prose , and some in verse : expressing the name of the person that lies buried there ; and recounting withall his praises , together with the day , moneth , and year , of his decease . chap. x. of their paradice , hell , and purgatory . there are some that have written , that for the space of three daies together , after a dead body is buried , it is tormented by a certain angel , or spirit ; the soul returning again to the body , that so it may become sensible of these torments : and this they call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chibut hakeber , percussio sepulchri : and this is believed too , by the simpler sort of people . 2. they hold , that there is a place , which they call , paradise , for the souls of good men : and this they call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gan heden : where the soules of the blessed enjoy the beatifical vision : and also , a hell , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gehinam , for the wicked ; where their soules are tormented with fire , and other sorts of punishments : but they are of opinion , that some are condemned to perpetual torments in this place , and shall never be released from hence : but , that some are to continue here , only till a certain time prefixed . and this is that they call purgatory ; being not distinguished , in respect of place , but of continuance of time. 3. they believe also , that no jew that is not guilty of heresie , or of some certain other of the like crimes , specified by the rabbines , doth stay in purgatory , above a twelve-moneth : and they conceive that the greatest part of those that die , are of this rank , and number ; and that there are very few of them , that , for those aforementioned sins , are condemned to everlasting torments in hell. chap. xi . of their belief of the transmigration of soules , the resurrection , and day of judgment . there are many among the jews , that are of that pythagorical opinion , of the transmigration of souls , and its passing from one body , into another , believing , that after a man is departed , his soul returns again into the world , and informs other bodies : and this they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ghilgul , that is to say , revolutio ; a revolution , or coming about in a circle . and to confirm this their opinion , they bring many passages of scripture ; and particularly out of ecclesiastes , and job : but there are very many also of them , that do not believe this ; it being no article of their creed , that so , he that believes it not , should be accounted an heretick . 2. the resurrection of the dead is indeed one of the thirteen articles of their belief , ( as we shall presently shew ) which all are bound to believe : and therefore they expect , that at the end of the world , all the dead shall be raised up to life again , and that god shall judge , both the soules , and bodies ; as it is written , dan. cap. 12. ver . 2. et multi de his qui dormiunt in terra , &c. and many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake , some to everlasting life , and some to shame , and everlasting contempt . chap. xii . of the thirteen articles of their faith. seing that we have now gone through all the particular rites , and customes of the jewes , and have shewed their whole manner of life , we shall here in the last place give the reader a view of the thirteen articles of their belief , as it is delivered by rabbi moses egyptius , in his exposition upon the mischna , in sanedrin , cap. helech : which articles are generally believed by all of them , without any contradiction . and they are these . i. i believe that there is one god , the creator of all things ; the first cause of of all beings , who can subsist of himself , without the whole world ; but that nothing can , without him. ii. i believe that this god , the creator , is one , indivisible , and of a unity , different from all other unities . iii. i believe that he is incorporall , and that no corporall quality can possibly be imagined to be in him. iv. i believe that he was , from all eternity ; and that all other things , besides him , had a beginning at some time . v. i believe that he onely is to be worshipped , and served ; and that we ought not to worship , or serve any other , either as mediators , or intercessours . vi. i believe that there have formerly been , and may yet be men , so disposed , as to be fit to receive divine influence ; such as the prophets were . vii . i believe that moses was the greatest prophet , that ever hath been ; and that he was indued with a different , and higher degree of prophecy , then any other . viii . i believe that the law , which was given by moses , was wholly dictated by god ; and that moses put not one syllable in , of himself ; and so likewise , that that which we have by tradition , by way of explication of the precepts of that other , hath all of it proceeded from the mouth of god , delivering it to moses . ix . i believe that this law is immutable , and that nothing is to be added to , or taken from it . x. i believe that god hath knowledge of , and observeth all humane actions . xi . i believe that this god rewardeth those that keep his law ; and punisheth those , that are transgressors of it ; and also , that the greatest reward is to be expected , in the world to come ; and , that the greatest punishment , is the damnation of a man's soul. xii . i believe that the messias is yet to come ; who is to be greater then any king , that hath ever been throughout the whole world : who , though he be long in coming , yet we ought not to doubt , but that he will come at last ; neither may we prefixe a time for his coming , or endeavour to collect , when it shall be , out of the scriptures : believing withall , that there never more ought to be any king in israel , that is not of the stock of david , and of solomon . xiii . i believe that god will raise the dead to life again . these are the fundamentall points of their belief : with which i shall conclude this my history of the whole manner of life , and points of faith , of the jewes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47706-e180 the authors first epistle dedicatory , in the parls edition , published by j. gaffarel . notes for div a47706-e340 the author's second epistle dedicatory , in the second edition , published by himself , at venice . notes for div a47706-e13760 * heb. fruit. the blessed jew of marocco: or, a blackmoor made white. being a demonstration of the true messias out of the law and prophets / by rabbi samuel, a iew turned christian ; written first in the arabick, after translated into latin, and now englished ; to which are annexed a diatriba of the jews sins and their miserie all over the world, annotations to the book ... with other things for profit in knowledge and undertanding, by tho. calvert ... samuel, marochitanus. 1648 approx. 363 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 123 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32350 wing s545 estc r8621 11805558 ocm 11805558 49435 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32350) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49435) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 18:16 or 2133:5) the blessed jew of marocco: or, a blackmoor made white. being a demonstration of the true messias out of the law and prophets / by rabbi samuel, a iew turned christian ; written first in the arabick, after translated into latin, and now englished ; to which are annexed a diatriba of the jews sins and their miserie all over the world, annotations to the book ... with other things for profit in knowledge and undertanding, by tho. calvert ... samuel, marochitanus. calvert, thomas, 1606-1679. [16], 229 p. by t. broad, and are to be sold by nath. brookes ..., printed at york : 1648. item at reel 18:16 identified as wing c321 (number cancelled). reproduction of original in henry e. huntington library and art gallery and university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every 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as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -conversion to christianity. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the blessed jew of marocco : or , a blackmoor made white . being a demonstration of the true messias out of the law and prophets , by rabbi samuel a iew , turned christian ; written first in the arabick , after translated into latin , and now englished . to which are annexed a diatriba of the jews sins , and their miserie all over the world , annotations to the book , with large digressions , discovering iewish blindnesse , their refusing christ , and the many false christs they have received ; with other things for profit in knowledge and understanding . by tho : calvert minister of the word at york . and i will powre upon the house of david , and upon the inhabitants of ierusalem the spirit of grace and supplication , and they shall look upon me whom they have pierced : and they shall mourn for him , as one mourneth for his onely son . zach. 12. 10. but their mindes were blinded : for untill this day remaineth the same vaile untaken away , in the reading of the old testament : which vaile is done away in christ . 2 cor. 3. 14. contra istos iudaeos non laboro , pugnent contra illos ▪ codices sui , pugnent lex & prophetae ; & aut victi & humiliati salvabuntur , aut superbi , & pertinaces punientur . aug. in orat . de 5. haeresib . et si non corrigatur iudaeus , saltem proficiat christianus . julian . pomer . cont . jud. lib. 1. printed at york by t. broad , and are to be sold by nath : brookes at the angel in cornwell , london . 1648. to the intelligent and christian reader . none , i suppose , is such a stranger about the matters of hierusalem , but well understands , that they in it are ●allen by the edge of the sword , and ●ed away captive into all nations , and ●hat hierusalem is troden down of the gentiles , ( and must be ) untill the ●●me of the gentiles be fulfilled . it is ●he fired beacon of gods wrath , by ●he light and fire whereof he gives warning , and by the destruction whereof he gives instruction to all the people of the earth , that they beware jesus christ the son of god be not set up amongst them for a sign or mark of contradiction : heaven will set that kingdom and people up for a signe of contradiction and curse , that set up christ & his gospel for a contradiction upon earth . if god lay out all his mercy in his son , he will lay out abundance of wrath upon their backes that despise him , that brings messages of reconciliation and life from heaven ; and good reason his blood should be upon their heads , that refuse to beleeve and receive his blood-sprinkle upon their hearts ; if you beleeve not that i am he● you shall die in your sins ; and die they do most miserably and horribly , defying and defyed of christ . these poo● jews are the professors of butcheri● against christ ; they 1. have killed the lord jesus , and 2. their own prophets ; 3. they persecuted the apostles , 4. they please not god , and 5. are contrary to all men ; 6. they fill up their sinnes alway , for 7. wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . now my desire is to shew the jew before every eye that is tender , vt theatrum vindictae divinae , as the stage of divine wrath , and the subject of christian pitie and prayers , as the onely moving spectacle upon earth for a people and nation , that have beene bajuli supremae irae almost 1600 years , the scorn of nations , the cursed out-cast of all people , that we may come in and lend our eyes and hearts to the apostles fearfull ecce , the fearefullest ecce out of hell for mankinde ; behold the goodnesse and severitie of god , on them which fell severitie , but towards thee goodnesse , &c. the m●p of mercie to the gentiles , to us heathens , made sweet out of their map of bitternesse , who swim in a red sea of blood , and in a brackish sea of wrath and vengeance . if i may provoke christians to be thankfull for what god has done for them , and pitifull to the jewes about the miserie that lies upon them , i have attained my aim . the writing has for author a converted jew , whose eyes god opened to see and know that just one , whom his unjust and hellish-hearted countreymen stand out against with infidelitie and execrations , whose case he deplores as the onely hell out of hell ; he confutes them , deciphers their cursed condition out of the unanswerable writings of the law and prop●ets , and shews their evident damnation , for rejecting the great salvation by christ . other things about the authour , time of writing , matter , i 〈◊〉 discusse in the preface , and other preparatory peeces to the discourse ; to 〈…〉 annexed some large ann●t●tio●s , discourses and digressions , for the better understanding of this great mysterie of jewish misery . in this i have imployed some time and labour , and by it shall give account my vacant seasons ( cut off from the publike ministerie ) are not altogether s●ent in idle and ignorant wastings , but have laboured to acquaint my self and others with the magnalia dei , and to make it appear , that wee should have more studie and reading than meerly for filling some hours by preaching . i have alwayes liked that speech of cicero , fit for his life that knew no better but heathen letters , non possem vivere , nisi in litteris viverem ; and that of iulian parabates , the wretched apostate , ( though in this he spoke well ) that though he were an emperour , hee did not so affect to keepe his fingers neat and cleane , but that they commonly wore a black garment dyed with inke and often writing . thus every man is dragged and drawn after some pleasure , to this or that , to spend his time either as an athenian townsman , in exchanging reports of novelties ; or as an athenian scholler , to write and read of things that tend to the common-wealth of knowledge and learing : but we of the ministery have a steward , to dispose of our spare time better than any of these , even the apostle paul , who advises , nay , commands , not to one , but to all timothies as well , give attendance to reading , ( of divine things ) to exhortation , to doctrine . i know many are of the minde of birds , they love figs , but they care not for taking pains about planting them , looking to the trees , and gathering the fruits ; like landlords , they would have their tenants bring them , and then they will eat them , though it may be , they will finde fault then also , because they are not brought in an hansome basket. for these i leave them to their owne ease and curiositie , and never look for other , but conceited idlenesse being on the bench , diligence in any kinde shall be condemned , because they walke not their facile and common way , to carry the most they have in the tongue , and to hang a faire sign of appearance at the door , what ever be in the house ; i need not begg of such in this ( and the like ) to be contemned . i crave of the learned and ingenuous a favorable interpretation , that if they finde not great things , yet they wil accept good indeavors of him that would gladly teach himself , if he by these cannot teach others , these being the rapt houres , or the harmlesse scholler-rapines from his preaching studies ; in which i hope to finde some that will give mee the eloquent and holy pelusiots censure ; he that knows not how to teach , but is very willing to learn , he is worthy to be accepted . and however some doe like that of the preaching king the best , that of making ( and so of reading ) many books there is no end , and much study is a wearinesse of the flesh ; yet we may with as good reason hearken to paul , as wise as salomon , to give all attendance to reading ; neither doth the one crosse the other : for salomon 't is thought did not intend a non-tearm about the reading of divine things , of which his father had said the blessed man should meditate day and night , but the books that hee draws from his son , or his student , are gentile volumes , and heathenish writings , on which he should not be too eagerly bent , for therein would be more wearinesse to the body , than profit to the soule ; and yet even they are to be used , so as they may be gi●eonites , help to cleave wood , or draw water for the sanctuarie . next to scripture , jewish state , and jewish ●earning is to be sought into , as an help to us , as a weapon against them : after both which wee doe but grope with a great deal of purblindnes in this tract , yet i furnish my self with some considerations of their condition , and call upon others to see how the judgements of god are a great deepe . the work in the originall is none of mine● alieno thuribulo rem sacram facio , i doe but with the tailor translate the old garment and make it new ; yet that has some labour , because it is an old peece , and is brought out of rudenesse , being from good arabick translated into mean latin , whence i have it . the annotations have the more labour , calling me to peruse divers authors to explaine , and fullier to declare jewish matters , and to shew how admirably this converted jew kisses jesus . what ever wee desire bee accomplished upon earth , this i am sure would make wonderfully for our comfort and christs glory , that all jews were converted and spoke with one lip , as our rabbi samuel of marocco , that the great sin of sins is the rejecting of jesus christ , that all are and shall be cursed as the jews , that will not beleeve in him , and that this is life eternall to know god , and whom he hath sent , iesus christ . o the blessedness of those times of the church of the jews and gentiles sweetly commixt in one , when they shall all speake the same language , hosanna's to the son of david ! this will be as the resurrection from the dead . o jesus the fulnesse of grace and truth , bring in the fulnesse both of jews and gentiles . i make sometimes a digression in the notes , but i dare say , who duely weighs it , will not say it is a transgression , for it is to good purpose to bring in something , which may allure and benefit the reader both with variety and with utilitie . and surely i never look into these records of jewish misery and divine justice , but i seeme to be amazed with the justice of god , and the hard-heartednesse of that people , that now seem as if they had never known god , nor any of their seed were ever known of him . o that they would read these books of their owne converted brethren , who deale with them by the old testament , with weapons out of their own armorie , which they honour and almost adore . how cursed are they , that must either pull out their own eyes , or pull in peeces the scriptures , or they can no way maintain that jesus is not the christ , the promised messias . he mentions very little of the new testament , for that is apocryphall to the jew . we must deal with heathens that are rude , by reason , & libro creaturae ; we must deal with philosophers and learned atheists by reason ▪ and arguments spunn upon the best wheele of wit and approved authors and witnesses , ex libro literaturae , but with jews , ex libro scripturae , the book of scripture of moses and prophets is our onely shield , sword , spear and bow , which never return in vain from the battell . these our authour uses abundantly , and never strikes but speeds , leaving the jewes dead upon the place , and slaine with their own weapons . i request the readers eyes , but his heart and judgement also to goe along with them , he shall finde some addition to his knowledge , or some exuscitation to his affections ; he may in the end conclude there is some profit by the translation & notes , as well as by the authors first draught , and it may be he never had heard of the autographon , but by the translator . i conclude with that jewish apologue , the clusters of grapes sent out of babylon to implore favour for the leaves of the vine : for if there were no leaves , you ha● lost the grapes . let rabbi samuels be the clusters , and the translatours the leaves , yet remember you had not ( most of readers ) met with his grapes but for the translators leaves . the lord perswade christians to open their eyes , and earnestly to lay to heart the jewish blindnesse , and as earnestly to pray , that the lord would perswade shem to come and dwell in the tents of japhet , and take away the hebrew vail from the heart , that they may be turned to the lord , that there may be one fold and one shepherd : but who shall live when god doth this ? the preface to the booke , together with a large diatriba or discourse concerning the estate of the jews , and and their miserie all over the world , by the english translatour . no way out of the way will it be , in a prefatory discourse to render the reasons of putting out a treatise concerning the state , condition , and doctrine of the jewes in these times , in which the hearts of men are much erected to looke after and beleeve a chiliasme , and the reigne of a thousand years in glorious posture upon earth , which is much applauded and expected , and that upon too many jewish grounds and arguments ; i would wish none of these times begin to imbrace divers things in consonancy with them , and some as madd as iulian , bend their faith , or fancie rather , to thinke of a re-edification of the long-ruined jerusalem , and judge it were none of the worst enterprizes , to go to that unholy land , and be taken up into heaven there ; of which imaginations i cannot thinke but that of the judicious philosopher must needs be given in advice unto such , keep at a good distance these waxen opinions from the hot beams of the sun of truth , lest they become liquid , and you lose them running away in the melting . how is the creation sabbath taken up , and that of the resurrection cryed down by divers ? nay , things strangled and blood for abstinence from them begin to have a resurrection with some , as if christ were not come to confirme their everlasting funeralls , never to peep out of the grave again . out of the jews , and taking part of judaisme , sprung up divers of the worst sort of damnable heresies , and sundry sects , as the samaritans , sadduces , gorthenians , jebusaeans , essenes , dositheans , scribes , pharisees , hemerobaptists , hossinians , nazaraeans , herodians , simonians , ebionites , valentinians , cerinthians , sethians , melchisedechians , arians , hypsistarians , and mahometans ; which last religion was compiled , and abundance of jewish matters thrust into it by some jews that helped mahomet to make up that confused chaos of a strange religion and sect ; so that judaisme hath been the fruitfull mother and nurse , to give both wombe and pap to many monstrous children . there is mention also of a strange sect of the athingani , with whom michael balbus the emperour communicated , who withall kept firme with the jews in many of their errours , ready to maintain great hopes of the salvation of iudas . it will be behoofefull to shew the cursednesse of that doctrine and people of the jewes , that every one may keepe off from the tents and tenents of the jews , which maintain a diametricall opposition to the gospel of christ ; for of all sinners and sects , the portion of an antichristian jew will bee the most hard and heavy . yet oh the foeces temporis istius ! we have an heresie of all the dangerousest and subtillest that ever molested the church of god , which now holds fast , and cries up much of the jewes vanitie and unbeliefe , and in that cries downe jesus in the truth of his godhead , and much of the truth of his gospell . if i should say , that socinianisme , that black crow , which hath so great a nest in all europe , and withall in england , doth in many things walke hand in hand with iudaism , i should not need fear that question of the atheist to be put unto mee , quae machinae , quae ferramenta ? where are your hammer and tooles to finish this worke , and fasten these nails ? who will but cast his eye into socinus , and socinians writings , shall finde too great a conspiracy with the jew , and so may well enter those doctors and teachers into their table of suspicions , as being no friends to christ . i shall give a touch of their wretched harmony in some few things . 1. for the deitie of christ the jew and socinian speake both with one tongue negatively and blasphemously , which is to us christians as the article of the existence of god , and giving existence to every thing ; fundamentum fundamentorum , & columna sapientiae ; if our messias be not god , then is our faith vain , we are yet in our sins , the foundation of christianity is taken away , and what can we do ? we know the jew is the old cursed archer , that shoots blasphemies against christs godhead , our subtill heretick and his followers are not much behinde , denying christ to be consubstantiall with his father ; this is so known as needs not much be insisted on ; their books in the very title some of them will trumpet out their infidelitie de uno deo patre , denying the godhead of the son and the spirit . 2. they are both anti-trinitarians , going about to weaken and nullifie the doctrine of the divine trinitie of persons , charging it with the introduction of multiplicity of gods , or tritheisme . 3. the office of the messias they both confine to the humane nature , and must needs , because both deny the divine nature . 4. the jew will make christs propheticall office to consist in his new promulgation of the law of moses to beleevers ; nor fail the socinians to tread in those steps , making the messias to be mosissimum mosen . 5. against christs priestly office , by his blood expiating and satisfying for our sinns , both of them are knowne to saile strongly with their best furniture and tacklings . 6. both do say , that justitia imputata is putida , and that our righteousnesse is our obedience to the law , and our performing of it ; but who will may seek and easily find farr more agreement 'twixt these two , and much disagreement with the gospel . in sixteen points one has made the collation , and findes the jew a socinian , and the socinian too much a jew in them all . have we not need in these dayes , wherein satan seems to keep a perpetuall mart , to vent his hellish inventions , take notice of those things , which may carry us too near the jew , and too far from jesus , and beware we meddle not with such dangerous folly ? and should we use our best eyes to look at that hellish callum , and unconquered brawn upon the jews heart , and see what vollies of miserie have waited upon their cursed infidelitie , and opposition of the sonn of god , wee shall finde this the best bellows in ordinary meanes to blow up our hearts into holy feare , pitie , faith . feare to stand out in defiance against christ , lest the lord sentence us as the jews , to be a land of execrations , and anathema's . pitie towards that wretched generation , that neither heaven nor earth looks after . and it would waken us unto faith , to cleave to , and make much of the gospel of jesus christ , lest we fall as low , being not warned by the ex●●ple of their unbelief , and the executions of the wrath of heaven gone our against them for it . of all the writings that decipher their faith and their fall , none do it so punctually , plenarily and particularly , as those that were jews , but are converted to christ , they writing things with knowledge and experience , as having long eaten of their salt , and drunk of their cup. none have done it with so much affection , as pitying their own kindred and countrey , and so are the more to be heeded by them and by us . of whom in all ages god hath given us some learned jews to be converted , earnestly to write to and cal● upon their wretched brethren , to row to land● and to harbour in the kingdom of christ , tha● they perish not in the great ocean of divine rejection . besides some bishops of ierusalem after christ , of which divers of them from iudaisme were brought to christianitie , we finde hegesippus , the iosephus junior , to be one : of later years many , and of great learning have excellently writ against the iews , as n●●las de lyra about the year 1310. from being a iew turned fryar among the minors , and hath left an excellent confutation of the iews , about the proving this , that christ is come , and none other messias to be expected . in his time paulus burgensis turned christian also , and writt against iudaisme . elias levita , commonly called the grammarian , left his rabbinisme , and entred the church of christ by baptism , bringing some thirty more iews with him , to be baptized , about the year 1517. one hieronymus de sancta fide , a iew converted to christianitie , and became physitian to pope benedict 13. at the instigation of the pope , he writ a book to confute the iews , which he called hebraeomastix , the iews whip , or hebrews scourge ; in which he acutely and substantially sets upon them , whipping them with their own talmud and best rabbins , making their own authors prove iesus christ to be the onely messias , and that he is already come . when he publish'd the book in spain , it is said by the clearnesse of his conviction , above five thousand iewes were turned to the faith , as is mentioned in the frontispice of the booke . this last we have from gerhards testimonie , for though the booke is among us , yet that i have seen wants the title , and the epistle or preface , if it had any . with his own writing he hath joyned that which lyra also writt against the iews . one paulus ricius in the court of the emperour maximilian , of a iew converted to christianitie , writ many things against his old misbelief . antonius margarita converted in heart , and baptized , converts his hand and pen against the iews . ernestus ferdinandus , of a iew became a beleevet in christ , writes a flagellum iudaeorum , a whipp for the iewes ▪ there is christianus gerson , ioannes isaac , and our excellent emanuel tremelius , born at ferraria in italie , that sacrificed his holy knowledge so well to the translation of the bible ; and one paulus weidnerus , hath by writings called upon his backsliding brethren the iews , having found iesus himselfe to bid them come and see ; besides , there are christians that never were iews , that have sufficiently discovered and refuted the vanitie● of this apostate seed of israel , who have i● their writings upon , and against their books at large proved the truth of the gospell , and christian verities , as porchetus de salvaticis in his incomparable writings de victoria contra hebraeos , out of whom galatinus and others seem to have borrowed the most they have ; as also rajmundus martinus , who writ pugionem ( a book so named ) against the hebrews . such a path hath munster walked in , in his annotations on the hebrew gospell of matthew . buxtorfius ( the father and sonne ) to whose iewish synagogue is added a treatise of ludovious carretus a converted jew , whose calling to christ was begun and occasioned by a vision , which gives his book the name of visorum divinorum . our rabbi samuel of marocco is not altogether to be neglected , who hath brought better stuffe than yarn or badgers skins towards the furniture of the christian tabernacle . such an one doubtlesse there was , though in the naming of the rabbins , and those of that name samuel , we cannot finde him mentioned , though many samuels be found , as rabbi samuel alkali , arcuvolto , aben tybbon , vzeda , iom toff , &c. however , and upon what envious grounds soever the jews conceale his name , and a long ●ime kept hid his writing , yet our christian writers make mention of him , as doth ges●er , gerhard , glassius , and alsted , who ranks him among christian divines , about the year 1090. * the book was first writ in arabick , as an epistle of samuel to rabbi isaac , intreating him to answer his much troubled heart about his fear that the jews are accursed for crucifying christ , and that he and no other is to be expected for the messias . it was translated out of arabicke into latine by one alphonsus boni hominis , a spanyard and friar predicant , out of which latine our english translation is derived . three copies have i seen of it , one a very old one , as i remember printed at paris , in which there are but 25 chapters , the book being lesse by two chapters than the other editions , which have 27 chapters . in that ancient one there is an epistle of alphonsus to friar hugo master of the order of the preaching friars , which we shall give translated after this preface . the other two copies came out at basil , both put forth by henric. petri ; one of them is the book called micropresbeuticon , a collection of the witings of above 30 ancient fathers , and christian doctors , some greek , some latine , all little or short works , among which r. samuel is one ; this came forth anno 1550. another book , that hath of ancient little fathers more than the other , came out at basil some five years after , 1555. has this samuel joyned with them also : the old translation calls him samuel the israelite , born at fer a citie of the king of marocco , and r. isaac to whom he writes it , is said to be master of the synagogue , that is in subinlincia , in the same kingdome , the copie in micropresbeuticon calls it subiulmenta : now in the kingdome of marocco we can finde no such city as fer ; there may be mistake , it may bee it should be fez , which is the principall city of all barbarie , the metropolis of mauritania , and has the kingdome of fez belonging to it , and named from it . there may be some mistake also , for fez and marocco are two distinct kingdoms , and are both in numidia . all the places almost that the turk hath conquered have either lost their names , or changed their names ; as damascus is now called sham ; constantinople , stambolda ; sychar , napolis ; ierusalem is called cuts or kuds ; beersheba is now named beer ; engannim , jenine ; argier by the turks is called jezaier ; and hyppo in africa where austin lived is at this day called cape bonne ; that which was heretofore hierapolis , is now aleppo : nay , very rivers have changed their names , for tygris is now called tygil , and euphrates , frat ; and the countrey babylonia goes under the name of caldar ; wherefore it is no marvell if in these dayes we cannot finde the old names of places , seeing either the places are quite destroyed , or their names are changed . for subinlincia or subjulmenta wee finde no such names in the most exact describer of those kingdomes , iohn leo the african ; yet we finde there is a river called subu , that runs but six miles from fez ; there is a castle called subeica , with a town , and another called subeita : whether it be printers mistake , or some cities and towns may be destroyed , and their names lost in ashes , that then were known by these names , or how it is , we cannot divine ; we therefore leave this geographicall scruple , seeing the most exact africanus doth not help us in it , nor ptolomie in his tables of africa . it is well known there are , and since jewish dispersions , there have ben great store of them among the moors in africa ; there is an exceeding great number in the citie of fez , the most of their goldsmiths are jewes there ; and in the whole countrey the number is very great . when ferdinand drove the jews out of spaine , a world of them came into africa , being born moors , though by religion jews . we trouble not our selves to finde out who this r. isaac was , seeing he is not set out with any word of distinction from other isaacs , of which there were many , as abarbanel , bar abba , ben abraham , &c. it was expedient to have writ something about these things of persons and place , lest it should be judged under the crime of negligence , to let all slip without mentioning either head or feet of the body of the translation and book , of which we were to give an account . for the matter of the book it deplores the jews miserie , their being banished and hated where ever they come , and fathers all upon their crueltie in crucifying christ , and their unbelief , still denying to receive him and the gospell . now if any ask what is their miserie , and what is the cause , i shall unfold it . first , there is the judgement of god upon them , they prayed christs blood might bee upon them , and upon their children , it is so , it follows and haunts them where ever they go ; few states and kingdoms entertain them , and where they are entertained , they are kept under , and made to endure very hard things , the state serving their own ends by them . in most places they use ( if christians ) to distinguish them from others by place of dwelling by themselves , and some distinctive habit , as their own chronologer tels us , that at vepice such a yeer the jews were commanded to wear a yellow hat , that they might be known from christians . our samuel tels enough of this wrath of god that doggs them at the heels all over . now besides this great sinne of murdering christ once , they have other notorious vices , that will make any christian commonwealth first or last vomit them out , unlesse they leave their jewish pranks . under constantine they used to set upon those jews with stones that had left them and turned christians , till the emperour by edict caused divers of them to be burnt , and withall ●ppointed , that if any christians turned jews , ●hey should be burnt likewise . many of them ●ebelling , he caused their ears to be cut off . they used by craft and by coyne to buy and get of the consecrated bread which was left at 〈◊〉 christmas sacrament of the lords-supper , ●nd prick it , burne it , and very basely and scornfully abuse it , because they heard christians call it the body of christ . there are ●wo notable stories of this , the one in the reign of the emperour iustinian ; the other in germany , where the jews for that villanie were ●ome of them burnt , and tortured with hott pincers ; others banished the diocesse of the bishop of passaw . you have the story short in these old latin verses , which as a chronicle are set up in the church : anno milleno quadringen septuageno , octavo sub vdalrico protoflamine claro , affecit flammâ majestas patavjensis vrbis judaeos tam tetro crimine mota . per quos heu summj transfixa est hostja christi , extunc flagranti consumpta atrocius igni . sometimes they were accused for poysoning of wells and springs to make an end of christians , sometimes for beggering christians by excessive usurie and extortion ; sometimes for clipping of coyne , for magique , for cozenage , &c. but their cursing of christ and christians , their cursing of jews that turn christians , their imprisoning of their dearest friends , and laying some foul false accusation against them , if they smell that they intend to turn christians , makes them oftentimes intolerable , some of their rabbies reading such lectures as these , a jew may murder or slay a baptized jew without sin . so much are they bent to shed the blood of christians , that they say a jew needs no repentance for murdering a christian ; and they add to that sinne to make it sweet and delectable , that hee who doth it , it is as if he had offered a corban to the lord. hereby making the abominable sin an acceptable sacrifice . but beyond all these they have a bloody thirst after the blood of christians . in france and many kingdomes they have used yearly to steale a christians boy , and to crucifie him , fastning him to a crosse , giving him gall and vinegar , and running him in the end thorow with a spear , to rub their memories afresh into sweet thoughts of their crucifying christ , the more to harden themselves against christ , and to shew their curst hatred to all christians . thus they incensed philip of france for such a fact , so as their goods were confiscate being jews , whether guiltie or innocent ; and some imprisoned , others cast out of the kingdome . at weissenburg in germany they crucified a boy ; at verona they did it , and at venice also , at inmestar a place near antiochia . our diligent foxe hath given us notice that when england gave jews harbour , they got our english children , and sometimes crucified them in divers places , as you may finde in acts and monuments : and he publishes it withall in his latin sermon at the baptism of a jew . there is an excellent relation , if it can be proved to bear its weight with truth , to shew the originall of child-crucifying among the jews . cantjpratanus saith , he once heard a very learned jew , that in his time was converted to the faith , say , that a certain prophet of theirs when he was at point of death , did prophecie of the jews thus : know ye ( saith he ) this for a most certain truth , that you can never bee healed of this shamefull punishment wherewith you are so vexed ; but onely by christian blood . this punishment so shamefull they say is , that jews , men , as well as females , are punished cursu menstruo sanguinis , with a very frequent bloud-fluxe . these words ( saith the converted jew ) the iews did take with a mistake , for hereupon to heale themselves they every yeare get the blood of some christian childe , whom they murder ; whereas if they had understood aright , this sanguine christiano , was christs blood that they should get , which in the sacrament we receive , to the healing and saving of sinners , so many of us as are turned to christ , we are presently healed of our fathers curse . but alas , they are mistaken indeed , to chuse barabbas a murderer on earth , nay , to chuse abaddon , the murderer of hell , before jesus the heavenly redeemer and saviour of the souls of sinners , both jews and gentiles that do beleeve in him . a miserable mistake , to shed christian blood by murder , rather than to seek christs blood by faith . it was good counsell he gave them , and they must be co-heires with sathan of perdition , unlesse they get this blood . of magicall and unlawfull practises they have also beene accused , and their names made blacke with that report . that the jews were much addicted to the use of magique , is confessed by r. elias in his thisbi : it is a custome ( saith he ) much taken up by us jewes in germany , that we make a circle round about in walls of the chamber where a woman lies in childbed with chalk or a coale ; and write on every wall , adam , heva , chuts , lilith : and he relates , how on the inner chamber door they write the names of three angels , as lilith taught them . the chaldee paraphrast spares not to spread this in cantic . 8. 3. bringing in the israelitish synagogue thus speaking , i am chosen above all people , because i binde thephili●s to my head and my left hand , and a paper is affixed to the right side of my door , the third part of which looks towards my bed-chamber , that devils and evill spirits may have no power to hurt me . is not this a magicall paraphrase of that theologicall text , his left hand should be under my head : and his right hand should imbrace me ? the same targum on cantic . 4. 6. calls it artem justorum patrum , the art of the righteous fathers and patriarcks . no marvell if the jews love magique , when they make abraham as well a father of magicians , and skilled in it , as the father of the faithfull . as for salomon they will prove in his booke of confessions , that he confesses his use of magique , i gave my heart to know wisdome , and madnesse , and folly . eccles . 1. 17. their chiefe senate the sanhedrin , among other excellent parts , they say , must be artists in this unlawfull art. the originall of that conceit , to spring from weaknesse in the jewes imagination of this required skill in their judges , may be seen in cunaeus . hitherto we have had witnesse sufficient of their sinnes and wickednesse , and truly their miserie follows their sinnes hot foot . such things as these have made kingdoms cast them out , and throw them forth like poysons , and sometimes murder them like beasts . such vertues as these have made it a much canvased question in politickes , whether the jews and iewish sanagogues are to be suffered in christian commonwealths , and there are many reasons urged by some why they should not be endured . there is a proverb used to this purpose , happy is that commonwealth , in which there is neither an abraham , a nimrod , nor a naaman : that is , which is neither troubled with a iew , nor a tyrant , nor a leper . the iesuite resolves the case , but such kinde of resolving dissolves the conscience ; a prince ( say some ) may suffer iews to exercise vsury , if it be expedient for the commonwealth , and compell the people to pay them , and keep touch with them ; which opinion ( saith hee ) doth not displease me . mark what a cleanly and iesuit-like reason he gives ; for ( saith he ) it is lawfull to permit or tolerate lesser evills to avoid greater , as is apparent in whoredome . o the divinitie of rome , as whores are suffered to prevent a greater evill , so are iews to be suffered . there are some reasons why they should be suffered , behaving themselves quietly and honestly , not oppressing christians , not cursing them , not seducing them , not speaking evill of the gospell without punishment , not hindring iews from turning christians , not marrying with christians , not having any offices or places of honour and justice , not refusing to be subject to magistracy , distinguished from christians by dwelling place , and otherwayes ; thus somewhere it is fit they should be suffered , think the civilians . for what ever they be , though a people that seem to be the saltest pillar of gods wrath to all the world , yet we may look on them as a book of our saviours passion , and when we see a bloodie iew , remember our bleeding iesus . they may be to us the looking-glasse of divine vengeance , and better than a crucifix . they are to be pitied by men , because there is a promise of mercy from god , there must be a blessed revocation , and an happy re-union of jews and gentiles . we should not utterly cast off , whom god has not utterly cast off . hath god cast away his people ? god forbid . no , hee hath a remnant according to the election of grace . how lavish heaven and earth hath been of their blood i could at large relate , and shew their blood streaming upon the earth all over the knowne world divers times . after christs ascension especially , their first fluxes of blood were the fearfullest that ever was heard of . zonaras will tell us large numbers of slaine in jewish warres , to puzzle pretty arithmeticians to cast up in figures . but we have lipsius exactly and shortly telling us the number in every place , so many thousands slain in civill warrs in seven years , so many in open war with romans , part of them famisht , part drowned , neck-broken , self-murdered , slaine with the sword , in all twelve hundred thousand , besides ninetie and seven thousand that were taken prisoners by the romans . as they bought christ for thirty pence , so thirty of them were sold so dogg cheape , as one penny was the price of so many heads , when they fell into the hands of the romans . gods justice measuring out agreeable to their sin i● a divine proportion , that they might reade the vengeance in a proportionable punishment . see but how many thousands were slain by emperors adrian and trajan , they banish● jerusalem , commanded not so much as to look back to it , it was not lawfull for them , n● quidem specula paternum solum cernere . let all the world take notice of what happened to them under the emperour iulian the apostate . this sonn of perdition , to make the words of christ a lie concerning the temple at jerusalem , that one stone should not bee left upon another , did give the jewes leave to goe and build up the temple again . they give notice of it to all their countreymen all over the world , they flock to jerusalem from all parts , every one is free to give much wealth to this worke , iulian himselfe was liberall to them , that he might do something to oppose christ , and vexe the christians . so earnest were they on this work , that every one would doe something ; almost an infinite multitude of men digged and wrought all the day : it so pleased them , that they had made spades , baskets , troughs , shovels , and such like instruments all of silver , and made great provision of all materialls . but see the event , a terrible earthquake rends the earth , and tears up the very old low-laid foundation of the temple , a grievous whirlwinde scatters all their lime , chalk and materials : lightning flames from heaven burnt up their instruments , yea many men perished , others were much hurt by the fire , christ fighting from heaven against these foolish builders . there were on the night time the figures of the crosse formed in their garments , which spying in the day-light , as they knew not how they came there , so by no no means knew they how to get them out , for they washed and rubbed , yet nothing would take out these crosses . at length ( the lord following them with wrath , and thus accursing their work ) they gave over , and many were forced to confesse , that this was that god who was nailed to the crosse by their forefathers . after iulian some of the emperours drove away the jews from ierusalem , would not let them so much as abide there , or enter the citie , so that under theodosius and valentinian their custome was to pay a summ of money , that they might have leave once a year to goe thither , and bewail the subversion of the temple , in the very day of the year when it was done , which hierome mentions who lived there . at this day ( saith he ) the perfidious iews are forbidden to enter ierusalem , except it be to weep and lament the subversion of their temple , for which also they are forced to pay money . as in times past they bought the blood of christ , so are they now fain to buy their own tears , and may not be suffered to weep of free-cost . see how miserably they are used at alexandria , and in other places , in spain , france , bohemia , italie , and their captivity in england , and that by the pen of one of their own chronologers or rabbins ; and we may conclude with a question to the jew ; o wretches , is not this some payment of that bond which you sealed , when you said , his blood be upon us , & c ? you desired a murderer , do's not the lord give you murderers enough ? it will be long ere your blood will ever bee shed sufficiently for the blood of christ . under the emperor domitian it seems the jews ( by romans ) were forced to beg for their living , dwelling in the grove of egerin . martiall exceedingly mocks them from their circumcision , others altogether disgrace them , calling them foetentes iudaeos , the stinking iews , or , breath-stinking iews . every one exercised his witt to lay some folly or vanitie to the jews charge . because they used to look up to heaven praying , they slandered them for worshipping the clouds as their onely god ; and because they thought them very asses , they would make the world beleeve that they worshipt asses , and an asses head of gold , and that they withall adored a swine , which the doctor of wantonnesse petronius gives out concerning them . plutark and tacitus so forget their gravitie , that they fall also to these childish nuts and cherrie-stones of the playing poets , and put upon this poets jest the face of historians sober earnest , as if it were a very truth , that they worshipped such false and foule , and foolish gods , as a swine and an asse : and afterwards they put the asse upon christians , as if it were their deitie , whereupon they were called asinarii , as both minutius in octavio , and tertullian in apologet , cap. 16. stand upon defence against such an offensive absurditie . about swine the jews were grievously abused , for they are so farre from worshipping swine , that it is a mavelvellous unholy and unclean thing to touch and eat them , insomuch as their choice have beene to die , rather then to eate swines flesh , as will appeare by the booke of maccabees . why should they worship that which they will not name , accounting it so unclean , that they being to name a swine in their speech , they avoid the word , and call it [ rem aliam ] another thing , that is , a swine or a hogg . it is a miserie to bee forced to see , or meddle with that thing which we do hate and abhorre : yet this people were even tormented in this kinde , for the tyrants would needs force them to eat of swine . adrian the emperour called jerusalem aelia , and in that gate of the city that leads towards bethlehem set up in marble the figure of a swine , an abomination to that nation . i would not charge the jews falsly , but i think they are often charged with things that truth gives no warrant for . marcellinus calls them [ foetentes iudaeos ] the stinking iews . some will aver it , that all jews yeeld a stinke and filthy savour to them that converse with them , and that they judge this cannot be helped better then by the drinking of the blood of christians . one iohn matthias tiberinus , a phisitian that lived at trent● , writeth that in the citie trent , anno 1475. the jewes crucified a boy there called simon , of twenty moneths old ; being taken , they confessed , that one cause was to drink his blood for remedie of their disease . i leave it to the learned to judge and determine by writers or travellers , whether this be true or no , either that they have a monthly flux of blood , or a continuall mal-odoriferous breath . tacitus has a fling at the jews , and hierusalem , and writes of their captains hierosolymus and judas , ( what poor and lying things they take up ? ) from which hierosolymus hierusalem , he saith , was named . florus must needs throw one stone at them in pompeyes wars , he saw illud grande impiae gentis arcanum patens sub aureo coelo ; this must be the holy temple . as for the poets , they are often calling them recutitos & verpos , as doth martiall sometimes , & for incredible things they affix it to a jews faith , — credat judaeus apella . though this i suppose is not apella , that is impellis , a skinlesse or circumcjsed jew , but apella , or apellas , or apelles , was the name of some jew well known at rome . horaces commentators forget their grammer and criticks , when they make it an appellative against all rules , as one may judge . tullie and suetonius both have their girds at the jews , being made the subject of the whole worlds scommes or scornings . seneca had his jeere for them , though in it he lift up his mouth and pen against heaven , as grave and morall as he was , he jeered the fourth commandement of the morall laws , when he said , the jews keeping weekly a sabbath every seventh day , they did sacrifice to sloth and idlenesse the seventh part of their whole life and age , which they let unprofitably slip away . plutarch also is too bold with the sabbath of the iews , making it a day dedicated to bacchus , who was called sabazius , as if the iews worshipped that drunken god that day , and not jehova , who is the holy and onely god. i confesse their feasting and much eating and drinking that day , together with the name sabbath , might lend occasion to the heathens to slander it for a day of bacchanals . at this very day the turks do bear worse affection to jews than to christians , though they be circumcised as they are , that if a jew would turn turk , he must first turne christian , before they will admit him to be a turk . and among the turks it is a word of reproach , and an usuall protestation , when they are falsly accused of any crime , to acquit themselves , they give out in this manner , if this be true , then god grant i may die a iew ; which is a kinde of high execration with them — at zant ( whence we have the oyle called zant oyle ) the christians that do sojourn there , on good friday throw stones at the jews who live there , so as they dare not come out of their houses all that day , and yet abide scarce safely in their houses , for they throw stones at their windows , and doors . hereupon on thursday at noon the jews begin to keepe within doors , and continue within , not daring stirre out till saturday about noon , the poor people counting it a peece of zeale to be revenged on them for crucifying christ ; though the best revenge they could take ; were to pray , as christ did , father forgive them , for they know not what they do . it was a miserable and sore exaction , which in germany some princes forced the jews to , to take a solemn oath , and to swear standing upon a swines skin . in contempt and bitter purposes , to add unto all their miserie , was this done , knowing they loved swine no better than egyptians loved shepherds . come we home to our own kingdome , and we shall finde the jews , though very many dwelt in the land , as at london , york , lincolne , stamford , norwich , &c. yet miserably used , and afterwards miserably slain , and banisht . that we may not be strangers to our own countrey , let us but inquire , and it will be evident , the jew findes little rest for the sole of his foot in england . the old-jewrie at london gives us notice they have been there , and the busie stirre that iohn peccham bishop of canterbury kept in pulling down the jews synagogues thorowout his province , till the king ordered they should have one synagogue to repair unto in the citie , but no more . certaine it is , that while they were in the land , there were many occasions taken to take the staffe and beate them ; sometimes vicious and villanous things were charged truly upon them , for which ( after many miseries ) at length they were wholly banished the land. sometimes there were forged accusations and raised suspicions , onely because they were full of wealth among them , and some had a desire to squeeze all the sweet water out of this sponge ; and withall they were greatly hated . they were oft-times playing the very jews , besides crucifying of children , which copin the jew of lincoln confest they did every year , when he was apprehended for crucifying a boy called hugh , of eight years old . they counterfeited seales and deeds , they clipt grievously the kings coyn , for which 280 were executed in k. edward the first his reign . k. iohn exacted great summs of money on them , and when he charged upon a jew of bristow to pay ten thousand marks , and he refused , the king commanded that every day one of his teeth should be pulled out , till he had paid that sum ; and after he had undergone that sore penance for seven dayes of pulling out seven teeth , in the eighth day he submitted , and made his purse shew mercy to his mouth . henry ( the son of iohn ) did as wofully grinde them to powder with taxations and payments . in a tumultuous rising of the people at london five hundred jews were murdered , and many of their houses pulled downe under henry the third , occasioned by a complaint against the jews cruell usury , that they exacted more then two pence a week of a citizen for the loane of twenty shillings . at linne many of the jews were slain , and their houses burnt , because they set with weapons upon a iew turned christian , and had plotted his death , when they next light upon him . at the coronation of richard the first , the iews were by edict charged not to come in the great concourse of the people , neither about westminster , nor the court , neverthelesse many of them were present , because it was given out they wrought by magique , or other unlawfull arts , to do mischief . among others two chief ones of them ( ioceus and benedictus ) were about the court , two famous jews of york , the latter of them was called the blessed iew of york ; one of them being smitten by the porter , the citizens and the courtiers helping them , fell upon them , and grievously beat and slew them , and in the city was such a tumult , as they fired their houses , and withall burnt many citizens houses , and ( as if the kings edict had given them power to destroy them all ) who ever fled from the fire they were entertained with weapons and swords by the people , so as a great number perished , that though it were their jubile and year of remission , yet it turned to be a year of destruction and confusion to them . ioceus fled to yorke . benedictus the blessed jew of york ( yet nothing so good as our blessed jew of marocco ) being sore wounded , ( to avoid death ) offered to be baptized , and was so . but the day after ( before the king ) he professed he was a jew , and said he was resolved to die a jew , and not a christian . the king said to him , who art thou ? i am benedictus your jew of york , answered this newly named william . hereupon the king turning him to the bishop of canterbury , and the rest that had told him he was turned christian , saying , did not you tell me he was become a christian ? they answered , yea , we did so inform your majestie . the king then demanded of them , what now shall we do with him ? the b. of canterbury [ minus circumspecte ] very inconsiderately , ( yea , and very unbishoply ) in his spirit of fury , answered , if he will not be a christian , let him be the devils and he will. a bishop should have spoke more holily , and more charitably or pitifully . the same iew ( not long after ) died at northampton , and was even persecuted after his death , for the iews would not suffer him to have buriall among them , because he was baptized , and the christians denyed him buriall among them , because he had renounced his baptisme . the like miseries and slaughter were the lot of the iews at norwich , edmunds-bury , lincolne and stamford , where many were slain at the fair. they begun with them also at york , where was the bloodiest slaughter of them of all other , they being rifled of goods , houses spoyled , their throats cut , without any sparing or pity for age or sex. they that escaped many fled with their goods and children into a castle or house of the kings , among whom was ioceus that escaped at london . they were besieged in the castle day and night , they offered a great summ of money for their lives , but the people refused it . then one ( very expert in their law ) rose up and said , ye men of israel , it is better for us to die for our law , then fall into the hands of our enemies , as our law hath commanded us . all assented unto him , every father of a family ( with a sharpe rasor ) first cut the throats of their wives and daughters , after that of the whole family , and cast some 500 of them that were slain , over the castle wals unto the christians . the rest within the walls putting fire to the building , the kings house they burnt and consumed . the citizens of york and souldiers went and burnt all the iewes houses , and all their bonds and bills , containing great debts owing by christians to them , and seased upon all their wealth & goods . so continually were they persecuting them , till at length in a parl. at westminster , it was enacted under k. edward , that all the iews by a certain day should quit the whole kingdome , unlesse they would professe the faith of christ , and betake themselves to some honest calling , and work with their hands : which was so acceptable an act to the people , that they gave the fifteenth part of their goods to the king , and they were all thrust out of the kingdom , to the number of some seventeen thousand , or ( as some say ) ●0000 and 500. and thus was this wretched chaffe swept out of england , and the kingdom hath since been ridd of them , that openly professe that un-israelitish way . in the reign of henry the third , a iew fell into a jakes at tewkesbury in england , to whom it being offered to draw him out , it being saturday , ( the iews sabbath ) he refused , lest he should pollute the holinesse of the day . the thing comming to the chiefe lord of the countrey , he commanded they should let him lie the next day too , for the honour of the lords day , the christians sabbath , lest he should prophane it ; so by abiding in it that day also , he perished . i have heard or read these verses on it , but i remember not well where , because i finde them not in the historians relating it . the iews verse ( bringing him in speaking ) is thus : sabbata sancta colo , de stercore surgere nolo . i honour holy sabbaths rest , i will not rise from my foul nest . the christian magistrates verse answers him thus ; sabbata nostra quidem salomon celebrabit ibidem . o salomon , because you are wise , and for the sabbath so precise , lest from your holy rule you swerve , you shall our sabbath too observe . the like was the lot of a iew at meidenburg in germany , that sat two dayes together in so uncomfortable a place , the one day for the honour of their sabbath , the other for the christians pleasure , to give honour to ours . and now ( reader ) behold and see , if under the whole heaven has been done to any people , like as to this people . if it be not as the lord said , all people are made the head , and they are the tail where ever they come , scorned , pressed , oppressed , punished , murdered . iudge whether it were not a happinesse to our blessed iew , to have his lot fall among the christians , and to be baptized in christs blood , rather than to be baptized ( as the iews ) in their own cursed blood. by this traversing of histories and times , i have laboured to confirm the truth of his demonstrations , that their sin is the highest , because the wrath of god presses them the hardest ; that this sinne is the slaying of christ , that there will be no end of their misery , till they take hold of the skirt of a christian , and look upon christ whom they have pierced . this will helpe to illucidate his complaints in his book , and give us some knowledge of the iews state without god , without christ , without peace , without honour in the world . the book is all scriptures almost , that they cannot deny , but incur the guilt of blasphemers , resisting the old testament , which they make the ground of their faith. if they will stand out still , and maintain the proverb , there are five things exceed in stubbornnesse and pertinaciousnesse , the dogge among beasts , the cock among birds , the goat among cattle , the prickthorn among plants , and the jew among men , as one of their own doctors sets them forth ; not onely r. samuel , but their own prophets shall rise in judgment against them , and say , we would have healed them , but they would not be healed ; they were convinced , yet they shut their eyes , and made grosse their hearts , and would not be converted . if by these relations and collections i shall not satisfie all , yet it will please and profit some , at least the lesse learned reader may meet with something he knew not before : and for the scholler , i know he that knows the least will despise it the most . i have pleased and profited my self , and have endeavoured to profit others , by seeking up these things , if i can but fetch up a christian sigh for the iews sorrow , and bring men to pray , [ thou o lord remainest for ever , thy throne from generation to generation ; wherefore dost thou forget the jew for ever , and forsake them so long time ? turn thou unto them o lord , and they shall be turned , renew their dayes as of old ; ] i have attained to what i aimed at . the lord soften our hearts to pitie them , his own heart to have mercy on them , and their hearts , that they may plough with r. samuels heifer , and be inlightned with the saving light of christ jesus our common saviour . i know there is a time appointed by god for their return to him , and kissing the onely begotten sonn of the father , and yet we may be guilty of not doing all we may to bring them in , or of doing something which helps more and more to harden them and keep them out . they should not want our pity , they should not want our prayers . for our unmercifulnesse to them , helps more to harden them , and our prayers for them , would minde the lord of his covenant , and us of our dutie . some things there are among christians , which we should amend , lest by maintaining such things , we make the jew more and more to abhorre the christians way ; as the painting of god , and setting him out in pictures , and sculptures by some image , do's exceedingly alienate both jews and turks from us , as they have sometimes confessed ; and the idolatry of some corrupt christians , as they of the romish faith , doth much keep them back , who hate all kinds of idolatry , though they themselves do in some sort adore and worship the book of the law. especially take we heed of calling into question the godhead of jesus christ , that is to be blasphemously jewish , and to harden them in their desperate blindenesse . by arrianism , and the licentiousnesse is taken among us that way , we do worse than crucifie the manhood of christ , in crucifying the godhead of christ , and thereby may sooner perswade the jews we are comming to them , then to induce them to come unto us . for the godhead of christ we must hold it firme , and maintain it , or else we are a laughing stock to the jews , and the greatest soul-fools that are in the world . as he flatteringly called lewis the thirteenth of france , [ dexrum messiae brachium ] so we may more truly call the faith of christs godhead [ dextrum evangelii brachium ] the right arm of the gospell . they may alledge other false causes , and take scandals that were never given them , as the doctrine of trinity , &c. but let us beware lest a wo be to us because of offences in unholy wayes and works given to them by us , by which the name and truth of the gospell of christ shall be blasphemed . let our conversation within winne them that are without , that they may come to thinke there are divine and rare examples of vertues in the followers of the christian faith , as sometimes that cursed root iulian parabates was forced to commend the iews and galileans [ that is , christians ] for giving alms and relief , not onely to poore christians , but unto gentiles and pagans also in their necessity ; and writes earnestly to the pontiffe of galatia , to build hospitals for the poor , in imitation of the christians . o that we could provoke the jews to crie out , there is no saviour but christ , there is no way of salvation but by christianitie ; let us come to you , for we see the lord is amongst you , and you walk holily in his wayes . it is a strange way of converting jews by the wicked and loose lives of christians : i fear me few will be induced to think our religion the best , because our christian professors are the worst , and walk in un-christian practises . we have indeed a story or two of some jews that made that an argument for their conversion , but we had need to have better arguments , else we shall convince and convert but few jews . one of them is of abraham a jew , that one iannottus ( a rich merchant in paris ) did much labour with , being his kinde friend , to perswade him to leave their way , and become a christian , by being baptized . after many reasonings and exhortings to it , at length he told him he would first go to rome , as the famousest seat of christians , ( that is popish ) and having seen them he would tell him what he would do . the other with all power of wit and friendship , argued against that course , beleeving their proud , pompous , loose , atheisticall manners would utterly shipwrack all the hopes of his turning christian . yet no perswasions having iron enough to debarre him , he went and returned ; and when the other thought all hopes were vanisht , he told him he had seene such wickednesse , loosnesse , and irreligious corruptions of manners at rome , as now he did verily beleeve the christian church was the onely beloved of god , and that therefore in his infinite favour to the christians , he did preserve and keep them , else it could not be but they should quickly perish and be destroyed ; and upon this ground he would be baptized , and turn christian , as judging some admirable excellency in christianitie , which drew the heart of god towards them , when their wayes were quite against him . the other narration is to the same purpose , of a jew under the duke of saxonie , that being urged as the former , went first to rome , and returning , concluded he would now be a christian , for at rome he saw such filthinesse , and abominable flagitious practices , that unlesse christians were cared for and beloved of god more than others , our faith and religion could no way stand . i call not for necessitie of belief , in that i think they are more intended for the shame of christians , then to commend this backward way of christians to bring jews forward to conversion . o that our light might shine better before them , that our holy word of the gospell , and our gospelling works might make them fall down on their faces , and worship christ , and report that god is in us of a truth ; vale synagoga , salve ecclesia , farewell the synagogue of the jews , welcome o church of christ ; farewell husks for swine , the talmud ; welcome the bread of our fathers house , the gospel of jesus christ , the onely way , the onely truth , the onely life . how blessed tydings would this be , that ten jews should take hold of the skirts of christians , and say , we will go with you , for wee have heard that god is with you . thus i have made up this exercitation with excerpted histories and testimonies out of approved authours , for that is the way to delineate the jews miserie and vanity . it is true , i had other imployment , yet i met with these , not found in the streets , not standing i●le in the market-place ; and i affirm , that the asserting of gods free grace against the roman antichrist , and christs divinity and mediatorship , against the jewish pseudo-christs , is as proper a part of our ministeriall office , as any else we performe . i conclude with that of john , wee know that the sonne of god is come , and hath given us an understanding , that we may know him that is true , and wee are in him that is , true , even in his sonne jesus christ : this is the true god and eternall life . the epistle of friar alphonsus , of the order of the preachers , ( who first translated the booke out of arabicke into latin ) to brother hugh master of the same order , concerning the book . to the most reverend brother in christ hugo , master of the order of the fryar preachers , the most worthy professor of divinitie , your humble alphonsus , boni hominis , ( or goodman ) spanyard , promises you confidence of devout and prompt obedience . since according to my meannesse end insufficiency , i am not such an one as for knowledge , either for you , or to you , can effect any great thing , or assist such a worthy father in your labours and cares , which for the quiet of us all , and peace of our order you sustain in the court : for some comfort and ease of pains , i send you ( as a small gift ) this ancient little treatise , by a new translation of arabick rendred latin , and by me interpreted , which of late came unto my hands , that before of long time has been concealed and hid . now it is to be observed , that among the iewes they make it a grand boast and honour , if a man be skill'd in arabick learning , both because those letters are of much use with the ancient philosophers , and because in that character they more confidently convey their secrets , which they would vail from others , that tongue being in acquaintance with few iews , and fewer christians , for which cause i judge this iew ( the author of this book , being but a catachumenus and novice christian ) writ it in the arabick , and not in the hebrew tongue . however ( sooner or later ) all things that are hid shall be revealed , according to the saying of our saviour . in translating this book the bible authorities ( brought by the iew ) i have writ in their proper places in latine , like as they were in the arabick , not following our translation according to s. hierome , but as this jew gave them when he composed the work. this i did , that none might charge mee for presuming addition to , or diminution from , or alteration in the text. in this all that are expert in arabick will witnesse for me . and this i say , that the jew treads not in the footsteps of our translation , as will be evident in the processe . i thought i was bound to expresse him in latine , according as he speaks in arabick , as near as possibly i could , and observe his order , otherwise i might come to merit the name of a corrupter , rather than an interpreter of this book . nor would the jews , seeing this book in both tongues , lye under so much conviction by it , if they should see a disagreement and disaccord betwixt the arabick and latine testimonies . to my comfort , o father , lord and master , this is the end i aime at . our lord jesus christ keepe you many yeers in our order in his grace and love . written at paris by the hand of your humble servant fryar alphonsus . the preface of rabbi samuel to his book of the comming of the messias , as already past . samuel the christian to isaac the israelite , health . the lord preserve thee , o brother , and keep thee alive till this our captivitie come to an end , our dispersion be gathered together , and our hopes draw near , and god set the seale of his good pleasure upon our life , amen . i know [ and that upon experience ] that the fulnesse of the knowledge of our time is in thee , and thou art the hope of our satisfaction in the clearing of the doubts about the law and prophets , by thy glorious expositions : wherefore i [ much desiring to be made partaker of thy doctrine ] do now open unto thee the very secrets of my heart , in those things i finde in the law and the prophets , about which my soul lies under great anxietie and fear . hence it is i make my recourse to they abundant knowledge and wisdome , and send to thee this little book , hoping through the will of god , to be confirmed in the truth by thee , and to have my judgement cleared in the things are doubtfull . the argument of every chapter in the book . chapter i. 1. why the jews are under the wrath of god. chap. ii. 2. he proves they are dispersed for some grievous sinn , in which they are , and argues against observation of their law. chap. iii. 3. all the jews observance of the law , is unacceptable to god for the sin in which they are . chap. iv. 4. he shewes they are in blindnesse . chap. v. 5. the jews deceive themselves and others . chap. vi. 6. what the sin is for which the jews are in captivity . chap. vii . 7. that the just jesvs , the god of the christians , was unjustly sold . chap. viii . 8. how the dispersion of the jews ( according to daniel ) came to passe after the death of jesvs . chap. ix . 9. that there are two advents , or commings of christ . chap. x. 10. of the first comming of christ . chap. xi . 11. of the second comming of christ , that he will then judge with power . chap. xii . 12. of the ascension of christ . chap. xiii . 13. he more strongly proves the corporall ascension of christ . chap. xiv . 14. of the jews blindnesse , who neither understand , nor beleeve that christ is come . chap. xv. 15. the jews blindnesse and incredulitie about christ was foretold by the prophets . chap. xvi . 16. he shews the jews reprobation for perfidiousnesse , and the gentiles election by faith . chap. xvii . 17. of the quickning and giving life to the gentiles , and slaying of the jews . chap. xviii . 18. how the gentiles quickned by faith have pure observances in their new law . chap. xix . 19. of the choosing of the apostles in place of the prophets . chap. xx. 20. of the casting off the sacrifice of the jews , and choosing the sacrament of the christians . chap. xxi . 21. god hath refused the fasts , sabbaths and sacrifices of the jews , and chosen them of the christians . chap. xxii . 22. he proves the abjection of the synagogue , and the election of the church by the lords word to rebecca . chap. xxiii . 23. he proveth the same thing by the word of the lord to the prophet malachie . chap. xxiv . 24. he sheweth the christians manner of singing is acceptable to god. chap. xxv . 25. the jews unjustly finde fault with the christians practise of singing . chap. xxvi . 26. he proves the apostasie of the jews from god. chap. xxvii . 27. testimonies of the saraceus concerning jesvs , and mary his mother . a table of the digressions in the annotations to every chapter , wherein divers things of consequence are insisted upon , historicall and theologicall . chap. 1 1. a digression about the inquiry of that great and particular sin of the jews , for which they have been , and are in this long captivitie . 2. a second digression handles the titles and elogies of christian and iewish doctors . 3. the studying of rabbins and jewish learning is asserted and vindicated , as needfull and profitable for divines . chap. 2 4. of iews sacrifices and services legall , not intended to be perpetuall , but to be abrogated . chap. 3 5. that daniel was not onely an hagiographer , but a compleat and true prophet . chap. 7 6. of the 53. chapter of esay fitting none but christ , confessed by iews themselves . 7. the epithite [ iust and righteous one ] ordinarily given to jesus christ . chap. 10 8. mis-interpretation of zach. 14. malac. 3. corrected . chap. 12 9. the application of psalm . 24. corrected . 10. the 63 of esay vindicated at large 〈◊〉 the mis-application of it , and the vulgar mistakes of our common divines . 11. of the iews care to preserve the writings of the old testament from losing or corrupting . chap. 13 12. a discovery of what is meant by the prophet aser , that it is not 〈…〉 , but 〈◊〉 . 13 , reasons for that scripture , a woman shall compasse a man , jerem. 31. to be understood of something else than christs incarnation . chap. 16 14. of the iews proud and horrible contempt of gentiles , and christians . chap. 20 15. of the sacramentall crama , or mixture of wine and water . chap. 23 16. iewish blasphemies and foul speeches against christ ; gospell , christians . chap. 26 17. a large historicall digression , reckoning up the chief fals christs , the iews have since christs time been deluded with . 18. a large discovery of iewish follies about the time of christs comming , when it should be , and whether he be yet come or no ; and what kinde of one their messias should be . chap. 27 19. the strange stubbornnesse and cursed obstinacy of the iews is discoursed on , and laid out . 20. a censure on the alcaron , the mahometans gospell . 21. the creed of this converted iew , made out of the chapters of this 〈◊〉 , or demonstration of the messias . a demonstration of the true messias . chap. i. why the iews are under the wrath of god. i desire ( o master ) my conscience may receive some satisfaction by thee , out of the testimonies of the law , the prophets , and other scriptures , about this point , namely , how it comes to passe that we jews , our whole nation , have a generall great stroke of god upon us in this captivity , which now holds us , and which we may well call gods perpetuall wrath , because it findes no end . the wheel of time hath now spun a thousand years , and more , compleatly , since that titus first led us captives . we are not ignorant that our fathers worshipt idols , and slew the prophets , and cast away the law of god ; yet for all these transgressions , the smart of gods smiting hand did vexe them but with a seventy years captivity in babylon , and when that set term of time was runne out , he was appeased with them , and brought them back into their own land again . and at that time , according to the suffrage of the scripture , the anger of god had then the bitterest and strongest ingredients of his wrath mixt with it above any precedent times reckoned in that holy volume ; notwithstanding , as is already said , the punishment of so great sinnes laid upon them no longer then seventy years . but now , o master , that wrath which at this present punishes us , is a sentence without a period , neither in all the prophets is there any end of it promised . if we would thus shift it off , and say , that the wrath in which we are now deep plunged , is a continuance of that wrath , which brought the seventy years misery upon us , seeing that served to satisfie for the forementioned sins of our fathers ; in so doing we should go about to charge god with a ive , which be farre from us to attempt , knowing that the true and glorious god did by his prophets stint that captivitie , within that number of years . whereupon such an answer would prove a nullitie , a meer evasion and excuse , not fit to be propounded before those who have any intellectuals . further , if we shall go on to say , that god in that transmigration made a division of mercy and justice , had pitie on one part of our jewish generation , shewed no pitie to the other part , and those on whom he had mercy , he brought backe to re-edifie the temple , as saith the prophet jeremie : and if we shall say , that we are that unhappy remnant , to which he shewed no mercy , then will the christians say to us , that because god shewed mercy to them that worshipt idols and slew the prophets , therefore he should have mercy on us also that have not so sinned . besides , when our fathers sinned , the punishment of divine revenge kept within the bounds of certain years , wherefore then is it , that we , who have not so sinned , have a punishment without bounds and limits ? it is a long and undated punishment in which we lie fast bound , it is now a thousand years old , and yet neither in the law or prophets can we finde an end of it , or spie any grave wherein it shall be buried . wherefore o master , laying these grounds , that god hath punished our fathers for idolatry and prophet-killing , and in the scripture their sinne and punishment are both recorded ; seeing god uses not to punish the same sin twice , then the seventy years captivity must be the punishment of the foregoing sins . again , it not being usuall with god to lay on an universall rod , but where there hath been an universall sin , it must needs follow , that after that captivity we have generally committed some greater sin before god , than either their idolatry or prophet-slaughter , weighing and proportioning their 70 years punishment and no more , with our thousand years captivity and more , who are still a wretched dispersion thorow the the four quarters of the world . yet what ever falls out , we are gods people , and belong to him . now because no excuse can evade what i have said , answer me directly to it . chap. ii. he proves they are thus dispersed for some grievous sin in which they are , and argues against observation of their law. suppose , o master , that wee are in some great sinn , yet now i request thou wouldest certifie me in this , if after god scattered us out of jerusalem , and sent us into this long and lasting captivity for that sin , why do we of our own authority , and proper motion of our own will , without any speciall mandate from god , observe some legall rites , and do not keep circumcision , the sabbath , and other ceremonies that we hold , according to the law of moses ? we know that from the time in which titus destroyed the holy citie , and by combustions turned our temple and libraries into ashes , dispersing us in that captivitie , that ever since sacrifices , oblations , and whole burnt-offerings have quite ceased , god not making promise to us by any prophet , in any prophecie , or by any certain revelation , that we should any more return to our forsaken ierusalem , to be in our former state , nor giving us any precept ●o keep and hold our former observances . hence it seems by due consequence to follow , ●hat these foresaid observances which we keep , we received them not of god , but of them that were under the wrath of god. yea , thus ●ur adversaries ( the christians ) shall justly ●ay unto us , like as you observe circumcisi●n and the sabbath , and do read in your sy●agogues the books of moses , without any ●ommand from god , why do you not as well in like manner take up again your sacrificing , and make to your selves a priest , a king , a prince , why use you not holy unctions and incense ? why build you not altars , and keep your ceremonies , and many other things contained in the law , as well as sabbath and circumcision , and many other things , which by your own traditions and will-worship , not commanded of god , you do retain ? thus both wayes is the lord offended by you . these aforesaid rites , if you observe them contrary to the will of god , or if you say it is gods will and his good pleasure that you should do them , ( which is more than you can manifest ) why omit you those aforesaid rites , which you may use as well as these ? let it be granted , that the kings of the people , to whom you are subject , do not permit you ; yet seeing they permit you to retain circumcision , your books , synagogues , and other things , they would suffer you in many other things as well as these . to these arguments , o my master , a sufficient answer is farre to seek amongst us ; yet in all events we belong to god. chap. iii. all the iews observance of the law is unacceptable to god for the sinne in which they are . wee have found , o master , what the lord speaks by the mouth of his prophet zacharie , concerning that first short captivitie : these things saith the lord god to the priests and people of the land , when you fasted and mourned in the sixt and seventh moneth , the whole time of your seventy yeers , you understood that you fasted and mourned to me , but i would not have any such fast from you . [ our translation hath it otherwise , but i purpose to set out in writing the authorities which rabbi samuel brings , as they are in the arabick , not as we finde them in our bibles ] in the forementioned words , o master , the lord intimates , that while we jews were in that seventy years captivitie , we were without his law , because in the law we neither had nor have any fast , as we have other observances ; yea , in like manner we were without circumcision , and sabbath , and doubtlesse all these things are nothing worth , whiles gods wrath abides upon his people . that first wrath of god was short , extending to 70 years onely ; but this , in which we now are , is a thousand years long , and upward , and none of the prophets let us see and end of it . this causes my fear , o master , that as the lord cast our fathers into that short bondage and captivity without any legall observances , their fastings and all other rites being abhorred of the lord , till the set time of their punishment was expired ; so in this our last captivity , we may be devout in observing all our legalities , and yet the lord will not accept any of our works . greater therefore for certain is our sinne , than that which carryed our fathers into babylon : and thence it is , that the wrath of god is greater which is upon us , and consequently our works are lesse acceptable , and we in the eyes of the lord more abhominable . the slaughter of prophets , the worship of idols procured them their seventy years captivity and no more , but we are captives for a great sinne , yea , surely ours is the greatest sin , which is thus punished with a chiliad of years and makes us miserable millenaries and more . without doubt , o master , the prophet daniel speaking from the lord , means of our captivity , when he calls it the desolation , he shall make it desolate , even till the consummation , and that determined shall bee powred upon the desolate . the first captivity is called but a transmigration , because after a short time they were brought back with honour to ierusalem ; but this is called a perpe●uall desolation , in which for certain god will ●ot have mercy on us , as he had on our fathers in babylon . and this is two wayes evident . 1. the prophets ceased not to comfort ●hem , and give them promises of deliverance . 2. though they were in captivitie , yet were ●hey all together . ( and company alleviates an ●vill . ) now for the first , we finde not a syl●able of any propheticall promise for us . and for the second , our case is aggravated , to make ●s higher graduates in misery , we are not ●ondslaves in company of one another , but ●e are a dispersion thorow all the kingdoms of the world. notwithstanding we are in ●ll events the lords . chap. iv. he sheweth the jews are blinde . a marvellous thing to me is this , o master , that all of us are brimm full with continuall hopes of our freedome from our captivitie , our lipps doe alwayes mention it , our tongues know no vacation , but are ever talking of our return to ierusalem , wherein we are ●o other than blinde men , or meer deceivers of ●he simple . for look to the time since our dispersion by titus , and where did any prophet appear with any prediction or promise of our return ? nay , did any prophet since that seventy years hard apprentiship , name any other end of our captivity than the worlds end ? the consummation of the world must onely consummate our captivity , and daniel to that purpose names it an endlesse desolation this , this , o master , is still my fear , our sin● is the greatest , because our smart is the sorest ▪ a sin which farre exceeds idol-worship , and butchering of prophets , for which our fathers before were punished . and if god will shew no mercy to us living , we persevering in the same sin , so will his mercy be farre from us dying also . yet this nothing can prevent , that we belong to the lord in every event . chap. v. the iews deceive themselves and others . me thinks , o master , we notably gull both our selves and others , because in the books of the law and the prophets , we have the lords promise frequently of freeing our nation , and of gathering us together again from all our scatterings . now these promises lookt into with a well advised minde , it will appear they were all , 1 , either compleat before , and in the seventy years ; or , 2 , that these promises were totally hindred from fulfilling , the sins of them , to whom they were made , being an impediment to their impletion . an instance , o master , i give in those few words spoken by ezechiel , if ye will do my judgements , and keep my commandements , then will i gather you from the foure corners of the earth , i will lift you up , and bring you thorow the sea , yea i will make you return unto your holy house . behold , that which the lord promiseth us by ezechiel in these words , and other places of his prophecie , it was many times fulfilled before the seventy years captivitie , as all such promises of the lords , whether greater or lesser contained in divers places of the sacred volume , were compleat and fulfilled , before we fell into this last captivity , which has no bottome , though we have been more than a thousand years in it , yet in none of the prophets can wee finde it has a bottome . and where any promise of god treats of freeing and gathering together , it is not to be understood of this perpetuall bondage , but of those tribulations and dispersions before the seventy years , but after them there is not the least inkling of a promise , to gather us from our scattered estate . of necessity therefore we must take it to us , that we have committed that great sinne since the forementioned years , in which sin we now are and obstinately persist , for which the lord so endlesly punisheth us , else the lords wrath could not so long time have held in his mercy from us . through the course of scriptures , we may perceive our forefathers punisht for their sins before seventy years , out of many i select these few examples . our elders sinned ( before that time ) who came out of aegypt , the promise therefore made to them , had no place in them , for they perisht in their sins in the wildernesse . moses sinned at the waters of strife , and that sinne bolted him out from entring the promised land. aaron sinned , and he bore his punishment . eli the priest sinned , and he broke his neck for breaking gods command , and his posterity lost the priesthood , though god had promised it them for ever . such promises as these , are to be understood with this caution alwayes , they shall be fulfilled , unlesse for their sins they promerit another reward , as is plaine in the kingdome of david , when his posterity after the flesh fell short of the scepter , even as the true and glorious god promised abraham and his seed they should possesse the land for ever , yet they often were at a losse of it for their sins , and the lord often restored it to them again , untill this last great losse of it . now a thousand years and above are gone over our heads , and our hopes of recovery are vanisht with them , because we still abide in that sinn , by which our land is lost and forfeited . this is among wonderfull things , a grand one , o master , that all of us with one lip consent to this , that since the sore servitude in babylon , it must needs be , that we have sinned against god some great sinne , and yet none can pick out what this great sinn is , for which we have been laden with such a masse of misery : or if any of us have knowledge of the cause , and our sin which hath thus engulphed us in these deep evils , yet what are we the better ? the secret sticks in his owne breast , he doth not declare it to his neighbour . or what is himself the better for knowing it , whiles he turns it not to his own profit , for we all do still lie flat upon the ground . clearly we do all see , that in the foresaid captivity god remained with our fathers in his prophets , ieremie and others , he gave them salathiel for a leader or captain ; they had both princes and priests , which went with them out of babylon , after the time of their repentance ( or doing penance ) was finisht , and having got their god appeased , they built ierusalem , the temple , and other cities , and the lord powred upon them his mercie● plenteously . in this our captivitie all appears with a stranger face , it is manifest that both god and prophet hath forsaken us , neither of these are with us . wherefore , o master , this will i make my task , i will exactly enquire , and uncessantly search out what that great sin is , which hath cast us into this thousand years slavery and more , ( in which we are cloathed with desolation ) being without prophet , without king without priest , without altar , without sacrifice , without oyntment , without incense , without our purifications ; yea , in one word , we have ingrossed to our selves the abhorring of god in heaven , and the contempt and abomination of us with the whole world , and all men on earth . yet for all this misery that reignes in our estate , pride reignes in our heart , in our own conceits we preferre our selves before all the world besides . concerning which thing what my judgement is , o master , i will make known to thee . neverthelesse ▪ what ever fall out , from god we cannot finally fall off . chap. vi. what that sin is , for which the iews are in captivitie . now , o my master , i am in great fear , that that sin , for which we are in this desolating captivitie , is that of which god speaks by his prophet amos , saying , for three transgressions of iudah , i will turn or translate israel . [ note that our bibles have it , i will turn away , here he hath it , i will transfer or translate , and it is better so for his purpose ] and for the fourth i will not translate them , because they sold the righteous for silver . we indeed , o master , according to our doctrine , make this righteous one to be ioseph the son of iacob , who was sold by his brethren into aegypt ; and this would i hold for true also , but that the sacred writ makes this sin of selling , the fourth for number among the sins , or transgressiōs of israel . the christians themselves ( to whom the studie of sacred volumes seems to be delivered & committed of god ) do answer to our foresaid interpretation , that the selling of ioseph by his brethren , is the first , and not the fourth of israels sins or transgressions . the second sin they make the worshipping of the calf in horeb . the third transgression is the slaughter of the prophets , for which we served as slaves seventy years in babylon . but the fourth transgression of israel , the selling of the righteous , this they say is plainly meant of jesus , who was , according to the very letter , sold after that aforesaid transmigration . and we , o master , if we mean to maintain as authenticall our own doctrine , and stop the christians mouthes with a sufficient answer , this of us must be undertaken , and made good , that divers transgressions of israels did precede this of josephs selling , so as to make it fall in the fourth number . which thing we cannot uphold , the testimony of the book of genesis making sore against us , which sets the selling of joseph , as the first transgression of the children of israel . the prophet amos also expressely makes appear , that the fourth sinne was the selling of the righteous one , for which we have been captives , and of which the lord with a fearfull commination speaks , that he will never bring us backe again into the land of promise , saying , and for the fourth i will not translate them , because they sold the righteous for silver . to me it is more then manifest , that for the selling the righteous , the fourth sin , we are righteously punisht : and now more than a thousand years are past and gone , in all which time we do no good , nor prosper at all among the gentiles , nor remains there any hope , that we shall do any good at all . chap. vii . that the just jesus , the god of the christians , was unjustly sold . a marvellous horrour , o master , hath surprized me , and i quake to think , that this righteous one sold for silver , according to the prophet amos , is jesus , whom the christians worship . and further i fear , that the testimonies , which i meet withall in the prophets , are concerning him , and the christians in their doctrine do very apertly , and aptly apply them to him . esay the prophet saith , ah sinfull nation , a people laden with iniquity , a seed of evill doers , they have forsaken the lord , they have provoked the holy one of israel to anger , they are gone away backward . the same prophet saith , as a sheep led to the slaughter is dumb , so he opened not his mouth . he saith , hee was a man of sorrows , and acquainted with grief ; he was despised of men , and ( for this ) we esteemed him not ; he was offered up , because so his will was . he was taken from prison and judgement , and who shall declare his generation ? for the transgression of my people have i smitten him , [ and he made his grave with the wicked , and with the rich in his death ] and he shall give those that injured him for his burying , and the rich for his death . i fear , o master , that these injurious doers were our fathers , and these rich ones were pilate and herod , annas and caiaphas , according to that the prophet david saith , the kings of the earth set themselves , and the rulers take counsell together against the lord , and against his anointed . by the kings we understand the aforenamed ; by the rulers , our fathers and ancestors . i fear , o master , this jesus is he who was sold , and chopt , and changed for silver , of whom zacharie , amos , and other prophets write . of him esay the prophet speaks , he bare the sinns of many , and made intercession for the transgressours . i fear , o master , that this jesus is that righteous one , of whom david speaks , they gather themselves together against the soule of the righteous , and condemn the innocent blood , and for this god shall cut them off , yea , the lord our god shall cut them off . again , i fear , o master , jesus is that just one , of whom jeremie speaks , saying , he is the man , and who is there that understands him ; or knows what he is ? in his lamentations also , the beautie of our countenance , christ our god , was taken for our sins , [ otherwise with us , the breath of our nostrils , the anointed of the lord , was taken in their pits ] of whom we said , vnder his shadow we shall live among the heathen . i fear this is that just one , of which zacharie speaks , it shall be said in that day , vvhat are these wounds in thy hands ? and he shall answer , those , with which i was wounded in the house of my friends , and my shepherd lift up his sword upon me . [ with us it is , awake o sword against my shepherd . ] the same prophet hath , they shall in that day look upon me whom they have pierced , and they shall mourn for him , as one mourneth for his onely begotten sonne . i fear , o master , this is that just one , of whom habakkuk speaks , he had hornes coming out of his hand , and there was the hiding of his power . and the gospell of the christians , where the death of jesus is related , agrees with this , where it is said , when they came to jesus , they found him dead , and they pierced him with a spear . o master , i fear this is that righteous one , of whom habakkuk speaks , thou wentest forth for the salvation of thy people with thine anointed , or , with thy christ . chap. viii . how the dispersion of the jews , according to daniel , came to passe after the death of iesus . fear hath seazed on my spirit , o master , about those words of the prophet esay , who that righteous one should be , that is without sin , and who that righteous one is , that in the prophet amos is said to be sold for silver , as is above testified , that for their fourth sin hee will not bring them back into the land of promise any more . it seems , o master , the prophecie of daniel in his ninth chapter is fulfilled , where he saith , after threescore and two weeks shall messiah be cut off , ( but not for himself ) and the people of the prince that shall come , shall destroy the citie and the sanctuary , and they shall condemn it , and the sacrifice shall cease , and the perpetuall destruction shall have its consummation . all doubting set apart , o master , this destruction and perpetuall desolation is nothing else but our long lasting captivitie , which is now a thousand years standing . and very full of mark is it , that the prophets words have a candle of plain indigitation and pointing it out , saying , this perpetuall desola●●on shall be after that messiah is cut off . just so comes in our desolation , assoon as jesus was put to death ; neither did god threaten us this everlasting destruction till after christs death . but suppose we would fain prove , that before christs death the deluge of our desolation had drowned us , this the christians with their answer will easily take away , saying , that which is but for seventy years is not perpetuall , but before christs death the desolation had but a seventy years perpetuity , and after those years were worne out , wee were carryed backe into our own land of promise , and were highly both favoured and honoured of god. verily , master , my eyes fail me , nor can i spie any evasion , whereby we can either slip out , or slip off that prophesie , seeing it is proved that 72 weeks and a year above , which are 433 years , are compleat from the re-edifying of the temple , at that term of time was jesus cut off by our fathers , after came prince titus and the romanes , and they dealt with us according to the tenure of that prophesie . now at this day we lie under the waves of a thousand years misery , and more ; neverthelesse though we be under the wrath of god , yet still we fixe our hopes on him . what if we argue thus for our selves , that our messiah will come , though he be not yet come , and when he comes he will re-estate , and re-possesse us of our land of promise , then shall our citie rise out of her ruines , and be re-edified , god will bestow both favour and honour upon us in our land , and this desolation shall not be perpetuall ? to this allegation the christians will answer , that this assertion must bring from us this confession , that then the messiah is yet to be cut off , that titus and the romanes are still to come , and these things performed , that there is a worse desolation will ensue it , that has more degrees of misery in it than this , in which we have continued a thousand years . wo is me , o master , for us , our excuses and evasions are addle , and want all consonancy to truth . chap. ix . that there are two advents , or commings of christ . much am i possest with fear , o master , that christ the messiah is already come , and hath fulfilled his first advent , because in scripture we finde a double comming of his . this first comming of christ is described by the prophets to be in great poverty and humility ; the second in glory and majestie . of both these commings of christ i will propound what occurs in sacred writ . of the first comming by zacharies mouth god speaks thus , rejoyce greatly , o daughter of zion , behold thy king commeth unto thee , poore and riding on an asse . in this first comming esay sets him out as a man despised , daniel as one cut off or slain ▪ zachary and amos , as one that was sold . and these things were even after this manner fulfilled in christ , as i have in this little booke declared , and will further declare . we did not esteem him , that is , we knew him not , as saith the prophet esay , yea , we despised him , and prevailed against him . but his glory and majestie shall be manifest enough in his second comming , when flaming fire shall go before him , and shall burn and lick up his enemies that are round about him , as god by the mouth of the prophets david and esay hath spoken . i fear , o master , that christ will judge us with fire unto death , because we have slain all the prophets , who spoke of him to us , god himselfe so testifies against us by the mouth of his prophet elias . thus did we slay that just one , for whose death we lie thus bound under the lords endlesse wrath : notwithstanding all this , still we are gods people . chap. x. of the first comming of christ . i fear , o master , god describes two commings of christ by the mouth of the prophet esay , saying , arise , arise , put on strength o arme of the lord. in that he saith twice arise , arise , he saith surely of purpose to denote christs double comming . in the fiftieth , and through the whole bodie of the 53. chapter , he particularly and perspicuously makes a declaration of the first comming of christ , so farr as concerns his passion , and extreame dejection to the lowest ebbe of misery ; especially when he saith , he hath no form or comelinesse , and when we see him there is no beautie that we should desire him . his first comming is set our in that of esay , to us a childe is born ; presently upon that his second comming is subjoyned , in which he calls him a mighty god , who shall sit upon the throne of david to order and stablish it for ever . zachary with his propheticall pencill effigiates him in form of a poor one riding upon an asse ; and what else by any deduction can we draw hence , but that the prophet by it understands the first appearance of christ in marvellous debasement and humilitie ; and his second that is in power and majestie , according to daniels description , i considered and beheld in a vision of the night , and one like the son of man came in the clouds of heaven , and came to the ancient of dayes , and they offered him before him . and he gave him dominion , glory , and a kingdome , and all people , nations and languages shall worship and serve him . the hebrew hath it , tribes and languages shall honour him , his dominion shall be everlasting , and not passe away , his kingdome shall not be destroyed , [ our translation hath it , tribes and languages shall serve him , his power shall be an everlasting power , which shall not be taken away , and his kingdome shall not be corruptible ; otherwise , his power shall not fail ; otherwise , his power shall be for ever , and his kingdom remain for ever ] out of all which these things appear with evidence , o master , that christ in his second comming shall sit before the ancient of dayes , as a god come to judgement , contrary to that of his first comming , where he stood before our forefathers the jews , and received their judgement against him . to these two commings of the messias , that is christ , the prophet david hath respect in that psalm , where he saith , for he commeth , for he commeth to judge the world . his first comming was but simple and mean , to which purpose those words are barely set down , for he commeth , without any addition ; but as the first was poor , so the second will be powerfull , and therefore is added this clause to the second , for he commeth to judge the world . his second comming is mentioned by the prophet zacharie , his feet shall stand in that day on the mount of olives , &c. you know well enough , o master , none of us are so grosse-witted , as to hold that god , considered in his divine essence and nature , hath either flesh , or feet , or any corporeall members ; for to have feet is proper to corporietie . david , alledged in the place before , saith of his second comming , a fire shall burn before him , and round about him . for all this o master , we do not say god is circumscriptible for place , that any thing may be said to stand about him , as he is god ; but therefore it is thus written , because these authorities have a literall veritie in that righteous one described by the prophets , when one while they speak of his humilitie , another while of his majestie . the prophet malachie saith , behold , the lord commeth , and who may abide the day of his comming ? for he shall sit as a refining fire , and shall melt the silver and gold . here behold how that just one , once judged , shall appear at his second comming . attend o master , and marke how in the same chapter the prophet further expresses the glorie of his person ; i will come near to you in judgement , and be a true witnesse against adulterers , &c. in the same sort doth ezechiel describe him , speaking of the shepherds and sheep , i will separate between them , that is , i will separate the transgressors from the righteous , and the unbeleevers . [ it is not thus in our translation , but the arabick reads it so ] lo here how in his second comming he will separate the unrighteous from the righteous , as malachie and ezekiel are both clear in this point . at his first comming none of us knew him , for hee went beyond the limits of humane nature , as god by esay saith , he was reckoned with transgressors , and we therefore esteemed him not . and jeremie saith , this is the man , and who knows him ? wherefore , o master , this fear dwels upon my soul , that our fathers , in the first comming of the messias , fell off , and rann into errours , and because of this we groan under our endlesse captivitie : yet what ever fall out , we belong unto god , and in him we hope . chap. xi . of the second comming of christ , that he then will judge with power . these two things , o master , i am in no small fear do agree to him . 1. that he was manifested as a saviour to all them that beleeved in him at his first comming . 2. that he shall be a just judge , to judge all with power at his second comming . david the prophet speaks of him ; the lord hath made known his salvation , he hath openly declared his righteousnesse in the sight of the heathen . esay doth not dissent , ye shall draw water out of the wells of salvation , or , of the saviour ; which so far as my eyes serve , i can interpret those wells of salvation to bee meant of nothing else but baptisme . thus his double advent hath a double element ; his first comming in water to save by baptisme , his second comming in fire , to trie all by judgement ; a saviour by water , a judge by fire . of this saviour do those words mean , i know that my redeemer liveth , and that in the last day i shall rise from the earth , and my eyes in my flesh shall see my god. observe here , o master , how he calls this just one both saviour and god. it is confest and manifest , that god being a spirit , cannot be seen with any eye of flesh . scripture gives it out , that the saviour is the righteous god , and he alone challenges the name of that true iust one , of whom that saying is , he did no sinne , neither was guile found in his mouth . esay the prophet testifies this of him . this cannot be said of moses , or any of the prophets , that he is a righteous saviour , and without sinne ; you master know well enough that both moses and the prophets were sinners : which the scripture makes plain , in that none is called the righteous one , but christ , and that name is reserved as onely proper to him . and this without all doubt is to bee held , that none are saved but those that beleeve his first comming , and those that beleeve not , there is no ground for them to hope for salvation at his second comming . this argument has a marble reason to lay the foundation strong for it , for i reason thus , if they were worthy of death that beleeved not moses , who was two great degrees below christ , for moses was but a temporary saviour , and a sinner , how much more are they worthy of this judicatory fire , that beleeve not , nay and worse , that blaspheme this righteous one , the lord , that never knew any sin . — yet nothing can so fall out as to take this from us , our relation and belonging to god. chap. xii . of the ascension of christ . digging into the precious earth of the scriptures , we have found , o master , that christ shall be exalted from earth to heaven , and hence arises my fear , that this was fulfilled in him whom our fathers butchered , and that the prophet davids acclamation is of his exaltation , open the gates of your principality , o ye princes , and be you lift up , o ye everlasting doors , and the prince of glory shall enter in . to which words i intreat your attention , o master , that you mark how the angels in heaven make answer ; who is the prince of glory ? and he will answer again to them , the lord of hosts , mighty in battell , is the prince of glory . certain and plain it is , o master , that this righteous lord of hosts had no battell but in his first comming , for in his last comming who shall dare fight with him ? for when he shall sit on his seat of judgement , and a fire round about him shall flame and burn up his enemies , and shall purifie the righteous by fire , as it were silver , and all this in his last comming : then none shall fight against him , no place shall there be for any to resist him by battell . of the exaltation of this righteous one the prophet esay speaks , who is that that commeth from edom , with garments dyed red from bozrah , this that is glorious in his apparell ? and the righteous one thus makes answer , i that speak righteousnesse , [ a defender to salvation ] mighty to save . the angels then say unto him , why are thy garments red like him that treadeth the wine-fat ? he answers them again , i have trodden the winepresse alone , and there was not a man with me . see here , o master , how properly esay speaks , yea , i fear , the answer of this righteous one much toucheth us , and none but us , when he saith , i have trod them in mine anger , and their blood is sprinkled upon my garments , and i have stained all my raiment . for the day of vengeance is in my heart , and the yeer of retribution is come . o where have we any hopes in that righteous one , when we see that he complaines of us to the angels in heaven , and makes knowne to them that he trod the winepresse alone ? whom as it that he trod in his wrath but us ? who , after the battell in his first comming , hath thrown us down , and we lie prostrate , and trampled under foot now a thousand yeers , and still there is a black day of vengeance waits for us in his last comming , and a year of retribution is in his heart . i would to god , o master , when we with murderous hands slew the prophet esay , wee had laid hands upon this prophecie also , and quite blotted out this fair authoritie out of his booke , that no eye might ever have beheld or read it against us . and you may observe , that which david cals a battell , the lord of hosts mighty in battell , esay calls a wineptesse . alas for us , o master , we drink that new sweet wine , of which iacob , the patriarch and prophet , speaks in the book of the generation of the creatures ( that is children ) of judah , he washed his cloathes in the blood of the grape , as it is falne out in us at the first comming of the messiah . [ that is , we washed our garments in his blood. ] but what shall we wretches do in his last comming , when all men shall stand before this man , comming to judgement , and a furious fire shall be ready to devour them round about him , against whom he shall pronounce sentence ? then is the time of battell ceast , he shall be no more then trod in the winepresse ; then shall there be neither place nor time for repentance , all refuge shall then fail , onely justice shall remain ; that as he was unjustly judged , when they found no sinn in him , so he shall justly judge all sinners . for god saith in the prophesie of salomon , if the righteous receive judgement , where shall be the wicked and the sinner ? if the righteous scarcely be saved , what shall then become of the ungodly ? chap. xiii . he more strongly proves the corporall ascension of christ . fear , as a furie , haunts me , o master , and possesses me with this , that those testimonies , recited by me out of the prophets , are all as points drawn from the circumference , and meeting all in that just one , as their center , viz. that he was sold for silver , as the prophet amos avouches ; that he trod the winepresse , as esay averrs ; that he was in battell with our fathers , as david affirms ; that he was caught , as in a net , by our sins , as jeremie alledges ; that he was wounded in his hands , as zacharie asserts ; that upon his vesture they cast lotts , as david assents ; that he ascended into heaven , as the same prophet , and others with an unanimous testimonie give up : which is not compatible , nor can it stand with meer god considered in his divine essence and nature ; for the deitie has neither resurrection , exaltation , descension , or session properly . out of what hath been said this must issue with a necessary consequence , that this righteous one is already come , to whom all the foresaid things very aptly agree , and are fitly accommodated to his corporeall and humane nature , which he assumed . now because [ o master ] i know how hardly this enters into thy beliefe , as a most improbable paradox , that a man should bodily ascend into heaven , ponder these authorities and examples , which we meet with in scripture , which underprop and confirm this truth . in the first place i rank the prophet david , who saith , god hath ascended on high , he hath led captivitie captive , and given gifts to men . again he speaketh of his ascension , sing unto god , and glorifie his name , make way for him that ascendeth from the western parts , the lord is his name . again , david speaks of him in that psalm , which thou hast in thine heart , sing praises to god that ascends above the heaven of heavens to the east . after him the prophet amos in like manner saith , it is the lord that hath built his seat on high . of him again the prophet david , god is gone up with a shout , the lord with the sound of a trumpet . likewise the prophet aser in his second chapter saith , i saw a man descending from the midst or heart of the sea , and he came up to heaven . but because we want that prophecie i omit to write many other things , which that prophet hath concerning this . [ and yet wee have that prophet , but he knew not then , that he who is aggaeus in latine , is the same with aser in the arabick tongue . ] moses in his song saith , i lift up my hand to heaven . so esay , awake , or , arise , arise , o arm of the lord. hannah , the mother of samuel , sings , the lord shall give strength unto his king , and exalt the horn of his anointed . david again , the lord ascended upon the wings of the winde . these authorities have i met with in scripture , serving to prove the corporeall ascension of christ into heaven . many more there are to this purpose , as thou , o master , very well knowest . now will i annex some examples out of our law , to follow these authorities , being a thing so convenient for the establishing our belief in the point of christs bodily ascent into heaven . this in the first place must be taken into consideration , that the true and glorious god hath assumed , and translated to himself out of the earth , many holy men among our forefathers , as the law and prophets will witnesse ; and if we doubt not of the ascent of these , induced to beleeve it for the sanctitie of the men , and for the veritie of scripture testifying it , why do wee doubt of the ascent of this righteous one , both in his body and soul , the witnesse of scripture confirming this more , than the testimony of holinesse confirms it for the other ? and may not this be one reason , because the prophets set him out strugling and fighting in a harder warre of miseries than others , and acquainted with an harder bondage , and soret service of the world than others ? furthermore , this , without any exemplification , thou knowest well enough , that methusalem and henoch , those righteous men , and elias the prophet , were assumed by god in their bodies to heaven , and translated out of this world. as for moses , it is a thing out of the reach of all question and doubt , that he now is in heaven both in body and soul , as is said in deuteronomie , go up into the mount this night , and he went up into the mount and died there , and no man knoweth of his sepulchre unto this day . what doth this signifie , that his sepulchre is unknowne upon earth , seeing he was a prophet in greatnesse and holinesse , surpassing others , but that thereby we should understand , that god hath raised him up , and assumed him in bodie and soul , as he did other righteous men , and elevated him to that place , where they are now ? neither need we puzzle our brains , with marvelling how it can stand with reason , that grosse and ponderous bodies should ride , and be born upward on the light and subtill element of aire ; this we need not question , if we do but call to minde , how it pleased the almightie power to work the like in the israelites egresse out of aegypt , where the water , an element in ●aritie and thinnesse like unto the aire , did bear their heavy bodies without sinking . and when the lord gave a sign of an accepting welcome to a sacrifice , the fire ( though an element lighter then the rest ) descended from heaven , and , returning up again to heaven , carryed with it aloft the bodies of the sacrificed beasts , and bullocks offered to god. as for this righteous one , moses , elias , and other prophets prophesied of his elevation . from the premisses i collect , that we ●eing credulous , and ready to beleeve the corporall ascent of the aforenamed saints , there is no reason remains , why we should let incredulitie lurk in us , and suspend our beliefe about the elevation of this righteous one into heaven , when scripture and prophets do testifie it . and that of the foresaid saints is ●ade so manifest , to exclude all doubts , for ●ood purpose ; first , that the hearts of men 〈◊〉 the end of the world might be turned to god. secondly , that other righteous men ●ight have good hope of their own ascent , being incouraged by these examples . but our nation are lockt up under many doubts concerning christ , by the key of his secret and occult comming at first into the world , it being an unusuall and unwonted way . of this the prophet saith , he is a man , and who shall know him ? esay saith , a virgin shall conceive and bear a son. where it is to be noted , that there is no mention , but deep silence of any father of his , according to the flesh . elsewhere he saith , vve esteemed him not . and jeremie hath , the lord shall create a new thing upon earth , a woman shall compasse a man. micah also saith , therefore the lord will give them up , till the time that shee which travelleth hath brought forth . in these words is to be observed , the prophet has not a syllables mention of 〈◊〉 the husband of her that brings forth , it being the nativitie of that righteous one , who onely was born out of the wonted path , and common carnall course of men , who come by man as the active , and woman as the passive principle of generation . but this knows no carnall father , as esay's mouth foretold it , give ear , o ye house of iacob , the lord shall give you a signe , a virgin shall conceive and bear a son. all these other holy men spoken of , were born of man and woman , carnally conceived in sinne , yea , and they themselve● were sinners . moses himself , though holier than the prophets his parents , yet he sinned , and his own mouth publishes his own sinne ; but of this just one it is said in esay , he never sinned , nor was there a lie found in his mouth . god by the mouth of iob hath proclaimed , there are blemishes in all the saints , behold , he putteth no trust in his saints . and ieremie joyns with that judgement , the hearts of men are wicked . chap. xiv . of the iews blindnesse , who neither beleeve , nor understand that christ is come . what esay from the lord hath said , o master , i shake with fear , lest it be our lot to have it fulfilled in us , blindnesse is fallen upon israel , till the fulnesse of the gentiles become in . and again he saith , hearing they shall hear , and shall not understand ; seeing they shall see , and not perceive , because the heart of this people is waxen fat . and in the same chapter , make the heart of this people blinde , and stop their ears , least they should learn , and be converted to me , and i should heal them . esay then said , how long , o lord ? and he answered , vntill the cities be wasted , and the house bee left without an inhabitant . you have daniel also saying , shut up , and seal up , or wrap up the prophecie . jeremie follows with his testimonie , the sinne of judah is written with a pen of iron , and the point of a diamond , it is graven on the table of their heart . esay likewise in his first chapter saith , the oxe knowes his owner , and the asse his masters cribb , but my people doth not understand . jeremie to that purpose , the stork , the crane , and the swallow know the time of their comming , but my people know not me . all these speeches , o master , are gods arrows shot at us , and do shew our condi●ion , because we had eyes lockt and bolted up , that we could not discern the first comming of that righteous lord. of us do the lords words in esay mean , when he saith , bring forth ( or , cast far off ) the blinde people , that have eyes , and the deaf people , that have ears . behold , they are all gathered together , or rather , let all the nations be gathered together . these words carry no other meaning , but this , that the prophet saith , the lord hath rejected us , because we knew not soon enough the time of that righteous ones comming , and in stead of u● he hath gathered the gentiles to him by faith . this is it which made that admiration break out of davids lips , the right hand of the lord bringeth mighty things to passe . yet for all this we belong to the lord , though thus sore in an haplesse estate , and deepe depressing captivitie , wherein , as in a labyrinth , we are , and can finde no end , or out-gate , though a thousand years we have runne with wearied foot-steps in this amazing maze of miserie ; neither did ever our fathers smart thus , though they did fully transgresse the law , worshipt idols , and slew the prophets , yet drunk they not of such a cup of indignation , and judgement , as we their children . chap. xv. the jews blindnesse and incredulity , about christ , was foretold by the prophets . this , o master , dives me deep under the waters of fear , that our not beleeving in that righteous one , hath caused that to be fulfilled , and to fall upon us , which the lord spoke by the mouth of esay , the vision shall bee as the words of a booke that is sealed , which shall be given to one that is learned ( to a reader , ) saying read this , i pray thee ; and hee saith , i cannot , for it is sealed . and the book is delivered to him that is not learned , saying , read this , i pray thee ; and he saith , i am not learned . what greater and closer sealing up of the book can there be found , o master , than this , wherewith the lord hath sealed , and fast closed up our blinde hearts , and we have now been a thousand years , and more , ( as miserable truants ) in learning this one lesson of the comming of this righteous one , propounded to us in the prophets , and yet we know it not , nor have taken it out . this is it , which blows the prophets trumpet with that threatning blast , ierusalem shall be desolate , and their holy house shall fall down . he further said , our countrey is desolate , and their holy house shall fall down . he further said , our countrey is desolate , our cities burnt with fire , and zion is left as a cottage in a vineyard . this , this is the evill , o master , which has now the age of a thousand years , and more , on the back of it . according to this esay further saith , o lord god , i will exalt thee , for thou hast made a citie an heap , ( an house to be confusion ) a defenced citie to be a ruine for ever . he shall break the people in pieces , like the breaking of the potters vessell , which shall be broken , so as there shall not be found a sheard to take fire from the hearth , or to take water withall out of the pit . daniels words are also fulfilled , that after the messias is cut off , there shall follow a perpetuall desolation , in which desolation we now are , and have been cast deep into this flood of miseries a thousand years , and more . esay goes on to spinne the thred of our wo , solitarinesse shall be left in the midst of the city , ( or desolation ) and their land shall hisse with a perpetuall hissing . after him jeremie saith , call ye them reprobate silver , for the lord hath rejected them . esay again , walk you in the light of your own fire , and in the flames & sparks which you have kindled . in these flames we ( as miserable salamanders ) have now lain a thousand years & more . amos comes with like threats , the house of israel shall fall , and none shall raise her up . to me , verily o master , it seems we are falne indeed , and ruine is come on us since the comming of that righteous one , yea , god hath brought it on us , seeing since that time no prophet has risen amongst us , neither shall there be any , as is foretold and prophesied of us , for we remain still in our incredulitie , we maintain an obstinate negative of that righteous one , and do not beleeve in him . hosea therefore saith , when the woman conceived , and bare a daughter , god said , call her name , loruhamah , without mercy , for i will no more have mercy on the house of israel . and if thus it be , that the lord hath quite cast us off , and will have no mercy on us , as we have felt by the miserable experience of a thousand years , and upward , to what end , or what profit is it for us to retain our old ordinances , the law , sabbath , and circumcision ? esay saith , bring forth the blinde people , as the true & glorious god hath now brought us forth of our land , and made us strangers to it more than a thousand years . besides all this he saith , the old errour is gone away ; what can we pick out of this , o master ? what is the old thing but our law , which is gone away from us ? yea , we have lost king , sacrifice , incense , altars ? was there any worse thing in the whole predicament of calamity , that could have befaln us ? what prey or bootie of hope have we , for our winged expectations to flie after ? do we not see , ( wo unto us that wee see it ) that the lord hath scattered and disperst us thorow the four quarters of the world , as moses , jeremie , and other prophets foretold us ? yet for all , god , we are thine ; and to this god we have our recourse in every event . chap. xvi . he shews the jews reprobation for perfidiousnesse , and the gentiles election by faith . my soul is not free from this fretting fear , o master , that whereas you and i betwixt our selves can boldly say , and affirme , that we are the sons of jacob and israel , that for all this god may have fulfill'd that , which he spoke by esay , god shall slay thee , o israel , and call his servants by another name . i quake to think , that we should be of those servants , on whom that name shall be imposed , as moses writes in deuteronomie , the nations shall be the head , and the unbeleeving people the tail , as we now are , and have been the hindmost , the very tail of all the world for 1000 years and more . of these nations jeremie speaks , the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of god , as the waters that cover the seas . salomon hath of them this , o lord god , when a stranger , which is not of thy people israel , shall come to thy holy house , and call upon thy blessed name , then hear thou , o lord my god , that all the earth may learn to fear thy name , as doth thy people israel . what have wee , o master , wee proud beggars of the jews , that we can boast in ? why should we contemne and hold the gentiles in scorn , seeing salomon the prophet hath joyned them as partners with us in the fear of god , and in his holy house ? and peradventure god hath shut us out of his house , as unworthy ones , and hath given our room to them , as more worthy ; as moses hath spoken of them , thus saith the lord god , the whole earth shall be filled with the glory of the lord. after him david , all the ends of the world shall remember , and turn unto the lord , and all the kindreds of the nation ( or , a thousand generations ) shall worship before thee . of them spoke esay , o holy house of david , thy light is come , and the glory of the lord is risen upon thee . the gentiles shall come to thy light , and kings to the brightnesse of thy rising . lift up thine eyes round about thee , and see , all they gather themselves together , they come to thee ; thy sons shall come from frare . the sons of strangers shall build up thy walls , and their kings shall minister unto thee . and who , i pray , o master , are these sonnes of strangers , which came to the house of god , but the gentiles ? who , serving idols , were meer strangers to god , they , their princes , and their kings ▪ of whom god said , they shall walk in the light of his holy house , and we thrust out shall remain in darknesse ; and we indeed are in darknesse , and have beene fearfully benighted a thousand years , and upward . still that prophet of that people , behold , thou shalt call a nation that thou knowest not , and nations that knew not thee shall runne unto thee . now our eyes de facto do testifie it , a thousand years and more have worne out themselves , since the christ came , that was sent according to the law given to us , and the gentiles which knew not the law , they came to him , and he has given them a new , a pure , an holy law . besides this , in the five and fortieth chapter , they agreed together , and their kings were gathered together in the beliefe of god. i much fear , o master , that is meant of them , assemble your selves , come , and draw near ye that are escaped of the nations ; and , i am found of them that sought me not . jeremie speaks of them , the nations shall be gathered to the name of the lord in his holy house , nor shall they walk any more after the imagination of their evill heart . the same prophet , to thee shall all the gentiles come from the utmost ends of the earth , saying , our fathers have inherited iniquitie , and lies . zephanie the prophet follows this stream , the gentiles shall all call on the name of the lord , and shall serve him with one shoulder , every man from his place , and all the isles of the nations . zacharie brings his part to this truth , sing and rejoyce , o daughter of zion , lo i come , and will dwell in the midst of thee , saith the lord : and many nations shall be joyned to the lord. again in the 8. chapter , thus saith the lord of hosts , many nations shall come from many places , and every man shall say to his neighbour , let us go and seek the lord our god for good . all these things , o master , are now fulfilled , and the effects of them abide plainly before our eyes ; you see people and languages brought home to god , and studying the law , all the prophets , and book of psalmes , to which they were strangers , and have left their idols to imbrace the truth . none of them are brought to this belief by the hand of moses or aaron , or any of our prophets . and since their hearts were turned to beleeve in that righteous one , ( of whom habackuk saith , thou wentest forth , for the salvation of thy people , with thine anointed ) they have utterly abdicted , and abandoned all their idols , no idolatry since that has remained amongst them . chap. xvii . of the quickning and giving life to gentiles , and slaying the jews . my fears , o master , beat as continually as my pulse , and in this i tremble to think , that the powerfull and glorious god , as with one hand hee gives life to the gentiles by faith , so with the other hand he slayes us in our incredultie . doth not esay indigitate and point out this ? because when i called ye did not answer , when i spake , ye did not hear ; therefore thus saith the lord god , behold , my servants shall eat , but ye shall be hungry ; behold , my servants shall drink , but ye shall be thirsty ; behold , my servants shall sing for joy of heart , but ye shall crie for sorrow of heart , and howle for vexation of spirit ; and god shall slay thee , o israel , and shall call his servants by another name , in which he shall blesse them who is blessed upon the earth , amen , for in truth . and alas , we see , how exceedingly they are blessed upon the earth by god , who have received this new name , but for us , we flie like dispersed dust before the winde of gods wrath , scattered through the four quarters of the world in a sad captivitie . to this day a thousand years have ●unne over us , and trod with heavy feet upon our heads . in us expressely appears the deep impressions of the footsteps of gods wrath , not for chastisement onely , and instruction , ●ut to our destruction . this is that slaying , which the lord threatned , that he would slay israel , and the nations which he would keepe ●live , whom he calls his servants , shall receive that good name he hath promised ; but yet ●he order is thus , wee must first lose our ●ame , and then they shall receive their new ●ame . the funerals of our name must make 〈◊〉 way for the resurrection of theirs , as the ve●y order of esay's words declare . and as for ●●e hunger and thirst , the lord threatens wee shall be vexed withall , it is not that common ●amine of bread , and thirst of water , but that ●orse sterility , and spirituall barrennesse , which torments the souls and hearts of us , a ●amine of the word of god , as amos makes appear in his eight chapter . but you my master plough with a more skilfull heifer in these mysteries , than i , and better understand these things . however in all these storms of wrath , and what ever falls on us , we belong unto god. chap. xviii . how the gentiles quickned by faith have pur● observances in their new law. i cannot but fear , o master , that the gentiles are quickned and brought to life . the annuall circlings of the sunne have made up a thousand years , from the time that jesus dyed at jerusalem , and we know there was no● good thing at all to be found among the gentiles , before they came to beleeve in god , i● christ , and the apostles , so as they seemed to be the prophet habackuks fishes , and creeping things , that had no ruler : but now these gentiles being purified by faith , are ruled by fastings and other observances of their new law ; yea , they want nothing pertaining to cleannesse and purity , so much spoken of in the old law. you see how in every language and place , whether you look to the orientall , or occidentall , ( utmost fringes of the world wide garment ) that the gentiles confesse the name of the lord. neither do they beleeve in him through moses , or any of the prophets , although they bee studious in the law , and the propheticall writings ; but god hath called them to himself another way , even by the disciples of that righteous one , who went forth with god for the salvation of his people , as the blessed and glorious god hath foretold by the mouth of the prophet habackuk ; yea , those very disciples of his , who by another name are known among them , being called apostles , they were children that sprung out of the same root with us , and were the sons of the sons of israel . ah , how my poor heart is palsied through fear , when it judges , that these same apostles are they , of whom god means in davids psalm , when he saith , their sound is gone out into all the earth , and their words into the ends of the world . the prophets words carry an expresse demonstration in them against us , that he speaks of them , and not of us , when he saith , there is no tongue , or language , wherein their voyce is not heard ; and this cannot be taken of our hebrew language . for what gentiles are there , which obey the precepts of moses and aaron , seeing they slew the gentiles , put them to flight , and drove them from them ? but these gentiles at this day are acquainted with moses , and the prophets , they know god , they keep their new law , after the prescript form of the apostles teaching . notwithstanding all this , yet we belong to god chap. xix . of choosing the apostles in place of the prophets . my soul converseth in the region of fear , and i am troubled about that place of zacharie , i will smite the shepherd , and the sheep of the flock shall be scattered ; i fear that was fulfilled , when wee smote the shepherd of those holy children the apostles , for ever since that time , we , like miserable sheep , run dispersed and stragling thorow the whole world , and the apostles , which were our children , are risen up in stead of our prophets . this appears , as a noon-tide truth , seeing from that time god hath not sent us one prophet , nor given us any divine notice , or heavenly provision , by the way of vision . o master , i fear that the apostles are those children ioel meaneth of , your old men shall dreame dreams , and your young men shall see visions . for a certaintie , o master , our prophets are the old men , that dreamed of the faith of the gentiles , which these young men , the apostles , have attained unto , and seen it more clearly , even in plain visions . of these children spoke david the prophet , come ye children , hearken unto me , i will teach you the fear of the lord. besides this , when god speaks of us , ●e doth not name us commonly children in ●he plurall number , but he stayes in the singular , naming us israel his first born . in another psalm these young men are called children , thy children shall be like olive plants ●ound about thy table . of israel ; o master , god spoke by the mouth of esay , the vine●ard of the lord of hosts is the house of israel , i ●ooked it should bring forth grapes , and it ●rought forth wilde grapes : therefore i will break down the wall thereof , and it shall be troden down . of these aforesaid children of god , by esay he further saith , iacob shall not now be ●shamed , neither shall his face waxe pale . but it shall be then , when he shall see his children , the ●ork of mine hands , sanctified before his eyes . now if those children , o master , were sanctified in our sight , according to the way of our law , it could not be said of us , that we were ●shamed , and our faces vermilion'd with ●lushes , and for that cause we should hide ●hem , but rather would it shape for us glory , ●nd resplendency of face . but hence comes ●his confusion of the faces of iacobs children , ●nd this is the desolation ; that those children , the work of gods own hand , were sanctified in our sight , and yet they have this honour another way than we , it comes not as our sanctification by the law. thus god would give us to understand , that our law is not their law. so much imports he by the mouth of ieremie , in that day they shall not say , our fathers have eaten sowre grapes , and their childrens teeth are set on edge : as if he meant thus . the infidelitie of the jews doth no way hurt the faith of the apostles , nor shall it hurt . for this is added for that cause , as i live saith the lord , this shall be no more a proverb in israel . and this is observable , never any of the apostles , after they had received the faith of christ , did returne backe to imbrace our faith . thus are they free from tasting the bitternesse of our infidelity , notwithstanding , our teeth are set on edge with the sinnes of our fathers . further , o master , god , by esay , delivers more concerning these children the apostles , from whom shall i passe away , but from my people , the children that are unfaithfull , but god shall be their saviour in all their afflictions , his face and countenance shall keep them in his love , in his pitie he hath redeemed them , and shall be mercifull unto them for length of dayes . this hath all truth in it , o master , that these children , of whom we speak , doth alwayes abide firm , and stedfast , neither hath god at any time left them , and passed away from them , since that righteous one their king and master hath redeemed them : but he hath gone away from us , though he abide with them alwayes . of these children the apostles , that wise jesus , the sonne of sirach , hath spoken in his book , hear me , your father , o dear children , and do thereafter , that ye may be safe ; for the lord hath given the father honour over the children . after what manner this honour is understood , god declareth by the mouth of the prophet malachie , god shall send elias , who shall turn the hearts of [ our ] fathers to the children . o master , seeing this turning is to be understood of beleeving , and turning to the faith , if god would have turned the hearts of the children , viz. the apostles , to the fathers , that is , to us , then the apostles had moved with us in the same fearfull orbe of miserie , and should have been companions with us in this captivitie , that knows no end , as we and our fathers are involved in it : but now seeing gods ordinance turnes the wheele another way , that the hearts of the fathers shall be turned to the children , what good is there , o good master , for us to expect , or what glasse of hope can we look in , to see a face of comfort ? if wee shall go about to affirm , that these must bee other children , not the apostles , of whom these aforesaid things are meant , then must they be in captivitie , as well as we , because they did not follow the way of that righteous one , whom the apostles not onely have stedfastly followed , but have also earnestly taught this way should be followed , herein attaining to the honour , to be named and accounted fathers , in that it is said , the fathers should be turned to them . wherefore , o master , seeing our children attained to faith in god before us , if our hearts were turned to the children , then the hearts of the children should be turned to us also , as the most high god saith , they shall be one people , and one heart in the glorious and powerfull god. for this is to be confessed , that we are not to understand it of any other conversion , then of turning from infidelitie to the faith , and doctrine of that just one , who is the teacher of salvation to all that beleeve in him . as david hath said of him , that his priesthood is an everlasting priesthood , after the order of melchisedech , who offered a sacrifice of bread and wine : and this melchisedech was the priest of the most high god , before aaron . now here , o master , i would have you perpend and consider , what a main difference there is betwixt the sacrifice of aaron , and the sacrifice of this righteous lord. 1. the lord said unto my lord , thou art a priest for ever , not for a small time , as was aaron , who dyed at an hundred and twenty years of age . 2. aarons sacrifice was but flesh , the sacrifice of the just and righteous lord was bread and wine , according to the order of melchisedech . by these words the lord manifestly shews in his prophet , that aarons sacrifice should be at an end , when this sacrifice of bread and wine would begin , which should know no end , but last for ever ; an eternall ( or unpassable ) priesthood , not being given to aaron , as is given to christ the priest . of these children god speakes by his prophet moses , he will avenge the blood of his children , ( or servants ) and will be mercifull to his land . we , o master , are the murtherers of the prophets , and for that he took vengeance of us but with a 70 years captivitie ; but besides , we have murdered the apostles , and that just master of theirs , and now god has avenged that blood of his children more severely , bringing a captivitie upon us , that hath lasted a thousand years , and beyond . by their death god hath washed the land of his people , he doth not say it is the land of the children of israel , no , he doth not so name them . of these children speaks david , as arrows in the hand of a mightie man , so are his faithfull children . where the prophet compares these faithfull children to arrows , shot forth by the hand of a mightie man : for the almightie god hath sent them forth , being 12 apostles , into twelve parts of the world , through all the four climates thereof , with the doctrine of the law , the psalter , and the prophets . moses and aaron he never sent forth to teach any , beyond the bounds of his own holy house ; from him they had neither mission , nor commission to travell to india , o● trudge to rome , nor to any other place , without the precincts of the holy land , to declare and preach to others the doctrine legall and propheticall : onely these faithfull children have such a calling , being sent forth through the whole earth , and are risen up before god in our place , since god slew israel , and tooke away our name , which david punctually denotes in the psalme , saying , in stead of fathers thou shalt have children , whom thou maist make princes in all lands . by them is that first law , after the order of melchisedech , renewed , and brought in again , who instituted the sacrifice of god in bread and wine , of which he communicated to abraham the friend of god. thus hath god by their ministerie changed , 1. our sacrifice , as he hath also 2. changed our name ; yea more , he hath 3. changed our carnall law into a spirituall . had god said so much to our moses , as he spoke by david to the messias , or christ , thou shalt be a priest for ever after the law of moses & aaron , then had our law got a ground for a firm standing thereof . but now he saith far otherwise , thou art a priest for ever after the order of melchisedech . and for abraham the friend of god , he communicated of the sacrifice of bread and wine , not of the sacrifice of flesh . the word of moses is hereto consonant , which saith , ye shall eat of the old fruit , or , of the old store . by this old fruit he understands the sacrifice of melchisedech . again , they shall eat of the old till the new fruits come in ; meaning , when the sacrifice of the new law is published , your old things , that is , your old sacrifices shall you cast away . howsoever , we look up to god , as ours in every event . chap. xx. of the casting off the sacrifice of the iews , and choosing the sacrament of the christians . the sting of fear is fastned in me , o master , and here it pricks me , i am afraid lest god hath sealed up us and our sacrifice , under a writ of rejection , and hath accepted the sacrifice of the gentiles , as he spake by malachie , i have no pleasure in you , saith the lord of hosts , neither will i accept an offering at your hands . for from the rising of the sunne , to the going down of the same , my name shall be great among the gentiles , and there shall be offered in my name a pure sacrifice . therefore in gods account , the summe is cast up thus , the sacrifice of the gentiles is more clean and pure than ours . further , god hath not onely taken from us our pure offerings , and depriv'd us of all other sacrifices , but withall , he teaches the christians to flie from us , and to avoid us , lest they should receive some soyle and defilement from us . thus are we scourged with a rod , made of the twiggs that grew on our own tree ; for when we had a sacrifice , which god received as pure and acceptable , then did we shun and detest the gentiles , as some matter of abomination . yea , yea , master , you know well enough what god speaks by the mouth of david , concerning our sacrifice , think you that i will eat the flesh of bulls , and drink the blood of goats ? in which , how can any thing be more manifest , than this , that god condemns and disallows our fleshly sacrifice ? gladly do i covet to know , o master , with what reason we are harnessed for our detestation of the gentiles sacrifice of bread and wine , which god himself hath instituted , & hath not disallowed it , as he hath disallowed our sacrifice . salomon speaks of the aaronicall sacrifice , he stretched but his hands over the altar , and offered the blood of the grape , and incense to the living god , and offered up our sacrifice of the corne of the earth , as melchisedech offered for abraham . god declares what the gentiles sacrifice is by moses , ye shall offer to god a sacrifice of that is heaved from the barn floore , and of the pressed grapes , that god may blesse you , and all the works of your hands . we well know , o master , that god at the beginning commanded loaves to be set before the arke of the covenant of the lord , not flesh : we know there was something concerning shew-bread , but nothing of shew-flesh : and gods command , o master , in leviticus , by moses and aaron , was , that a man of the seed of aaron the priest , that had any blemish , should not offer the sacrifice of bread , nor any other sacrifice . in divers other places of scripture god hath placed his command , that they should offer to him bread , and a sacrifice of fine flowre , and that he will accept it ; and such at this day is the gentiles sacrifice , even bread , made of fine flowre . of this sacrifice of bread mention is made in the booke of kings , when david came to abimelech the high priest in silo , ( or rather nob ) he desired some loaves of him , who answered , here is none but shew bread , which it is not fit thy sevants should eat , because it is holy . howsoever gentiles have a mixture of water with their wine in their sacrifice , yet with that are we not burdened with any inconveniencie , seeing the scriptures affoord an exemplary action for it , that a sacrifice of water was not onely offered to , but accepted of the lord. three mightie men drew water from the well before the gate of bethlehem , which the prophet david offered to the lord for a sacrifice . it is not therefore contra-scripturall that the gentiles practise , in mixing water in their sacrifice to god. we read of aaron sacrificing to god with bread and wine , and david with water , whence we collect , that a clean & pure offering , ( not such as our flesh of fat bullocks ) must have a concurrence of these three in it , which doubtlesse contains some mysticall kernels in it , though the dimm vertue of our intellectuall opticks is not able to penetrate and spie it out . our prophet elias , as is storied in the book of kings , powred water upon the sacrifice , on which god sent down fire from heaven , a signe of his acceptation of that sacrifice , which had the waters effusion on it : yea , and the angel brought to elias his food , bread and water , when he , in the strength of that food , which impotent nature cannot reach unto , travelled fortie dayes together , to horeb the mount of god. fairly , and fitly has salomon the prophet , in his proverbs described this commixed sacrifice of wine and water , saying , the most high wisdom hath made ready her sacrifice , she hath mingled her wine , she hath furnished her table , shee hath sent forth her maidens , saying , who so is simple , let him come in hither , and they that want understanding , and they shall eat of my bread , and drink of my mingled wine . what is this table ( o master ) the wisdom of the most high hath furnished , but the altar ? what is this bread & mingled wine , but the sacrifice of bread , wine , and water which is offered on the altar ? who are these without understanding , that the maidens of wisdom are sent to call in , but the gentiles which know not god , whom the apostles have by preaching called ? wherein this is further remarkable , that it is called my bread , and my vvine , which strongly intimates the acceptablenesse of that sacrifice unto god. it also imports thus much , that wisdom called not our fathers to this so high , and so spirituall a banquet , who were learned and wise in the law , and wholly taken up with the legall sacrifice . but now we have lost all , and are excluded , not onely from this spirituall , but we have lost the carnall sacrifice of the fathers also . time has now wound upon her clew a thousand years complete , since all this miserie has falne on us , for our sinne against that righteous one. yet for all this , we are a people that belong unto god. chap. xxi . god hath refused the fasts , sabbaths , and sacrifices of the jews , and chosen those of the christians . my soul wrastles with horrible fears , o master , & out of that word the great and glorious god spoke by malachie , my fears issue , where thus he treats of the gentiles sacrifice , from the rising of the sunne , to the going down of the same , the gentiles shall offer a pure offering to my name . where i note , that our sacrifice was not accepted , save in one place onely , in gods holy house , and no where else ▪ and it is plain , god hath rejected our sacrifice , because he hath deprived us of the very place , where we should sacrifice , the land of promise , and now for a thousand years the whirlwinde of his breath hath scattered us over all lands . thus that is come to passe and fulfilled in us , which god , by way of similitude , spoke , in the mouth of esay , concerning us , the vintage shall faile , the gathering shall not come . and that of malachie , i have no pleasure in you , neither will i accept an offering at your hands . and that of esay again , your sabbaths , and your feasts , and your sacrifice i will not accept , because you are all under my wrath . again , that in esay is fulfilled in us , to what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices to me ? i am full of the burnt-offerings of rams , and flesh of goats , &c. bring no more vain oblations , &c. all your sacrifices are like a stinking carcase , and as the going out of the court of the outer gate . hee that killeth an oxe for me , it is as if he slew a man : he that sacrificeth a kid , as if he cut off a doggs neck , and he that offereth wine , as if he offered swines blood . all this abomination in our sacrifice , as god accounts it , signifies nothing else , but the lords purpose of changing our ●arnall and grosse sacrifice into the spirituall and pure sacrifice of the just lord , whose new ●nstitution offers bread in stead of flesh , clean water in stead of the fat of beasts , and pure wine for blood. yea man himself is offered up , but in a spirituall manner , yet very acceptably to god , not after that way of cutting off beasts necks in our sacrifices , which the prophet likens to a stinking carrion . o master , why do we not give credit to those words of god in the prophets , which do so evidently describe , and set forth our sacrifices ? god spake by ieremie in the seventh chapter , invite your neighbours to your sacrifices , ( put your burnt-offerings to your sacrifice , and eat flesh ) i spake not to your fathers , neither commanded them in the day that i brought them out of the land of aegypt , concerning burnt-offerings and sacrifices . but this thing i commanded them , saying , obey my voice , and i will be your god , and you shall be my people , and walk you in all the wayes i have commanded you , that it may be well with you . but they hearkned not , nor inclined their ear to my command . full well , o master , do you know these things to be thus . notwithstanding , in all these strange events we still belong unto god , and are his portion . chap. xxii . he proves the abjection of the synagogue ; and the election of the church , by the word of the lord to rebecca . now new fear falls upon me , o master , wherein i tremble at that word , which is written in the 25 chapter of the first book of our law , lest that be meant of the synagogue and the church , which the lord god speaks to rebecca the wife of isaac , two nations are in thy wombe , and two manner of people shall be separated from thy bowels , and one people shall be stronger then the other people , and the elder shall serve the younger . o master , rebecca onely was the mother of jews and gentiles . the elder people and first-born was our synagogue , which was great and glorious , with a rich dowrie of honour , and the knowledge of god bestowed upon it . the younger and last-born people , and lesse in gods account , were the gentiles , drowned in infidelitie and ignorance . yet all this notwithstanding , o master , if god have slain israel , as the prophet esay is plain in it , then was the totall subversion of the synagogue , which was the elder , and it was brought to serve the gentiles , which were the younger , that the word might be fulfilled which god spake to rebecca , one people shall be stronger than the other . for the glorie of the church god spoke by the mouth of david , the kings daughter stands at thy right hand in a vesture of gold , wrought about with divers colours . the right exposition of this , o master , begets this sence , that the church of the gentiles is here honoured with the name of a queen , and the divers colours of the garment , wherewith she is adorned , signifie and set forth the diversitie of languages and people , by which she is served . for all tongues and languages in the church , conspire with a concordance of a true exposition of the law , the psalter , and the book of all the prophets . as for out synagogue it hath but one tongue or language , and her garment is not set out with many colours , but onely one colour , that of her own hebrew idiome and language . chap. xxiii . he proveth the same thing by the words of the prophet malachie . those words of the prophet malachie so often brought , o master , i cannot so shift as to rid my memory of them , & thence springs my fear , that god should say to the synagogue , i have no pleasure in your sacrifices , for from the rising of the sunne , &c. for water , wine , and fine flour , the elements of the gentiles sacrifice , are clean things of their own nature , and need none of our cleansings , and purifying potions to prepare them , and make them ready . but our synagogue must of necessitie have continuall imployments , in washing the flesh of sacrifices , and cleansing the entrals of beasts , which are to be sacrificed . nay , and there must be many purifyings of the altar , and place of the sacrifice , to make clean from the fatt and blood of other sacrifices , otherwise it would breed a loathsome abhorring to see them , and meddle with them . this of bread , and wine , and water , is a neat and cleanly sacrifice , subject to none of these indecencies , and loathsome turpitude . for my part , o master , i must confesse that gods meaning is of this sacrifice in salomons proverbs , better is a morsell of bread with love , then a stalled oxe with hatred . this morsell of love , o master , is that morsell of the gospell commended to us , meeknes , that is , reciprocall and mutuall forgiving of injuries , one to pardon another ; & the fat ox with hatred , is our practise of eye for eye , & secret slaying of our enemies . and from these premises i draw this conclusion , that the churches bread is better than the synagogues oxe , the one being a sacrifice of love , the other of hatred , of which god saith , better is a morsell , &c. another way god fitly likens the church to a loving hinde , by the mouth of salomon , let her be as the loving hinde , and pleasant roe , let her breasts satisfie ( or inebriate ) thee at all times , and bee thou ravisht alwayes with her love . the church is this hinde so beloved of god , of whom it is written , she is the most dearly beloved hinde , and hath no equall in nobilitie and favour . he adds , o master , let her breasts satisfie thee at all times , and be thou ravisht alwayes with her love . in which words is delivered a plain significancie of the lastingnesse of the churches sacrifice for all times , and that it shall abide for ever . here also god compares the church to a mother , giving suck to children ; and in this that he saith , let her breasts at all times satisfie thee , and make thee drunken , he clearly denotes the matter of the sacrament , in one of the elements , which is wine , though in a spirituall way . and by breasts he notes the rest of the substance of the sacrament , that it contains pleasant nourishment , and is a sufficient sacrament , ( as the mothers breasts are sufficient for the childe ) which sacrifice the church at this present enjoyes , and is ravisht with it . as for us , our synagogue has remained a widow this thousand years , quite deprived of her sacrifice . this dear respect which god bears to the church , comes from christ the lord ; his are the breasts , from whence run those streamy fluents of wine , and from thence flows everlasting joy . here is not a word or title of giving flesh , or fat , or blood , the ingredients of our laborious ahd toilsome sacrifice . the synagogue , as a miserable widow , had another husband , even god himself ; but now she hath lost both her holy house , and her holy husband . the church on the other side , like a straying hinde , ranged in the desart , and had no husband , yet god has found her , and is become in stead of an husband to her . as the strong and glorious god speaks by the prophet esay , moe are the children of the desolate , than the children of the married wife . that prophet again saith , i will make rivers in the wildernesse , to give drink to my chosen people . but thou hast not called upon me , o iacob , but thou hast been weary of me , o israel . even thus , o master , have we shaken off all obedience : we have been earlesse , and would not hear ; eyelesse , and would not see , which hath produced this captivity , that with a drowning flood hath runne over us a thousand years . i am afraid , o master , for our law , which gives way to revenge , and has furious anger made ready , in calling for eye for eye , &c. whereas the beloved hinde , having one dear lover , is ruled by a sweeter rule , which he hath given her in his glorious gospel , the fift chapter by matthew , if any smite thee on one cheek , turn to him the other also . david speaks in the psalm , o how great is thy goodnesse , which thou hast laid up for them that fear thee , and which thou hast wrought for them that trust in thee , before the sons of men . it is clear , o master , that the people of the synagogue stood in fear of those legall penalties , an eye for an eye , and a tooth for a tooth , because execution did presently w●it upon the offender . how much better do the people of the church , that trusting in the goodnesse of god , being smitten on the face , they do not answer with their fist , smiting again ? wherefore god hath graciously laid up for those gentiles , his abundant goodnesse , which he altogether hideth from the jews . notwithstanding , we are gods people . chap. xxiiii . he shews the christians manner of singing is acceptable to god. i stand in fear , o master , of that speech of esay , for he seems to speak it of the apostles , they shall sanctifie the holy one of iacob [ they shall manifest ] and they shall fear the god of israel . [ they shall preach or publish the god of israel . ] they that erred in spirit , shall come to understanding , and they that murmured shall learn doctrine : [ or the musicians shall learn the laws . we see it with mid-dayes clearnesse , o master , that now , for a thousand years , the ignorant musicians are become doctors , and teachers of our law. who are the ignorant ones , but the gentiles ? who are these musicians , but the christians , who chant and sing our book of psalmes , and the prophets , in their churches ? of the musicians and singers , we have god speaking by david , sing unto the lord a new song , for he hath done marvellous things . what , i beseech you , o master , is this new song , but the new testament ? and what is the old song , but our old law ? of these musicians god speaks more by the prophet david , sing unto the lord all the whole earth , sing a psalm of praise to his name . againe , all the families of the earth shall sing and praise thy name , or , all the families of the nations . where this carries a marke of speciall note , that it is not singularly said , all the families of israel , but the phrase universally spreads it self to all the families of the gentiles . of this musicall and psalm-singing people , are davids words in another place , blessed are the people that knows the song ( ours ●ath it , that knows the joyfull sound ) they shall walk in the light of thy countenance . that also is to the same purpose , the gentiles , or nations , shall sing a song to thee in the house of ●y god. in this place he names a song , by way of antonomasia , naming a song in generall , ●ut intending their particular kinde of singing . as for us , we have lost our musick , it is now 〈◊〉 thousand years , since we jews sung a song 〈◊〉 our holy house . of these singers speaks david , they shall sing praises in the house of god for ever . the 137 psalm questioned our singing , how shall they sing the lords song in a strange land ? alas , o master , for the vacuity and emptinesse of our vain hopes , who think of a name and a countrey , when we have lost both . god himself tels us this by the prophet amos , israel is falne , she shall rise n● more : the virgin israel is forsaken upon he● land , there is none to raise her up . the same prophet in the ninth chapter saith , there sha● come such tribulation , that he who escapeth sha● not be delivered ; though they hide themselves i● the top of carmel , i will search and take the● out thence ; though they be hid from my sight i● the bottome of the sea , thence will i command the serpent , and he shall bite them . though they go int● captivity before their enemies , thence will i command the sword , and it shall slay them . and 〈◊〉 will set mine eyes upon them for evill , and no● for good . this has the lord said and done to us , and now , for a thousand years of miserie● we have hung by our harpes , and left all ou● singing of psalms , mourning befitting us more then musick . notwithstanding , though we● cannot sing , yet this we can say , god is our god , and we are his people . chap. xxv . the jews unjustly finde fault with the christians practise of singing . god hath spoken , o master , of the christians singing , by the mouth of david , the sweet singer of israel , saying , clap your hands all ye people , sing unto god in the voyce of melody . in another place , make a joyfull noise unto the lord all ye lands , serve the lord with gladnesse , and come before his presence with a song . in another place , sing unto the lord all the whole earth , declare his salvation from day to day . i am under great feare , o master , by that which god speaks in the mouth of ieremie , teach your daughters wailing , and every one her neighbour lamentation , for death is come up into our windows . together with this of our learning that sad lesson of mourning , he speaks of those musicall children by the prophet david , kings of the earth and all people , princes , and all judges of the earth , young men and maidens , old men and children , let them praise the name of the lord. and , who so offereth praise , he glorifieth me . as if he plainly said , the sacrifice of the flesh of goats ( such was our sacrifice ) doth not honour me , but in the sacrifice of praise ( such as is the gentiles ) am i glorified . the prophet esay agrees with it , when he saith , the musicians shall learn the scriptures , and all the psalmes of david shall they sing in a metricall way , as it is varied by musicall tones , some acute and sharp , some grave . about all which , whiles i labour with the strength of my best consideration , me thinks i judge with the least errour , when i conclude we are in a great errour , about their sacrifice of praise , which they offer up by singing in the church of god. especially , when i further discern , that there are precepts of , and examples for this singing , in the law of moses , and in the prophet david , who hath called for the praising god with organs , and harp , and with loud cymbals ; and , let every thing that hath breath praise the lord jesus christ . that for precept . example is not awanting , for david danced before the ark , with his harpe , having his head uncovered , for which his rash-tongued wife michol , was bold to reprove him ; but she got this sharp and tart reply from him , o foolish woman , doth not the lord see thee despising me , whiles i sing praises to him ? the children of israel also sounded a trumpet , whiles they bore the arke . now tell me , o master , what parts act we ? are not we the foolish michol , that mock and jeet at the christians singing solemnities ? and do not the christians act davids part , dancing and rejoycing before the lord in their humiditie , especially , considering how god propounds it , let every thing that hath breath praise the lord. if it had been precisely thus written , let every israelite praise the lord , then our insultation over others might have had some better ground . neither is that of esay any disadvantage to them , that he saith , the nations ( or gentiles ) are before god as nothing . for this is to be applyed to the gentiles in their first estate , as they once were drowned in darknesse and ignorance of god , before the comming of the just one. then indeed they were pagans , and idolatrous people ; and none of those nations that have found the lord , which offer unto him every day a pure offering in the east and west , as above out of the prophet malachie , hath been alledged . and certainly , o master , we are heirs of a great errour about this thing . notwithstanding all this , we belong unto god. chap. xxvi . he proves the apostasie of the jews from god. under an oppression of no small fear i fall prostrate , o master , and this troubles me , that like wicked apostates we fell off from god , at the first comming of that just one , according to all those authorities hitherto alledged , & to which expressely do consent all that we finde written in the books of the law and the prophets . from this out apostasie is it that god stretches out our miserie to such a length of dayes , and hath brought upon us this captivitie , whiles wee in vaine expect another saviour , besides that just one , which nothing avails , nor is any thing to the purpose . herein we have a signe with plenary evidence , that this generall captivity is laid upon us , for some generall sinne , which all of us have had our hands in : which sinne , while it abides and sticks with us unrepented of , fierce wrath must needs abide upon our nation , and we remain hopelesse . yet we look for some other saviour . but oh the idlenesse , and inanitie of our expectations , how little do they profit us ? suppose we go about to affirm , that ours is not a generall captivitie , and that in some part of the world , we have a king and prince over us , we shall quickly be proved worthy to be reproved for lyars , convict by our owne law ; for if we jewes should have a king and prince over us in any part of the world , go to then , let us see what he is ; he must be descended of some one tribe ; if of any , it should be of the tribe of judah . of judahs tribe it cannot be , god having definitively determined against it , that there should be no king of judah out of that tribe for ever . whence jeremie the prophet saith , the sinne of judah is writ with a penne of iron , and the point of a diamond , it is graven upon the table of their heart . that which is written with such a pen , as iron , in such a book as an adamantine stone , how can we look that it should ever be expunged ? it shall never bee blotted out , seeing the strong and glorious god hath thus spoken by the mouth of the prophet esay , the lord , the lord of hosts taketh away from jerusalem and judah the judge , and the prophet , and the prince . likewise the prophet hosea saith of us , the children of israel shall abide without a king , without a prince , without a sacrifice , without an image , without an ephod , without teraphim . we know well , o master , that , from the beginning of the world , god had ▪ alwayes some saints of great account , and holy before him . towards the beginning of the world the lives of men are reckoned up with many figures , and extended to many yeers , as m●thusalem , enoch , and the rest , yet none of these ever came to be millenaries , either reaching to , or above a thousand years . yet we have large reckoning amongst our selves , finding our messias ▪ or christ promised to us , to out-strip that unattained number . we please our selves with saying , that our messias was born in babylon , in the seventie yeers captivitie , which by computation will arise to an higher number of years ; for by this at this day , he must be a thousand and fiftie yeares old . this fable and fallacie , for it is no prophecie , though we know not how with any weapons of reason to defend , yet with bold assertions we averre it for a truth in our synagogues , when we are none but jews together , and not a stranger among us . but you may hear the publique doctrine of the christians saying otherwise , of zion it shall be said , this and that man was born in her , and the most high shall establish her . in these words he names mary the ladie , under the name of the citie , and saith , a man was born in her . he saith that man emphatically was born in her , he doth not say , this or that israelite . whereby he gives light to us to understand , that the son of marie never was in the loyns of any man. in the second book of samuel and the seventh chapter , god manifestly declares this , when he saith to david , when thy dayes be fulfilled , and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers , i will set up thy seed after thee , which shall proceed out of thy bowels , and i will be his father , and he shall be my sonne . it was never among possibilities , o master , that ●ny should come out of the bowels of his father , therefore to this end is it here set down ●o expresly , to shew that christ was not to ●e conceived in woman , after the ordinary ●ay of other men , by any seed , which should ●roceed from the loyns of man , as the rest ●f men do , descending from david , or others . ●o the same effect god speaks by david , ●rom the womb , before the morning , have i be●otten thee . as if the great and glorious god ●●ould say , from the wombe , that is , of his ●wn will he begot his christ , the operation ●f the holy ghost effecting , it without the ●eed of man , not after the common regular ●urse of humane generations . this is that doctrine of veritie of the christians faith , ●hich is hid as a mysterie from us , and our ●ow apprehensions will not give it entrance ●●d beliefe . for our infidelitie in this point 〈◊〉 all this falne on us , that we groan under ; ●his is the gate that lets in our miserie . af●●r the same manner doth david set forth christ to be borne , the lord hath sworne in ●uth unto david , of the fruit of thy body will ●set upon thy throne . notwithstanding all ●is , we belong to god. chap. xxvii . he concludes with alledging some sayings of the saracens , touching iesus , and marie his mother . verily , o master , though the christian do not fight against us with swords taken out of the saracens scaberds , and wha● the alcoran and the expositions thereof hav● for their defence , ( which they neglect to doe knowing our faith feeds not upon saracen chaffe , neither do they themselves give any credit to it ) yet they might finde something which might much weary and weaken us , an● fortifie themselves by the allegation of the sarazens doctrine concerning jesus , and mar●● his blessed mother . it is the generall voice 〈◊〉 all the saracens , that jesus was the messia● whom the foregoing prophet foretold should come , and as touching his genealogie and 〈◊〉 degree , they preferre him before their own god mahomet . they stick not to confesse● that the parents of mahomet were idolaters an● wicked ones , and at the best blazon the● arms , but among the children of hagar , th●● bond-maid , from whom they sprung . yet willingly they grant , that the messias by a dire●● line draws his pedegree from isaac , who●● sonne he was , to the prophets and just men , and so he descends to the blessed marie his virgin mother . in the alcoran this testimonie of the family of adamar is found touching marie , the angel gabriel said to marie , o marie , god hath chosen thee , and taught thee grace , and hath in his choice preferred thee before all other women of all ages ; and hath placed thee as a new medium or meane , dividing betwixt earthly men , and the angels of god in the paradise of delights . moreover , all the saracens speak-it for a truth , that christ , or the messias , had power from god to work miracles , to heale every disease , and infirmitie , to cast out devils , raise the dead , to know the secrets of all hearts ; yea , they beleeve all those miracles to be done by him , which the gospell records of him . this the alcoran in the forenamed chapter expressely testifies , that the messias knew , & doth know all things , yea the very sectets of hearts . the words of mahomet are just to this purpose , who saith , eise ( that is jesus ) knew every book , and all wisedome , and the whole law of moses , he knew what men did eate and drink in their houses , and what they laid up in their treasuries . besides , they say of christ , or the messias , that whiles he was in the world he despised riches , and abandoned all carnall delights , neither had he any concubines , which are the occasions of sinne , and a cause of disobedience . withall their alcoran has adopted and taken into it that speech of the gospell , the foxes have holes , and the birds of the aire have nests . these things , thought , i confesse , they carry no authoritie for their sakes who say them , being saracens , yet are they consonant ( as may appear by our former discourse ) to those things the prophets foretold , of the first comming of the messias . they say in their alcoran , that eise , that is jesus , is the word of god : and this to be called the word of god , is accounted the proper name of jesus christ among the saracens : in so much as no other man is thus named , but jesus onely , whom in the arabick tongue they call eise . this we further finde in their alcoran , god said to eise , i am thy sufficiency , i will lift thee up unto my self , and i will purifie thee from the unbeleevers . consider now , o master , how the jewish nation are redacted and brought to such a paucitie and smalnesse of number , by their thousand years captivitie , that they are become the fewest of any nation on the earth . the saracens are exceedingly multiplyed , and daily increase . the faith of christ hath filled the whole world , onely we are bandied and dispersed all over the earth by our angry god ; we remaine the fewest of any people , reubens curse being fallen on us , which his father pronounced against him , thou shalt not excell , or increase . we increase not at all , but the christians , whom we hate above all nations , they increase above all others , and all our hatred of them is in vaine . a conjoyned testimony of many witnesses stand up against us : the christians witnesse against us , so do the saracens also : the alcoran , and the gospell of christ , which we will not beleeve . which alcoran , in my judgement , has no validitie or strength in it , seeing it contains manifest contradictions , as thou well knowest , and as it clearly is evident , the composers of it were very ignoramusses in the matter both of the old and new testament . but letting that passe , what shall wee say to the gospell of the christians , how shall we escape that , laying this down as a presupposed truth , that christ , or the messias is already come ? the beliefe of this principle contains nothing in it , that it is contrary to prophets , or to our law ; yea , of it we may affirme , that it is the lamp , that gives light to all the prophets , manifesting them , and fulfilling the promises contained in the law , if we understand those promises aright to be meant of spirituall blessings , as the doctrine of the christians conceives of them spiritually . nevertherlesse , o master , in all these my doubts , my anxious soul hath recourse to thee , especially , that thou wouldest assist me with thy skill about those knots , which before have been excerpt , and alledged by me out of the prophets , forasmuch as i know , thou , who art skilled in the arabick , wilt account the testimony out of the alcoran no stronger than a lye , and esteem it as a rush . thou perfectly knowest the vanitie of mahomet , who called himself a prophet , but he did not prophesie , or foretell any things to come ; he called himselfe a messenger sent from god , a good one surely he was , who being a corrupt and ignorant fellow , ( much unlike a messenger of god ) taught things contrary both to god , and his scriptures . the end of the epistle of rabbi samuel , which be writ to rabbi isaac , master of the synagogue . chap. i. annotations upon the epistolarie discourse of rabbi samuel the israelite , born in a citie of the kingdome of marocco . in the first chapter , and in many other , he mentions the continuance of their captivitie , from the vastation of ierusalem , to be in length a thousand years , and upwards , so that it seems the booke being translated about the year 1239 , had been hid and kept secret by the jews , from comming into publique light some 230 years , and above . it may appear , more then by conjecture , that it was first writ about the thousand years after the entrance into their captivitie , and the jews seeing it like a lightsome house , and full of candles , clearly shewing christ to be the messias , and that he was already come , and by them had been crucified , they fearing if it came into open view , it might pluck away the jewish vail of opposition to christ , from many hearts , as plainly demonstrating their sinne , and the hidden veritie of christ the saviour , they put this candle or torch under a bushell , and kept it close many years , till this translator lighting upon it , did publish and set it on a candlestick , that it might give light to the whole house , both of jews and gentiles , in the roman language , which is become almost oecumenicall , understood of all sorts . for they thought of this book , as their wicked forefathers thought of lazarus , it were good to put him to death , because by reason of him ( being raised from the dead by christ ) many of the iewes would go away from them , and beleeve on iesus . the hebrew doctors inquire earnestly what this sinne should be , few of them have so much flesh and softnesse in their heart , as to yeeld with our samuel , that it was the sinne of slaying christ , for they invent vaine effugia's , and wayes of avoidance of the thought of this sinne . r. salomon runnes back to the wildernesse , and sayes , the molten calfe is still punisht , god is yet scourging them for that idolatry . hereupon one teaches the jews , in every misery of theirs , to think of it . no punishment lights on thee o israel , in which there is not put an ounce of the molten calf . but this sin god had pardoned long before christs time . others of them do name some great sinnes of some particular men , but looke not at the great sinne of the whole nation . some conclude it to be a secret and hidden sin , which is not known , that brings all these knowne punishments upon them at this day . the great rambam , the oracle of jewish learning , the excellent second moses , speaks his minde , as he is quoted by ficinus , out of of his book of the ordinary judges ; iesus of nazareth seemed to be the messias , and being put to death by the sentence of the judges , was the cause why israel was destroyed by the sword . but ficinus is mistaken , for he meanes not honestly there , but as a jew , hating christ and christians ; his meaning is , that christ was the ring-leader to rebellions and raising of seditions , stirring up the people to shake off the romane yoke and empire , which brought the romanes to destroy them with ●he sword . this was his poysonous meaning , ●hough one of the best of the jews . the learned coch in his annotations to the gemar . sanhedrin , chap. 11. sect . 37. thus senses it far from ficinus his meaning . this jew rightly collects , and concludes , ●hat that sinne which brings a longer plague , and heavier judgement , than any that went before , must needs bee a greater sinne than ●hat which brought their 70 years captivity , and what can be greater than idolatry , and slaying of the prophets , save their slaying of their saviour jesus christ , the sonne of god , the prince of the prophets , and the center in whom all the prophecies meet ? he saith further , that none of the prophets do tell of their return out of this captivitie , he is more to blame then , that at the end o● every chapter doth say , notwithstanding whatsoever fall out , we belong to god. if no prophe● shew , that , being thus cast off , they belong to god , why doth he without the ground of prophecies build upon such a thing ? but herein he is in an errour ; many , yea , all the prophets d● speak of their return , and the calling of th● jews . as moses , gen. 49. 18 , 19. deut. 30. 3 ▪ 6 , 8. esay 11. 11 , 12. esay 45. 22. and 25 ▪ esay 59. 20 , 21. ierem. 16. 14. ierem. 23. 3 , 4 ▪ ier. 31. 31 , 32 , 33 , 34. ezek. 36. 26. hosea 1 ▪ last verse . hos . 3. 4 , 5. mic. 2. 12. mic. 4. 6 ▪ mic. 5 , 5 , 6 , 7. zephan . 3. 11 , 12 , 13. & 19. 20. amos 9. 14 , 15. zach. 11. 16. and among ou● prophets , none so full as paul , rom. 11. besides , as paul speaks to them in titus , one of themselves , a prophet of their own hath said it . upon these words in the canticles , open to me my sister , my love ▪ my dove , my undefiled , they write thus , the holy and blessed god said to israel , o my children , set open to me but one little cranie of repentance , though it be no bigger than a needles eye , and i will so largely open a way to you , that shall let in your chariots and carriages with foure wheels . out of rabbi levi they have this also , if israel would but repent one day , they should forthwith be redeemed , and presently their messias the sonne of david should come unto them . and indeed , their impenitency is their hardest prophesie against them . let them but repent , and it will turn the captivitie of zion . note the conclusion of every chapter , and the beginning of every chapter are the same . every chapter begins with i feare , o master . their great rabbies were called masters by the rest , who admired their learning , sat at their feet , received their instructions , as the oracles of wisdome . about our saviours time they begun not onely to inlarge their phylacteries , but to inlarge their titles of dignitie also , and to advance their doctors with great names , as rab , ribbi , rabban , rabbi , which makes our saviour note their pride in it . those that had taken degrees in learning , and were set into a doctors or teachers place to teach others , then had the name of rabbi , their great master , or learned doctor of the chair , for such taught in chaires , and their schollers sat at their feet , learning , and hearing their documents , as paul was brought up at the feet of gamaliel . sometimes they call them their wise men , sometimes masters , sometimes fathers . rambam , rabbi moses ben maimon , & ramban , which is rabbi moses ben nahman , these two famous ones were called duo domini , the two great masters . and this moses maimonides was so famous for learning , that they adde to his titles , and some called him the doctor of righteousnesse , and the great light of the captivitie . a doctor among them r. judas is of such fame , that they call him , by way of eminencie , ribbi , or hannasi the prince , haccadosh , r. judas the holy. so among the pontificians , they idolize their great doctors , one must be the master of the sentences , another must be the angelicall doctor , a third the seraphicall doctor , this the profound , and that the irrefragable doctor , another the doctor of subtilties ; one is called gomestor , the great devourer of the scriptures , as if he had eaten up the bible for his many quotations of it . another is called speculator , as durandus hales , or alensis the englishman , the master of bonaveuture and aquinas , he was ( to his high praise in those times ) called , fons vitae , the fountain of life , and the irrefragable doctor . so that to the praise of englishmen , by the confession of the learned of other nations , it is upon record , that not onely bonaventure and aquinas , and the rest , carry all the glory of angelicall and seraphicall learning , but even our englimen have been tutors to the best of them , and have been as it were fountains to their seraphicall streams : though fons vitae be a title too hyperbolicall , and too near to blasphemie . petrus cluniacensis and bede our countrey-man too , go not in any writings without their title of venerable peter of clunie , and venerable bede . dionysius a rickel , he is the ecstaticall doctor , alanus he is the universall doctor . all religions , sects , and sorts of people are ready to get their doctors and teachers into too high chairs of estimation and praises , even to homar and hali among the turks and persians , chud and tzalet or salech , synaip and hedres , dualkiphil and locman , of which last the proverb is , he is as wise as locman , when they will name a second salomon . the very deceived of our dayes do name their teachers apostolicall men , and men as full of new light as any , when it is indeed old darknesse and deliration : though their breath be poyson , and their doctrine blasphemie , and their visions made up of boldnesse and impudence , yet their deceived proselites are ready to call and count them as that marble statue of rome , buccam veritatis , the very mouth and cheeks of truth . among the jewish dotages this is none of the least , that what their great rabbins and masters write , and set down they must beleeve , as this hard statute of theirs will make it appear . thus they write , whosoever mocks at , or despises what our wise men and great rabbins have spoken , he shall be tormented in hote boyling dung in hell. this is to make a statute of doating . some of them say , they that give themselves to the studie of the bible , there is some little vertue in it , or rather none at all ; but they who studie tradition , or the secondary law of the fathers , there is vertue , for which a reward is due , they who studie the gemara , the talmudick writings , there is more excellent vertue for them than others . we are furnisht by them with stories for this : as that r. eleeser being sick , his disciples visiting him , said to him , o master , teach us the wayes of life , that we may obtain the life of the world to come . the sick doctor answered thus , be admonished to honour your fellow-schollers , and draw back your children from the studie of the bible , and place them betwixt the knees of the wise masters . aegroti somnia ! we leave these dotages , and pray they may recover their right senses , which will lead them to these three rules . 1. to the law and to the testimonie , &c. 2. in vain do they worship me , teaching for doctrines the traditions of men . 3. search the scriptures , for in them you think you have eternall life . yet would i not have any build upon this those bold and blinde out-cries , away with the rabbins and all hebrew writings , it is lost labour and learning to studie them , there is nothing sound , all is fabulous and vain in them , of no use for a divine . give that head some hellebore to purge folly . it is as if one should say , what should a man do sowing seed , for there are much straw , chaffe and weeds that grow up with it ? but a wise husbandman will say , i get much good corne , and therefore i will bestow some labour for the cornes sake , to thresh and winnow it , and rid ●it of straw , chaffe and weeds . though there be much chaffe in the hebrew doctors , yet there is much good grain and fruit of profitable use ; and why may we not , as husbandmen , learn to thresh , and winnow them , and read them with a fanne ? for that kinde of learning the lesse i know ●it the more i admire it , and wish time and leasure to recover what former years have lost , ●icking the glasse without , when i cannot come to the precious liquor within . i judge in the want of it , one piece of a compleate divine is awanting . now we are subject to despise it , because hebrew and jewish learning requires more studie and judgement , then looking upon some common latine and english authors , an easie kinde of studie , and almost vulgarly attainable . good account may be given of this by some reasons , that will make it appear to be that which should bee above the contempt of ignorance . 1. in other authors , schoolmen , commentators , jesuites we use to read and studie , in which there is chaffe enough , yet there we use to separate the precious from the vile with an hic magister non tenetur . 2. of all tongues and learning it will challenge superiority , as being more near neighbour to the divinitie of the old testament ; therefore it is called lingua sancta , the sacred and holy language , as being used by god he was no pamphlet nor triviall doctor that said , a divine was nothing else but a gramarian of the word of god , the bible being the grammer of divinity . 3. there are many sound and rare writings of great use among the rabbins , among which especially the great moses maimonides carries the palme , having freed himself from many jewish dotages , fables and traditions . the heroes of learning scaliger , casauben , and others , will tell us his booke of more nevochim , or doctor perplexorum , is as good as the weight in gold , and is exceeding necessary for christian divines . 4. there are divers places both in old and new testament , cannot bee well understood , unlesse wee borrow candle-light from the hebrew doctors , as exod. 6. 3. ruth 4. 7. esay 1. 29. esay 12. 13. ier. 16. 7. ezek. 8. 14. ezek. 9. 4. matth. 5. 22. matth. 21. 9. matth. 23. 7 , 8. matth , 26. 23. mark 7. 11. rom. 5. 7. iohn 7. 37. iohn 3. 29. 2 tim. 3. 8. revel . 3. 4. and an hundred more , in which a man shall stray & stumble , unlesse he use their help . ask ainsworth , selden , weemse , whether they borrow not much light from them . 5. it is confessed in jewish matters , rites , customes , sacrifices , syrian gods , we get best helps from them , and why may we not rather chuse to have them at first hand , then to take them at a second , or rather a tenth hand ? water in the very spring is better had , then to bee glad of it after it runne thorow ten chanels . it is better to see with our owne eyes , then to have our spectacles hang at other mens girdles . we may to good purpose make use of that jewish saying , let my soule be among the collectors of almes , rather than among the distributors of them . or as valla , i had rather be a bee that flies farre to gather matter for honey , then a pismire , that gathers but from the next corn field . 6. were it not a rare thing ( lastly ) to be so skilled in the jews tongue and writings , that one might be able to lay before them their owne vainest fables , and confute them out of their own books and doctors , as many have done ? this would put the jew to a stand and admiration , and to crie out with a friend of theirs , proprijs calamis configimur . what a glory was it to those two christian divines , mercer and vatablus , that when they were professors at paris , the very jews did admire them for their great skill in the hebrew , and being so perfectly ready and read in all their writings ? thus i have endeavoured to shew , that jewish questions and vanities , being avoided , their learning is of much use in divinitie , whatsoever is said by some ; the crow cries one thing , and the owl another . every chapter also ends with this , attamen dei sumus , yet we belong to god , in all estates we jews are gods peculiar people . there is a truth in it , they were gods people by covenant at first , and they shall bee called home to the covenant of grace at last , when they shall looke upon christ whom they have pierced : but for the present state of them , standing out against god , and hating jesus christ , god calls them loammi , not my people . as concerning the gospell they are enemies , but as concerning election , they are beloved for the fathers sake . chap. ii. in the second chapter the jew reasons the case , inquiring why they observe some legalities , as circumcision , sabbath , and others , but omit sacrificing , altars , unction and incense . he happily guesses , that they retain these legall rites now , as received not from god , but from their fathers that were under gods wrath . 2. that god has given them no precept now to use them ; for indeed the destruction of jerusalem , and the temple , the place of their worship , the taking away of their kingdome and priesthood , is argument enough to tell them god hath abolished their legall observances , and delights no more in them , nor in that kinde of government . by this he rightly acknowledges all their jewish service is against the heart of god , and his command , and is will worship ; not gods will-worship , but mans will-worship . 3. he takes away a reason that might be given by some , why they used not altars , and incense , because they were strangers , and under the government of kingdomes , and states , that would not suffer them to have that libertie . but this he answers to , that it is no good reason ; for kings and states that suffer them to have synagogues and meetings , and communion in a jewish manner , would permit them this also as well as the former : they who grant a greater thing , in all likelihood will not deny them a lesser matter . so that the conclusion he would make , is this , god in his anger hath bereft us of king , priest , temple , altars , sacrifice , the great things of our law , therefore he would have us leave all other our iewish rites also , because it is manifest for our sinnes he would have us deprived of all , and besides turn us to christ , who hath put an end to all iudaicall observances . many of the jews acknowledge , that sacrifices and ceremonies were not to be perpetuall , but to continue for a time onely , and by the messias to be abrogated . in their talmud they have this to that purpose , in the world to come all sacrifices shall be annihilated , except the sacrifice of confession , i. e. of praise . so the aegyptian moses writes , that in the time of the messias all things shall be licensed , which were prohibited : according to that saying , the lord looseth them that are bound up , and there cannot be a greater proof than this , that even mulier menstruata shall be licensed by god at that time . in the talmud , speaking of unclean things , as the sow , it is questioned , why is a sow called hazer ? it is answered , because god will return it once to israel , that is , give them libertie to eat of it ; hazire signifying reversion or returning . wherefore , by the judgement of divers of their doctors , they doe at this day unlawfully in counting any meats unclean by the old rule of their law , seeing the messias was beleeved should set these very creatures at libertie , that they should not be bound up from free use by any bond of ceremoniall uncleannesse , as they were heretofore . when the vail of the temple was rent , all legall ceremonies were to be rent also . the jews acknowledge they have nothing to do now with sacrifices , as their ancestors had , because they are scattered from their own land , and their temple is destroyed , which was the place destined for sacrifices to be offered up to god , yet instead of sacrifices they will do something , they redeem their sacrifices with words , and comfort themselves with this , as if god did accept it as well as any sacrifice , that they read over gods precepts in the law about the kindes and manner of sacrificing , and so they make use of , or rather abuse those words of the prophet , we will offer up to god the calves of our lips ; which were a good sacrifice , if they were good lips , confessing christ , and guided by holy hearts , onely relying , and trusting in the all-meriting sacrifice of christs blood . their r. simeon saith , they despised three things , and cast them off in that speech , we have no part in david , nor have we inheritance in the sonne of iesse : 1. the kingdome of heaven . 2. the house of david . 3. the temple of the lord. but the later jews have cast off these three things farre more despitefully , in casting off christ ; and having thrown off god and his temple , why may he not throw away them and their sacrifices ? — the conclusion is against the jews , that they do against ground and reason retain some part of their jewish service , and let other parts be lost ; as that of altars , oyntment and sacrifice . if one be good , all is good , because all is of the same root . if god have abolished some , he would have them abolish all ; and he grants the jews are non-plust , and have nothing to say in this argument , when it is urged by the christians . chap. iii. in this chapter the translator tells us he findes much diversity in the phrases of the scripture , as they are in the originall hebrew , and as he findes them quoted by his rabbi samuel , who being among the turks follows the arabicke bible , and therefore he would have the reader note , that he quotes the scriptures according to r. samuels book , that he may prove himself a faithfull interpretour . it is a pretie note of r. samuel , that the first captivitie is called but a transmigration , or a passing over into another land ; which seems to be a word of hope , that promised them they should come back again . but this last is named by a hopelesse name , a desolation , to let them see it is a perpetuall captivity . that of transmigration or removing , may bee seene 2 king. 17. 23. 2 king. 24. 3. but this is a desolation , dan. 9. 27. and the abomination of desolation . a twofold misery he findes to pursue this captivitie more than the other . 1. in the other they had prophets in babylon , to comfort them , ezekiel , haggai , zacharie ; but in this captivity , no true prophets preach deliverance : prophecie and vision ceaseth . 2. again , in that other captivity they were all together in one kingdome , and company of known friends & countrey-men , breaks the strong waves of an evill ; but here they are dispersed into all countries , and can converse with few of their own , but meer strangers , both by countrey and religion . and this is a sad thing , that they sit solitary like a sparrow upon the house top . this the lord threatned , to make their chaine heavy : the lord shall scatter thee among all the people from one end of the earth even to the other , &c. this samuel acknowledges , and calls daniel a prophet of god , which divers of the great and learned jews will not admit , yet he all over honours him , and quotes his prophecie in this matter of the messia . it seems this man had rather cleave to christ , who calls him a prophet , matth. 24. 15. then to his great talmudists and rabbies , who will needs be great , by lessening some of gods greatest prophets . porchetus , a great and deep inquirer into hebrew learning , proves by jewish tradition , that daniel was held by them a prophet ; and be further faith , that among the jews none could be found so strangely foolish , to deny the spirit of prophesie to daniel , but onely one wicked sadduce , called porphyrius ; who being convict with the clearnesse of his prophecie concerning christ , he falls like a bitter dogge a barking against the truth and sanctitie of daniels propheticall testimony . of this porphyrie hierome speaks in his epistle proaemiall to the comment on daniel , to pammachius and marcella , where he saith this porphyrie writt his twelfth book against daniel , whom eusehius confuted in three volumes . but besides porphyrie , porchetus might have seen some more denying daniel properly to be called a prophet of god , as the great moses ben maimon , who saith , our nation with an unanimous consent hath placed the book of daniel in kethubhim , among the holy writers , but not among the prophets . and the same account and reckoning they make of davids psalms , salomons books , esther , iob , and the books of chronicles . they say these were writt as they were moved by the holy spirit , but it was not vera & pura prophetia . but who will may see against this , daniel proved to be a prophet of god , out of moses ben maimons own characters of a prophet , by constantine l' emperour . against this opinion , which makes daniel a prophet , but metaphorically , or by way of translation , guil. vorstius may be lookt after also , in his annotations on maimonides de fundam legis ad cap. 7. cunaeus de repub. hebr , lib. 3. cap. 7. chap. iv. he rightly speaks of the blindnesse of the jews , so their estate in the new testament is called : for judgment am i come into this world , saith our saviour , that they which see not , might see , and that they which see might be made blinde . god hath given them the spirit of slumber , eyes that they should not see , &c. blindnesse in part is hapned unto israel , untill , &c. that which is here said , that it is perpetuall , paul saith better for them then r. samuel , it shall not be alwayes , but till the fulnesse of the gentiles be come in , and then all israel shall be saved . chap. vi. in this chapter he is very earnest to apply that prophecie of amos , the selling of the righteous for silver , to be israels sinne , in selling jesus the righteous sonne of god for thirty pieces of silver . our christian interpretors and expositors , do not go that way , to apply it onely to christ , but make it to be the sin of injustice , & cruell oppression against the poor and needy , selling away their person and cause for bribes . some have a glance at this jewish exposition , yet cannot fully like it : though this jew found the christians in his dayes much bent to expound it as he does , and let him be wittie this way , to apply all to the jews sinne , if so be it may heal their sore . chap. vii . the seventh chapter arises out of his former discourse , and he layes it downe , that the prophet amos his just man sold for silver , is jesus the just , the saviour of the christians , he beleeves it is meant of no other , this indeed is true , 1. that jesus the just was sold for silver . 2. that this was the jews sinne . 3. that this sinne of selling and murdering jesus is the gate , that lets in all their miserie . onely here the jew in a fourth thing has us not so fully agreeing , that the prophet amos doth directly and especially point at this sin in this place . here the jew is more against his own jews , than the christians are , and it shews his pious intention , to finde out the grievousnesse of their sinne , that takes up any scripture , that may seem to indigitate it , to bring his people to repentance . in this chapter he admirably , and with a beam of christian light , applies the 53 of esay to jesus christ , & as a christian expositor , opens divers things in it . as likewise that excellent and torchlike place of zacharie , which gives clear light in this truth , undenyably looking at christ . for other scriptures look at his good meaning , and pardon his application . that 53. of esay exceedingly straitens the learned jews , and puzzles them in their expositions , to make it fit for some other , rather than christ jesus , but divers of them are enforced to apply it to christ . of the application of the 53 of esay to christ the messias , hieronymus de sancta fide , a converted iew , gives us his sure word , that divers of their rabbins go that way ; as r. osua in sanhedrin , and r. jose galiaeus in a book called zifrat . lord morney brings in others of their doctors , fitting this chapter to him , as r. vla , veniat , sed absit ut videam , let him come , but farre be it from me that i should see him , meaning , his wounds and sufferings will be so grievous , as men will hide their faces from him . and upon ruth , on these words , dip thy morsell in the vinegar , their midrasch , or commentary hath it , the morsell is the bread of the king messias , who shall be broken for our sinnes , and shall indure great torments , as was foreteld by esay . to stop the mouthes of all iewes , r. simeon the sonne of johni , a chiefe one of them , writes as if he were cloathed with the sunne : wo ( saith he ) to the men of israel , for they shall slay the christ . and , god shall send unto them his sonne , cloathed with mans flesh , that he may wash and cleanse them , and they shall slay him . r. iohanan pitches truly upon the very time of iesus christs exercising his ministery upon earth , agreeable to the historie evangelicall of his life : three years and a half ( saith he ) the presence of god did crie upon mount olivet , seek the lord while he may be found , and call upon him while he is near . which is ●ust the common computation of the time of iesus christs preaching , from his baptisme to his passion . here let it be noted once for all , that this doctour doth altogether call christ the iust or righteous one , an excellent name agreeing with the scripture , that calls him so , proving , in him there was no sinne , no unrighteousnesse , ●o guile , and therefore he was fit to be jehovah tsidkenu , the lord our righteousnesse . peter preaching to the iews concerning christ , saith , they denyed the holy one , and the iust ; and stephen in his sermon calls him the iust one. so ananias called christ that iust one. among the iewish doctours it is ordinary , to call christ by this name , by way of excellency . the earth ( saith one of them ) standeth but upon one pillar , and the iust one is his name ; as it is in the book of proverbs , chap. 10. in the end of the chapter the iew alledges the agreement of the gospels relation to the prophets prediction , concerning christs death , wherein like a christian he flies from the iews , and cloaths himself with the christians armour of light , beleeving the gospell , which professed iews hate with an indeleble hatred . chap. ix , x , xi . in these chapters he proves that christ shall have a double comming ; first , in basenes and humility ; then secondly , in majesty and glory . sometimes onely he teaches scripture to speak more then is intended ; as in that place of esay , because it is said , awake , awake , twice , he will have it to mean christs double comming : and that of david , for he commeth , for he commeth , is twice repeated , because christ shall twice appear , saith r. samuel . but the truth is clearer , then that he need these witty ( though sometimes weak ) allegations . that christs second comming shall be to judgement , and with fire , and glorious majestie , he rightly and orthodoxly holds and proves . it is a rare testimony to the credit of our christian baptism , that he calls it the well of salvation , spoken of by esay the prophet . nay further , behold this jew turned perfect christian , for he confesses the summary of the gospell , the chief sentence of it , to be very true , which is this , this , without all doubt , ( saith he ) is to be held , that none are saved , but those that beleeve christs first comming , and those that beleeve not , there is no ground for them to hope for salvation at his second comming . this is the maine matter of faith in the new testament , so that this jew confesses like peter , thou art christ the son of the living god. and i see no reason , but it may bee said to him , as to peter , blessed art thou samuel the israelite , for flesh and blood hath not revealed this unto thee , but my father which is in heaven . he affirms the very same that is affirmed in the gospell , he that beleeveth on the sonne hath everlasting life , and he that beleeveth not the sonne , shall not see life , but the wrath of god abideth on him . in the tenth chapter we have some places brought in to prove the second comming of christ , which will not bear it , and yet divers of our christian expositours have taken leave to be mistaken , as well as this jew , or rather worse ; and so much the worse , because they crie out of all , which will not sing to their violl , when they themselves are out of tune . cramer undertaking the clearing of prophecies concerning christ , finding fault with those that do not make zach. 14. 3 , 4 , 5 , &c. to be meant of christs ascension , and the cleaving of the mount of olives , &c. to be meant of the apostles sending out to the gentiles , he names among the rest our marochian , in this place applying zachary to the second comming of christ . surely it is not meant of christs second comming , but ( as calvin hath it ) of an illustrious presence , and manifestation of god in his power and might , evident to all , that jerusalem shall not be in a shady valley , but shall be conspicuous , and open to a glorious view for all nations to see it , and admire it . it is true , samuel is mistaken , and so is cramer too , for because there is mention of the mount of olives , it doth not follow , that therefore christs ascension must be pointed at . but the lutherans , cramer , hunnius , and others , plow deep furrows upon calvins backe , because he will not swear to their interpretations . our christian moore makes use of the third of malachie too , to prove christs second comming ; but who may abide the day of his comming ? divers of ours are also to be blamed for this , that wheresoever in scripture they meet with a terrible day of the lord , they presently apply it to the day of judgement : yet he sees little that sees not this to be meant of christs first comming , whose preaching , and pure doctrine of gospell , was terrible to prophane ones , and hypocrites , scribes and pharisees . besides , it signifies the misery , sorrow and captivitie , which should befall the jews in , and after the comming of christ , not by christs fault , but by their impietie and infidelitie , rejecting christ : so as his comming proves terrible to them . in the end of the 11 chapter , he hath two excellent things concerning christ , wherein he speaks christianisme most christianly , and brushes himself clean of the least jewish moat . 1. he concludes it from scripture , that christ , and christ alone , is the true and righteous one : all men , best of men , were sinners , but christ was sinnlesse . and in this he preferrs him before moses , and all other holy ones , which no jew will do , just as christ is preferred in hebr. 3. 2. he makes disobedience and infidelitie in christ , the damning sin . this he proves as the authour to the hebrews proves it : compare his words and those of hebr. 10. 28 , 29. and you shall see such an agreement , as if he had proposed those words , and that text to be followed , he that despised moses law , dyed without mercy , under two or three witnesses . he has it like to that : if they were worthy of death who beleeved not moses , who was two degrees behinde christ , he was but a temporary saviour , and hee was a sinner ; of how much sorer punishment suppose ye shall he be thought worthy , &c. how much more ( saith our samuel ) are they worthy of this iudicatorie of fire , who beleeve not , nay , who blaspheme this christ , who is a righteous one , and who saves eternally . o that this lightsom beam of truth had pierced the hearts and breasts of all the dark-spirited jews ! o that all of them saw with samuels eyes ! the lord perswade these israelites to dwell in the tents of samuel , and to come and see . chap. xii . the ascension of christ he proves and beleeves , which no stone-hearted jew will by any means admit into thoughts of probability ; for they are so farre from beleeving his glorious ascent into heaven , that they make his descent into hell their chief and unquestioned article , with the most horrible blasphemy affirming , that our christ is tormented in hell , in boyling and scalding ( zoah ) dung , because he rejected , and despised the traditions and doctrines of their holy elders and chachamims . yea , they make him a false prophet , and to be a prophane wretch , as esau . and in the most secret books and papers kept among the jews , ( which they will not let every eye see , but such as are rightly jewish , that is , stiffe enemies of jesus ) this they teach and write , that the soul of esau entred into the body of christ , and so he was just such a wretch as esau , or edom. and this may perhaps be one main reason , why they call all christians edomites , as thinking wee follow , and put our trust in christ , who is as edom with them . he applyes the 24 psalm to the ascension of christ , which divers christian expositours by prophesie will have pointed at , and by allegory allude to . this author makes some ask the question , who is this king of glory ? and he sets the angels to answer the question , the lord of hosts he is the king of glory . this way ierome goes , making a dialogue betwixt angels and devils . who is the king of glory , say the devils ? the good angels answer , the lord of hosts , mighty in battell , he is the king of glory . this jew ( it seems ) had studyed not onely the christians gospell , but christian interpretours , and expositours of the bible . and though this be no strong proof of christs ascension , ( but rather davids song about the building , and setting up the temple , and the glorious gates thereof , for the lord of hosts to come enter and dwell in it ) yet the jew shews us how willing he is , to admit the doctrine of christs ascension , and to follow christian doctors . this jew , though he sometimes uses the scriptures , with meanings and applications scarce genuine , yet in his application of the 63 chapter of esay , vers . 1. to the exaltation and triumph of christ over his enemies , he hath done more rightly , than many of our writers and christian preachers , who commonly do apply this place ( by a vulgar and received errour ) to the passion of christ . how often have we heard these words quoted thus , he trodd the wine-presse of his fathers wrath alone , that is , he alone suffered , and underwent his fathers wrath for us ? if it had been meant of christs passion , it would have been passively , i was trodden in the winepresse alone ; and not actively , i have trodd it . it is the grapes that suffer treading and pressing , not he that treads . 2. again , he is said to be glorious in his apparell , when he comes from treading the wine-presse . now christ in his passion was either quite naked , as many think ; or else but in one part very slenderly covered . now if his body , or that mean cloth were sprinkled with his own blood , this was no very glorious apparell , for one to appear thus miserably . but for christ in his ascension to appear , and in his triumph to shew himselfe , with garments all stained with the blood of his enemies , this is glorious raiment indeed . the triumph of the righteous is , they shall wash their feet in the blood of the wicked . 3. observe the phrases in this prophecie , which shew not christs passion , but his enemies passion , travelling in greatnesse of his strength , that is , strongly conquering , and destroying his adversaries . mighty to save , that is , to preserve his ; he doth not say , mighty to suffer . garments like him that treadeth the wine-fatt ; the blood of enemies , like the juyce of grapes pressed , are sprinkled on him that presses them . i will tread them in mine anger , and trample them in my fury . if it were of christs passion , it should be , i am trodden in gods anger , and trampled in his fury . the day of vengeance is in my heart , that is , like a conquerour i will now take vengeance of mine enemies . 4. this phrase of treading as in a winepresse , is used in scripture elswhere , to shew what they suffer that are trodden , as lament . 1. 15. now christ saith , he trod , and was not trodden . 5. he is said to come from edom , and bozra : by edomites conquered and destroyed , he sets out , under that particular name , christs universall conquest and triumph over all the enemies of the church . and in this exposition , this jew applies the prophesie better then many among us . it is true , divers of the ancients have swallowed this without chewing , to be meant of christs passion , but whosoever looks into the text , and the phrases of it , will see it rather points at christs resurrection and triumph , then his passion . we are too prone to take these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon trust without examination . the fathers were more excellent , and so the ancients , for sound pietie , then for sound exposition , and dextrous application of scriptures . why may not david sometimes lay by the spectacles of his ancient fathers , and say , i have more understanding than my teachers . the learned and judicious mercer confesses , that our divines are asleep , when they expound this of the passion of christ . daniel cramerus quotes the very place of r. samuel , to maintain this prophesie , as appertaining to christs , against the jews . he handles the controversie of the blood here , whether is meant the blood of christ , passions or of his enemies passion , and would reconcile both , as making christs victory to begin with his own blood , and end with his enemies blood : and referres to the disputes of lyra and burgensis about it . onely in an heat he falls foul upon calvin , as did hunnius , and must needs be very angry with him , because he will not altogether expound scriptures , as they do . praestat , saith he , ut calvinum , qui solus sapere vult , solum relinquamus , ut solus sapiat . but his passion clouds his eyes , for others beside calvin have seen that common way to have but poor grounds , as junius and tremelius , mercer , tarnovius , musculus . this i say , not to disallow and throw by the ancients in all things , but onely to stirre up divines that have eyes , to use their eyes . pelargus and others have cited divers of the ancients , applying this to the crosse , and make it , torcular passionis christi ; but their meaning is no way literally or directly to be found here . observe how fitly this jew applies it to their captivitie , whom hath he trod in his wrath but us jews ? we are they that have been in the winepresse this thousand years . yet o the fearfull wish of this jew , that though he be convinced to be a christian , yet he wishes the candles of conviction were blown out ; here he speaks like a jew indeed , that hates the clear prophesies of christ . would to god ( saith he ) when we slew the prophet esay , we had blotted out this testimonie of his , so manifestly pointing at christ , that it might not be read and seen against us . here he writes out of an exceeding naturall love to his countrey-men and kinred the jews in an extasie of passion . the apostle paul has an extraordinary vote and desire another way , and beyond rule , when he thinks of the miserie of his countrymen and kinred the jews . this is to be beleeved , the jewes will not lose , nor blot out any part of the old testament , no not that which seems most against them , though this man in a passion write thus ; for they most charily preserve it as their lives , and will not suffer it to be corrupted or mutilated in a word , syllable , or letter : yea , so religiously do they devote themselves to the letter and writing of the bible , that they say , if a man through ignorance , malice or impietie , should change one word in the bible , there is great danger the lord for that inexpiable offence should throw the world back againe into its ancient indigested chaos of confusion , because god created this world onely for the scriptures sake . so exact are they , that no part of the bible be either lost or corrupted , that they have noted down in their masora , which they call the hedge or fence of the law , not onely every word how oft it is used , but how oft it is in the whole old testament to be found with such a pricke , or with such an accent . nay further , and which is a miracle of diligence and faithfulnesse , they have set downe how many verses there are in every book , and have numbred how often every letter is used in the bible . as the letter aleph or a is found by number to bee 42377 times . beth or b 38218 times , and so have they taken notice of the rest , to remember how often each letter is used . this doing , quickly would be discovered their unfaithfulnesse in leaving out or corrupting the scriptures , and that by the candlelight of their own industrie . hereupon austi calls the jews capsarios nostros , the christians library or bible-keepers , because they with marvellous diligence have preserved the old testament from corruption and losse , even in corrupting and losing times ; and are as woodden candlesticks to the gentiles , holding out the light of the law. he quotes the 49 chapter of genesis , which he calls the booke of the generation of the creatures of iudah , that is , of the children and off-spring of iudah . well may i here take occasion to give a reason , why men onely sometimes are called the creation , and the creatures , and whence it arises . to which purpose our understandings may well and soundly take hold on this , that the word which signifies creatures , properly in common use among the hebrews , signifies onely men sometimes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being the excellentest of subsolar creatures . the same phrase and manner of speaking is much taken up in the orientall languages . i shall call in my witnesse , and he may stand for two or three , he is of such standing and perfection in the academie of most exquisite learning , it is hortibonus , or casaubon . in the arabick geographie ( saith he ) in abundance of places we finde the frequencie and fulnesse of cities thus described , the author saith , that in them there are many creatures , that is to say , men. this may well agree with our samuel , who writ in arabick , and this may be a good note affixed to the latter end of the 16 chapter of marks gospell , to the illustration of it , go into the whole world , and preach the gospell to every creature . chap. xiii . the corporall ascension of christ he goes about to prove by those scriptures , that speaks of the exaltation and elevation of god , which he saith must properly be meant of christ , according to his humane nature , because the meer deitie is subject to none of these sites or postures . that of psalm 68 is applyed to the ascension of christ by s. paul , so that r. samuel the jew is not ashamed to follow s. paul the apostle of the gentiles , in beleeving and asserting the same truth . he quotes something out of the prophet aser in his second chapter , but he forbears the prosecution of it upon this reason , because that prophesie is lost , and is not to be found . the translatour he brings his judgement about the prophet aser , and reproves the ignorance of r. samuel , that he should think the prophet aser to be lost , when he is not . and his reason is , that the prophet aser and haggai are all one , onely haggai is the hebrew name , and aser the arabicke name of the same prophet , which r. samuel did not know , or at least did not call to minde when he writ so . now it were good to unpire the matter betwixt alphonsus the spanyard , and samuel the jew , and upon looking into it , the translator will be found in some fault . suppose there be some agreement betwixt haggai and aser , in their signification . haggai signifying one that solemnizes and keeps a holy , and joyfull day of solemnities , that rejoyces festivally : and aser comming of a verbe that signifies to make blessed and happy , which may accord in this , that the dayes of re-edifying the temple , and jerusalem , in which times haggai prophecied , were holy , festivall and blessed dayes . though there be some similitude , must there be identitie ? how doth alphonsus know that aser and haggai in the arabick tongue are the same prophet ? this may be disproved two wayes . 1. because r. samuel writ in arabick , lived among the arabians , and being both a jewish and an arabick doctor , he was likely to know as well as alphonsus the names of prophets in the old testament , both in hebrew and arabick . 2. if aser and haggai be all one , then let the spanyard shew us this that he quotes in the prophecie of haggai , of a man ascending from the midst of the sea , and comming up to heaven . he must coyn a new prophecie of haggai , if he will finde this in it , for our old prophet , neither in first , or second , 〈…〉 chapter has any such thing . however we speake of this obscure prophet aser , which cannot be found what he was , yet we may well conclude for the authour against the translatour , that these words are not to be found in the prophet haggai . since these notes i have found something that is like this which is quoted , but neither in r. samuels obscure aser , nor alphonsus the translators haggai chap. 2. but in the apocryphals of esdras , lo , there arose a winde out of the sea , and lo , that man waxed strong with the thousands of heaven . iunius reads it , quidam ut ventus , a certain man as the winde came from the sea . it should be translated a man , not a winde that did rise out of the sea ; so the third verse intimates , that man waxed strong , not that winde . for rising of the winde is not the thing , but the comparison accompanying and illustrating the appearance of the man. i think ( pardoning the errour of the authors and translators quotation , both of the name , and the book , and chapter ) i am the oedipus of this riddle . and it may well be his meaning was of this place , for in this book he doth ( besides this ) make use of the apocrypha , as chap. 19. he quotes a place out of jesus the sonne of syrach , and in chap. 20. he has out of the same book . besides , he is subject to some mistakes , for in that 20 chapter he cals it salomons writing , when it is the sonn of syrachs : and in this 13 chapter he quotes a place in esay , when it is in ieremie , — aliquando bonus dormitat hebraeus , calling esdras aser . among those were assumed into heaven , he names methusalem , and takes it for a thing granted and known among the jews . but we must beleeve moses , who saith , that methusalem when he had lived nine hundred sixty nine years , dyed , he doth not say he was translated , which he had newly said of enoch his father . the greeks errour is , that he lived 14 years after the floud , and was with noah in the ark , which errour comes out of the septuagints false computation . and some of the jews ( it seems ) are in this errour , that because his father was taken into heaven in his body and soul , so was methusalem too . but they that compute and reckon according to the hebrew numbring of the years , do agree , that methusalem dyed that very year the flood came . others think he dyed six years before the floud . he concludes the chapter with asserting the wonderfull birth of christ , born of a virgin , without a man , to be a very truth , and plainly foretold by the prophets of god. wherin he grants for a truth one of those six things , which are the main controversies betwixt the jews and christians . he takes indeed one place to prove the birth of christ by a virgin , which i dare not say flatly that the prophet did speak it with any relation to the birth of christ . it is that of ieremies , the lord shall create a new thing upon the earth , a woman shall compasse a man. i know the stream of expositours runn that way , to make it point at christs incarnation , both ancient and modern , which made that lutheran beadle provide so terrible a whip for calvin , and lasht him with calvinus iudaizans , calvin turn'd iew , because he knew no reason why these words ( and other places of scripture ) should be thought a plaine prophecie of christ . neither the consequents , or the antecedents do give any great light to that sense . and let a man perpend and consider it well , whether the interpretation of calvin be so strange a thing to the meaning of the prophets discourse and sermon . he is speaking of gods delivering his people from the power of chaldeans , and it shall be so wonderfull , that he saith a woman shall compasse a man ; that is , the weak and low-brought israelites , that may seem to be compared to women , being furnished with new strength from god , shall prevail against the chaldeans their potent enemies , that are strong men ; and thus women may be said to bring men into straits . others besides calvin have thought this sence to be more litterall and proper to that place then to expound it of christs birth . the l. shall create a new th . up . e. a w●m . shall comp . a man : that is , this wonderfull and new thing will the lord bring to passe , the church of the jews , that like a wandring and strange woman is departed from the lord by rebellion and idolatry , to whom she was betrothed once , she shall come with bitter repentance , returning to her first husband , & embracing him again gratiously whom she had vilely forsaken . this is that new and wonderfull thing that the lord should create in this impenitent and wicked people , a new heart to return unto him . this is commonly called a new creation . and if in this calvin play the jew , then luther was a jew , and divers others , who could not with their best eye sight , spie the incarnation of christ plainly and clearly in that text of the prophet . and if we do not take that peece to confirme christs spotlesse birth , yet do we not want clear proofs and prophecies against the gainsaying jews , to make it appear as noon-day . against the applying of the scriptures unduly and unproperly to christ , the words of the ancient pelusiot are ponderous , and precious ; this course ( saith he ) puts harnesse upon the gentiles and heretiques in their contentions with us ; for when we torture and wrest the scriptures , which are not meant of christ , to bring them to point at him , we bring suspicion upon those other scriptures , which ( without any wresting or wringing ) do lay plainly their meaning in christs bosome . and the great schoolmaster aquinas writes with a quill of the same wing , when a man , ( saith he , ) going about to make proof of the christian faith , shall bring reasons whose clearnesse is not convictive , and in a sort coactive , that they cannot be denyed , he layes himself open to the scorn and derision of infidels and unbeleevers , for they will presently conclude , that we lean upon these reeds , and that these weak reasons are the inducements to our faith , and the grounds our belief lies upon . whence we draw a theologicall canon , that divine truths must be urged and confirmed by indubitate and clear testimonies , else it turns to the detriment of the sayers , and it will not convince the gainsayers . chap. xvi . speaking of jews reprobation , and gentiles election , he tels of the jews proud boasting that they are the sonnes of iacob and israel ; pride and contempt of all people in the world besides themselves , is the proper fault of the jews . he reasons the case here well , why should they thus contemn and scorn the gentiles ? they say , they onely are gods portion , and onely fall under the care of his providence ; and the gentiles run at large without the guidance of gods providence : yea , their land of canaan is the onely fit and apt place in the world to be the subject of gods providence . with them , onely the jews shall rise again , and the gentiles shall have no resurrection . david shall confirm this their opinion in his first psalm . in their talmud they say , it is not murther if a jew kill a gentile ; nor is it perjury if he falsifie his promise to him , confirmed by oath . yea , their talmud commands them to hold the christians in esteem as bruit beasts , and no otherwayes to use them , then as they use beasts . these , and many such like , le ts us see how the jews pride themselves , and cast the christians & gentiles low enough in the court of honour . a learned jew of these times treating of the resurrection , has a chapter on this head , an etiam gentes resurgent , whether the gentiles shall rise again , or no ; he indeed concludes , they shall . what is the reason that the jews every year on the eight day of the moneth tebeth , which answers to our december , do keep a solemn fast , sorrowing and humbling themselves , in the remembrance of the scripture translated by them into the greek at the instance of ptolomaeus philadelphus ? do they execrate and abhort the memory of that act ? it seems it is out of meer hatred and envy that any good , or any knowledge of god should be scattered among the gentiles . we hear of old they could not endure to hear paul to speak one word more , when they heard this from him , that the lord said to him , depart , for i will send thee far hence unto the gentiles ; so soon as this is mentioned , then they crie out away with such a fellow from the earth , for it is not fit that he should live . in their stories , as that of r. iosue ben levi , that was up and down heaven and hell , he findes christians , and abundance of all nations in hell , but we hear tell of no jews there . it is well that god follows not the jews rule , that scorn all but their own people , but in every nation he that fears god , and works righteousnesse , and gentile as well as jew , is accepted with him . chap. xviii . he admirably agrees with s. paul in the application of the nineteenth psalm to the preaching of the gosspell by the apostles , their sound is gone out into all the earth , and their words into the ends of the world . chap. xix . he applies the prophecie of ioel about the old men dreaming dreams , and the young men seeing visions , to the apostles , and the abundant knowledge of god they had above former times , just as s. peter applyes it acts 2. so that he is an asserter of the truth with paul , he applyes the predictions of the prophets evangelically with s. peter , and will needs discover himselfe a christian every way . he makes one notable observation concerning the faith of christ , that of the apostles of christ that embraced the faith , not one of them did ever recant and return to embrace the jews faith any more . iosephus the jew does highly applaud the followers of christ for their constancy . writing of christ , he saith , there was at that time one iesus a wise man , if it be lawfull to call him a man. mark how this jew inclined to think there was a deity in christ , and something super humane . he proceeds . this same iesus did bring to passe incredible works , and he was a master to men that did receive the truth with much delight and pleasure in it . many iews , and many greeks did he draw unto him . this is he that was called christ , whom when pilate had caused to be crucified , being accused of the chief of our iewish nation , yet they that loved him at first , would never give over loving him , and cleaving to him . a rare testimony is this of the constancy of christian disciples and followers of christ . i omit that he saith of him , that he appeared alive again after three dayes , according as the divine prophets had foretold these , and many other admirable things concerning him . is not iosephus here turned christistian too , making this to be him the prophets spoke on ? chap. xx. in the twentieth chapter he commends the purity and cleannesse of the christian rites and service by bread and wine , and prefer●s it before the medling with the flesh and fat of beasts slaughtered for sacrifice by jews . he makes scriptures of the old testament plainly before-hand point at the bread and wine in our sacrament of the lords supper . onely he puts in water as well as bread and wine into that sacrament , and will make good that new practise of mixt wine by an old proof from salomons proverbs , where wisdome propounds mixt wines : and so it was applyed to his hand long before him by s. cyprian . and cyprian indeed doth speak of mixing wine with the water in the sacrament , and in that epistle dominica traditio servetur , at which the papists shout for joy more then boyes when they have found the black in the bean , as imagining this to be a strong ground for their weak opinion of unwritten traditions . but herein our romanists run away like boyes with a wrong errand , for though cyprian commend the mixing of wine & water , as dominicam traditionem , yet doth he not mean an unwritten tradition , for he goes to prove it from the scriptures , as from that of water and blood issuing from our saviours side on the crosse . and he saith at the institution our saviour gave a mixed cup. you may see durands , and the papists foolish mysteries in their mixing of water with their wine . in vino sanguis christi , in aqua populus repraesentatur . and it is very true the fathers in former times of old did use vinum baptizatum , or crama eucharisticum , wine tempered with water , as some call it , because in the places where they lived the wine was so strong it had need to be well-tempered with water , at those times especially when they studyed the most sobriety and temperance , in drawing near into fellowship with christ . now cyprians intent was not so much to prove , that we ought to use water with our wine , as to disprove the judgement and practise of the water-heretiques , the aquarii , that did contend onely water was to be used in the sacrament , and so did celebrate . these aquarij were also called hydroparastatae , an ancient heresie , that defended water was onely to be used in the sacrament . the armonians that said , onely wine without water was to be used , were both in ancient times counted hereticks . moreover , beyond all this , the ancients some of them did not onely mixe cold water , but ( which some not acquainted with antiquity will wonder at ) they did mixe hot water , or boyling water with the wine . and this hot water they thus infused in way of devout significancy , to minde the faith of the receivers , that the blood and water which flowed from christs side , were not dead and cold elements , but that they were lively and effectuall ; even hot water and blood , issuing from one , had yet the heat of life in him . chap. xxiii . he hath a notable way to follow allegories , and indeed the genius of those times made many christians in their writings on scripture altogether allegoricall . that of salomon , better is a morsell of bread with love , then a stalled oxe with hatred , is a pool well fisht , when he can catch this fish in it , that it means the christians bread in the sacrament is more acceptable to god , then the jews killing a fat oxe for a sacrifice . this jew , as ou● saviour said of the young man that came to him , and answered prudently , may well have it said of him , verily he is not farre from the kingdome of heaven ; for here he commends the new testament , and gives an epithite as high as he can to the gospel of s. matthew , calling it , the glorious gospell . and in it he praises that statute of patience our saviour will have observed by his subjects , if any man smite thee on the one cheek , turne to him the other also . this is better testimony , and fairer language , then the rabble of the rabshakeh jews , both cursing and cursed , do commonly give , who call the gospell which is evangelium , in scorn , aven gillaion , the volume of lies , or va●ities . his perfidious fellow rabbins will ●ot thank him for writing so to the credit of the gospell , or praising any of the pre●epts or lessons of christ ; they can read ●im another lecture out of a book among ●hem called toledoth , iesus , wherein they ●each to blaspheme high enough , and then they speak ( as they think ) well enough of christ . that book is full of blasphemies , calling christ talui , a gallows clapper , or a hanged thief ; mariam , harriam , mary the blessed mother of christ they call an ●heap of dung. in their calling mary ( as my author has it ) harriam , i know not whether he doe not rather meane chorim , which is obscene and filthy in the sense of it . as for hariah it signifies a woman great with childe , and if they call her so , they do it to blot her virginity , as if she were begot with childe by man , and so ( with mouthes running over with blasphemy and lies ) they call her sonah , a whore , or unchaste woman , the polluted one of the world . the apostles and martyrs of christ they call lenones : the bread in the sacrament , a polluted body ; the church , errour , and preaching , howling . they call our festivall of the lord day , the day of ruine and destruction ; the christians little ones they call vermine , or creeping things . they are commanded when they passe by the churches or oratories of christians , to say this , the lord destroy these houses of office. out of the word jesu they make the number by the letters of 316. and there they have curses and blasphemies scarce to be named . o● the patience of the just jesus , that endures these wretches hellish blasphemies , & doth not suddenly let the ocean of his wrath on earth carry them with a strange wave to the ocean of everlasting fire in hell. chap. xxvi . in this chapter , that god hath let the jews fall from him by a flatt apostasie , is the thing he would leave as a true conclusion in the conclusion of his book , drawn from all the pre-cited authorities , for them deeply to weigh and consider . two things i specially minde in his confession , which are meer jewish vanities . 1. the first , that they very earnestly , though very idlely , do look for another messias then jesus christ , but all their expectations miscarry , proving abortive and uncomfortable . 2. the second is , that the jews in their empty imaginations among themselves in their synagogues , do whisper this as a truth , which is a clear lie , that their messias was born in the babylonian captivity , though he do not yet manifest himself to israel . for the first of these , how vainly they look after other saviours , i shall prove by an historicall exemplification annexed to that speech of our saviours to the jews , to verifie it , i am come in my fathers name , and ye receive me not , if another shall come in his own name , him ye will receive . our samuel could give us in a large catalogue , how oft the jews have been gulled with pseudo-messiahs , and false-christs , that came in their own name ; and the poor jews have madly doted on them , as the only promised messiah . i shall endeavor to give some account of the notablest delusions that that people has groaned under in this kind . there were of these false-christs , seducing many , some before the destuction of ierusalem , and some after , which for methods and orders sake , we will in that manner reckon up . 1. there was one theudas mentioned in the acts of the apostles , who rose up , boasting himself to be some body , to whom a number of men , about 400 joyned themselves , who was slain , and all , as many as obeyed him , were scattered and brought to nought . there is some difference about the time when this was , & whether gamaliel mentioning one theudas , & josephus writes of another , not this same . this theudas that iosephus speaks of was when cuspius fadus was president of syria , about the 46. year of christ , and this in the acts , it is thought , was of another , & of another time . iosephus & eusebius out of him , relates it thus , one theudas a magitian perswaded a great multitude of people , that taking all their wealth with them , they should follow him to the river iordan , and he being a prophet , ( at least inspired so with his owne boastings ) they should see him divide the streams with a word of his mouth , whereby they should easily passe over ; with which promise he deceived very many . but fadus sent some troups of horse out against them , that they gained little by this dotage , for they suddenly setting upon them , slew many , took many alive , and among the rest theudas himself , whose head being cut off , they brought to ierusalem . iudas of galilee was a captain to some rebels also , promising to free the people from paying servile taxes to the roman emperour , whom they followed ; but i know not whether he may be accounted among the false christs . i omit another , that ( as a cunning impostor ) led abundance of people after him to mount garazin , and deceived many samaritans , whom pilate set upon , and slew them , and brought their businesse to nought . the famous false messias , was barcochah , or benchochab , that is , the sonn of the star , for he made himself the messias , and said that scripture was spoke of him , there shall come a starre out of iacob , &c. rabbi akiba , a famous doctor among them as any in those times , when he saw him , he said , this is the king , the messias . of this akiba they say moses spoke that , o my lord , send i pray thee by the hand of him whom thou wilt send . now this barcochab was in ierusalem before the destruction of it , as is said , and akiba applyed unto him that of the prophet haggai , the desire of all nations shall come . this mans arising and reigning they judge was not long after the passion of christ . to him not onely the common people , but the chief doctors and rabbies did give consent and counsell , and did aid him against the romans , untill he perisht , and caused many to perish , so as afterwards they said his name was not bencochab , but it was bencozbi , the son of a lie . simon magus would needs act the part of a false-saviour , and carryed many after him , exceedingly bewitching and seducing the samaritans and many others , saying of himself that he was the great power of god , the word of god , the faire one , the comforter , the almighty , the all things of god. he said of himself , that he was god the father that gave the law on mount sinai ; that christ did not suffer really in the flesh , but he himself was christ , and he called a whore that went about with him , one helena , the holy ghost . after the destruction of ierusalem some 48 years and an half , was that other notable cheat called bencozbi , a second famous impostor of the same name with the former ; so blinde and madd were the jews , that they never remembred how sore they paid for the entertaining of the other , that had the same name and folly . i know the jews write somewhat confusedly concerning these barcochabs , and for most part mention little of the first , but attribute all to this last ; yet others finde out there were two of them , and that out of their writings . very much is said of this last , whose doings swallow up the memory of the first . the jews that remained after jerusalem was destroyed , made a citie called bitter , the metropolis and chief seat of the kingdom , and took this false christ for their king. nay , r. akiba , they write , was blinded the second time , and proclaimed this barcochab the messias also . the emperour adrian besieged them in the citie bitter three years and an half , at length he took it , and the head of barcozbi was smitten off : in which war 45000 jews were slaughtered ; but make room for the jew , his mouth runns over , and he cannot speak a lie , but it must be of the first magnitude , and exceed all lies , for they write , that the emperour adrian slew in bitter four hundred times ten thousand , till the blood of the slain , like a river , rolled great stones in the stream of it , and carryed them into the sea , which was four miles distant from the citie . nay , that all lyars may take a pattern , the emperour adrian ( they say ) had a vineyard 18 miles in length , and 18 in breadth , and yet he hedged it about with the bodies of them that were slain in bitter . many other hyperboles , none of the least , they have about this barcozbi , which i omit . in the talmud they write , that barcozbi said to the rabbins , i am the messias . the wise masters of the jews said to him again , it is written of the messias , [ quod odorans erit & judicans ] hee shall smell and judge , esay 11. 3. that is , he shall judge by smelling who is innocent , and who is guiltie ; let us see therefore whether thou beest able to judge by smelling ; and when they saw his smelling was without this judgement , they slew him . this will scarce agree with so great a slaughter of barcozbi , and all his people , by adrians forces . but certain it is , many jews were now sacrificed to the romans furie by their sword , that the lord might thorowly execute his wrath upon them . this false christ , they say , his reign and rule was some thirty years and a half , and some make it foretold in those words of daniel , paraphrasing them thus , now when they shall fall ( that is , the israelites in the destruction of the temple under titus ) they shall be holpen with a little help in the kingdom of bitter , ( which remained to the 52 year after the destruction of the temple ) and many israelites shall joyne with them in bitter : but with flatteries , &c. of this barcozbi all our writers make mention , that speak of those times , and say , he tormented christians ( whiles he had power ) with all kinde of punishments , and put many to death , if they would not deny and blaspheme christ . he is called by eusebius , barchochebas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he is called by hierome in his catalogue of church doctors , that were writers of books , in the life of one agrippa , surnamed castor , chocibus ; and in that book made greek by sophronius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; others call him cuziba , but under all these names is meant this sonn of a lie , barcozbi , who named himself the son of a starre ; if he were , it was like the bitter starr absynthites , or wormwood , that in the citie bitter brought such sore destruction upon his countreymen . and yet rabbi lipman , the most blasphemous of all jewish doctors , was not ashamed to write , that this bencozbi was one of the lawfull and right princes of israel , and of the familie of david ; and his reason is , because when he said , i am the messias , the rabbins never asked him , art thou of the family of david ? he judges they took it for granted , that he was so . but this may well beseem the lying lip of lipman , who hath writ a book called nitzachon , or , his book of victory and triumph over the gospell of christ ; in which the blasphemous spider will needs finde lies , falshoods , and vain things , and poysonous untruths , to make christ and our religion ridiculous . some learned christians have answered blasphemous hebrew , aud his nitzachon , as munster in his annotations to the hebrew gospell of matthew . postellus follows munster , and we shall shortly see with us the learned constantine l'emperour , fully confuting this nitzachon , so as to make such blaspheming jewes leave all their cursed croaking and coaxation , and make them as mute as the seriphian froggs , and give no croaking sounds at all . of rabbi akiba they write , that his companions some nine were taken with him when gozbi perisht , and they were put to cruell deaths , for akiba ( if we durst beleeve them ) was put to death by an iron comb , with which his flesh was torn off his body . and thus farr we have gone to shew the tragedy of bencochab , and jewish dotage . in the reign of theodosius the second , came moses of crete to act his part of a false saviour , giving out he was sent from heaven , and was a second moses , he would lead al the jews that followed him , thorow the sea to the continent , dry-shod . for a year together he perswaded them in their cities and townes , to leave all their riches and follow him , & he would carry them to the promised land. at an appointed day to passe the sea , great multitudes of men , women and children repaire to him , whom he brings to an high promontory hanging over the sea , he bidds them cast themselves down , which multitudes did , and perisht , being dasht in pieces on the rock , or drowned in the sea. many were saved , that were about to cast themselves down , by some christian merchants and fishers , that disswaded them from so madd and murderous an act , and who helpt to draw many out of the sea , and saved them from drowning . the jews seeing the great delusion , thought to lay hands upon the impostor , but their false moses , as if he had been a true devill , was gone and vanisht they knew not whether , nor how . this was an occasion to bring many jews to embrace the christian faith , and to leave the way of judaism , subject to such dangerous and costly deceits . of another false prophet moses mamonides makes mention , who arose in the southern parts , and told the people he was the fore-runner of the messias , and that in those parts he should shortly appear , and he invited them , come ye with me , and let us goe meet the messias , for he hath sent me unto you , that i may prepare the way before him . after a year he was taken , they that did cleave to him fled away , and an arabian king that took him , asking him why he did this , and he answering , i did it by command from god : he further demanded , what miracle or wondrous thing canst thou do to confirme this ? he replyed , my lord the king , cut off my head , and after that i will rise again , and live as i did before . the king said , thou canst not do a greater thing then this , bring but this to passe , and then i and all the world shall beleeve thy sayings are true and good , and that our ancestors have inherited vanity and lies , which profited them not . his head by the kings appointment was cut off , but he never yet was as good as his word , to appear alive again , though some jews are so devoid of judgement , as to expect his reviving , and look for his appearing . there was rex thaborius , one called the king of thabor , that would needs be a messias , whom charles the fift caused to be burnt . maimonides reckons up four more obscure false christs , that did arise among the jews in spain and france , and brought misery upon themselves aud the jews . among these impostors was david el-david , or david elroi , in the citie omadia , subject to the king of persia ; he had some power by praestigiation and magique , whereby he did work great signes , and marvellous things , and gathered people to make warre with all nations . some said this great power of his was from the speciall vertue of god in him , and as he called himself , so they counted him the messias , as he said to the king of persia , i am the messias , and god hath sent me to deliver the children of israel . the king cast him in prison , and said , if thou canst deliver thy self ; i shall know thereby whether thou be the christ or no : if thou dost not deliver thy self , i will put thee to death , because thou art a fool . but the jugler got from bonds , and though the king sent horsmen , and great strength to take him , yet they returned , and said , they could do nothing ; for they fable , that in one day he could passe over as much ground as would serve one ten dayes ordinarily to travell , by the art of schemamphoras . hereupon the king himself and his nobles did assay to overtake , and take him , and comming to a rivers side they called on him , though they saw him not ; he answered , are ye not fools ? behold , i go my journey , if you have any power , follow me . he spread his handkerchief upon the flood gozan , and so he presently passed over , the king and his servants seeing it , and beholding it . then the king broke out , no man can do this , but he whom the king of the world hath ordained king ; and he would needs make him king , but that his nobles endeavoured to perswade him , that many such things might be done by meer magique , & eye-delusion . at length the jews ( to prevent the great misery that was comming upon them by reason of him ) used means to get him to a feast and banket ; after which ( being asleep in his drunkennesse ) his head was cut off , and there was the end of the cheat-saviour . i name but another crack in the jews brain , and then i leave this doting upon false christs . a king in africa made warre against the king of marocco , who oft having the day , ( to get a better part in the hearts of his people ) by a fained humility , he would needs ride alwayes upon an asse , which got him a name , that he was called the king of asses . the fame of which , meeting with the jews ears , ( most shut to the true christ , most open to false christs ) they presently erect their hearts with hope , and are ready to say as andrew , vve have found the messias . many of them affirmed , the king of whom zacharie prophesied , he should come riding upon an asse , was now come . thus the oxe knows his owner , and the asse his masters cribb , but the jews will not know , nor consider , but are ready to follow every asse , sooner then to embrace christ . i suppose , one may probably guesse , this may be he that was called bejezid , the preacher ; who was famous for this title , asininus eques , the knight of the asse , and had an army of 40000. by this time we have made r. samuels words good , that they have in vain looked for a saviour , and yet all their profit hath been put in a bagge with holes . i fall upon a second note , their conclusion maintained among them , that their messias is come , and was born in the babylonish captivitie . our christian jew well confutes this , because none ever lived a thousand years upon earth , by the confession of all men . methusalem , the greatest heir of gray hairs & long life upon earth , had his thred spun forth to 969 years , none had more . but if christ were born in the desolation of the second house , at the time of samuels writing his book , he should be a thousand and fifty years old , and who but a jew can have a faith bigge enough to receive and beleeve such a fable ? divers do beleeve their messiah was born then , and that he is kept secret by god , and must hereafter be manifested to israel . well , where is this messiah all this while ? some say , god keeps him in the garden of paradise , till the time appointed come ; and in paradise , if one could get in , they might finde him fast tyed to the hair of a woman , nay , and they have scripture for it too in canticles 7. 5. thine head upon thee is like carmel , and the hair of thine head like purple , the king is held in the galleries . you must here favour their interpretation , and take the galleries for paradise , and take the king for the messias ; and then you must suppose , when it s said . he is held in the galleries , that he is held by a womans hair , which is here said to be like purple . rabbi salomon , though he have a wise name , is not ashamed to have too much respect to this wise exposition . others say he is all this while about the city of rome , and he sits among the beggars , and lepers , and such as are full of sores and botches ; or he lies in vaults , and places under the earth , rent and gnawed by dogs ; and he shews his wounds , the effects of those gnawings ▪ and that he suffers all this for the iniquities and sinnes of the jews , according as they say it is written , he was wounded for our iniquities , for our sinnes was he bruised , esay 53. mark how they see , and yet are blinde ; they see that prophesie points at christ , and will not see it fulfilled in our christ . many blinde guesses , & bold predictions they have had , setting down a year , when the messias should appear , but all of them have left them lyars , and added to their misery perpetuall frustrations . rabbi salomon gave them hopes , that their new law should begin at the devastation of the temple , about 1390. but herein he had daniel his strong adversary , and they failed in their waiting . one zaadias gave them hopes at the year 1200 , but there their egg was addle also , and brought them forth nothing but winde . they had a generall appointment of a publick repentance among all the jews , men , women and children , old and young , all over in the captivitie , kept almost a whole year in humiliation , never such humbling so solemnly , since their humbling in the year of christ 1502 , for the comming of their christ ; and yet all this was answered with a nullity of any signe , miracle , whisper , concerning any new saviour ; and they were forced to conclude , all our supplications , humiliations , and prayers are nothing but emptinesse , and rejected of god. rabbi abraham avenares set down a year for their messias to come 1444 , when iupiter and saturn should meet in cancer ; but his astrologie was a meer cancer , proved cripple , and creeping too short of performance . abravenel sets down another year in the conjunction of pisces , and they caught no fish in their net that year 5224. at length they are come to a wise resolution , let their bones be broken , and let them breath their last , that compute years , and set down any periods or limits of time . they have been so often gulled , they will hearken to no conjectures any more . it were well they would make this resolution as brasse , and strong as iron . themselves in this confession grant they are in a cloud of confusion , and and that they are blinded of god , and know not what to do . nor are they such as deny large confessions of the blindnesse of their times ; for if the first were the sonnes of men , we are , they say , meer asses , nay , we are not so good as an asse . r. afhu , being asked when the messias should come by a prophane and wicked man , he answered , then when darknesse shall possesse you . he said to him , thou curses me ; but he replyed again , it is the word of the scripture , behold , darknesse shall cover the earth , and grosse darknesse the people , but the lord shall arise upon thee , and his glory shall be seen upon thee , esay 60. 2. in which he plainly confesses , no marvell if the jews stumble , because they shall be left in a thick spirituall myst of blindnesse . blindnesse in part is happened to israel , untill the fulnesse of the gentiles be come in . they frame their faith into an imagination of two messiahs that shall come , the one the sonne of ioseph , the other the sonne of david ; his glorie is like the firstling of a bullock , deu. 33. 17. that is , the sonne of ioseph . zach. 9. 9. he is lowly , riding upon an asse , and upon a colt the foal of an asse ; this is their messias the sonne of david . both these they will needs finde in the 32 of esay , blessed are ye that sow beside all waters , that send forth thither the feet of the oxe and the asse . these two are both but one iesus christ , for he was the sonne of ioseph that was betrothed to his mother , his son , not by the flesh , but by education and bringing up . besides , he was the son of david by the glorious virgin his mother , who by the flesh descended from the seed of david . messias the son of ioseph being dead , messias the son of david ( they beleeve ) shall raise him again . their messias shall make them great feasts , and marry a wife , kings daughters shall be among his honourable women : on his right hand shall stand his queen in gold of ophir . the kings of the world will think themselves highly honoured , if any of them could get the messias to marry their daughter . he shall beget children , and see his childrens children , and after he shall die as other men : but his children shall rule and reign over israel . and whiles they are thus under their messias , the christians shall do all their works & drudgery without any wages , earth shall bring forth fruits for them presently after they are sown ; all kinde of pleasure & peace shal they have , &c. thus they grow up from dotage to dotage , and wander without end , in the framing to themselves a carnall saviour , and a sensuall salvation . let the 11 chapter of the gemara of the sanhedrin be perused , and there is enough from the jews to stop the mouthes of the jews concerning the expectation of any other messiah besides iesus christ . my intentions are not a f●ll confutation of them , but onely the confirmation of samuels arguments . chap. xxvii . he pleads against the jews , that they ( through incredulity and obstinacy ) will not receive christ , by the testimony of saracens and mahumetans concerning him : whence we note , that christs bitterest and blasphemousest enemies are the jews , his own countreymen , and brethren after the flesh . venit ad suos , & sues eum non receperunt , as the waldenses in their writings have it . they are pertinacious and st●ffe-hearted , nothing will convince them . sabbatius a jew was baptized and made a christian minister , he yet afterwards did secretly abide in his jewish infidelitie . when any of their zealots are put to death for some pranks against christ , and gospell , as blasphemy or perfidiousnesse , yet if their writers mention it , their evill deaths are commonly set out with this phrase , he was slain [ propter sanctificationem dei ] for the sanctifying of god ; as they say of r. mordechai at norenberge . r. ganz relating how five thousand jews were put to death , he saith they were burnt in fire [ propter sanctificationem dei , neque stultitiam vel peccatum tribuerunt deo ] nor charged they god with sin or folly , that is , they did not renounce their judaisme . r. amnon publikely sanctified the lord by his death . so rabbi abraham sanctificavit seipsum propter nomen proprium , seu dei. a christian disputing with jews at rome , when by scripture he clearly convinced them , yet they remitted nothing of their pertinacie ; nay one of them answered , although thou shouldest shew it to me as clear as the noone-dayes light , that christ is the messias , yet i am resolved of one thing , i will not beleeve it . it is reported at coleine there was a jew ( as was thought ) converted to the christian faith , initiated by baptism , growing up to many years , a little before his death he rejected with execration the christian religion , and professed his jewish mis-belief , which , it was judged , he had abandoned . hereupon dying they made this embleme be infixed on his tomb ; a mouse is represented pursuing a catt , with this inscription , quando mus felem capiet , iudaeus etiam conversus manebit christianus ; vvhen a mouse shall catch a cat , then a jew , converted to be a christian , will remain a firme christian . by which it is in a manner concluded , that it is amongst incredibles , to think that any jew will heartily convert and turn to christ . yet god has a time , and a power , and a way to raise up these stones , and make them children to abraham . vsquequo domine . o for the time when the jews shall be seene mourning over jesus , whom they have pierced ! the last thing is induction of alcoran testimonies concerning christ , some have done it besides this man , as dionysius à rickel . it was the good intent of the jew , to shame his countreymen any way out of their infidelity , and might be provoked by the very turks to think and speak better of christ . but here is the poyson , if they write one syllable of truth concerning christ , they line it with so many lies , as makes it abominable . this is one of their sentences concerning christ , the word of god , and his spirit entred into mary the sister of moses and aaron , and she without seed did bring forth iesus christ , who was a prophet and servant of god. mark what non-divinity is here , not speaking as the gospell speaks , the word of god and spirit entred into mary . mark what non-sense and non-reason is here , that mary the mother of christ was the same with miriam the sister of moses and aaron , whereas that miriam lived thousand● of years before mary christs mother was born . i could alledge some good sayings of theirs concerning christ , but that the devill is to be rebuked speak he never so well . they say jesus the son of mary shall descend from heaven to earth in the day of the resurrection , and shall judge the world in it with just judgement . again , iesus shall slay men , and shall bring forth gog and magog , and they shall die , but iesus shall remain alive , and they that partake of his faith . what ever they say of christ it matters not , for though they make him great , yet they put him but as a servingman to mahomet , whom they alwayes exalt higher . it is verily beleeved , they say , by many wise and learned heads , even in arabia , and followed with reasons to prove it , that the first author of the alcoran was not man , but the devill , exceedingly envying the faith of christ in the orientall parts very much spreading , and idolatry decaying , to the destruction of which christian faith this hellish invention he supposed might mightily prevail . a religion it is full of vanitie , so as their alcoran may well without tongue-stumbling be called acheron , there are so many both doltish , and devillish untruths and vanities in it . this we write not from vain hearsayes , and far off reports , their alcaron , and other mahumetan volumes of divinity being translated long since into the latine tongue , and to be found amongst us . yet if any desire sufficient witnesse , the learned clenard of lovan will be admitted by all to speak truth in this , as being beyond exception , who lived amongst them a long time , spending his last studies and age in africa , of purpose to learn the arabick tongue , and to confute the alcaron in its own language , if god had given him extent of life to perfect his intents . these he relates as parts and parcels of their divine volumes . 1. that mahomet had a far greater spirit of prophesie then christ . 2. that mahomet had but just 14 white hairs in his head and beard . 3. that there shall be far more women in paradise then men . 4. that an old woman praying to mahomet , he would commend her to god , and give her a place in paradise , he smiled on her , and said , not one old woman enters paradise . not to name the paradise promised to them to be like a pleasant place provided for lusts of boyes , and fair women ; that the sunne and moon ride upon horses ; that when the moon was in pieces mahomet sewed it together again . in the chapter elgem is written , that the devils are pleased with the alcoran , and much delighted in it . it is much for their credit to make their alcoran the devils , and to say it pleases them . such as this is their divinity , or vanitie rather , which should call for our tears rather then our laughter , considering how farre this doctrine of soul-delusion , and damnation is spread . for profession of christianity , if we look at mahometan kingdomes , and countreys , carries no larger bulk , then as jewrie once compared to the whole world besides . and now ( to our shame ) these latter times are become the sink of all heresies , some are become so unchristian , as they are almost mahometans by faith and doctrine . for are there not amongst us that are arians , socinians , puccians , antitrinitarians , and do not all these conspire in divers points of religion with the very turkish alcoran ? was it not sergius a nestorian , and john an arrian , that helped to compile and make the alcoran ? do not the arians and socinians say as scornfully of the eternall godhead of christ , as the mahometans do , how could god have a sonne since he has not a wife ? did not servetus ( a father of the socinians ) say , that the alcoran of mahomet , and the doctrine of the church might well be reconciled , if the doctrine of the trinitie were but left out ? our puccians , socinians , and others among us , say , that all men , whether lutherans , calvinists , anabaptists , arians , so they live piously and honestly , without doubt shall be saved ? so saith the turkish alcoran , that every one of good life , whether jew or christian , and that worships god , shall be made partaker undoubtedly of the divine love . immortality of the soul is more sleighted by some of ours , then ever it was by the mahometans . and this is notoriously known in the world amongst divines , that if any christians turn mahometans , they begin with arianisme , and socinianisme , and then turcisme is not so strange a thing . iohn paul alciat , and adam neuser , after ( with socinus ) they had oppugned the doctrine of the trinitie , they turned turks , and embraced the doctrine of mahomet . it is the just hand of god , that they who curiously and scornfully touch that flaming mysterie of faith , god manifest in the flesh , and the high doctrine of the persons , whiles they cannot finde it in reason , they burne both their reason and religion in the flame , and chuse to deny the doctrine , because they cannot descrie it by humane reason . thus the ancient monsters of blasphemie , though they be dead , yet their errours and wickednesse die not . i conclude with that of petrarch , which , o that it had the like or better operation in our hearts , and if our hearts be right , they will thus rise ; the more , saith he , i hear spoken against christ , it makes me love christ the more , and grow firmer in the faith ▪ [ saepe me christum ipsum testor de christiano christianissimum haereticorum fecere blasphemiae ; ] i call christ to witnesse , oftentimes the blasphemies of hereticks of christian have made me most christian ; have brought me from a lesse degree , to a more high degree in the christian faith. to summe up all , consider but how this jew hath ( like a christian ) professed christs sinnlesse conception and birth of a virgin , his divinitie , that he is the son of god , the righteous one ; that he lived poorly , by the jews was miserably crucified , that he was buried , rose again , ascended into heaven ; that he shall come again gloriously to judge the world ; that hee hath cast off the jews because they will not beleeve in him ; that he beleeves the gospell to be a glorious truth , and the christian religion onely pleasing to god , and all jewish rites abominable : and lastly , that he writes none can be saved that do not beleeve this , that christ is the sonn of god , and the alone promised messiah ; and for not receiving this , the jews are captived and accursed , and under gods great wrath , whiles they look for salvation by any other . all this considered , what hinders but we may be bold to say of r. samuel , behold a christian israelite indeed , in whom remains no jewish guile . solem aquila confitetur , negat noctua . the creed of rabbi samuel , or articles of his faith , accordingly as he professes them in this book , as may be found dispersed in the chapters , out of which i have reduced it into this form . 1. i beleeve there are two commings of christ . 2. and that in the first comming jesus christ was born of the virgin mary without sinne , and without man. 3. and that he was crucified and sold to death by our forefathers the jews , unjustly , cruelly and bloodily . 4. i beleeve that the jews are in a great sin , for which they are under the wrath of god , in a long captivity , & that this sin was the selling of that just jesus . 5. i beleeve they are full of blindnesse , and all their sacrifice and service is abhominable to god , and that the gentiles are received in their stead , by faith in jesus christ ; & that the service and sacraments of the gentiles ( according to the gospell ) are acceptable to god. 6. i beleeve the jews do blindly and vainly wait for another saviour , and that we shall never be delivered from our misery , till we look upon him whom we have pierced . 7. and that all this cursed state of the jews was plainly foretold by the prophets , and begun to come to passe after the death of jesus . 8. i beleeve , the christians apostles come in room of the jews prophets . 9. and that the jews do in vain finde fault with , and blame the observances of the christians . 10. i beleeve that jesus christ is risen from the dead , and 11 , ascended into heaven . 12. i verily beleeve he shall come again to judge both iew and gentile , and that the unbelieving iew cannot be saved , but must go into everlasting death ; and they that beleeve in iesus christ into everlasting life . iohn 1. 41. & 45. vve have found the messias , which is , being iwterpreted , the christ . vve have found him of whom moses in the law and the prophets did write , iesus of nazareth the sonne of ioseph . vivit in excelsis christus , nec vivere vellem , si non immanuel viveret ille meus . a postscript addition to the annotations . adde this to the reading of the third digression in the first chapter . touching hebrew learning , and studying jewish authors , it is to be taken heed by us , that want of insight into them do not make us blindly to condemn all that is in them . towards which well may we set down what a roman doctor once said of this way of learning ; he being asked what the cabala was , ( which is the jews theologie , ore tradita , aure accepta ) he answered , it was a certain perfidious and devillish man , whose name was cabala , and this man had written many things against christ ; hereupon the followers of this man were afterward called cabalists . this man was out of all danger of what was said of paul , that too much learning should make him madd . ignorance , the lesse it judges , the more it accuses and speaks evill . whether the jews live among us , or no , it is very expedient we should be able to defend our selves , and confute them out of scriptures , and out of their writings too , for how great a blott would it bee to have them stop our mouthes . pellican , that famous german divine , the great magazine of hebrew learning , confesses , that ever since he was a boy of eleven years age , he much longed to learn the hebrew tongue , and that which stirred up his earnest appetite was this : he at that age , being among some other boyes , heard a doctour of divinity disputing with a jew about the christian faith , and the christian divine was much confounded in making his answers to the jew ; yea , and withall a jewish woman set upon him , and set him very hard also . hereupon he was much astonished , and exceedingly grieved at it , as a stumbling-block of offence to his conscience , seeing the christian faith by this doctour underpropt with such unsolid and weak arguments , as iews could overthrow them in the disputes of learned divines . this made him long to be more deeply ●●●red into hebrew letters , and more able to maintain the onely truth , in which he grew like saul , he was higher then most of the divines of his time in this learnings stature . additions to the sixt digression in the seventh chapter . though we have shewn the fifty third chapter of esay to bee meant of christ the sonne of god , and that out of the confessions of iews ; yet because we have light upon more lightsom evidence since that was first writ , i thought good to adde something here , because that chapter is a clear starre as it were , set in heaven by god , to guide the iews to iesus , if they be not in love with wilfull blindnesse . let us hear him that was once a iew speak , and tell us how , and by what means he was induced to lay hold on the christian faith , and convert to christ , and this is iohannes isaacus a german iew , and after a christian professour at coleine in the year 1558. these are his words , this i do ingenuously professe , that that very chapter , the fifty third of esay , did draw me to the christian faith. for more ( saith he ) then a thousand times have i read that chapter thorow , and i have very accurately compared it with many translations , by which i have found there is an hundred times more mysterie concerning christ contained in the hebrew text , then can bee found in any other translation . and then he declares , how at frankford he disputed with five rabbins , whom , with arguing out of that chapter , he so did drive into straits , and stop their mouthes , that they had not a word to answer against his arguments and reasons . diego payva andradius , the great defender of the great offending councell of trent , brings us in more iewish witnesse for this chapter against the iews ; i know here some ( saith he ) of no vulgar learning among hebrews , that inhabit the inner africa , that were induced by the reading of the fifty third chapter of esay onely , to leave house , countrey , friends , fair estates , parents , and with inflamed desires of soul to consecrate themselves to christ . i asked ( saith he ) some of these iews , that came out of africa into portugall , to be entred among christians by baptism , what it was in that 53 of esay , that did so much trouble them , that they could not deny those things to be true concerning iesus christ the sonne of god , which are delivered by us , to which they returned me this answer , alwayes that which we translate & read percussum à deo , smitten of god , they use to interpret , percussus deus ipse & humiliatus , god himself was smitten and humbled . by which words they assure themselves , that whole chapter is to be understood not of of some man , but of god himselfe made man , that he might blot out our sinnes . i conclude this with that of a lapide the jesuite , that which ( saith he ) is translated by the syrians percussum dei , or à deo , smitten of god , out of the hebrew may be turned thus , percussum deum & humiliatum , god smitten and humbled , mucke elohim umeunne . this very same thing ( saith he ) did a famous jew tell me himself at rome . we see when god opens jews eyes , they stand not so much upon grammer , but here neglect that , to pitch upon the substantiall truth , and aske not leave at the rules of art , when god is bringing them to the rule of faith. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32350-e190 luke 21. 24. dispersa palabundi , coeli & soli sui extorres , vagantur per orbē sine homine , sine deo rege . tertul. john 8. 24. the jews miserable septenary . 1 thes . 2. 15 , 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . isid . pelusiot . lib. 2. ep . 157. rom. 11. 22 , judaei diaboli sors . niceph. gregor . hist ro. lib 6. plerisque moris est prolato rerum ordine , protinus utique in aliquem la●tum , atque ●lausibilem locum quā maxime possunt favorabiliter excurrere . quintil . instit . l. 12. ●●de egressione . hane partem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ●raci vocant , latini egressum vel egressione● . ibi. cicer. in epist . l. 9. papyrio paeto , epist . 178 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iulian. imper. in misopogon . some christians have said so as well as heathēs : fateor absque literis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . erasm . in epist . ad mesios fratres . 1 tim 4. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 . eccles . 12. 12. olymp , in eccl. non pudor est nil seire , pudor nil discere velle . proverb . apud pausan . mel●hior canus saith , habent pro christo ▪ aristotelem , pro petro averroem , pro paulo aph●odinensem ▪ mi●te●ant ( ex babylonia ) botri uva rum ad implorandam gratiam pro foliliis quod si enim non essent folia , non possent sub●●●ere bot●i . buxtorf . in epist . dedicit . ad abbreviat . numb . 24. 23. notes for div a32350-e950 qui talia sentiunt christianos iudaizantes appellat . hiero. in esa . cap. 54. lib. 15. rivet . in psa . 68. medes iewish testimo . at the end of his clav . apocalyp . iudaei auream atque gemmatam hierusalem restituendam patāt . hieron . in hier. 19 comment . longe à sole recedite , dum c●reas hab●tis opiniones . arian in diss . l. 3. c. 21. damascen . de haeresib . postellns de orbis . te●rae concord . zonar . annal . tom. 3 illud vituperandum est plane , & intolerandū maximè , si qui genere christianus ad iudaeos desciverit . imman . tremel . specular● ▪ apud ciceron . de natur . deor. l. ● moses ben. maim . de fund . leg . cap. 1 〈◊〉 . abravancl . de cap fid. cap. 20. joan. crellius de uno deo pat. in lib. 2. gerha●d . in loc . com . loc . de offic . chist . abrah . calov . in deca . dissert . de pseudo-theolog . socin . sect . 214. grotius de merit . & satis . christ . vide abra . calov . in li. supra citat . dantisc . edito 1639. euseb . hist . eccles . lib. 4. cap. 21 alsted . thesau . chronolog . in chronol . kabalist . hieron . de sanct . fid . gesner . in bibliothec . joan. gerhar . in theolog loc . comm. tit. de extremo jud. sect . 115. gesner . bibl. porchet . victor . contra hebr. p●ris●is 1520. the noble mo●●us in his book de verit . 〈◊〉 relig . grotius of the same argument . posiellus abundantly hath writ this way in his orbis terrae concordia . buxtorf . in rabbin : biblioth . thesaur . chrono . * this booke is also to be found put out by margarinus b. in 5. tome of bibliot . patrum . the two basil copies are with me joā . leo african . in descr . afric . philip. cluver . introduct . geogr. lib. 6. cluver . biddul . in an age or two places are destroyed , or the names changed clenard in his african travels writes there are some 4000 jews at fez , and some 9 synagogues , in epist . latomo . leo african . descript . afric lib. 1 as many they write came thē out of spaine , as once under moses came out of egypt cael. sec. curio . de amp. r. d. in lib. 1. omnibus umbra locis odero , dabis improbe poenas . david ganz in tsemac . david . baron . annal. eccl. ad an. 315. euagr. hist . eccl . lib. 4. ca. 35. caspar . brusc . in laureaco vet . de patav. epist . l. 2. rob. gaguin . hist . fra. lib. 7. judaeus baptizatus sine peccato à ju●●ao occidi potest . r. bacchai . heins . in arist . sa. cap. 26. bzovius ad ann. 1198. socrat. hist . eccl . lib 7. cap. 16. foxii oliva evangel . ●narrat . cap. 11. ad roma . an. 1189. in england and an. 1●41 . at norwi●h in engl. when he said christiano sanguine , he meant christi sanguine . h. komman in mirac . vivor . tit . de judaeis laborantibus menstruo . vide etiam buxtorf . synagog . jud. serarius in cap. 8. tobit quaest . 5. vorstii animadvers . in pirke eliezer . coch. in sanhedr . pet. cu●aeus de heb. repub . lib. 1. cap. 12. vide t. aquin. ad duciss . brabant . do reg . jud. opusc . 21 gerhar . in cent. quaest . polit . decad. 9. quaest . 1. licet permittere mala minora ad evitanda majora , ut apparet in meretricio . emman . sa-jes . in aphoris . confes . vivo hic inter iudaeos , qui ioagè magis mirantur esse christianos , quā nos mira●ur esse aliquos adhuc iudaeos . quid mi●um ? nihil s●●unt de nobis , nisi quod strenue iudaeos comburimus . clenard . in epist . 4. fez. vivi quidā sunt apices nobis representa●●es dominicam passionem . bern. ep . 322. sohnius super psa . 59. rom. 11. 1 , 4 , 5. zonar : in 1. tom. annal. lip. in 2. lib. de const . cap. 21. euseb . l. 4. c. 6. et qui triginta denariis jesum comparaverant ad perdendum , juste postea 30 capita suorum viderunt vendi uno denar●o ad illudendum hegesip de excid hier . in anaceph . zonaras xiphilin . ruffin . hist . lib. 1. cap 38. 39 socrar . hist eccl. lib. 3. c 17. theodor. hist . lib. 3. cap. 20. vt qui quondam emerant sanguin●m christi , emant lachrymas suas : & ne fletus quidem eis gratuitus sit . hier. in comment . ad sophon . cap. 1. philo. iud. in legat. ad caium . dav. ganz a matre doctus nec rogare iudaeus . martial . epigr. 57. lib. 12. nil praeter nubes et coeli numen adorant . iuvenal . sat . 14. iudaeus licet & porcinum numen adoret . et cilli summas advocet aur iculas . petron. arbit . some read coeli , but the judicious and acute pithaeus puts it in his edition cilli . cillus , & apud hesychi●m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , asinus . vossius de orig. idololat . lib. 3. cap. 75. drusius cunaeus . pezel . mellific . histor . pag. 2. ammian . marcel . histor . lib. 22. surius . tacit. lib. 5 hist . flor. lib. 3. cap 5. horace . see ossileg . ling. hell. cont . h●ins . in other things it is in vestis , and imberbis , not investa● or imberba . august de civit. dei , lib. ● . c. 11 voss . de orig . idol . lib. 2. c. 14. mr. biddulph ▪ a protest . pr●acht in his travels . spectaculum su●v pet col●astum . nic. harps field in hist . eccl. angl ●●odw . ●ish . liv. n. harps . hist . eccl. angl. n harps . in eccles . hist . angl. math. par. in rich. 1. mr. foxes acts & monum . in rich. 1. he was baptized by william the priot of st. maries in york , and ( after his name ) called williā . roger de hoveden in annal. rich. 1. harpsfield mat. paris . in rich. 1. ad an . 1189. ●a●isienf . harpsfiel . mat. paris . mr. foxes acts & monum . munster in annot. ad ●vangel . math. he●r . ad cap. 12. deut. 28. ●orchet . in vict. contr . hebr. lib. 2 cap. 6. compertius est quā ut negari possi● , non esse , insolentiorem , ferociorem , arrogantiorem populum sub omni coelo , quā iudei fuerint . luther in ●narrat . ad evang. in die oblat . christi , in tem. lam. 5. 19 , 20 , 21. the cursed divisions and sects of christians are a great hindrance of the iews comming into union with christ and christians . librum legis , quantū libet rem creatam , adorare non ver●cundantur . lud. carret iudaeus convers . campanel . in epist . dedicat ad atheis . t●ium . iulian. imperat . ad arsacium pontif. gal. epist . 49 edit . petavian . ex anton. pagan utio . edit . per coel. secun . curionem . the learned womā olympia fulvia morata , hath translated also the story out of boccace his decameron . ioan. peregrin . petro sel . in serm . convival . zach. 8. 23. 1 ioh. 5. 20 notes for div a32350-e7060 dan. 9. 12. ier. 25. ●29 . he blames their observing of circumcision , sabhath , &c. for their traditions and additions , more then they finde in moses his law. zach. 7. 5. the words of the first translatour , alphonsus the spanyard . isa . 54. 7 , 8. dan. 9. 27. dan. 9. psal . 76. exod. 32. numb . 20. deut. 9. 1 sam. 4. gen. 17. amos 2. the words of the first translatour , alphonsus the spanyard . gen. 37. isa . 1. 4. isa . 53. hierome after the hebrew so reads it , oblatus est quia ipse voluit . vers . 7. psa . 2. 2. zach. 11. amos 2. esa . 53. 12. the author hath it , delectati sunt . psa 94. 21 , 23. jer. 17. 9. the septuagint reads the last part of the verse thus , homo est quis cognoscet ●um ? zach. 13. 6 , 7. zac. 12. 10 hab. 3. 4. ioh. 19. hab. 3. 13. esay 53. amos 2. dan. 9. 26 , 27. zach 9. 9. for rex tuus , thy king ▪ hee hath praeceptor tuus thy mast●r . dan. 9. zac. 11. amos 2. psa . 97. esay 29. 1 kings 19 10. esay 51. 9. esay 53. ●say 9. zach. 9. dan. 7. the words of the first translatour , alphonsus the spanyard . psa . 97. zach. 14. psa . 97. malac. 3. our translation is a little otherwise . ezek. 34. the words of the translator alphonsus . matth. 25. esa . 53. ierem. psa . 97. esay 12. psa . 97. iob 19. esay 53. 1 pet. 2. zach. 9. john 3. so reads the translatour . psal . 24. psa . 97. esay 63. 1. the translator turns the future tense into the preter tense . gen. 49. 11 pro. 11. 31 salomons proverbs are called his prophecie ; so the catechisticall instructions of salomons mother are called the prophecie that his mother taught him , prov. 31. 1. psa . 68. 18. psa . 68. 4. psa . 68. 32 , 33. see the annotations to this chapter . the words of the first translatour , alphonsus the spanyard . the author quotes deut. 34. but the last words are there onely to be found . the author names esay , but he forgets himself , for he himself hath before in his ● . chapter quoted ieremie for it ier. 31. mic. 5. 3. esay ● . esay 53. iob 25. ierem. 17. rom. 11. esa . 6. esay 5. dan. 12. ierem. 17. elongate saith the translator , esay . 3. t●anslator reads 〈◊〉 have no ey●● and th 〈◊〉 have no ears . psa . 118. esa . 29. 11 12. esa . 1. 7 , 8 esa . 25. 1 , 2 esa . 30. 14. esa . 24. ier. 6. 30. hos . 1. esay 26. 3. thou wilt keep him in perfect peace ; this hierome according to the hebrew , translates , vetus error ab●it . see hierom. in comment . on esay . 2 chro. 6. 32 , 33. psa . 22. 27. esay 60. 1 , 3 , 4 , 10. esay 55. 5. esay 45. 20 ▪ esa . 65. 1. ier. 3. 17. zeph. 3. 9. zach. 8. 2● ▪ our translations have it otherwise . habac. 3. esay 65. 12 ▪ 1● , 14 , 15. our translation hath 〈…〉 . zach. 2 ▪ amos 8 ▪ amos 8. hab. 1. 14. psa . 19. zach. 13. psa . 34. exod. 4. psa . 128. esay 5. 4. esay 29. 22 , 23. our translation hath it otherwise . ier. 31. esa . 63. 8 , 9 this strangely differs from our translations , and strangely lacerates , and tears in pieces both the sentence , and the sense of words , to make them fitt his purpose . ecclus 3. 1 , 2. malach. 3. esay . 51. he gives the meaning of the word melchisedech , a lord or king of righteousnesse . deut. 3● . from arabick , la●abit terram populi sui . psa . 127. matth. 28. mark 16. psa . 45. psa . 110. lev. 25. 22 mal. 1. 10 , 11. psa . 50. it is not salomon , but the son of syrach . ecclus. 50. 15. our translations have it otherwise . levit 1. 1 sam. 21. that in the parenthesis the english translator puts in . 1 king. 18. 1 chro. 11 ▪ esa . 32. 10 mal. 1. 10. esay 1. out translations have it otherwise . esay 1. from 11. to 16. esay 66. 3. our trans . otherwise . matth. 27. mark 14. ier. 7. 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. gen. 25. psal . 45. pro. 15. pro. 5. 19. esay 54. 1 esay 43. psal . 31. exod. 21. esa . 29. 23 the iew has manifestabunt for sanctificabunt ; & evangelizabunt for our timebunt . in stead of murmurantes , he hath it musici scient leges . psa . 89. amos 9. psa . 47. 1. psa . 100. psa . 96. psal . 148. psa . 50. see above in chap. 24 concerning this place of esay . psal . 150. lord iesus christ is not in the psalme . 2 sam. 6. 20. esay 40. 17 ierem. 17. esay 3. 2. our trans . hath it , the iudge and the prophet and the prudent . psa . 87. psal . 110. psa . 132. luke 9. zach . 2. gen. 49. ne crescas . notes for div a32350-e15640 alstedius placeth him about the year 1090 in chronol . theol. so has the note before the book in micropresbeutico . iohn 12. 10 , 11. iesus nazaretus visus est es●e messias , ac sententia ludicum interfectus , causa fuit ut dest . ueretur i●rael glad●o . marfil . fic●n . in lib. d● christ . relig c. 27 the first digression ▪ nondum omnium ●●●rum 〈◊〉 , occiderunt . 〈…〉 quoque 〈…〉 . cecidisse ●os , non ex●idisse c●rtum est . vt el●ganter cunaeus de repub. hebr. lib. 1. cap. 18. medras sir hassirim , rab. isaac ut habetur apud porcherum in victor . cont. heb. p. 2. c. 10. the 2. digression . ●hachanim . constan . ● emper. in commen . ad ●●chiadae paraphras . in daniel c. 1 buxto●ff . ●un . in vit . mosis maimon praefix . more nevoch . comment . in middoth cap. 3. sect . 5. alstod . in chronol . scolast . ad cap ▪ ●7 . saracen . chatechis . io. iac. boisard . in topogr . romae . buxtorff . in synagog . iud. cap. 1. ex ▪ tractat. erubhin . esay 8. 20. mat. 15. 9. iohn 5. 39. the 3. digression . non coeco zelo in fans ipse , ut aiunt , una cum lavacri sordibus est effundendus . schickard . apud glassiam . paul fagius in praefat . eliae thisbi . iunius in orat. de ling , hebr. antiq. & praest . tom. 1. glassius in orat de hebr. ling. util . nihil aliud est theologus , quā grammaticus verbi divini . drus in epist ad senat . antverpiens . scaliger ad s●●ph . vbert . buxtorf . in praefat . ad mor. nevoch . a saepius collectis , ac transfusis collectaneis , velut è decima lacuna suffurari , ut pene nihil resipiant sui fontis . eras . in compend . theolog. r. iose . iulian apud theodoret . vatablum & mercerum lutetiae docentes ipsi iudaei sunt admirati . chamier . de authen . edit can. panstrat . l 12. c 9. allo glaux , allo corone pthengetai . hos . 1. 9. rom. 11. 28. hieron . de s. fide in hebraeom . l. 1. c. 9. ex berescit r●●ba . the 4. degression . hos . 14. wofgang . capito in hos . 3. 2 sa. 20. 1. deut. 28. 64. the 5. digression . porchet . victor . contra hebr. part . 1 , c. 3. more nevochim . part . 2. c. 45 in annotat . ad rab. iacchiad . in paraphr . in daniel , cap. 1. annotat . 1. ioh. 9. 39. rom. 11. 8. & 25. micronym . carthus . parcus tarnovius . a lapide in loc . zach ▪ 12. the chaldee paraphrast and gen●ara . babylon . grotius de veritat . christ relig . in annotat . ad lib. 5. the 6. digression . hieron . de sanct . fid . in hebraeo . mast lib. 1. cap. 11. mornaeus in cap. 30. lib. de verit . christ . relig. porchetus . the ● . digression . postel . de orb. ter. concord . acts 3. 14. acts 7. 52. acts 22. 14 vide porchet ▪ in victor contr . hebr 〈◊〉 . 2. cap. 11. esay 12. matth. 16. iohn . 3. 3● . 1 iohn 5. 11 , 12. the 8. digression . cramer in schol prophet . clas . 3 haec particula ad posteriorē adventum accommodari potest : proprie tamen pertinet ad priorem : quia de nuntio foederis loquitur id est , de institutione legis evangelicae . fe● . à figveiro in malach. the 9. digression . hieronym . in psalm . stapulensis schol. in dyonvs . areop●g●t . baptist folengius in psal . barth . a koppen . in psa . 24. piscator . in psal . the 10. digression psal . 58. 10 of the ancients , yet origen in matthaeum 15. tract . applies it to christs ascension & triumph . ps . 119. 99. nostri minus recte de passione christi exponant . ioan. mercer in comment . ad cantic . c. 5. v. 10. cramer . in schola prophet . class . 3. vide ta●novium in excitat . biblio . pag. 418. edit . 2 the 11. digression . rom. 9. sal. glassius in philolog . sac. lib. 1. tract . 1. de text hebr. in vet . test . puritate . spanhem . in dub. evang . p. 2. ●ub . 88 , 89 austin in o●at cont . iud. pagan & arian . isaac casaub . in epist . lib. car labbaeo , epist . 24. see schindler in pentaglott . in bara . plerumque de hominibus maxime in plurali usurpatur coch. in tit. maccoth . c. 3. ephes . 4. ephes . 4. the 12. digression 2 esd . 13. 2 , 3. gen. 5. 27. august . de civ . d. lib. 15. cap. 11. ludovic . carret . in epist . seu libro visor . divin . ierem. 31. the word sabab do●h not onely signifie to embrace lovingly , but in an hostile manner as an enemy , to encompase , besiege and straiten ▪ so is the word used in psa . 22. 13. and 17. it is also plainly taken for besieging eccles . 9. 14. 〈…〉 thom p. 1. 〈…〉 qu●madmodum advocatus causam perd 〈◊〉 vulgares & triviales concionatores saepe numero concionem habent cōtra hereticos , & eos imprudenter adjuvāt . sic arma capienda sunt ut hostis vulnera sētiat . nic. clenard . epist . abbati tongellarensi lib 1. fesae . r iachiad . in paraphras . in dan. cap. 7. constant l' emper. in annotat. ad r. iachiad ubi citar abrabane 〈…〉 . there is a saying much in the mouth of the iews , omnes sectarij subito pereant . in maimonides his 13 articles , he saith , they shall all perish that do not beleeve them grotius in annotat. ad lib. 2. ver . christ . relig. menas●h ben israel , de resur . lib. 2. cap. 9. 〈…〉 . act. 22. 21. 22. 1 thes . 2. 16 pet. clu●● . ac . ex talmud . 〈◊〉 . antiq . ●ud lib. 1● . cap. 14. cyprian epist . 4. caecilio lib. 2. ration . divin . offic . lib. 2. c. 30. consecratio valida est cum solo●ino . tolet. lib. 2 de institut sacerdot . cap 25. whitaker 〈◊〉 d●sput . de sa●● scrip cont . 1. quaest . 6. cap. 12. theod. balsamon in schol . ad synod . in truilo can. 32. 16. digres . munster . in annotat. ad hebr. evangel . matth. c. 1. sed patibulo affixus interiit . quid istud ad causam ? arnobius . wolsius in memorab . lect . tom. 2 centen 16. de voce halma virgine & iudëorum conv . tijs vide iunium in parallel lib. 1. par . 4. munster . in annotat ▪ ad . hebr. evangel . matth. c. 1. sonah is the word by which rahab is called 〈◊〉 . 2. 1. domus cloacarum diruat deus hieron . de sanc . fid . iohn 5. 46. 17. digres . acts 5. 3● ▪ gerhard . harmoniae evangel . cap. 100. euseb . hist . eccles . l. 2. c. 11. hegesip . excid . hierosol . lib. 3. cap. 14. ioseph . antiq . lib. 18. cap. 5. numb . 24. 17. galatin . l ▪ 4 de arcan . cathol . ver . c. 20. hierom. in c. 24. matth aug de haeres . daneus in aug. hegesipp . excid hierosol . lib. 3. c. 2. porchet . galati● . gen. brard . gerhard . in gemara sanhedrim . cap. 11. sect . 15. ex vers . io. coch. r david . ganz porchet . in victor . cont . hebr . part . 1. cap. 10. dan. 11. 34 ▪ rab iachiad paraph. in daniel . iustinus martyr . euseb . hist . lib. 4. cap. 8. hierom. in catalog . mellific . histor . p●tavius in rationar . temp. mornaeus . io : phison . dugo in christian . institut . writ about the year 1549. buxtorf . in biblioth . rabbinica . 〈◊〉 . ● . gen● . in annotat. ad mos . maimon . 〈…〉 . ann. 434. soc●a . hist . eccles . lib. 7. cap. 3● . ex epist . r. mos . ad iudae●s in marsili● . 〈…〉 . ann. ●●35 buxtorf ex lib ▪ scheb . iud. gul. vorst . ex mose maimon . benjamin . in itinerar . pet. cluniac . lib. contra iud. c. 4. zach. ● . leo african . in descrip . afric . 18 digres . munster . de fide iudeor . in gemara sanhedr . c. 11. sect . 33. pet cluniac . contr . iud. c. 3. postel . de concord . orb t●●rae lib. 4. munster . vossius de orig idololat lib. 2. c. p. 48. in gemara sanhedr . cap 11. sect . ●0 . vae determinantibꝰ tempus adventus messiae . mornaeus de verit . christ . relig . cap. 29. porchetus ex r. zera . gemar . sanhedr . cap. 11. sect . 36. esay 6. ro. 11. 25. figveiro in malac. porchet . buxtorf . man●●s●h ben israel . de resur . mort . l 3. c. 5. rursus l. 3. c. 11. 19 digres . socra . hist eccles . l. 5 c. 20. r. david ganz . in tzemach david , seu chronol . sacro prophan . idem ▪ hebrae● quidam contra a●●mi 〈…〉 tentiam baptizat● abluerunt baptismū cedren ad imperat i●eon . 〈◊〉 reg● . hector pintus in ezechiel , c. 1. 16. lau bayer link . in theatr . mag. 20 digres . euthimius in panopl . dogmat. sylb●rg●i saruc●nica seu mahometica . postell . concord . orb. terrae ex lib. suneh in so●a e●nesae . in teschere elimam . richard. ord . praedicat . in confutat . alcorani c. 13 the like did postellus undertake . clenard . in epist . ad carolum cae●arem august . quid enim est hod●è christiani●mus , si sp●ctes gentes mahometi ? nimirum quod olim iudaea comparata mundo reliquo . clenard lib. 1. epist . iac. la●●mo praeceptori . so●in . in epist . ● . ad dudith . puccius de univers . redemp . see rutherfords survey . azoar . 12. beza ep . 81 ▪ me●ch . adam in vita gerlachii . calovi●s in pseudo theol. socin . ort . mortuis autotibꝰ hujus veneni , scelera tamen eorum , & doctrina non moriuntur . phaebadius episc . in lib contra arian . petrarc . de ignorantia suiips . & multor . tertul. lib. de anima . 21. digres . io. picus mirand . in apolog. ad conclus . 5. melch. adam . in vit . pellicani . ioan. isaac . in defens . heb. verit . sacr . scrip. contr . lindanum , l. 2. andrad . in defens . concil . trident. lib. 4. cor. à lap . in isai . cap. 53. the present state of the jews (more particularly relating to those in barbary) wherein is contained an exact account of their customs, secular and religious : to which is annexed a summary discourse of the misna, talmud, and gemara / by l. addison ... addison, lancelot, 1632-1703. 1675 approx. 367 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 137 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26373 wing a526 estc r421 12304838 ocm 12304838 59218 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26373) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59218) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 198:1) the present state of the jews (more particularly relating to those in barbary) wherein is contained an exact account of their customs, secular and religious : to which is annexed a summary discourse of the misna, talmud, and gemara / by l. addison ... addison, lancelot, 1632-1703. [8], 249, [7] p. printed by j.c. for william crooke ... and to be sold by john courtney ..., london : 1675. reproduction of original in british library. imperfect: frontispiece is lacking. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -africa, north. judaism -customs and practices. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the present state of the jews : ( more particularly relating to those in barbary . ) wherein is contained an exact account of their customs , secular and religious . to which is annexed a summary discourse of the misna , talmud , and gemara . by l. addison , one of his majesties chaplains in ordinary ; and the author of the late revolutions and present customs of the kingdoms of fez and morocco . alius alio plura invenire potest , nemo omnia . london : printed by j.c. for william crooke , at the green dragon without temple-bar ; and to be sold by john courtney bookseller in sarum . 1675. to the right honourable sir joseph williamson , principal secretary of state , and one of his majesties most honourable privy council . right honourable , that generousness which pardoned my first address ( of this nature ) to your honour , has onely served to embolden a second . it faring with scriblers , as with those votaries who never forsake the saint they once finde propitious . if the ensuing discourse treated of maxims of rule , there would need no apology for its dedication to a person whose prudence and vertue have given him the blessing of his prince's favour , and the reputation as well in forrain countries as his own , of an excellent and profound states-man . but what is here devoted to your honour , is of a different , and ( perhaps ) of a much inferiour character . the following papers containing only a plain account of the present customs and religion of the hebrew people , collected in some of those hours the employment would spare me , which for several years i underwent , abroad in the publick service of our religion , and in a latitude that yielded no few opportunities of making these observations . that i have hereunto prefixed your name , it was not for shelter against the common enemy , rudeness and censure ; nor onely to take this occasion of telling the world how much i am obliged by your favours ▪ for though i am thereof truly sensible ; yet this way of acknowledgement was never greatly welcome to those generous persons , who are no less obliged by the benefits they bestow ; than by those they receive . but besides all this , pardon me , sir , that i take this opportunity to make publick recognizance of your honours eminent bounty to ( our common mother ) queens colledge in oxon. to which antient nursery of loyalty and good letters , though your pious liberality be already magnificent ; yet they who know your temper , believe that what you there have done , is but an earnest of what you intend to do . for which a thankful posterity will for ever celebrate and bless your name . but i dare not give my self the liberty of expressing so much as a short elogie , upon a subject that is able to justify the largest panegyrick . for when i consider that you are one of those publique spirits , who under our gratious soveraign assert the individual interest of church and state , i cannot hope the grand affairs of your eminent place should spare minutes enough to peruse a longer dedication . that your honour may long live exalted in your prince's favour , and prosperous in your negotiations , to the encouragement and promotion of true learning , piety and vertue , shall be his incessant requests to heaven , and at all those devotions cannot forget to be your honours most humble , and most obliged servant , lancelot addison . from milston , neer ambrosbury in wilts , jan. 28. 1674 / 5. to the reader . i shall not offer at any thing of apologetick in behalf of the ensuing discourse , but freely leave it to the tribunal of the reader , whom i acknowledge to have an unquestionable authority to acquit or condemn it . as to the account it gives of the jews , i conceive there is not any so modern , nor in many things so particular and true ; this being the result of conversation , and not of report . and as to its composure , it is neither so exact as to deserve commendation ; nor yet so faulty as to need much excuse . if it may do good to some , and no hurt to any , the author has got his ends of its publication . books newly printed by w. crooke . the primitive institution ; or , a seasonable discourse of catechizing ; wherein is shewn the antiquity ; benefits and necessity thereof ; together with its suitableness to heal the present distempers of the church of england . by l. addison , one of his majesties chaplains in ordinary , and the author of this book . homer's odysses translated into english by tho. hobbes of malmsbury , with a large preface concerning the vertues of an heroique poem . by the translator . a discourse of the dukedom of modena , shewing the manner and qualities of that people . brevis demonstratio : the truth of christian religion demonstrated by reasons the best that have yet been out in english . the court leet and court baron . by kitchin . the 5th impression . the flower-garden : being an exact way to plant , set , and sow all sorts of flowers . by w. hughes . the introduction . though the jews inveterate obstinacy against the truth , hath justly render'd them the object of the divine displeasure ; yet their primitive ancestry , religion and privileges , ought still to secure them a great measure of regard . for this people , if any under heaven , may boldly glory of the antiquity and nobless of their descent . there being no nation can prove its pedegree by such clear and authentique heraldry as the jews . for though a ridiculous vanity hath tempted some to date their original before that of the world , and others with great assurance have made themselves sprung from their own soil ; yet the jews , by an unquestionable display through all periods since the creation , can prove their descent from the first man. so that all other nations must have recourse to the jewish records , to clear their genealogies , and attest their linage . and indeed their progeny would be sufficiently renowned if it were derived no higher than whither their present appellation doth entitle them . for the jews have their name from judah ( jacob's fourth son by his wife leah ) who notwithstanding the degeneracy of his descendents , was a prince of a brave nature and great eloquence . an essay of the former we finde in his endeavour to have saved his brother joseph ; and it was a fair intimation of the later , that he was chosen orator to his brethren . over whom he obtain'd a soveraignty , and from whose loins many princes , generals , states-men and prophets have descended . and what is yet more remarkable , to judah was made the famous promise , that the scepter should not depart from his tribe , nor a law-giver from between his feet , until shiloh came . though i am not ignorant how it is the opinion of some learned men , that the continuance of the scepter , or soveraign power , was not so fixed in judah's family , as to exclude all the rest . for at least after the captivity , there were several of the other tribes who attain'd to kingly honour among the jews . and therefore they understand jacob's prediction of the whole hebrew nation , which he foresaw in process of time would derive their name from judah ; and that they should never totally loose the visible being of a kingdom or common-wealth , or all form of government among themselves , until the coming of shiloh , or the manifestation of messiah in the flesh . and we find the truth hereof abundantly attested by the event . for notwithstanding that the form and state of the jewish government was often changed , its lustre obscured , and its puissance and grandeur lessen'd and impaired ; yet they were never totally without a scepter till they were intirely brought under the roman yoke ; which hapned about the time of our saviour's nativity , and a little after his crucifixion . when the unbelieving jews were so altogether inslaved by the romans , that they retain'd not the least footstep of a free state , but the kingdom was utterly taken from them . and though this ought to be reckon'd for a misery in their fortune , yet it was no debasement in their genealogy . for affliction ( according to the jews own saying ) may be a very great inconvenience , but no disrepute . but if from the jews ancestry we look into their primitive religion , they will be found to be no less happy in this , than honourable in the other . for it immediately ( as all true religion ) had god for its author , and was attested by such numerous and apparent miracles , as made its truth unquestionable , and the people ( to whom it was first revealed ) formidable , among all to whom the knowledge thereof did arrive . and though for many years the jews have been most vile adulterers of that religion which was delivered them in greatest purity , yet it must needs be reckon'd for no ordinary priviledge of the hebrew nation , to have received the first religion of the world , and that too immediately from the almighty , and comprised in a breviary of ten words , containing an exact model of holiness and vertue , and more true wisdom than all the volumes that ever since have been compiled by meer humane industry and invention . and together with this excellent religion ( which they have so foully depraved ) they received other priviledges of no inferiour concernment : for not only the adoption , covenants and promises did first belong unto the jews , but also from their fathers , as concerning the flesh , messiah came . and when we have cloth'd their present infidelity with the most aggravating circumstances , yet we must confess our selves beholden to them for the preservation of that inestimable jewel , the knowledge of the one true god , when the rest of mankind was involved in the belief and adoration of many false deities . to the jews likewise we stand obliged for the original history of the creation , and that with indubitable integrity they have delivered to us the infallible memoires of all those passages which hapned before and after the deluge . of which the faint glimpses , retain'd by other nations , were wrapt up in stories so notoriously fabulous , that they were fitter to evidence the vanity of the pagan rhapsodies , than to confirm a truth of so great an importance . now seeing that they have been the chanel of so many benefits to the rest of mankind , they ought to be the matter of our thankful reflection , and not of our obloquy and reproach . nor have we been less benefited by their deplorable miseries , than matchless priviledges : seeing that their fall was our rise , and their diminution our riches . but if the cutting off of the jews ( the natural branches in st. paul ) was the occasion that the gentiles , like ciens were grafted in their place ; and because of their pride , contumacy and unbelief god hath dealt thus severely with them , we ought not therefore to insult over their infidelity , but hasten their conversion ; not to triumph in their down-fall , but to labour their restauration . being ascertain'd , that if they abandon their obstinacy and unbelief , god will revoke their rejection , and receive them again into favour . and if we may relie upon st. paul's eleventh to the romans , the fall of the jews ought to make us careful of our own standing , and also to endeavor their recovery ; which later christians pretend both to hope and desire . and to this end i ever labour'd to manage that conversation , which for several years i held with the jews in barbary , who are the subject of the ensuing remarks . in which i have taken care for nothing , but to prove my self a faithful reporter of matter of fact , without using any other art to please either the severe or curious , but plainness and truth . chap. i. the present condition of the jews in barbary ; their places of residence , profession , apparel , stature and complexion , &c. when i looked into the great number of jews in barbary , and saw how they were lorded over by the imperious and haughty moor , i could not but resent their condition , and wish their deliverance from that direful imprecation , his blood be upon us and our children . one effect whereof may be seen in their present condition under the moresco government ; which is no other then a better sort of slavery . for even in those places where they have permission to inhabit , they are not only tributary , but upon every small disgust , in danger of ejectment . insomuch that they cannot promise to themselves either any durable settlement or security . indeed their calmest state is sufficiently stormy ; and when they seem to enjoy the greatest peace , they are vilely hector'd by the moors , against whom they dare not move a finger , or wag a tongue in their own defence and vindication ; but with a stoical patience support all the injuries and contumelies to which they are dayly exposed . for in the midst of the greatest abuses , you shall never see a jew with an angry countenance , or appearing concern'd ; which cannot be imputed to any heroick temper in this people , but rather to their customary suffering , being born and educated in this kind of slavery . by reason whereof , they were never acquainted with the sentiments of an ingenuous and manly usage . it is very common with the moresco-boys to rally together , and by way of pastime and divertisement , to beat the jewish children : which later , though they should far exceed the former in numbers and age , yet dare not give them the least resistance or opposition . the moors permit not the jews the possession of any warlike weapons , unless in point of trade . and herein they do not so much restrain , as gratifie their disposition ; for they seem generally inclined to a great averseness to every thing that is military : being as destitute of true courage , as good nature . nor doth this their cowardly humour at all render them unfit for the musters of their expected messiah : for though they believe that his appearance shall be warlike , and that he shall lead all their enemies captive , and triumph in the spoils of esau ; yet they imagine there shall be such a general surrender of the edomites , that there will need no valour by dint of sword to subdue them : and that this submitting themselves to his rod , shall be an infallible testimony of the truth of his coming . the jews in barbary generally decline living in the country , not out of any dislike of a rural conversation , but because it doth not yield sufficient opportunities and safety for traffique . for this being their general profession , they can with more convenience and advantage manage it ( as we say ) in good towns : and in these they live in a heap , seldom ( or not at all , if it be in their power to avoid it ) mingling with the moors . and the apartment of the town where they have permission to inhabit , is from them called the juderia , or jury ; which in some places in barbary is so contrived , that the moors can lock it up at night . merchandize is their common profession , wherein they are notoriously dextrous and thriving . and as their dexterity may be imputed to their continual practice in trade , so their thriving therein to their frugality in living . for both in diet and clothes , they seem to design nothing but sustenance and covering . and in this plain and frugal way of living , they greatly symbolize with the moors , who ( as i have observed in another discourse ) take no care for sumptuousness or delicacy . when 't is said that merchandize is the jews general profession in barbary , it is not to exclude their darling brokage and vsury , in which they are very serviceable both to christians and moors . and indeed the latter do seldome use them for any other purposes , unless in sending them upon hazardous messages , or to collect their maritime imposts , in which they know them to be more exacting than any else they can imploy . 't is true , the moors entertain but a very mean esteem of this people , being taught by tradition , which age hath made authentique , that they are an anomalous issue , and not like other men descended from adam ; and that the end of their being was to serve the musulmin : which opinion the jews sufficiently deride , and give it no other confutation , but the citing of obadiah , which prophesie they wholly apply to their condition , upon the coming of their messiah : when all edom , that is , all mankind who are not of their religion , shall become their hewers of wood , and drawers of water . the next thing which i promised to remark concerning the jews , is their apparel , in which those who have been born and bred up in barbary , differ little from the moors . for first , they wear little black brimless caps , as the moors red ; which they seldom move in greeting one another . they likewise , as the moors , go slipshod , and wear linnen drawers and vest , over which they put a loose garment , called a ganephe , which differs only in colour from the mandilion , or albornoz , which the moors bestow upon the christians when they are redeemed from slavery . this ganephe is a black square piece of course hair-stuff , closed at the cross corners , and all round it is a large thrum , which at first sight looks like their religious fringes , whereof we shall have occasion in due time and place to discourse . the jews in this continent much resemble the spaniard and portuguez in their stature and complexion , but are much different in their nature and disposition , as being more flexible and sequacious , especially in things whereby they may reap advantage . in point of civil government , they indifferently submit to any that is able to secure their interest ; and boggle at no servile obeysance that may be conducive to their worldly ends . they are not peremptory in intitling themselves to any peculiar tribes , yet they generally believe that they are the remains of judah and benjamin , together with a few among them of the family of levi : whom they conceive to be wonderfully preserved , that they might not be destitute of competent persons to officiate in the synagogues . there are not any to be found among them who publickly own the samaritan schism , in rejecting all books of scripture , but the pentateuch of moses . of which sect there were some not long since ( saith a great traveller ) who worshipt a calf at sichem , or neapolis . nor are there any to be met with who adhere to the old bible , without talmud-traditions . there are likewise none among them who are known by the peculiar denomination of any sect , such as were the assideans , pharisees , sadduces , essenes , or gaulonitae of old . for however their private judgments may dispose them , yet they are careful to preserve an outward unanimity in their religion ; and are signally vigilant to avoid divisions , as looking upon those among christian professors , to be an argument against the truth of the things they profess . and that the differences in matters of religion , which are so offensively visible among christians , may be reckon'd for one impediment of the jews conversion , we may in another place have occasion to demonstrate . chap. ii. the moral conversation of the barbary-jews : the ingredients of their religion ; their backwardness to disputes : their creed , occasion , author ; with a short paraphrase thereof , &c. researching in the conversation of the jews here treated of , it seem'd to be very regular , and agreeable to the laws of a well-civilized conduct : for setting aside the artifices of commerce , and collusions of trade , they cannot be charged with any of those debauches which are grown into reputation with whole nations of christians , to the scandal and contradiction of their name and profession . fornication , adultry , drunkenness , gluttony , pride of apparel , &c. are so far from being in request with them , that they are scandalized at their frequent practice in christians : and out of a malitious insinuation , are sorry to hear that any of their nation should give a name to , and die for a people of such vices . but how commendable soever they may be for their sobriety and temperance , and other domestique observances , yet that wherein they ought to be chiefly orthodox , they are the most erroneous , namely their religion . for however they may pretend the present judaism , or that sort of religion and worship which they now profess , to be contain'd in the law and prophets ; yet to those who duely consider the ingredients thereof , it will appear to be patcht up of the traditions of the masters , and the opinions of old philosophers ; which are indeed so artificially interwoven with scripture , that this last to an unwary surveyor may still seem to be predominant . the truth of which assertion will be manifested when we report the particulars of their religion . but whatever it be composed of , there is but small hope , as things now stand , to have it reformed : for the bible , the rule of all reformation , though it be not denyed the peoples reading , yet the giving the sense thereof belongs only to the masters , in whose interpretation of the text , the vulgar upon pain of excommunication are bound to acquiesce . and this was told me as an arcanum judaismi by rabbi aaron ben-netas , a person not unlearned in their law , and one who wanted nothing but christianity to render him acceptable to equal esteemers ; to whose free communication i owe many of these remarks . though these jews are sufficiently taught to evade all those scriptures which relate to the truth and establishment of christianity , yet they are not forward to enter into disputes concerning them . and if it so happen that they are forced thereunto , they will not be confined to the laws of disputation , but usually confront text with text , and never directly answer the objection , but set up another against it . but as to their declining of disputes about religion , it seems very wary and prudent ; for when any thing concerning christianity is the matter controverted , they are generally so fiery and cholerick , that they cannot refrain from an ill-bred railing ; and those blasphemous contumelies , which are even detestable to common ingenuity and candour , are usually vented by the jews in their arguings about the gospel . against which they are train'd up in an unmanly hostilitie : it being a part of their first institution , to imbibe a malitious prejudice against christianity . and the better to manage this ill seasoning , there is not a passage of the old bible any way relating to the proof of the messiah's being already come , but it is so perverted by the glosses of the rabbins , that the common people are not able to arrive its genuine intent and meaning . and what is more observable , and not less to be deplored , even the meaner sort are so versed in these spurious glosses , that scarce any can be met with who is not provided of one evasion or other , to elude the plainest text that proves the advent of christ to be already past . nor need it be matter of wonder to hear that the very common jews are so well skilled in what we now speak of ; seeing that it is the first and last of all their instruction , to understand and defend their religion , in a direct opposition to christianity . and the better to facilitate the peoples understanding of their religion , and to prevent the dangers that may accrew by leaving them to the hazardous toil of collecting their principles out of moses and the masters , they are provided with two systems or abridgments thereof ; the one containing the rule of their actions , to wit , their book of affirmative and negative precepts ; the other the substance of their faith , or the things to be believed , namely their creed : which consists of thirteen articles , and commonly called , sepher ikkarim , or the book of fundamentals . they greatly glory in the immemorial tradition of this creed , and of the joynt agreement in the meaning thereof , ever since they were a people . 't is true , the committing of it to writing they grant to be but of a late date ; and that moses ben-maimon ( a corduba-jew , who died about the 1104 of grace ) foreseeing the dangers that would hardly be prevented in the present dispersion of the jews , which might come upon a meer oral tradition of ( so great a depositum ) their creed , caused it to be ensured in writing ; and in this condition it now remains . but rabbi joseph albo , another spanish jew , and a most virulent blasphemer and indefatigable impugner of christianity , not being content with ben-maimon's division of the jewish creed into thirteen articles , reduced them to three , and called his antichristian exposition thereof , by maimon's title , sepher ikkarim ; which he writ 321 years after the others death . now because this creed is the sum of the present judaism , we will here insert it , with the common and received sense and meaning of every article . article i. i believe with a true and perfect faith , that god is the creator ( whose name be blessed , ) governor and maker of all creatures , and that he hath wrought all things , worketh and shall work for ever . by this article they assert and believe the divine essence . that god is the cause of causes . that by him the whole creation is preserved and sustained . that when he pleaseth he can reduce the world to nothing , as he raised it thence . that he hath an absolute power and empire over all things . that his being is so perfect , that he needs no aid nor assistance , nor is liable to diminution or change . article ii. i believe with a perfect faith that the creator ( whose name be blessed ) is one , and that such an vnity as is in him , can be found in none other : and that he alone hath been our god , is , and for ever shall be . by this they affirm the unity of god. that he is not like a common nature running through divers kinds and individuals . not compounded like bodies of integrant parts . that he is so one , as that he can neither be divided nor multiplyed . but how true soever this article may be in it self , or plausible in this exposition : yet the jews manage it to pull down the christians faith of the trinity ; which they maintain to be an assertion of a triple godhead . article iii. i believe with a perfect faith , that the creator ( whose name be blessed ) is not corporeal , nor to be comprehended with any bodily properties : and that there is no bodily essence can be likened unto him . here they declare their faith of gods incorporeity ; and that he is so pure a spirit , and simple a being , that none of those things can be said of him which are of bodies . and by this article they confirm their infidelity of the incarnation of the second person of the trinity : because thereby they imagine , that according to the principles of christianity , god must become a body , to whom all corporal proprieties are utterly incompatible . article iv. i believe with a perfect faith the creator ( whose name be blessed ) to be the first and the last , and that nothing was before him , and that he shall abide the last for ever . though this is their faith of gods eternity , yet from hence they despise and deride that fulness of time wherein ( according to the christians ) god was manifest in the flesh , and the word was made man. article v. i believe with a perfect faith that the creator ( whose name be blessed ) is to be worshipt , and none else . here they protest against idolatry : and exclude all sorts of creatures from being the object of divine adoration . but their chief design is by this article to deny and contemn the christians invocation of christ , as a mediator and advocate . article vi. i believe with a perfect faith that all the words of prophets are true . by this they declare how god out of his meer good pleasure , chose some out of mankinde , whose understanding he purified and enlighten'd above others , and gave them the spirit of prophesie : causing their understandings closely to adhere unto his . and then god spoke by them , and revealed unto them that way wherein he would have men to walk . article vii . i believe with a perfect faith that the prophesies of moses ( our master , may he rest in peace ) were true . that he was the father and chief of all wise men that lived before him , or ever shall live after him . in this article they intend not so much to magnifie moses , as to lessen christ . and the blindness of their malice is herein so great , that they have here made that an article of their faith , which they ought to make the contrary : for while they place so much confidence in deut. 18.15 . it is wonder to see them believing so contrary to their hope . article viii . i believe with a perfect faith that all the law which at this day is found in our hands , was delivered by god himself to our master moses ( gods peace be with him . ) on this article they build the divine authority of the law. but much dispute about the manner of its delivery : whether god gave it moses in writing , or he writ it from gods mouth . article ix . i believe with a perfect faith that the same law is never to be changed , nor any other to be given us of god ( whose name be blessed . ) and it is upon the supposed immutability of the law that they hope for the rebuilding of the temple and hierusalem ; their return to canaan , and the restauration of all the mosaical ritual , which is the chief pillar of judaism . the latter part of this article is wholly to decry the gospel , or the law of christ . article x. i believe with a perfect heart that god ( whose name be blessed ) understandeth all the works and thoughts of men : as it is written in the prophets , he fashioneth their hearts alike : he understandeth all their works . article xi . i believe with a perfect faith that god will recempence good to those who keep his commandments , and will punish those who transgress them . in this they believe a final retribution of good and evil works : that every one shall have as he deserves . article xii . i believe with a perfect faith that messiah is yet to come : and although he retard his coming , yet i will wait for him till he come . in this article the jews declare their assurance of the coming of the messiah . that there is no set time for his coming . and upon this account they forbid all curious inquiring concerning the hour of his appearance . and they still use that old rabbinical execration — let their spirit burst who count the times . article xiii . i believe with a perfect faith , that the dead shall be restored to life , when it shall seem fit unto god the creator ; whose name be blessed , and memory celebrated world without end . amen . i do not find that they strive much to crook this article to any evil purpose against christianity : but that it is a bare affirmation of the resurrection . of which the jews retain very extravagant opinions , as will shortly be discoursed . in these thirteen articles are comprised the jews credenda , wherein they exhort and oblige all of their communion to live and die , as they hope for any comfort in the future state. and notwithstanding that many of these articles may be capable of a good construction , yet according to the present received interpretation thereof among the jews , they are not so much a system of judaism , as a cuning and malitious contradiction of christianity . and the suttle rambam ( who is said to have first committed them to writing ) seems rather to have designed the jews confirmation in an ill opinion of the christian , than any instruction in their own religion . and that they might imbibe a more implacable hatred against the christian faith , the crafty rabbi so composed ( for he is thought to have been the author thereof ) the jews creed , that it might one way or other wholly confront the christians . not doubting but that they would hardly be induced to embrace a religion , which they saw was so greatly opposite to that of their first catechism , and wherein from their infancy they had been taught to expect an happy immortality . now this which we may suppose was but the design of maimonides , is become the general practice of the jews in barbary . for i have heard from one ( whose understanding in their religion had got him the title of a master , ) that there was not an article of their faith which they did not understand in a sense wholly opposite to christianity . and taking a freedom to rail at our religion ( in which they are all well gifted ) he instanced in the eleventh article , as seeming to bear the least ill-will to christianity , and from thence warmly beat down all thoughts of redemption ; with great assurance protesting , that he would have none to pay his debts , nor any but himself to satisfy divine justice for his sins : that he did not expect the felicity of the next world upon the account of any merits but his own : that he was certain whosoever lived piously and kept the law , could not miss of being happy : or arriving the bliss to come upon his own leggs . with a deal more of the like stuff , even too hainous to be inserted . but wishing this poor obstinate people an happy rescue from such impious thoughts , i shall close up this chapter with observing , that the jews give their creed a double note of respect above any other part of their religion . for though i do not find this creed set down in their common service-book , yet in honour thereof they begin their mattins with it , and utter it in a hollow tone differing from that wherein the rest of the office is chanted . chap. iii. the barbary-jews opinion of the trinity , angels , several states of the soul , the law , merit , purgatory , resurrection , last judgment , end of the world , &c. notwithstanding that the jews are very unanimous in the literal profession of the same fundamentals , yet they are not so well agreed in any exposition thereof , as that which most opposeth christianity . that the jews in barbary are in many things differing from the sentiments of the jews in other parts of the world , and that too in points of no inferiour concernment , may be seen in the following particulars . and in the first place , both the jews and moors accord in exploding the trinity , which they look upon as an hypochondriacal imagination of the christians , whom they accuse of polytheism , out of an ignorant conceit that we make every person of the blessed trinity a distinct deity . nor are they more malitious and blind in the utter denyal of the blessed trinity , than extravagant in their opinions concerning the angels . 't is true , they all accord in dividing them according to their natures and imployments , into good and bad . the good angels ( they say ) are imployed in messages of comfort , as were those who brought abraham the glad tydings of his wives conception and time of childbirth . other angels ( they hold ) are sent upon errands of destruction ; and they commonly place the instance in those who came to sodom . they likewise opine that there is another rank of angels , to whom is committed the protection and safeguard of particular persons ; and they give an example in the angel which appeared with the three children in the babylonian furnace . but beside these more general objects of the angels imployment , the jews allot two of them to every individual person of their own nation . whereof one is a good angel , and stands at the right hand of every jew , to register his good actions , and to set down the particulars wherein he doth well . and at the left hand of the same jew stands a bad angel , and keeps an account of whatsoever he doth amiss . and when the jew dies , these angels bring in accounts of all that he hath done when alive . and the good angel pleads in behalf of the deceased the good deeds , as the bad angel doth the contrary . and according to the accounts these two angels give in of his behaviour , the departed jew is punisht or rewarded by another sort of angels appointed for that purpose . but not only two angels are thus allowed to every one of the jewish religion , but also ( according to the doctrine of the barbary jews ) there is a distinct order of angels which is intrusted with the care and patronage of the whole hebrew nation , and who are always ready to prevent those who would hurt them ; like that angel who would not let balaam curse their fore-fathers , when balak had sent for him to that end . they hold likewise that every governor has an angel to assist him in governing the people , and another to suggest to him what will be happy or otherwise . for they think it to exceed the power of one and the same angel to assist the publick magistrate both in the counsel and execution of what is fit . and the reason of this opinion is chiefly drawn from the difficulty of right governing the various humours of the many . indeed they are so liberal of the angels service , that they prostitute it to meaner offices than can well be mention'd . for there is scarce any thing done among them in which they do not interess the ministry of those excellent spirits . next to angels they place rational souls , to which they assign a fourfold state. the first is that in which they were created . for they are strongly of opinion that all rational souls were created at once , and placed in a certain region , whence , as out of a common store-house , the several bodies in their proper times are furnished , as they are ready to receive them . and if the souls offend in this state , their punishment is to be sent into infirm and unhealthy bodies . and this pre-existence of souls they chiefly found in eccles . 4.3 . the second state of the soul is that of its conjunction with the body , which they esteem no better than an imprisonment , wherein it lives as a bird in a cage , and where it contracts that pollution which is afterward to be cleansed in purgatory . the third state of the soul is that of its separation from the body , wherein it continues until the final sentence , and is happy or otherwise according to what it has done in the body . and when at the resurrection the souls are again united to their bodies , then they enter into their fourth and last state , which is as durable as eternity . their next singularity of opinion respects the law of nature , which alone they affirm to be obligatory of all mankind . and to those who observe this law , they promise the world to come , which ( in the phrase of the present jews ) is all one with eternal life . but when the jews grant this hope to all mankind , yet they reserve a peculiar priviledge to themselves , to whom alone god gave the law of moses ; to whose due observers there belongs a greater glory & happiness than to any other . there are some who have imagined that this opinion of the jews concerning the universal possibility of being saved by the law , doth favour their fancy , who maintain an indifferency in the external profession of religion , and that a man without scandal may joyn himself to the worship of the place he resides in . and this opinion was by some beaux esprits of france zealously promoted , till it received a learned confutation by sieur moses amyraldus , a late professor in saumur . but the practice of the jews in barbary sets them far distant to any such conceit , there being no people under heaven more averse to communicate in the rites of other nations than they . and if they could have been reconciled to the opinion of indifferency , and accommodated themselves to the religion of the places and countries where they came to reside , the jews might have obviated many exiles and penalties to which a contrary extream hath so long and often exposed them . and yet it cannot be denyed but that there are several jews who make use of a scandalous complyance in this particular . of which sort are many of those who coming within the cognizance and power of the papal inquisition can joyn themselves to a crucifix and rosary , as well as to the zizith and tephillim . and i am assured that some jews have have gone herein so far as to enter into holy orders , and the profession of a religious life , who yet coming to places where the jews have publick toleration have joyned themselves to the synagogue . and of this we have a very late instance of two jews who in spain having for several years professed the religion of saint dominique , coming to legorn in their fryar habits they instantly changed their cowle for a ganephe , and of idle fryers became progging jews . another jew ( of my acquaintance , who for about five years had studied physick at saragoza in spain ) being asked how he could comply with the religion , he merrily made this reply , that his complyance was only the work of his nerves and muscles , and that his anatomy told him nothing of the heart was therein concerned . another jew who in malaga counterfeited christianity so well as to be intrusted with the sale of indulgences , having made a good market thereof in spain , came with what he had left to a christian city in barbary , where his indulgences being all bought up by the irish and others of the papal perswasion , he declared his religion . the papists who had bought his indulgences impeach him to the governor for a cheat , and clamour to have him punisht according to demerit . the jew pleaded the laws of the free port , that he had neither imported nor sold any thing but his professed merchandise , and therefore desired ( and obtained ) the liberty and priviledges of such as traffick'd to that port. i report nothing but matter of personal knowledge . that there are many such temporizing jews , especially in spain and portugal , i have been assured from their own mouths : and what is more observable , some have ventured to affirm that there want not jews among the very judges of the inquisition ; which may be one reason why of late so few are convict of judaism by that dreadful tribunal . but what kindness soever these temporizers may bear to the doctrine of indifferency , i am sure the barbary-jews bear it an irreconcileable enmity : for they are so far from complying with other religions , that they will not so much as eat of the meat which is dress'd by one of a differing perswasion ; nor drink in the same cup after a christian or moor , till it be washt . the jews ( now spoken of ) considering the many irregularities to which through temptations and humane frailties they are hourly liable , conclude that the most vigilant and wary among them cannot live without contracting some stain and pollution , which must be cleansed ere they can enter that place of rest , whereof they esteem the holy of holies to have been a figure . but lest the doing away of this pollution should by any means be thought a work of the holy ghost , whom by way of derision they call the christians sanctifier , they have resolved upon a purgatory for this purpose . wherein all the relicks of uncleanness , which repentance had left uncleansed , are to be done away . how the jews purgatory differs from that of virgil , cicero , and plato , it will not be worth our travail to set down . yet i cannot but observe that they speak herein much after the manner of those platonists , who assigned a punishment to every sin , yet held that all such punishments , whether now or hereafter , did only tend to purge the soul from her enormities . s. aug. civitat . dei , lib. 21. cap. 13. neither would it more avail our present purpose to compare the jewish with the papal purgatory ; which how much soever they may differ in other circumstances , do sufficiently harmonize in vain and groundless extravagancies . the papists , 't is true , have much disputed the place of their purgatory , and were not resolved therein till saint patrick obtain'd the key and open'd the receptacle . but the jews without controverting the scituation thereof , unanimously agree , except a few that place it in transmigration of souls , that it is in hell. from whence they can never be deliver'd but by the power of the kaddisch : which is a prayer that being for the space of a year repeated once a day , by some surviving relation of the party in purgatory , is able thence to deliver him . and therefore if the dying person leave any behind who will be so courteous as to repeat the kaddisch , he need not fear that the pains of purgatory shall endure above a year . and indeed the jews generally hold that there shall none of them stay above twelve months under this purgation , though they have dyed never so impenitent or devoid of remorse : and that they shall not tarry there above seven dayes , if at their decease they were penitent and sorrowful for what they had done . now if any ones sins are so great and many , that a years purgatory will not atone them , then the soul is to return into a body to finish the penance . and to support this opinion , these jews hold a transmigration of the soul from one body to another , but without changing of the species or the jewish nation . and by this transmigration ( they hold ) that the soul shall satisfie in the second body what it had done amiss in the first , and so successively till it come to the seventh : where it is sure of a sabbath , and rests from its penance and satisfaction . and if the soul in all the seven bodies has sin'd more than it has satisfied for ; yet having suffer'd what was appointed , god ( they say ) in mercy gives it a release . but the portion of bliss allotted to this incompleat penance , is far less than that of the soul which has made entire satisfaction . and they so greatly magnify the penitent , that they think him of greater value than one who never sin'd : and that one day spent therein is more worth than eternity . but a man would think the jews needed not load repentance with such great encomiums , seeing that the future bliss may be attain'd for thirteen moons durance in purgatory . to the expiation of those faults whereby the neighbour is injured , the repentance of the offender and compassion of the offended is strictly required by the jewish casuists . the jews in barbary entertain no thoughts of merit in a papal sense , but smile to hear any should be so vain as to imagine they can do more than the law requires . they hold that all reward proceeds from divine bounty , and that obedience is the only thing looked upon in mans service ; and that every one shall receive according to their obsequiousness to the law. but that we may not imagine the jews to design the christian any kindness by this doctrine , we must observe that all hope and promise of future reward is confined to themselves , and that to those who are not of their religion they allow nothing but a total perdition of their being . both the jews and moors are of opinion that the infernal torments shall have an end : and that the faln angels after many years of punishment shall be received to mercy . which ( saith st. aug. civit. dei , lib. 21. cap. 17. ) was the judgment of some tender hearts among the old christians : and gives the example in origen , whom for his circumvolution and rotation of bliss and misery the church did excommunicate . and to carry this remark a little further , some of the masters are of opinion , that when god , after the resurrection , shall take accounts of mens actions , he will not to magnifie his power and justice condemn any one to endless tortures , but that it is more agreable to gods nature and the dayly expresses of his providence to save all . and notwithstanding they place the punishment of the christians in a sort of annihilation , yet to any of their own nation they hold no other misery shall remain after the last judgment , but a lesser measure of happiness . as to what relates to the consummation of the world , the jews do not place it in a confused destruction of its present order and beauty , but in its restauration to that purity and perfection , which ( say they ) it possessed at the creation . and that every part of this lower world shall attain that perfection , whereunto it was at first designed : and that seeing he is the inexhaustible fountain of all goodness , that god will at last invest the creatures with happiness according to their capacities . and though in lesser matters , opinions of no ordinary extravagancie may be better indured , yet it is hainous to see them so loose in their judgment concerning that universal article , the resurrection of the body ; which they will not permit to go beyond their own tribes ; for they plainly affirm that none shall be capable of the resurrection , who do not die in the communion of the synagogue . and that this may not be thought the sentiment only of the less cultivated jews in barbary , we find it to be the general position of their masters : who affirm that there are four priviledges so peculiar to the hebrews , that no other nation can thereof communicate . and these are the land of canaan , the law of moses , the gift of prophesie , and the resurrection . and that this last might not be looked upon as a meer talmud-fancy , they deny the resurrection to all but themselves , upon the account of esay 26.14 . they are dead , they shall not live : they are deceased , they shall not rise . but while they utterly expunge out of their creed the resurrection of other nations , it were well if they agreed concerning their own rising . for some of their masters have expresly held that both the bodies and souls of wicked jews shall be totally annihilate , and that the resurrection shall only be of such jews as have lived godly . some again hold that all the jews shall rise again , but to different conditions ; for the perfectly just upon their resurrection shall be instated in an undefeisible happiness : next , those that have died in utter impenitence shall according to some of their rabbins , rise to be cruciated in gehenna : and a middle sort between both these shall at the resurrection for twelve months space be punished in hell. but to speak truly , these are the private opinions only of their masters ; for the common people plainly acquiesce in the literal sense of the thirteenth article of their creed . before we dismiss this chapter , it may not be incongruous to observe that the jews in barbary much dote upon the judgment of rabbi solomon jarchi , who held that israel's command to joseph to carry his bones into canaan was not only because he foresaw that the dust of egypt should be turned to lice ; or for fear that the egyptians should idolize his carkas : but because that those who are buried out of canaan should have a very troublesom resurrection . for the jews believe that the resurrection shall be in the holy land , whither all of them that are buried in other countries , must incessantly rowle through the dark caverns of the earth , that they may rise there and be possessed of their final rest . and however this may seem an opinion too vain and absurd for men even of ordinary parts to maintain , yet it is at this day a prevailing doctrine among these jews : who greatly desire to be buried in canaan , to the end they may escape that toilsom rowling through the earth , which those must undergo , whose hard lot it is to be buried out of the holy land. but to avoid this inconvenience , as many of them as are able , endeavour to return to palestine when they grow old , that they may have an easie and compendious resurrection . and upon this account the jews in barbary imagine their condition to be much happier than those in northern countries , because they are nearer to canaan , and therefore have a less way to tumble under ground for the resurrection . we have already taken notice that some jews place their purgatory in a transmigration of the soul to seven bodies ; and discoursing one of them who was of this opinion , and shewing him that by this doctrine at the resurrection either seven bodies must have but one soul , or six bodies must have none : he made light of the objection , saying , that at the resurrection all the seven bodies should be set together , and the six that had it first shall come to the seventh body , wherein the soul is then placed as a candle in a candlestick , and that all the bodies like so many tapers shall be lighted thereat : for the soul shall communicate it self just as a lamp its flames , &c. but i have been too tedious in these miscelaneous extravagancies already , which i hope to make some amends for in the succeeding accounts ; wherein i shall endeavour to be as succinct and orderly as the subject will give leave . chap. iv. their opinion of matrimony and coelibate , their espousals , dowry-bill , &c. notwithstanding that all civilized nations in the world agree and consent that marriage is a state of honour and sanctity , and one of the ancientest institutions which any tradition doth report : yet none are so warm assertors thereof as the jews in this clime . who do not only contract marriage early , but infinitely extol it above single-life , and hold it a condition more sutable to nature , more advantageous to mankind , and more acceptable to god. insomuch that they admit not any unmarried sect among them , but on the contrary look very jealously upon such of their nation as either marry not at all , or long defer it . and on this account their espousals are very early , their daughters being usually betroth'd at ten years of age ; and if rich , are married when very young . and when they have once enter'd this solemn state , they are religiously careful to express all faithfulness to their husbands . and indeed the whole nation of the jews are such great enemies to a treacherous bed , that if they had liberty they would certainly punish adultery according to the letter of levit. 20.20 . and in further testimony of the great esteem the jews have of wedlock , they reckon it among the affirmative precepts , which they make obligatory of their whole nation . besides they are generally taught by the masters , that every male coming to years of maturity is bound to take a wife of his own family or tribe , for to preserve and encrease it . there are some among them who allow of no other end of matrimony but propagation , and account them , naughty persons who therein do project any other satisfaction . and the rabbies tell them , that augmenting and preserving of their families include all other purposes of marriage whatsoever . their manner of taking of a wife , which is next to be consider'd , is sufficiently orderly and decent . for when any male is disposed to marry , he enquires among his kindred for a virgin to whom he may be joined in this sacred bond , for the maintenance of his name and family in israel . and being informed that there is such an one , he acquaints himself with her age , complexion , state of body , &c. and after this begins to drive the bargain with the virgins relations , who if they like his condition and proposals , admit him to visit her . but the virgins relations are very cautious that the visit be short ; for should the match not succeed , the familiarity of such an interview will much tend to the damsels disparagement . but if the parties like one another , and the friends agree about the dowry , then the man has liberty to make her presents , in imitation of gen. 24.53 . ( which was also a custom among the grecians , as suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) and these he sends by the hand of some discreet female , who ascertains the virgin of the reality of his intention and good will. after the parties have given all proper assurance of one anothers good liking , and thereof certified their relations ; these presently call for a master , who at the damsels house draws up the articles of marriage and covenant of dowry . in which is set down all that belongs to the intended bride , the particulars of her night-dress not being omitted . and a bill of particulars being deliver'd to the bridegroom , by vertue thereof he has power at the day of marriage to call for and recover whatsoever is therein specified . i enquired , but could meet with no form hereof , nor could i perceive that it was any thing but a bare envois of the goods belonging to the bride , signed and witnessed . but besides this on the womans part , there is also a dowry made by the man ; which varies in quantity according to the plenty or nearness of his fortunes . david we find being but poor , gave for his wife so many skins of the philistins : but sechem being a man of wealth , was willing to give as much for dinah as ever they would demand . of old ( they say ) that the dowry of a virgin was fifty shekels , which sum is constantly set down in the present form of their matrimonial letters , or dowry-bill . and this they collect from exod. 22.17 . compared with deut. 22.29 . in the dowry-bills made to widows , but half the sum is given in barbary , which they give to virgins . the dowries being settled , they pass to the affiancing ; wherein the woman is given to the man , by some of her near kindred in this form of words ; — behold , take her after the law of moses : and the man replies , be thou unto me a wife according to the law of moses and israel . there is but one form of dowry-bill , or matrimonial letters in present use among all the jews , whereof we have a copy translated by cornelius bertram out of the babylon-talmud , and another in buxtorfs gram. chald. p. 389. betwixt which there is some small variance ; but the sum of both amounts to the ensuing copy . a copy of the dowry-bill now in use among the jews in barbary . upon the sixth of the week , the fourth of the month _____ in the year _____ of the creation of the world , according to the computation which ▪ we use here at arzila , a town situate on the sea-shore of barbary , the bridegroom rabbi _____ the son of rabbi _____ said unto the bridewife _____ the daughter of rabbi _____ merchant in alcazar ; be unto me a wife according to the law of moses and israel ; and i according to the word of god , will worship , honour , maintain and govern thee , according to the manner of husbands among the jews , who do faithfully worship , honour , maintain and govern their wives . i also bestow upon thee the dowry of thy virginity amounting to fifty shekels , which belong unto thee by the law. and moreover thy food , thy rayment , and sufficient necessaries , as likewise the knowledge of thee , according to the custom of all the earth . and these words being thus pronounced , the virgin from that time forward becomes the mans wife . to this form of [ honouring and worshiping the wife ] some think the scripture alludeth , 1 st. pet. 3.7 . and that due benevolence spoken of 1. cor. 7.3 . is that is here called — knowing of the wife according to the custom of all the earth . though 't is true , the jews by the same phrase express both death and marriage . but to return , this dowry-bill at the day of wedding is delivered into the custody of the bride , who thereby is impower'd to challenge from her husband food , apparel , and the right of the bed. and according to the law , exod. 21.10 . if the husband take him another wife , he cannot withhold or diminish from the former the food , rayment and duty of marriage . chap. v. of other ceremonies relating to their marriages . among the ancient jews there was ever a competent time intervening betwixt their betrothing and marriage ; which custom they deduced from the answer given by rabecca's friends to abraham's servant , when they desired that the maid might not depart presently , but remain after the espousals ten daies , gen. 24.55 . which yet seems rather to imply the mothers unwillingness so soon to part with her daughter , than any legal intervention of time between the affiancing and confirmation of marriage . but however the old jews were perswaded in this particular , the modern of whom we now treat of , think it very disagreeable to the nature of amours to use any protraction of their accomplishment . and therefore they stay no longer for marriage after the betrothing , than is sufficient to make preparation for so great a solemnity . for after the dowry-bill is finished , the day of marriage is appointed : and in the interim the bride prepares her self for the celebration : and for eight daies useth bathing . upon the marriage-eve at the going down of the sun , she has her tabila or cistern filled full of pure water , whereinto she is put by two discreet matrons , who are very diligent that not an hair of her head appear above water : for if any part about her remain uncover'd with water , she the second time must be put into her tabila . for this bath ( they say ) ought to be very exact , because it is to supply whatever was defective in the other circumstances of the brides preparations . when she comes out of this cold wash , her hair with great curiosity is tied up , and her person secluded from the eyes of all men , it being not allowed for her father or brothers to look upon her , till she be delivered to her husband . in some places , as i have been told , the bride goes to this bath through the streets , accompanied with several women who dance and sing as they pass , and name the party that is shortly to be married . but this is a freedom would be very scandalous to the jews neighbourhood in barbary ; besides , the modesty to which from their infancy the women here are inured , will not in the least admit of this liberty . the dressing of the brides hair when she comes out of the bath , ( which was but now intimated ) though the common people may look upon it as a meer act of handsomness and adorning ; yet their masters teach it for an instance of religion , and as a thing very acceptable to god. and those words — and brought her unto the man , gen. 2.22 . they thus expound : and god brought eve to adam , after the same manner that a bride is brought to her husband , that is , elegantly dressed , with her hair curiously curl'd and plated ; and with joy and dancing . upon the day of marriage the bride puts on her wedding-garment , and adorns her self as sumptuously as her fortunes will allow , and in an apartment by her self , spends the time until the usual hour of marriage , in fasting and devotion . and though they have no canonical hours for this solemnity , yet it is most usually kept toward night ; which some gather ( from st. matt. 25.1 . ) was the custom of the jews in our saviours time . though the parable ( think others ) relates rather to the marriage-feast than the marriage it self . the bridegroom likewise spends several hours in private devotion before the marriage . and recommends his condition unto god , begging happiness upon his wedlock . after these private devotions are ended , he goes to the service of the synagogue , whence he usually returns accompanied with some choice friends , who straightway conduct him to the chamber , where the bride sits in a chair on purpose to receive him , having a virgin on each hand , as her attendants . and she changes not this posture , till some rabbi ( or other aged jew , skilful in the law ) reads the dowry-bill with an audible and distinct voice ; and the bridegroom hath put the kedusim or wedding-ring ( of pure gold , and without a stone ) on the brides thumb , or third or any finger of her right hand , and called all that are present to attest it ; upon which the rabbi saith unto the bride , thou art married or sanctified to this man with this ring , according to the law of israel . and these ceremonies being finished , the rabbi saith a prayer , which is called the nuptial-blessing ( the form follows presently ) and then takes a glass crowned with wine , which having blessed and tasted of , he gives to the bridegroom , who with a suddain violence breaks it , in memory of the destruction of the temple . and this being done , he takes off the brides vail , and giving her the right hand sits down by her ; and having entertained her with a short discourse , serious or otherwise as he best affects , they have a collation , and retire to their lodging room . and these are the antecedent and concomitant rites of marriage in present practice with the jews i now discourse of , to which i will annex two forms of blessing used by the rabbi at this solemnity . the forms of blessing used by the rabbi at the consummation of marriage . blessed art thou o lord our god , who hast created mirth and gladness , the bridegroom and the bride ; charity and brotherly love , rejoycing and pleasure , peace and society . i beseech thee , o lord , let there suddenly be heard in the cities of judah and streets of hierusalem the voice of joy and gladness ; the voice of the bride and the bridegroom . the voice of rejoycing in the bride-chamber is sweeter than any feast , and children sweeter than the sweetness of a song . another . blessed be the lord our god , king of the world , who hath created man after his own image , according to the image of his own likeness , and thereby prepared unto himself an everlasting building ; blessed be thou o lord who hast created him . in the apartment whither 't was said that the new married retire after collation , there are two beds made upon the floor ( according to the eastern custom ) to one of which the bridegroom betakes himself , after he has received those tokens mention'd deut. 22. but first of all he useth this mystick oraison . blessed art thou adonai , our god , king of the world , who planted the walnut-tree in the garden of eden , the book of the valleys : suffer not a stranger to enter into the sealed fountain , that the servant of our loves may keep the seed of holiness and purity , and may not be barren . blessed be thou adonai , who hast chosen us in abraham , and in his seed after him . the marriage-feast begins next morning after the marriage , and lasts precisely eight daies . during which time the bridegroom stirs not abroad , but the neighbours come and pray with him at his own house : nor doth he for the same space any further accompany with his bride than at meal-time . eight daies by a new leviticus being allowed her for purification after marriage . and the sabbath which happens in this time they keep with more than ordinary festivity and mirth , because somewhere in scripture ( they say ) that the sabbath is called a bride . in some places , we are told , that the young men who wait upon the bridegroom at the hearing of the husband giving the missal tob , or wishing happiness to his wife , break certain small earthen pots which for that purpose they hold in their hands . and thereby signifie their good wishes of prosperity and health to the new-married couple . as for the custom of the young mens keeping the bridegroom company for the eight daies that he keeps within-doors , they found it upon the story of sampson's wedding , judges 14.2 . they also have an odd custom , whereby the new-married during their eight daies separation , are obliged to send girdles ( a very mysterious utensil among all the jews ) one to the other . that which the wife sends has a silver-buckle , but that which he returns has a buckle of gold. the jews in barbary usually keep their summer-marriages in bowers and arbors , which resemble , and perhaps are in stead of the chuppa canopy or covering said to be in use among the jews of other countries . and the guests at the first entrance of these bowers say , baruch habba , blessed is he that cometh ; which they apply to the bridegroom coming thither to his bride . and to his coming out of the same chuppa they allude the 4 and 5 verses of the nineteenth psalme . at the wives first meeting of her husband she walks thrice about him , because the scripture saith , a woman shall compass a man , jer. 31.22 . and the man walks once round the woman ; but no text is offer'd at to ratifie this custom . in some countries the guests bring with them handfuls of corn , which they cast at the new-married , saying , increase and multiply . by which they also wish them peace and abundance . if the bride be a virgin , they give her wine in a narrow cup ; if a widow , in a wide one : for excellent reasons , no doubt . while the banquet which immediately follows the marriage is preparing , the company have store of hens set before them , ready dressed , which when the couple have tasted , they tear in pieces , and devour with strange scuffling and disorder : but without any other mystery than to make the new-married pastime . this counter-scuffle being over , the bridegroom takes a raw egg , which he casts at the bride ; intimating thereby his desire that she may have both an easie and joyful child-birth . the marriage-day is taken up with these ceremonies , which they conclude with a supper and a dance . in barbary the jews admit no christians to be present at their marriages , unless such as are their slaves . and for this they quote prov. 14.20 . for they are of opinion , that to invite a christian , or any who are not of their faith , to these solemnities , is so displeasing to the good angels , that they force them to leave the company . and thereupon those bad angels enter , which cause quarrelling and disorders , to the troublesom and dangerous interruption of their mirth and disports . now these are the chief of the matrimonial rites in present use with the jews in barbary ; besides which , there are several others of a miscellaneous nature , which for their seldom practice with these jews are here omitted . chap. vi. their opinion of sterility : their lilis : their rites of child-birth . having taken this short view of their marriages , the method will not be unnatural , if in the next place we look into the fruits thereof . for we may conclude that children are esteemed by the jews no small blessing of wedlock , seeing that in all ages they have thought the barren womb not only to be a reproach but a curse ; and that to want children is to be civilly dead , according to the old jewsh proverb , — a man childless is liveless . and indeed the jews now , as of old , have such an high value for procreation of children , that they place it among those keys which god keeps in his own hand : and who therefore is said to remember rachel and open her womb , gen. 30. and if having children be a token of gods remembrance , the jewish women are seldom forgotten . for they are so generally fruitful , that she who proves otherwise is said to have no mazal in the firmament , or to have been married under no good planet . and as the jewish women in this country are fruitful in children , so they are laudably decent in their travails : observing therein such orderly deportment as is agreeable to all well civilized humanity . 't is true , the rabbins ( who too much play the poets with all their rites ) have not forborn even those of child-birth : but have devised several fabulous stories and impertinent rites concerning it . a taste whereof we shall here insert , for the satisfaction of the inquisitive . and in the first place the rabbins have appointed that the father of the family , or any other religious jew in his stead , upon the approach of child-birth , shall draw several circles in the chamber of the impregnate , as also upon the doors both within and without , on the walls , and about the bed , inscribing every circle with these words , adam , chava , chutz lilis : that is , adam , eve , be gon lilis . the meaning of which conjuration depends upon the right understanding of what is meant by lilis . now the jews are not unanimous in their account hereof ; yet the best we could collect take as foloweth . when god had made adam , and saw that it was not good for him to be alone , he created a woman , and gave him her for a wife ; and she was called lilis . but being no sooner brought unto adam , than she began to brawle and contend , and would not acknowledge that power over her wherewith adam was invested . and when he advised her of her subjection , and that she ought to obey his commands ; she insultingly replyed , that subjection arose from inequality , and therefore could have no place between them who were equal by creation . and in this pelting and quarrelsom humour they lived so long , that lilis foreseeing little likelyhood either of its ending or amendment , she named the most holy name , and thereupon was immediately rapt out of adam's sight into the air. adam seeing this suddain departure of his wife , is said thus to have addressed himself unto god. o king of the world , the wife which thou gavest me has forsaken me . hereupon three angels ( senoi , sanfenoi , and saumangeloph ) were commanded to pursue and bring her back , and to threaten her with severe punishments in case she refused . the angels pursuing overtook her at the sea ( wherein afterwards the egyptians were drowned ) which then was stormy and tempestuous . but lilis refused to return , and pleaded that she was not made to be subject to any man , but that the design of her creation was to molest and destroy the male-children for eight daies , and the female for twenty after their birth . but the angels not approving her reasoning , they endeavoured to force her to return ; but perceiving in her a shreud resistance , they agreed to dismiss her , upon this condition , that she should never hurt any infants wherever she saw their names written . and to this end , the jews use to write the angels names in a table or parchment , and to hang them for amulets about their childrens necks . as to the inscribing of the foremention'd circles with adam , eve , chutz lilis , they imply that if the mother bring forth a boy , god would not give him such a brawling wife as lilis , but one like eve , who would be mild and peaceable , loving and obsequious , and such an one as may build his house in peace . but enough of this story . but the chief intent of these circles is to fortifie the chamber appointed for the teeming woman against all haggs and goblins . when the great belly finds her pangs to be near , she calls some discreet matron to assist her delivery ; but she must be one of their own religion . for nothing but insuperable necessity can induce them to admit either christian or moorish women to be at their travails , out of a jealousie that some mischief may befal the child . nor is this the fancy only of the suspicious mother , but a strict prescription of their masters , who in no case but that wherein necessity gives a dispensation , will give leave that a strange woman should be midwife to a daughter of israel . when the woman is brought to bed , the joy and festivity is according to the sex that is born . at the birth of a daughter they use but little exultation , because she cannot support the family , which is extinct without males . whence they have a saying , the family of the mother is not called a family . and the hebrew word for woman is fetcht from a root signifying forgetfulness : because the fathers family is forgotten in marriage of a daughter . but if the woman be delivered of a boy , there is great joy in the family , and the father in testimony thereof presently begins the feast for his sons circumcision , which is never deferr'd beyond the eighth day , unless want of health in the child prevent it . the first seven daies after the childs nativity are wholly spent in festival entertainments , at which none can be a guest who has not past his thirteenth year . neither must there be fewer than ten at this feast . upon the eve of the circumcision , the women visit their gossip , with whom they usually pass the whole night in mirth and freedom ; on purpose to console and recreate the mother , that she may not be over-troubled for the pains of her sons circumcision , as also to prevent those mischiefs to which they imagine childbed-women are very liable the seventh night after their delivery . chap. vii . of the rites of circumcision and purification . circumcision has so peculiar a veneration among the present jews , that if all other parts of their religion were to be changed , this like mount sion , would stand immoveable . and though many other nations ( of old ) and at this day the whole profession of mahumedism , use circumcision ; yet none but the hebrews embrace it as a sacrament . concerning the figurative circumcision of the heart , lips and ears ( whereof the scripture makes mention ) there is no considerable disagreement among christians or jews ; nor is their harmony less about the literal circumcision : for both grant it to be of divine institution , and appointed both for a signe and seal of the covenant god made with the jews , as st. paul ( rom. 4.11 . ) interprets moses ( gen. 17.11 . ) but the discoursing of this point belongs not to this place , whereby the method we have proposed in this treatise , the modern rites of circumcision are plainly to be recounted . and in the first place , the jews of whom i now write , are very conformable in their observation of the time appointed for the celebration of circumcision . for where they enjoy the free exercise of their religion , they never defer it longer than the eighth day . but they circumcise indifferently at home or the synagogue . though for the greater parade , the wealthier jews seldom neglect to carry their children to the synagogue . the chief officer at circumcision is the mohel , or he that circumciseth , who is not bound to be of the priesthood ; for any has liberty to circumcise who has skill therein . the rich admit none to perform this office upon their children , who have not been bred thereunto , and long make it their profession . and it is usual to serve a sort of apprenticeship to gain the art and credit of a skilful mohel . to this end , those who herein intend to be artists , deal with the indigent jews to circumcise their sons , giving their fathers money for so doing : and having gain'd a competent skill and experience , they set up for circumcisers . who are easily discerned to be of that profession by their thumb-nails , which they keep sharp and long , as a badge of their calling . and from one of these mohels i received this following account of circumcision , according to the use of the synagogue in fez , the place of his practice and abode . the time intervening between the childs birth and circumcision is spent in frequent bathing it ; which with more than ordinary circumspection is washt at the time it is presented to this sacrament . of which it is altogether incapable , if the least filth be left about it . so that if any natural evacuation happen as it is brought to the mohel , or before the prepuce be taken away , he cannot proceed in his office till the child be new washed . the morning is the usual time of circumcising ; out of this supposal , that the flux of blood is then least , and the child will be most patient : but this they do not by the advice of the rabbi , but physician ; it being no rite of their religion , but a rule in their dispensatory . upon the day when circumcision is celebrated , there are two seats set close by the ark in the synagogue ; the one for elias , whose presence they still expect at this solemnity ; and another for the baal-berith , or godfather . by these two seats stand the mohel , and the jews that are invited . then the child is brought in parade , with several boys , whereof one carries a torch of twelve lights , denoting the twelve tribes of israel : another brings a dish of sand ; another the circumcising instrument ( which is of wood , stone , iron , &c. ) oyl , soft linnen rags . in some places they have a cordial ready , in case the child should faint . and when the men in the synagogue have sung the song of moses as it is extant exod. 15. and have notice that the women have brought the child to the door of the synagogue , the whole company stands up , and the baal-berith goes to receive and bring in the child to the congregation , who receive him with this acclamation , blessed is he that cometh : which they understand either of the child , who is so happy as to come to circumcision ; or , of elias , whom they believe to come along with the child , and to take his place by the godfather , to observe and testifie that all things concerning circumcision were duly administer'd . when the congregation are setled in good order , the godfather holds the child to the mohel , who gives god thanks that in abraham he gave them this sacrament , and thereby signed and sealed them for his peculiar people . then he takes away the foreskin , and in the interim the father praiseth the lord that he gave abraham a heart to fulfil the law of circumcision , and preserved him to see this his son circumcised . the foreskin being cut off , the mohel casts it into the dish of sand , with no less mystical intimation , than that the seed of the child should be numerous as the grains of that sand ; and that the nation of the jews to whom god gave this sacrament , might still verifie what was observed of them numb . 23.10 . but i rather think it to reflect upon abraham's blessing , gen. 22.17 . when the mohel has thus disposed of the prepuce , he prays that the child may live and see his sons thus initiated into the covenant ; may keep the law , and do good works . then he takes a cup of wine , and blesseth god that he hath created the vine , and given it a power to exhilarate and nourish : then he dips the little finger of his left hand thrice in the wine , and lets it drop into the childs mouth ; and having tasted of it himself , reaches it to the congregation . this done , the mohel again gives thanks , that god sanctified the child in the womb , and has brought it to the foederal sacrament . he prayes likewise that the children of this child may obey the law. then he takes the infant from the baal-berith , and delivering it to the father , giveth it a name ; praying for him , that by that name there given him , he may quickly be healed , live prosperously , be a joy to his parents , and beget children who may be zealous assertors of the law. and thus far i have transcribed my old mohel , who assured me that the whole ritual of circumcision was summarily contain'd in what is now set down . they have such a great esteem for this sacrament , that they still enjoyn it under its old penalty , that soul shall be cut off from his people , gen. 17. which some interpret of excommunication , or the bodily death of the parents who out of contempt or neglect of the institution , omit the circumcision of their males : and others understand it of those who at years of maturity took not care to perform that themselves , which through their parents negligence was omitted in their infancy . and though the party delinquent herein incur this penalty , yet these jews do not so expound the precept of circumcising the eighth day , as if it admitted of no relaxation . for in case of the childs sickness , they generally hold that its circumcision may be put off till seven daies after its recovery . and those likewise who are born where there is no toleration of their rites , do not incur this censure , if they take care to be circumcisied when they come where their religion is tolerated . and they prove from the first institution of circumcision , that age can priviledge none from undergoing it : abraham being ninety years old and nine , when he was circumcised in the flesh of his foreskin , gen. 17.24 . and i knew one jacob israel belgara , who being born in spain , and a long time student 〈◊〉 physick at saragosa , coming to barbary , anno dom. 1667. was circumcised in the fortieth year of his age. and they are careful not to delay the first occasion of being circumcised , because every moment of such delay is a distinct breach of the commandment . 't is true , instances of the parents negligence in this particular is very unusual ; they being so far from omitting this sacrament , that they are but too rigorous in exacting it . but if any omission happen herein through the parents default , then the masters of the synagogue have power to convene and excommunicate ▪ ( or to cut off from the communion of the synagogue ) the offending party , and to take and circumcise the child . if a child die ere the eighth day , it is circumcised at the place of burial , but without any furder ceremonies than giving a name , and praying that god would be mindful of it in the day of the resurrection , and to give it life among those who are circumcised . now they circumcise the child , to make it capable of jewish sepulchre , and to prevent all mischief that might otherwise befal the uncircumcised in the future state. for they are not yet argeed whether or no circumcision be of absolute necessity to the life to come . those who adhere to the very letter of its institution , make circumcision so requisite to the obtaining of future happiness , that they deny those who want it , any portion in the resurrection ; misunderstanding ezek. 28.10 . but others think there is nothing dangerous in the want thereof , but its contempt . and in the christian church the council of braccara ordain'd that those who despised their baptism , and died in that opinion , should , as guilty of their own eternal death , be buried with self-murtherers . but all we have hitherto mentioned concerning circumcision , is to be restrained to those who are born in the jews religion . for as to the admission of proselytes unto judaism , circumcision , baptism and sacrafice were in ordinary course required . but these old articles of proselytism are not exacted by the mordern jews . for sacrifice has been utterly out of use ever since the destruction of the temple . and lest the shame or pain of circumcision might deter any from proselytizing , they are taught not rigorously to exact it . and there moses egyptius tells them , that many proselytes were admitted into the jewish communion without circumcision . moses's father in law they hold to have been the first proselyte of justice , who upon his turning jew had his name jether changed to jethro . but after him there were many made proselytes of the gate , without circumcision , of which mr. selden gives several instances . but however they dispense with sacrifice , and speak warily of circumcision , yet baptism is a constant initiatory of the proselyte , which has nothing common but the water with those dayly baptisms of the jews , reflected upon by tertullian , lib. 6. de baptismo , cap. 15. i confess barbary affords but few of these proselytes : for though there are frequent examples both of jews and christians turning moors , yet very seldom are any met with who turn jews ; which made me less inquisitive after the present manner of receiving proselytes . and as to what relates to the antient form of proselytism , enough is to be seen in mr. selden , lib. 2. cap. 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. de jure naturali & gentium juxta disciplinam hebraeorum . if any proselytes happen among them , we may presume they conform to the rites herein used by the jews of other nations . of which we have this summary account in leo. modena , a venetian rabbi : historia de gli riti hebraici , part 5. lib. 2. si alcune volesse farsi hebraeo , primo sono tenuti tre rabbini , o persone di autoritá interrogarto settilmente , che cosa lo move a far questa rissotione , &c. that is : if there be any that hath a mind to turn jew , there are three masters , or persons of authority appointed warily to examine him what cause moved him to this resolution , and whether any worldly interest had a hand therein ; to the end they may admit him as they ought . next , they denounce and make known unto him the great strictness of the law of moses , and that the jews are at present an abject , vile , and despicable people , and that upon this account it is better for him to continue as he is . and if after all this he continues his purpose , then he is to circumcise himself ; and as soon as he is whole , he bathes himself all over in water in the presence of the three foresaid masters : and after this , he is accounted as good an hebrew as the rest . at the circumcision of the proselyte they use this form of prayer . blessed be thou o god and king of the world , who hast sanctified us with thy precepts , and commanded us to circumcise proselytes , and to take from them the blood of the covenant . because according to thy prophet ( jer. 33.25 . ) unless by the blood of the covenant neither heaven nor earth should remain . then the by-standers say , as thou hast brought him into thy covenant , so guide us in thy law and good works , and bless us with protection and safety . now because some other nations have gotten a traditionary custom of circumcising , without turning jews , or undertaking any degree of proselytism ( as all the mahumedans : ) it is therefore resolved among the jews , that if any such become a proselyte , though he cannot be circumcised again , yet on the eighth of his proselytism , some blood must be fetcht of that part , which they call the breaking of the skin . but they are so ingenuous as to confess that this is none of the laws of moses , but an institution of their own . and having thus briefly viewed the ritual of circumcision , that which remains of this chapter shall be filled up with this short account of their purification after child-birth . and the law of this ceremony is , levit. 12. from which they in no wise decline , unless in the number of dayes ; for notwithstanding that but sixty six dayes are appointed by the law for the purification after the birth of a daughter , yet in barbary the jews observe seventy six : but for a son they keep close to what the law has herein appointed . during the time appointed for purification , the child-bed woman abstains from all intimate communion with her husband : who is not permitted so much as to touch her finger , or clothes , or to eat and drink with her out of the same dish or cup. and at the end of these dayes allotted to her purification , she returns not to the free conversation of her husband , till she has been wholly washt , and put on all such accoutrements as are used in token of purity . and that there might be no collusion herein , she must prove by the testimony of two credible matrons that all things concerning her purification were duly observed . in the bibliotheca rabbinica there is mentioned the sepher naschim , where the whole ceremony of purification is set down . the reasons why a different number of dayes are observed herein for a boy and a girl , are to be seen in estius's notes upon levit. 12. whither i refer the reader . chap. viii . of the jews polygamy : divorce : a copy of their bill of dismission , &c. polygamy respects both sexes , and is of two sorts ; whereof the one is a having of many wives or husbands at once , the other an having many successively . concerning which the jews at no time have raised any considerable controversie , saving that they have always refused the woman to have a plurality of husbands at once . though they denyed her not a liberty of a second marriage , when by death or divorce they were freed from the first . among christian authors this point has been deeply controverted ; and tertullian was equally against both these sorts of polygamy ; putting but little difference between having many wives at once , or by succession ▪ lib. de monogam . but others granting the lawfulness of successive marriages , have yet wholly exploded the licence of many wives at one time , unless where divine revelation gave toleration . mr. grotius saith there was no restraint herein until the coming of christ . l. 2. c. 5. § . 8 , 9. de jure belli & pacis . but as to what herein relates to the jews polygamy , has ever been so far from an ill name among them , that it has been reckon'd for one of the chief priviledges confer'd upon them by divine prescription . so that if we be herefrom abstemious , it is not out of conscience , but worldly interest . the gemara babylonia ( as mr. selden writes ) makes it lawful for any jew to take as many wives as he can maintain : that is , according to the barbary-jews , any one may take as many wives as he can find with meat and cloth , and the right of the bed. for to all these he obligeth himself in his marriage-letters . and what the jews herein pretend unto by divine law , other nations practice through evil custom . for tacitus ( de moribus german . ) saith , that they used polygamy as a mark of nobless and gallantry . but the jews of whom i now write , though they greatly magnifie and extol the concession of polygamy , yet they are not very fond of its practice . for they are generally abstinent herein , not out of religion but policy , as finding one wife at a time enough for their maintenance and government . besides , if they find any grievance in being always confined to one female , they have a present remedie in divorce or concubinage . of which we must now speak a little . now as touching divorce , there are several things thereunto required , which being all contain'd in the sepher kerithuth , need not any particular enumeration . and in this sepher kerithuth , or book of cutting off , ( so called , because the wife thereby was cut off from her husbands family ) i have met with three several copies hereof , one taken out of moses kotsensis , where , saith the citation ▪ there is another . a second copy hereof is collected out of maimonides , and extant in the end of burtorf's caldee and syrian grammar : and a third used in barbary ; among which there is little difference but in circumstances . a copy of the bill of divorce . upon the _____ day of the week and _____ of the month _____ and year of the creation of the world , according to the account which we hebrews use at tituan in the kingdom of fez , governed by the puissant muley i joseph — ben rabbi have desired of mine own accord , without any compulsion , to cut off , divorce , dismiss , and cast thee out ; thee i say , thee my wife fatima , the daughter of rabbi ben which has been my wife heretofore . but now i cut thee off , divorce , dismiss , and cast thee out . and be thou cut off , divorc'd , dismiss'd , and cast out from me . and be at liberty , free , and mistriss of thine own self , to go to marry whom thou hast a mind to ; and let none be refused for my name , from this day forward for ever . and this shall be to thee from me a bill of divorce , and the epistle of putting away according to the law of the twelve tribes . this is done before two or more witnesses , who attest it by subscribing thereunto their names . chap. ix . of the jews concubinage : of their marrying the brothers wife . those secondary wives which were of old among the jews , our english translation renders concubines , gen. 25.6 . and tertullian ( speaking hereof in the first chapter of his book de unis nuptiis ad vxorem ) affirms that not the patriarchs alone , but also our ancestors had a right not only to marry , but also to use matrimony variously : and that there were concubines , before the law we read of the concubines of abaham , nahor , jacob , &c. and out of philo we are told by mr. selden , that the primary wives were called the just , and the secondary concubines . a learned man of our own nation ( in his annotations upon the new testament ) seems to incline to another opinion : for he saith that the matrimonial laws of the jews forbad a servant , or gentile woman to become wife to a jew , but that she was called a concubine . whether or no this might be so by some new institute of the masters , i have no just occasion here to enquire : but i am sure the egyptian agar , who was abraham's concubine , is called his wife , gen. 16.3 . and that both she and kethurah were called both his wives and concubines ; but sarah bore only the name of his wife . august . civitat . dei , lib. 17. cap. 34. but grant that the concubine by ( some late rabbinick ) matrimonial laws of the jews , was not called a wife , yet she was far from the ill character of an harlot , nor was conjugal association with her any more unlawful than polygamy , which was practised among the patriarchs , and is still allowed of by the modern jews . and yet if we grant concubines the title of wives ( and concubinate to be marriage ) yet betwixt them and the primary wives there was and is still no small difference and disparity . for the first sort of wives were taken by matrimonial patent , or dotal covenant , with solemn espousals , and had a power to receive all such presents as might testifie both the husbands affection and the contract : but concubines were taken without any of these ceremonies or assurances . next , the primary wives were the governesses of their husbands families , but the concubines live therein as servants , and equal to the former in nothing but in the right of the bed. in the third place , the children of the first wives had a right to succeed to the hereditary estates and titles of their fathers , but those of the concubines were secluded all succession therein , and instead thereof receive portions , gen. 25.6 . and some think that it was upon this account , that jephte being the son of a concubine , was denyed to co-inherit with his brethren . agreeable unto this custom is the matrimonium morgengabicum in some countries , where the second wife and her children are not taken in to a right of the husbands estate , whereby the woman can have no part thereof for a joynture , nor the children for their inheritance , but only certain portions are assigned them by compact ; which are called morgengab , or marriage-gifts . but not to pursue the laws of the old jewish concubinage ( whereof enough is to be met with in mr. selden ; ) our present task is to state the present use thereof among the jews in barbary . who are generally herein very abstemious : but when they make use of it , 't is with such rites as have been already mention'd . and we may easily imagine the unsettledness of their condition to be the main reason why they are so reserved in the use of this priviledge . people of an ambulatory state being usually very careful not to multiply their lumber . the next thing to be accounted for , is the marrying or refusing of the brothers wife who is dead without issue . a custom which is at this day in request and practice among these jews , according to its first institution , deut. 25. but if the surviving brother refuse ( as he may ) to raise up seed to the deceased , then they proceed to a very solemn separation , which is after this manner . the man who refuseth to pay this debt unto the dead , is bound to take two well-reported jews of the neighbourhood , and with them to go to his brothers widow ; to whom he declares his resolution of not receiving her in marriage , or of not performing unto her the duty of a husbands brother . this being done before the two credible persons whom we just now mention'd , the widow accompanied with the same witnesses , and three more , makes her address unto the chief of the synagogue , who upon the receiving of her petition , appoints a day of hearing ; and both the parties according to summons being present , the chief of the synagogue propounds several questions . and first he demands of the widow , how long her husband hath been dead ? whether three months be fully passed since his death ? for so much time is required to clear her from being with child by her late husband . next he demands , whether her husband left ever a brother behind him ? whether the man who is there present be his full brother , and whether he be a single man ? after this the master demands their age , and whether she thinks they are compotent for generation ? and whether the surviving brother and the defunct had both one father ? these proposals being directly answer'd unto by the woman , the master turns to the man , and asks him , whether the woman there present was his dead brothers wife ? and , whether he will marry her , or suffer his shooe to be pulled off ? if he there declare again his refusal to marry her , they presently execute the law : and having first put and tyed a shooe on his right foot being bare , the slighted widow looseth it with her right hand , and saith , calling the synagogue or congregation to witness it , this my husbands brother refuseth to raise up seed unto his brother . and then pulling off his shooe , she contemptuously spits in his face , saying , so shall it be done to the man , that will not build up his brothers house . then the rulers of the synagogue , with all that are present , pronounce these words : the shooe is taken off . and from that time forward she is at liberty to marry to whom she pleaseth . it is required that all this be transacted when the woman is fasting ; and though not in barbary , yet in some other nations , she looseth the shooe with her teeth . i have been informed that they have a ritual of the whole process , and a prescript form which they call , the pulling off of the shooe : and that a copy hereof is given to the woman , which serves her for a testimonial that her separation was legal , and that she may joyn her self in wedlock to whom she has a mind . but if possible , the parties so accommodate the matter betwixt themselves , that it seldome comes to this extremity . for this mode of separation is generally looked upon as reproachful and contumelious . an example of the libellus eductionis caleei , i could by no endeavour yet obtain ; which i impute to the great cautiousness of the jews in communicating any thing of this nature to strangers , lest it should reflect upon their religion , or be misconstrued to their reproach . chap. x. of the institution of their children : the time and manner thereof . having already treated of the jews marriage , with its several appendages , and viewed their childbirth and circumcision : the method cannot be unnatural if we next enquire into the education of those children , by whom they hope to preserve their name in israel . and indeed the care of the jews is very laudable in this particular , there being not many people in the world more watchful to have their children early tinctured with religion than the present hebrews . and there needs not many other reasons to be given of their unshaken adherence to their present faith , than that they are therein so timely and deeply grounded nor is their diligence herein more commendable than their orderly method ; for as soon as their children are able to pronounce , they are taught such sentences of holy writ , as seem to favour their religion , and to infuse into them the feeds of piety and vertue . and to this purpose they frequently make use of solomon's exhortatory : catechize a child in the way that he should walk when he is young , and his old age will not depart from it . now because the jews in barbary usually speak moresco , the language of their nativity , and a sort of spanish which inables them for traffick ; lest they should fall into an utter oblivion of the hebrew tongue , they are careful that the rudiments be in that speech . and to facilitate their childrens learning thereof , they usually teach them hebrew for the utensils of the house , terms of traffick and negotiation , &c. and by this order they furnish the children with a nomenclature of hebrew words ; and all this before they admit them to syntax and construction . hence it is that in speaking moresco and spanish , they so intermingle their first vocabulary , that thereby it is not easie to be understood . but still the main design of their early instruction is especially spent in imprinting religion upon the tender minds of their children . and because the sabbath is appointed for the more solemn celebration and instruction in religious rites , and ordained to be one character , whereby the hebrew people is distinguished from all other ; for these reasons the jews are signally diligent to implant into their children a singular reverence thereof . and to this end they employ the morn and even of this queen of feasts ( as the masters call the sabbath ) in teaching their children several pious forms of saluting their parents and others . in which greetings they permit not their children to use the name of god , till they are seven years old , that they may retain the greater veneration for that name which is holy and reverend . and therefore the first salutations of the children are plainly , i wish you a good sabbath : may you have a good day , &c. when their children are grown up to be fit for such conversation as talk and play , they permit them not the least society with the mahumedan children , but strictly forbid them their company ; that hereby they may timely possess them with an averseness towards all mahumedism . and this they practice out of a consideration that there is so great likeness between many of their own and the moresco customs , that a child may be easily induced to a promiscuous imbibing of either . and as for the divine mysteries of christianity , the jews represent them to their children in such monstrous shapes , that they are fitter for their affrightment than embraceing . besides , they teach their children that christian religion is so utterly destructive of their ceremonies , that they ought to avoid all fellowship with those who profess them . when the jews have taught their children some decent modes of salutation , and imprinted them with an awful reverence of gods name , and the essays of hating all religions but their own ; their next endeavour is to instruct them in the elements of book-learning . where the first lessons are about the name and figure of the hebrew letters : in which they use this method : first , upon a smooth stone or board they cast two or more letters of the alphabet , and acquaint the child with the name and figure thereof . and when the child is able to pronounce these letters , they proceed to more , according to the capacity and towardliness of the scholar . and so forward , till the whole alphabet be run over . when this task is finished , the children are taught to joyn the letters into short and easie sillables ; and having attained to read a little , they are put into the first book of moses , and so pass through the whole pentateuch . in teaching their children to write they use as the spaniards , a plana , which is a draught of very large letters upon a fair paper , which they imitate upon a thin paper laid thereon . when the parents have at home pretty-well grounded their children in these prelusory rudiments , they send them to school ; and every morning before they go thither , it is the mothers office to provide them something to eat , which is sweetned with sugar or honey ; which serves them both for beakfast and an instruction . for at giving the child the sweet morsel she useth these words ; as this is sweet to thy palate , so let learning be sweet to thy mind . and she gives directions how to behave himself at school , as that he is to use no filthy words , but such as he reads in the law : because god loves clean lips , pure , wholsom discourse , and that all communication ought to be agreeable to the divine word . next , that the child must not spend his time in idle talk to his own hindrance , or his fellows . with other such directions as a mothers care and affection shall suggest . they have a saying very common among them , that there is no fruit at autumn , where there is no budding in the spring ; which they apply to the education of their children , whose riper years they hope to have pious and well-governed , when their tender minds are duly instructed in religion and vertue . and much to this purpose may be met with in their homilies . at five year old the children go to school , where they spend five years in learning the pentateuch ; and at ten year old they are put ( if they prove towardly ) to read the mischua and some choice parcels of the talmud ; which contain the body of their institutes . during the time that boy is learning the five books of moses , he is called ben mickra , the son of the law ; and when he is thirteen year old he is ben mitzva , the son of the precept : for now the youth receives the passover and is purified . for until he comes to be a son of the commandment , the father stands charged with his miscarriages . but at thirteen year old the lad being supposed to be able to discern vertue from vice , and good from evil , he is bound to answer for his faults . therefore the father having before a synagogue of ten antient jews declared that his son whom he there produces has been well catechized in the law , and understands the general decisions of the mischua and talmud , and that he can repeat the dayly prayers , he lets them know that he no longer chargeth himself with his crimes , but that he leaves him to answer therein for himself , and to be punished if he shall be delinquent against the commandments . where note by the way , that by commandments here must not be understood either the decalogue or the ritual of moses , but those 313 precepts into which they have resolved their religion and the bible . drusius ( in exod. 26. ) observes , that the jews old manner of instructing was by interrogations and questions , or catechism . by which present method there is no youth under heaven can at thirteen years old give so exact account of the rites of their religion as the jewish . i meddle not here with the special places which were of old appointed for the education of youth , because those ancient gebaoth or colledges , houses of doctrine , and hills of the teachers , which the divine writings often mention , are now faln under a fatal devastation . neither doth it concern the present subject to reflect upon the mishne , or colledge in hierusalem , where the repeating of the law was studied : this being also extinct . only i observe at this day the jews in barbary , like their neighbour moors , are wholly destitute of places for liberal education ; and therefore when any of them intend to studie physick or the like , they repair incognito to the european universities , and more especially to those of portugal and spain . but to return : the jewish fathers are not more careful in the catechism of their children , than the mothers in their nurserie . in which they do not follow their own delicacie , but the prescriptions of their masters : who appoint that the nurse ( who is always the mother , unless some unavoidable necessity interpose ) eat such viands as yield good nutriment , to the end that the child may the sooner grow up , and come to the publick worship , and take the impressions of their religion . and the mother who is diligent herein , is said to walk in the wayes of the lord : ( for so they are taught to understand deut. 28.9 . ) who feeds his creatures with a ●●asonable and liberal hand . they have very odd conceits about the situation of the mothers breasts , which they use as natural motives of affection and tenderness toward their infants . and to imprint in the woman a greater averseness to nurse their children at anothers bosome , their masters tell them strange stories of several men who have been miraculously enabled to give their children suck upon the death of their wives . during the time of nursing , the women are not permitted to go with open brests , nor to keep fasts , nor to expose their tender sucklings to the sun or moon . neither when the child is able , do they permit it to go bare-headed out of doors , because on a time one of their masters seeing a child in this posture , pronounced it unlawfully begotten , and that his mother was either menstruous or unchaste in her embraces . the jews usually girdle their children as soon as their bodies will endure it ; and when they are grown up none of them go ungirt to the synagogues : for if they should do so , they think that not only thereby the benefit of the prayers is forfeited , but also the divine displeasure is provoked . hence is that saying , vngirt , unbless'd . albeit i know the jews use to girdle their children , lest from the intuition of their own nakedness , they should imbibe an immodest confidence . chap. xi . of their synagogues : the officers thereof : time of their election : hours of prayer . the synagogue in the n. t. is often taken for any place of publick concourse : but its usual acception is either civil or ecclesiastick . in the former acception it denotes the place of their consistories and judicatures ; in the later the house or room where the law and prophets are read and expounded , and the whole system of publick worship performed . the rulers or chief of the synagogue , or such as negotiated their mysteries , were different from the rulers of the consistory or judicature . but we are here to speak of the synagogue as a place wherein they tolerated the publick exercise of religious solemnities . which toleration the jews in barbary purchase with their coin. for it is usual with the moresco governours , when faln into any exigence of moneys , to shut up the jews synagogue , out of certain experience that its redemption is the readiest subsidie . in this part of the world , the sense of their ambulatory condition will not permit the jews to be at the pains and charges of erecting new synagogues . but they hire houses or single apartments proportionable to their number , to assemble in . in whose furniture they seem to neglect all other ornament and sumptuousness but cleanliness and decency . but as if they vyed the store of moresco moschs , they strive much to have their synagogues numerous . and in this they do not recede from the practice of their ancestors , who had four hundred and eighty synagogues at once in hierusalem . so sigonius , de rep. hebr. lib. 2. c. 8. and in other provinces and cities ( as we read in the acts ) there was the like plenty . and the numerousness of these holy houses may easily be granted , seeing that a very few make up a jewish congregation . for they have a tradition , that wheresoever ten men of israel are , there ought to be a synagogue . of old , the jews wrote the entrances of their synagogues with devout and cautionary sentences , as buxtorf hath observed in several pages of his abbreviatures ; which custom is wholly out of fashion with the jews here discoursed of : which seems chiefly to be imputed to the uncertain tenure of the houses which they hire for synagogues , and not to any dislike of the practice . for doubtless the inscriptions now spoken of were very laudable , as directing those who enter'd in their deportment in the divine worship . of old , the walls within as well as entrances of the synagogues were written with sentences tending to the same purpose : as , enter the house of the lord thy god with humility : be attentive in time of prayer ; think upon thy creator , &c. to every synagogue there belongs six officers ; first the summas , or sacristan , answerable to our sexton : whose office is to sweep & keep clean the synagogue , and to trim the lamps . the second is the pernas , to whom belongs the care of providing the holy wine , which is given to the youth at the entrance and end of their sabbaths and festivals . the third officer is the mari-acatab , who folds up and unfolds the law , and shows it to the people . the fourth ( whose title i remember not ) is he to whom belongs the elevation of the law , and the bearing it in procession through the synagogue ; which is an honourable imployment , and his who gives most . the fifth office belongs to the elhaim , or those who touch the two staves ( which they call the trees of life ) whereon the law is rolled up , when it is carryed in procession . the sixth is the chesau ( or praecentor . ) all these offices are bought and sold upon the day when the last section of the law is read , and without a new election are not held above a year by the same persons . to express their zeal to the service of god , they canvas for these offices , and give monies to obtain them , which goes to the poor-stock . the folding up and unfolding of the law , being an office of the greatest esteem , none carry it but he who is able to give liberally to the corban ; by which they raise a comfortable subsistance for those are grown indigent : as in another chapter we shall have occasion to discourse . their times of repairing to the synagogue , or hours of prayer , are next to be considered . to the holy exercise of prayer , the jews thrice every day assemble at their oratories ; first at sun-rising , which they call tephilla sabarit , or morning-prayer . their second time of going to the synagogue is about three in the afternoon , which is their tephilla mincha , or evening-prayer . the last is after sun-set , and this they call the tephilla arvit , or night-prayer . to every one of which times there are proper offices appointed , as is to be seen in the sepher tephilot . but the office for the morning far exceeds the other two in length . for they are above two hours in the synagogue at morning-prayer , and not above half so much at both the other . they have no perfect difference between proseuchae , synagogues , schools and houses of prayer , as was of old . for if there be or ever was herein ●ny distinction , it is swallowed up into the one title of synagogue , by which is barely to be understood the place where the jews gather together for religious purposes ; and may well be called an oratory , or house of prayer , because that is the main duty for which they repair thither . chap. xii . of the jews preparation to the synagogue . the apprehension of the divine greatness and majesty of god , which by all civilized religions is acknowledged for the sole and proper object of their worship , hath moved men of all faiths to ordain some rites of preparation to so solemn an address . this i have already observed in mahumedism , the most considerable religion for secular grandeur in the world. and the present judaism is no way thereunto inferiour in this particular . for before the jews go to the synagogue to celebrate the publick service of god , they carefully observe all such preparations as they have learned from custom , superstition , or their masters . in whose observation they are rather too punctual and precise , than any way negligent or remiss . and first of all , the jews are vigilant to pray betimes in the morning , out of an opinion that the more early the oraison , the more acceptable it is to god. and this they found on the third verse of the fifth psalm : my voice shalt thou hear betimes , o lord ; early in the morning will i direct my prayer unto thee , and will look up . when at any time they find themselves backward to these morning-devotions , they upbraid it with their forwardness to pursue their secular interest , and shew how far the concerns of religion doth exceed all worldly business : and that their care to seek god ought at least to equal that in seeking mammon . there is a saying common to all jews ; that in winter they raise the day , and in summer the day them . the meaning whereof depends upon their rising before day to prayers from the fifteenth of june till pentecost , and after from pentecost till the fifteenth of june . let the reader understand it . there are some jews who to be esteemed devout , rise very early every morning to lament the ruines of hierusalem and the temple : and they hope by the merit of so doing to move god to hasten their reparation , and the restoring of the kingdom to israel . and there are those who believe that the planets and stars weep with those who in the night shed tears for the city : and that when they run down their cheeks , god puts the tears in a bottle , and keeps them to blot out all the edicts which at any time shall be made by their enemies for their destruction . but to return to their mattens . there is a general tradition among the jews , that at night the gates of heaven are shut up , and that the good angels sit silent by them , and that the evil spirits are then at liberty to wander up and down to effect their projects : and that a little after midnight the gates of heaven are opened with so great a noise , that the cocks here below are therewith awaken'd , and crow to awaken them to their prayers : and that this might not be thought to be the melancholy of some few imagining jews , they have put it into their general lyturgie , wherein for this good office of the cock they thus give thanks : bendito tu adonai , nuestro dio rey del mundo d●n al gallo distinto para entender entre dia y noche : blessed be thou adonai , our god , king of the world , who hast given understanding to the cock to distinguish the night from the day . but the oraisons we have now been speaking of relate to their private devotions , which are preparative to the publick . to which later they are not suffer'd to repair till they have dressed their bodies according to prescription . and to a stranger they seem herein very antick and humoursom . for beginning with their shirt , that must not be put on but after such a secret manner , that the very beams of the house must not be privy to their nakedness ; and therefore they creep under the counterpane or coverlet while they put on their mutands . and for this they cite and praise the example of one master jose , who upon his death-bed gave god thanks that through the whole course of his life the timber of his bed never discovered his natural retirements . much of this stuff might be set down relating to their present manner of dressing themselves , as how that the left-foot-shooe must be put on before the right , &c. but the love of brevity has prevailed with me to omit them . when they have accoutred themselves for the synagogue , at the leaving of their apartments they are commanded moderately to bow down their heads , to express thereby their great sadness for the desolation of the temple . before they go to publick prayers they use all manner of needful evacuations of the body ; and when for this purpose they enter their retraits , the devouter beseech the angels to stay at door till they come out : whom they thus accost . most holy and most glorious ministers of the most high , i beseech you keep , preserve and help me : wait till i go in and come out : for this is the custom and way of all men . they account it a hainous sin to retard the natural purgations of the body , because thereby they may incur distempers . and to this unsavoury purpose they alledge levit. 20.25 . but for what reason , is not so easily to be comprehended . but their chiefest bodily preparation consists in washing , which is a ceremony bestowed on all those parts of the body that are more notoriously liable to be unclean . and the hands , which ( according to their masters ) after sleep are venemous and impure ( by reason of the noxious spirits lodged as they opine in the palms thereof when they are asleep ) are first of all to be punctually washt . for they hold , that if a jew should touch his eyes , nose , ears or mouth with unwasht hands , he should be troubled with dimness of sight , catarrhs , deafness , and a stinking breath . in washing their hands they hold them up , that the water may run down to their elbows . which elevation of their hands , ceremony of washings , help to explain the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , st. mark 7.3 . which has made so much stir among criticks . at the time of this preparative washing the jews say this hymn ; bendito tu adonai , nuestro dio , rey del mundo , que nos santificò en sus en comendancas , y en comendò sobre limpieza de manos . blessed be thou o lord our god king of the world , who hast sanctified us with thy commandments , and enjoyned us cleanness of hands . where by commandments must not be understood any strict law of moses in this particular , but of the tradition of their elders , or injunctions of their antient sanhedrim , by which they are bound to wash not only when they go to the synagogue , but also whensoever they eat . to which custom that passage of saint john 11.6 . has an unquestionable reference . for the water-pots which were set ready at the feast , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were for the jews to wash in before they did eat . but we speak not here of their every-dayes washing , but of that which they now use in order of preparation to their publick devotion , which is the last thing they do before they go to the synagogue . and if any occasional defilement happen as they go , as the touching of a dead carkass , the killing of a flea , ( for a small thing will defile a jew ) they presently wash their hands before they appear in the solemn worship . there were other sorts of washing of old among the jews , as that of the priests when they went to the temple to officiate : in imitation whereof arose the washings and lustrations among the gentiles . there was also another sort of washing belonged to their proselytes at their reception into the church of the jews : of which we have already spoken something in their proselytism . chap. xiii . of the jews zizith and tephillim , or phylactery or prayer-ornaments . when the jews prepare for morning-service they with singular circumspection put on their zizith and tephillim , which are properly their prayer-ornaments , and so necessary an accoutrement for the synagogue , that they are the chief cognizances and badges of religion , without which they cannot hope that their church-services should be accepted . the wearing of the zizith or fringe , they collect from exodus 15.37 . and they very confidently assert , that a careful observation of the commandment concerning the zizith , is a fulfilling of the whole law. and they ground this peremptory position upon a mystery which their gemalria has found in the word and manner of its making . for ( say they ) the zizith hath five knots representing the five books of moses , and the eight threds added thereunto make thirteen , which together with the numeral letters in the word it self amount to six hundred and thirteen , which is the number of all the commandments contained in the law. and therefore they conclude that the right wearing of the zizith is an observation of the whole law. credat judaeus ! now as to the form and matter of the zizith , it is a quadrangular piece of linnen-cloth ( or silk , &c. ) with fringes , worn next the shirt , hanging down upon the breast and shoulders . at the putting of it on , they use these words : — bendito tu a. n. b. rey del mundo , &c. blessed be thou , o lord our god , king of the world , who hast sanctified us with thy precepts , and commanded us to wear the zizith . to this religious utensil no fewer miracles are ascribed then to the cowle of st. francis : for the jews say it can deliver from sin , and make proselytes to their faith : and that it is an amulet against sorceries , and preserves those from receiving any hurt from evil angels who constantly put it on . but all are not admitted to the honour of wearing this holy ornament : for it being a part of the habit to be worn at the synagogue , the women are totally forbid it , as being excluded the publick service . their next prayer-ornament is the tephillim , which are scrowles of parchment written with several sentences of the law ; and tyed upon their fore-heads and left-arms . and this they observe upon the account of the sixth of deut. the sixth and eighth verses . the sentences wherewith the phylacteries were antiently inscribed , are conjectured to have been exod. 13. from verse the 11 th to the 17 th , exod. 13.2 . to the 11 th , deut. 6. from verse 4. to the 10 th , and deut. 11. from the 13 th to the 22. others are of opinion that the phylacteries were written with the decalogue . but for mine own part , i believe the inscription to be concealed : for the jews with whom i have practised in this particular , would not be moved either to show or explain their phylacteries . at the putting them on , they say this eucharist : bendito tu , &c. blessed be thou o god our lord , governour of the universe , who hast hallowed us with thy law , and commanded us to wear the tephillim . i. e. phylacteries . the phylactery worn upon the fore-head is folded up , and hangs between the brows , so as they may see it , and thereby be minded of walking according to gods statutes . there has been no small dispute among the criticks and interpreters concerning the name and office of the tephillim : but if they will acquiesce in the meaning which the modern jews give thereof , they signifie no more than ornaments to be worn at publick prayer , in which such sentences of scripture are written as they deem most proper to remember them of their duties , according to the first appointment hereof , exod. 13.16 . deut. 6.8 . 't is true , the first , plain , and wholesome intent thereof has in course of time been much corrupted chiefly by the schismatical pharisees , who in stead of binding them for a sign upon their hands , and as frontlets between their eyes , hung them as charms about their necks , supposing in them a secret power to defend them from dangers . out of which corruption 't is probable did arise that superstitious custom of some women in st. hierom's time , of wearing their parvula evangelia , or short sentences of the gospel , to keep them from inchantments and other mischiefs . and at this day the papists permit the wearing about their necks the beginning of st. john's gospel , as a defensative from evil. that the wearing hereof was not unlawful , some produce christs wearing them for a convincing argument , st. luke 8.44 . but the fringe or border of the garment there mention'd may belong to the zizith , but no way to the tephillim . however , the jews were not condemn'd by our saviour for the use , but superstition of this ornament : and because they made their phylacteries larger and broader than commanded , and this too to the end that they might appear more holy than others . and we may conceive the whole matter to be briefly thus : tephillim or phylacteries are with the later jews become a great part of their religion , which they ground upon the last mention'd texts , taking them in a literal , which were intended in a figurative sense , according to their explication , deut. 6.7 . but this carnal people , which have ever been apt to turn all inward piety into outward form , and to make that matter of ambition and ostentation , which was designed for humility and holiness , understand the precept concerning the phylacteries meerly according to the letter . and therefore make them scrowles of parchment , in which they write the four sections of the pentateuch , which were named before ; and wear them on their arms and foreheads . as we have said already . in preparing these scrowles , these ceremonies are still in use : first , the skins whereof they are made must be of beasts which the law has pronounced clean . secondly , none but a jew must kill the beast and dress the skin for this purpose : for if a christian , or in their language , any other edomite have a hand therein , it is wolly polluted and unserviceable . thirdly , the ink wherewith the sections of the law are writ , must not be black , nor of the ordinary confection . fourthly , they must be writ with the right hand , without interlining . these , with other niceties concerning columning and cutting the parchments , are used about the phylacteries . and being thus canonically made , they sit and apply them to their foreheads and hand-wrists , and call them tephillim , because they are especially used in praying . the greek phylacteria relates to the end hereof , namely to keep the law in memory . though there is a present superstition which layes claim to the phylacteries , because they keep those that wear them from sorceries and diseases , and the malus genius . now what is principally blameable herein , is their affixing on god their own carnal observation and frivolous ceremonies of these tephillim , as if they were his own institution and appointment . and it was the peculiar fault of the pharisees , to wear the tephillim of a greater breadth than any other jews , that they might be looked upon as persons of a greater sanctity than the rest . chap. xiv . of the jews hastening to morning-prayer . their manner of entrance into , and deportment in the synagogue , &c. thrice every day ( as we have said ) the jews repair to the synagogue ▪ and herein they express a great chearfulness and delight . for they leave their houses in a hasty posture , and with great willingness ; and seem to strive who shall be first at the synagogue . but they return thence in a far different manner . for when they leave the synagogue they go backward , and use a very slow pace therein . by which they testifie their delight in gods publick worship , and their unwillingness to go from it . and they interpret hosea 6.3 . of that dispatch , readyness and alacrity wherewith they ought to come unto gods house . and to those who are backward and come late to the synagogue , they apply that of esay 50.2 . wherefore when i came , was there no man ? when i called , was there no man to answer ? and of him who comes not to prayers at all , they understand esay 50.10 , 11. at the entrance of the synagogue they either make clean or put off their shooes , in obedience to eccles . 4.17 . and exod. 3.5 . put off thy shooes , &c. and this saves them the uncovering of their heads : for their little black brimless caps are never moved all the time they stay in the synagogue . at their stepping into the synagogue , they first spend a few minutes in the meditation of his attributes whom they come to invoke ; which is to beget in them a deportment humble and reverend . and when they have duly possessed their minds with an awful reverence of gods majesty , they repeat to themselves numb . 24.5 . how goodly are thy tents , o jacob , and thy tabernacles , o israel ! and psalm 26.8 . o lord , i have loved the habitation of thy house , and the place where thine honour dwelleth . and the 6 th verse of psalm 95. o come let us worship , and bow down : let us kneel before the lord our maker . this meditation being ended , they lay the right hand upon the heart , and bowing their bodies toward the chest where the law is laid up , they begin the publick service with the 7 th of the fifth psalm : i will come into thy house in the multitude of thy mercies , and humble my self with fear in the temple of thy holiness : so it is verbatim in an old spanish translation of the jewish lyturgie . they pray standing , girt , with their faces toward canaan , their heads moderately bowed down , and hands upon their heart . they utter their prayers in a sort of plain-song , sometimes straining their voices to a very harsh and unpleasant note , and then on a sudden letting it fall into a kind of whisper . their bodies are always in a wagging unsteddy posture : which they say expresses joy and satisfaction in devotion . but to him that knows not the intent hereof , this wavering and ( sometime ) exulting of the body , will seem very careless and negligent , and that they pray with none , or very little intention and devotion of mind . those which cannot read the service in hebrew ( who are but few ) are bound to learn when to say amen . a thing the more easily attain'd unto , because they have a prescript form. and how heedless soever they may appear in other parts of prayer , yet they use a signal diligence in the right timing and pronouncing of the [ amen . ] because whosoever saith it with all his might , the gate of the garden of eden is open'd to him . in time of prayers none are permitted openly to spit , belch , yawn , or blow the nose . all which they do with great secrecy in the synagogue , when they have occasion . neither may they spit , or any such thing , to the right hand or before them ; because of the angels , which have made those places their situation in the synagogue . and from this short account of the jews entering , and behaviour in the synagogue ; we come to take a general view of the prayers made therein . and here we shall follow the breviary in present use with the jews in barbary , which was printed at venice in the 1622 year of grace . and first of all , they begin the morning-service with the eighteen benedictions , of which , saith moses maimon , ezra was the author . for when the israelites returned from the captivity , their native language was so corrupted with that of their bondage , that they were not able to praise or serve god in a continued speech : and upon this occasion ezra is thought to have composed eighteen short benedictions , wherein they might praise god , and beg at his hands the supply of his dayly blessings . but others are of opinion that these eighteen benedictions were composed as a directory whereby they might guide themselves both in the private and publick service of god : to which purpose they are imployed at this day . after the benedictions , follows a large office for sacrifice and oblations : which begins with the history of abraham's going to offer up his son. to this succeeds a long course of psalms : then a tedious thanksgiving . then a confession of sins ; at the saying whereof they throw themselves prostrate , and express a great sense of their own vileness and misery , and that they have no strength but in the almighty . then all on the sudden they start up , and comfort themselves with the oath god made unto ahraham , when he went to sacrifice his only son. and now with great chearfulness they bless their lot , that god has chosen them for his heritage and the people of his covenant . but besides all this , they have in this office a peculiar thanksgiving for the delivery of the law ; and a prayer ( which they say with a low voice ) for the restauration of the temple ; that in their dayes god would rebuild the house of his sanctuary , which they hourly hope for . and they shut all with praying that god would lead them in his righteousness , and make plain his way before them . and this is the sum of their dayly morning-service ; for whose more regular celebration , there are rubricks intermingled with it , directing them to the responses , praises , and how every part must come in course . this morning-office ( as was said ) is very long ; for which they make sufficient amends in the brevity of the other two . in some places they have a custom for those to shut the prayer-book who are at variance with their neighbours : thereby signifying that they will not pray at all , because they cannot pray aright , till the difference be reconciled . at the saying of [ give ear o israel , the lord our god is one god , ] they turn themselves east and north : at the pronouncing of [ holy , holy , holy lord god of sabbath , ] they jump up three times . they dare not turn their backs on the chest where the law is deposit ; and lest they should do otherwise , they go backward out of the synagogue , having their eyes always fixed thereon . they are very careful that nothing may interrupt them in their devotions , at which if they sneeze , they account it a lucky token of being therein accepted , but to break wind preposterously is a very unhappy abodement . i have omitted in the former paragraph to observe that after the appointed course of psalms they have two lessons ; the first out of the law , which is always read by the chasán , or some eminent jew . the second lesson is taken out of the prophets , and is read by any ordinary jew who is able to read distinctly . and in the difference of the persons imployed in these lessons , they show the great value and esteem which they have for the law above the prophets . there is an universal agreement among the jews of all countries , that they ought every day to repeat a hundred benedictions ; which they thus compute : at w●shing in the morning twenty three : at their entrance into the synagogue six : at putting on of the zizith or fringes one : at putting on the tephillim one : at every one of the three offices in the synagogue , eighteen : three after dinner , and two before night : at going to sleep two : and as many at dinner and supper . which if they reckon right make up the sum . at the saying of the benediction for gods giving them the law , they stand up with their heels joyn'd together , and their toes opened , bowing their heads toward hierusalem . they have also a prayer which is said by the priest alone , wherein he desires god that he would be pleased to pardon all those who have been negligent and unattentive at the time of prayer . but i could not finde this prayer in their breviary , though with some curiosity i perused it to that purpose . besides the sabbath , they keep monday and thursday as weekly holy days . on each of which they read three sections of the law : the first by a koên , whom they suppose to be descended of aaron ; the second by a reputed levite ; and the third section by a common jew . as concerning the keeping of monday and thursday holy , and reading the law thereon as well as on the sabbath , after a more solemn manner : the vulgar jews give no other account thereof but custom and the pleasure of the masters . but those who pretend to give a rationale of their rites , refer it to an institution of ezdras , grounded upon the peoples wandring three dayes without water in the desart of sur , in memory whereof he appointed the law to be thrice solemnly read every week . now to be without water , say they , is to be without the law : for which interpretation they bring esay 55.1 . others think that thursday and monday are set apart for the solemn lesson of the law , in memory of moses's going the second time into the mountain to renew the tables of the law , which hapned ( say the favourers of this opinion ) upon a thursday , and to have returned thence upon a monday . upon which dayes some of the preciser sort keep a strict fast , like those in st. luke 18. and in all probability for the same end . on these two dayes they have besides the usual office , a proper prayer , which from the first words thereof bears the title of vehu-rachum , which is said with singular attention . of old this prayer used to work miracles ; but by reason of some great delinquency in the present jews , it has lost this efficacy . chap. xv. their ceremonies about the book of the law : their manner of celebrating the sabbath : the offices which thereon are solemniz'd , &c. it is a canon strictly observed by the jews , that a book of the law is necessary to the constitution of a synagogue : and therefore the first thing they provide in order to set up a synagogue , is a copy of the law , and a chest or ark wherein to lay it up . now that which is called the book of the law is , the pentateuch written in a large character on parchment , which is dressed according to the manner of the phylacteries . the parchment is rolled up upon two staves , to make it the more convenient to be carried in procession . it is also usually wrapt up in a covering of linnen , silk , tissue , &c. as for the piece of tapistry pictured with divers birds , which was the old-fashion'd covering of the ark , the jews in barbary use no such thing , for they abhor all manner of imagery in their service , as minding them of the idolatry of their fathers , for which they conceive themselves to be still punished ; and also out of an averseness to be thought to imitate those christians , who have offensively introduced pictures into their oratories , not only for ornament but veneration . but to return to the law : the jews pay the five books of moses so great a reverence , that they never suffer them to be taken out of the chest , or looked upon , but on three dayes ( namely monday , thursday and sunday ) when they are read : and this too in the morning , because it is esteemed the purest part of the day . 't is true , they use also to show the law to the people on the sabbath-night , but it is because the whole day is hallowed . the taking out of the law belongs to a noted rabbi , or in his absence to one of the more ancient and devouter jews . but to carry it in procession within the synagogue , is sold to him who is able to give most for the place . as we have observed in the officers of the synagogue . at the taking out of the law , the officer turns himself to the people , and repeats this versicle : come and extol god with me , and let us praise his name together . and at the elevation of the law , the people bow their faces toward it , and make a long respond , wherein they declare their own vileness , and magnifie the majesty of god. and when the rabbi holds up the law and opens it , he speaks these words : this is the law which moses laid before the children of israel , and which proceeded from god , whose ways are all just : the word of the lord is pure , and a defence to all those who believe it . when the law is carried from the ark to the place where it is appointed to be read , all the people there present sing the hymn of moses , numb . 10.35 . rise up lord , and let thine enemies be scatter'd , and let them that hate thee flee before thee . by which they wish and pray for the destruction of all those who are not of their religion . when they carry the law either to the reading-place or in procession , there is always one who steps up to him that carries it , and kisseth the covering thereof ; for it were to defile the law , to kiss either the letters thereof , or the parchment whereon they are written . and he who doth this , with a voice moderately elevated blesseth god for having made the jews his peculiar people , and that he hath given them his law. when the book returns from procession , and has put on its coverings , all the males in the synagogue kiss it in order , as the papists do their pax : and when they have done , the officer gives the book an elevation , and so lays it up in the chest . and as it returns thither they say the words of moses at the resting of the ark , numb . 10.36 . return , o lord , unto the ten thousand thousands of israel . the pentateuch is divided into fifty two sections , to the end that it may be read over upon the fifty two sundaies in the year . and in reading it they are bound to be very plain , audible , and articulate . because every tittle thereof is of singular weight and moment . the last lesson constantly falls upon september the twenty fifth , which immediately follows the feast of tabernacles . and when this section is read over , the chasans , or those who read the law , declare a great joy and satisfaction , that they lived to make an end of the annual lesson . they also praise god that notwithstanding the many miserie 's befaln them , they are still in possession of the law , in which all other blessings are abridg'd . on the day when this last section is read , all the copies of the law are brought forth of the ark , about which the people dance in imitation and remembrance of david , 2 sam. 6.16 . during the time that the law is out of the ark , they place burning torches therein , in token that the law performs all the duties of a light to those that obey it . on this day also the elder jews make themselves merry in seeing the youth scramble for the fruits they cast among them . on this day also are sold the offices of the synagogue to them that will give most . and all being orderly consummate , every one leaves the synagogue with this prayer : the lord preserve my going out , and my coming in , from henceforth and for ever . the next thing that we are to account for in this chapter , is the manner of their keeping the sabbath , and the offices thereon celebrated . a theme large enough for a whole volume , if we were to give an exact description of all rites and cases thereunto belonging . but i shall confine the discourse at present , to the customs of the jews in barbary , among whom and the rest of the jewish nation there is but small disagreement in the sabbatarian ritual . though it must be confessed that the barbary-jews are neither so strict nor ceremonious in this matter , as the jews of other countries , if we may believe the account which good authours have given of the later . the whole nation of the jews sufficiently accord in the notice of the word sabbath , and grant that it barely signifies no more than rest ; and that sometimes too it is used both for working-dayes and festivals , and that it puts on a more peculiar and restrained sense , when it is concisely taken for that seventh day which god set apart for his worship . and in the observation of this sabbath or rest , the jews practice numerous ceremonies : some antecedent , and relating to their preparation ; and others concomitant , or waiting upon the day . their antecedent ceremonies are seen in dressing and preparing on the eve of the sabbath the victuals that are thereon to be eaten : according to the commandment exod. 16.23 . to morrow is the rest of the holy sabbath unto the lord ; bake that which ye will bake to day , and seeth that ye will seeth , &c. from which they conclude , that all things necessary to the sabbath , and for the honor thereof , ought to be provided over night , that there may be nothing to interrupt this rest . if it falls out that the servants are not able to make all things ready , the masters assist them , to the end that the sabbath by no bodily labour may be transgressed . and they are able to cite many great rabbins who have help'd their servants in preparing for this rest . but this strict custom of dressing no victuals upon the sabbath , is not universal with the jews we now speak off . with whom i have been entertain'd with good cheer on the sabbath that was thereon prepared . and asking them how they durst or would act so contrary to their own pretences ; the reply was , that they thought the crime of a low nature , if it was done without giving scandal to others , that is , secretly . which was then the case . every sabbath is observed with three feasts , and four offices . the first feast is upon the friday-night , or rather at the very entrance and begining of the sabbath : the second is their sabbath-dinner ; and the third feast concludes the sabbath . now the custom of this triple feast they deduce from the triple repetition which moses used of the word [ to day ] when he gave out orders concerning gathering of the manna , exod. 16.25 . some of the more hospitable and wealthier jews keep their tables spread during the whole time of the sabbath . and in this as other things they generally tread in their fore-fathers steps , who were excellent at turning the power and intention of the law into carnal form and superstition . but besides their greater apparatus in diet for the sabbath , they use other preparative rites in order to the solemnity of this great day : all which are bodily and external , and not worth our recital , if it were not to let us see into what follies a people may fall in religion , when they have once renounced the truth . all the friday-afternoon is usually taken up in sabbatical preparations , as washing of the head and hands , the trimming of their beards ( whose corners the graver sort suffer not to be cut , according to law ) and in a peculiar superstition of paring their nails ; on which parings they are forbid to tread ; in prevention whereof they usually burn or bury them . in like manner , they spend no small time in whetting the knives , and preparing other utensils of the table . the women on the friday comb and dress their heads , and make ready all accoutrements of the body . for they esteem a neglect in any of these particulars , a down-right violation of the rest . and because their masters use a word for sabbath signifying queen , they think it reasonable that they as duly prepare themselves thereunto , as they would for the reception of so great a personage . and he ( saith the jewish canon ) is greatly to be praised , who honoureth the sabbath with his body , clothes and dyet : with his body , by duely dressing it : with his clothes , by having a sabbath-days suit : and with his dyet , which on the sabbath should be both more and better than on other dayes . in barbary they have their sabbath-lamps , which are lighted by the women , to which being lighted they hold up their hands and say this benediction : — blessed be thou , o lord our god , king of the world , who hast sanctified us with thy precepts , and commanded us to light the sabbatine-lamps . if any mans curiosity lead him to enquire into the reason why the office of lighting these lamps belongs to the women : i shall only tell him , that among many other reasons pretended to be given hereof , the chief is the keeping the women in minde of the transgression of eve , who seducing adam to disobedience , thereby put out , say they , and extinguished his light and glory . but the women do it upon the account of a received opinion among them , that thereby they facilitate their child-birth . there being these three precepts recommended to them for that end , viz. to keep the sabbath-bread , light the lamps , and carefully to attend their months . the sabbath-lights we now speak of are so contrived , that they may last the whole sabbath , on which they are not allowed so much as to snuff them , for fear of transgressing the fourth precept . but notwithstanding that the jews in this part of the world are sufficiently rigorous in the observation of the sabbath , yet i neither could finde nor hear of any of them , who would if surprised with the sabbath , expose themselves to the danger of abiding in woods and desarts , rather than on the sabbath to travel a few furlongs to gain a safer residence . for they are willing to let things necessary to save mans life thereon to be provided for . and some will not doubt to say , that if ever they be masters again of hierusalem , they will not loose it for fear of transgressing the sabbath . and they have an usual saying , paligro del alma quaebra el sabbato : that the hazard of loosing a mans life dispenseth with the sabbath . they have a custom in some places on the friday to put water into little pits , and to draw no place dry , to the end that the souls in purgatory may therein cool and refresh them . for on the time that is over and above added to the sabbath , they suppose the souls in purgatory have liberty to recreate . there are many other rites belonging hereunto , the most whereof will fall in with the offices : which are now to be accounted for . upon the arvit or eve of the sabbath , they have a peculiar office , which begins with the twenty ninth psalm : give unto the lord , ye sons of the mighty , give unto the lord honour and strength . give unto the lord the honour of his name , and bow your selves to the lord with the beauty of holiness . the voice of the lord is upon the waters . the god of honour hath made it thunder . the lord is upon much waters . the voice of the lord is with strength , the voice of the lord is with beauty . the voice of the lord breaketh the cedars , and hath broken the cedars of libanus . and he hath made them leap as a calf ; libanus and sirion like the sons of elephants . the voice of the lord cutteth the flames of fire ; the voice of the lord vexeth the wilderness , he vexeth the wilderness of cades . the voice of the lord maketh the hinds to be in pain , and discovereth the forests , and in his palace every thing speaketh honour . the lord hath been upon the water , and the lord hath sate king for ever . the lord will give strength unto his people , the lord will bless his people with peace . the translation i have here given of this psalm , which begins the office of the sabbaths arvit , is verbatim out of the old spanish wherein the jewish liturgy is extant . and it is here inserted for no other purpose , but to show how it differs from our present translation . where the reader may observe , that the word adonai is here and through all their liturgy used for lord ; it being altogether unlawful for them to mention even in their devotions the word jehovah . after this psalm immediately follows in their liturgy a very large expostulation concerning the oyl and weke , and whole confection of the sabbath-lamps . where the opinions of several antient masters are recited concerning this matter : as the opinions of rabbi ismael , rabbi tarphon , rabbi elihezer , rabbi aquiba , rabbi jehudah . which 〈◊〉 master gives them leave to put out their lamps on the sabbath-night , for fear the nations ( those that are not jews ) and evil spirits should do hurt therewith . on the arvit they make confession of the three sins , for which , as hath been said , women die in child-bed . and among these three deadly sins ▪ the want of due lighting the sabbath-lamps is none of the least . on the arvit likewise when it grows dark they are bound to propound and answer these three questions : hast thou paid tythes ? hast thou made the hirub ? hast thou lighted a candle ? after this they repeat such hymns and psalms out of holy writ , as commemorate gods gracious promises to israel , of which they make a comfortable application to themselves . there are likewise repeated some short periods of scripture relating to the season of the year : as in the spring — he shall make his dew to fall : and in autumn — thou makest the winde to blow and the rain to descend , &c. having done this , they use a thanksgiving unto god , for that he refresheth the dead with his mercies , and confirms his truth to those that sleep in the dust : that he punisheth apostates , looseth the imprison'd , redeemeth the captive , provideth medicines for , and healeth the sick . and at the end of this long thanksgiving follows this benediction for the institution of the sabbath . blessed be the lord our god the holy , thou hast sanctified the seventh day for thy glory ( having first finished the heavens and the earth ) and hast blessed it above all dayes , and sanctified it above all times , as it is written in the law. and here the institution of the sabbath out of genesis is distinctly repeated . these things with the rest of the office of the sabbath arvit , which is very long , is concluded with a thankful recapitulation of gods favours toward them , especially in that he has made them his peculiar people , given them his law , and promised that it shall never be changed , nor they deprived of it . then they most humbly implore the almighty , that at last he would fulfil his promise , retarded so long by reason of their sins , and send them their desired messias . the next office is that of the sabbath-morning , where the rubrick directs them to rise before the sun , and to read the ordinary course of psalms till they come to the nineteenth : and then to begin their mattins . which for the most part are collected out of the scriptures ; some portions wherof are said by the cazan alone , and others by the kahal and kohen , as the rubrick all along directs them . this day the law has always a solemn procession , and is openly shown to the people . when it is brought to be laid up in the hehal or chest , he that bears it saith these words : turn again to thy resting place , and to the house of thy desire , that every mouth and tongue may give praise and glory to thy kingdom . and turn unto the million of the thousands of israel : and , o lord , turn us unto thee , and we shall be turned ; renew our dayes as in former time . and with this prayer they conclude the morning-office for the sabbath . the third office is the musaf or afternoon-service , which begins thus — o lord , thou shalt open our lips , and our mouth shall shew forth thy praise . after they have said this , they bless and laud god for the continuance of his favours both to quick and dead . next , they recount how god gave their great master moses the commandment for the sabbath . after this they make a gratulatory oration unto god for that he has been pleased to assist and accept their services . and the whole office is shut up with a distinct enumeration of the divine attributes : and recommending themselves unto the divine protection , beseeching god to take the safeguard of them both when they sleep and watch . their fourth office is that of the minha , or sabbath-night : which being of the same tenor with the last we but now mention'd , there needs no more but to name it . at the determination of the sabbath , they have an additional service , at which though none are bound to be , yet all are present , to show their devotion to the sabbath , and how loath they are to part therewith . but others hold that they ought to protract this rest as long as they can possible , for the sake of the souls in purgatory , especially for such as were condemn'd thither for the violation of the sabbath . through all their offices there is still something peculiarly relating to the hastening of elias , to the end that he may not only loose their knots , or resolve their scruples , but give them timely notice of the advent of the messias . but notwithstanding that their offices for the sabbath contain excellent things , according to their way of worship , yet they have therein many things apparently trivial and ridiculous . of which we may give example in their praying over the lamps , wine and spices which are brought unto the synagogue . where the wine being consecrated , it is carried home , that therewith they may sprinkle their houses , to preserve them from witchcraft and sorcerous incantations . some likewise wash therewith the parts of the body that are infirm , and conceive that the consecrate wine yields present cure . the spices also being hallowed , are made use of to refresh the soul that is left alone in the body when the sabbath is ended ; for on that day only they hold that every male jew has two souls . but the consecrate wine and spices have yet an higher purpose and vertue . for with the spices they refresh the souls below on the week-dayes , because the fire of purgatory thereon is believed to send forth a very grievous stench . and by pouring some of the consecrate wine upon the ground , they imagine corah and his fellow-mutineers to be assisted . for they are of opinion that that factious crew are still living in flames under ground . it cannot be denyed , that albeit the sabbath offices of the jews are taken for the greater part out of scripture , but that they entertain a very carnal sense thereof , and that the whole rest tends more to gratifie the body than to serve god. and to engross this ease unto themselves , and to show that the sabbath was purposely appointed for their sakes , and that none other have thereunto any right or title , as also to declare their just dominion over all other people in the world , the jews in barbary imploy their slaves in all manner of servile offices upon this day . and on it too give solemn thanks unto god , that he has put no less difference between israel and the gentiles , than between light and darkness , the six days and the seventh . mr. selden observes out of their rabbins that there were three things peculiarly commanded the israelites ; namely circumcision , the tephillim , and the sabbath . the first was expresly commanded gen. 17. the second in exod. 13. and the third , exod. 31. now this last was so particularly commanded to the israelites , that the jews think no gentile has any share therein ; that they are not bound to its observation , and therefore cannot be punished for the breach thereof . and upon this account , as we but now intimated , they imploy their servants and slaves who are not of their religion , in every sort of drudgery upon the sabbath : that their doctrine may be illustrated by their practice . and for a further argument of the appropriation of the sabbath to the jews , they wear thereon no phylacteries , because without those , the celebration of the sabbath is thought sufficient to distinguish them from all other religions in the world. the jewish masters have raised no few disputes concerning the cause and reason of the institution of the sabbath : with the persons to whom it belongs : the time when its observation began : together with its obligation both upon the originarie and proselyte jews . all which are industriously collected and learnedly discoursed by mr. selden , lib. 3. cap. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , &c. de jure nat. & gentium juxta disciplinam hebraeorum . what we have already set down concerning these sabbatine rites , hath respect unto the jews in barbary , whom i find to harmonize herein with the jews of other countries . now because the sabbath and its rites make up a great part of their present religion , i thought it not improper to insert the rules of the sabbath which are practised by the european hebrews , as they are set down by mr. buxtorf in the tenth and eleventh chapters of his synagogue . i have been enforced to make use of a young pen in the translation thereof , and to deliver them to the press without either perusal or transcribing , and therefore desire the reader to correct and pardon what faults may therein occur . chap. xvi . how the jews prepare themselves for the sabbath , and how they begin it . we read how the jews prepared themselves on the sixth day , according to that of exodus 16.5 , 23. to morrow is the rest of the holy sabbath unto the lord ; bake that which ye will bake to day , and seeth that which ye will seeth . which they interpret of providing all necessary things against the sabbath , that they may the better honour it ; but especially all dyet is to be prepared and dress'd , that they may have the better leasure to hallow the day . and to this end , whatsoever they intend to eat on the sabbath , they make ready on friday before night : the women chiefly are employed in making sweet-meats of divers sorts ; and when they make ready their dough , they make it in a great lump undivided ; but if the lump be so great , as it is in large families , that it must be divided , the remaining part is kept covered , lest a neighbour seeing it may be ashamed that others have provided for the next sabbath , and he not for the present . every one according to his ability hallows the day with three splendid banquets . they begin the first on friday-night before the sabbath : the second on saturday at noon : the last in the evening of the sabbath . and they justifie the performance of this ceremony from moses his writings , where concerning manna it is thus expressed : exod. 16.25 . eat that to day , for to day is a sabbath unto the lord , to day ye shall not find it in the fields . here the rabbies say that moses meant ( by repeating the word day three times ) that they should in their banquets on the sabbath thrice eat of the manna . but the repetition of those banquets hath some other meaning , as is evident by their book of ceremonies written in the german dialect . for unless they had been commanded to eat at three set-times , they would have so indulged themselves , that the whole sabbath would have been a time only to eat and drink : but because all knew when they were present at one banquet , that they must attend on two more , every one observed that moderation agreeable to their particular appetites , and befitting such a solemnity , thinking on the dainties which they should again shortly taste . what is moreover meant by this banquet , and how much they reckon of it , shall a little after be declared moreover , none , whether noble , rich or wise , ought to think it beneath him to do something in the honour of the day . for though a man have an hundred maids , yea though he have the command of a thousand servants , yet he himself ought with his own hands to do something in the honour of the sabbath : and so we read in the talmud that rabbi chasdam cut the pot-herbs , rabbi joseph clave the wood , rabbi sira kindled the fire , rabbi nachman swept the house and covered the table . their meat whether roast or boyled is kept hot in a cauldron , as being then most delightful . the table is night and day , whilest the sabbath lasts , kept covered : for which they have a particular reason ( as shall be afterwards shewed . ) they wash their heads : the men , if it be the custom , are shaved ; the women comb their hair , plaiting it decently , and binding it with fillets ; they either wash their hands and feet , or else bathe themselves in hot baths . they every fryday ( superstitiously ) pare their nails , beginning with the left hand ; they first pare the nail of the fourth finger , then of the second , then of the fifth , then of the third , and end with the thumb : so doing , they never cut the nails of two fingers together , but still leave one betwixt . when they pare the nails of the right hand , they begin with the second finger , and so pass to the fourth , and so on to the rest . 't is impious to cast the excrescencies under foot , for so the devil gets power over them ; but he who burieth them is reputed just , and he who burns them is righteous , and obtains a full pardon . and all this is grounded upon the place before mentioned , exod. 16. and the sixth day they made ready , &c. furthermore , every one pollisheth and whets his knife ; and that is justified from job , and thou shalt visit thy habitation , and know that thy tabernacle shall be in peace , &c. hence the jewish doctors observe , that if the knife be dull that it will not cut , there is no peace to the house or table . they have garments designed only for the honour of the day , and every one is according to his ability decently clad , because esaiah sayes , esay 58.13 . thou shalt honour him . and how canst thou do it in thy every●ays vile habit ? as the talmud has it ; and ●herefore the jews have costly garments pecu●iar for those days . the rabbies call the sabbath malkah , i. e. queen ; and therefore the royal apparel must be put on , or otherwise the queen is disgraced . they cover the table with clean white ●innen ; provide cups , napkins , seats , and other things convenient , that the queen , viz. the sabbath coming , may find all things decently placed ; and he that honours the day with his body , his rayment , meat and drink , is very commendable . 't was antiently a custom to winde a horn , or sound a trumpet six times , that every one might prepare for the sabbath ; but now in well-order'd assemblies , 't is proclaimed by a cryer . that they may cease from work , and provide honourably to entertain the bride , viz. the sabbath . and therefore when the evening draws nigh , they do no business abroad , but early begin the sabbath , solemnizing some part of the remaining week : they repair to the synagogue , and hallow the time with hymns and prayer . now when the sun begins to leave their hemisphere , the candles appointed only for the sabbath are set up : as soon as they are kindled , a jewish woman lifts up both hands towards them , and sayes ; blessed art thou , o lord god , king of the world , that thou hast devoted us to thy service , and hast commanded us to light candles on the sabbath . and the like custom is observed by them on holy-day-eves . if it be troublesome weather , so that the skie be cloudy , the hens teach them their duty ; for when they see them going to roost , then the time of providing candles is approaching : but if any live without the city , where they want such information , they are instructed by ravens and daws ; for those birds provide themselves a lodging in the evening . but the reasons that women light up the candles , and not men , are by tradition chiefly two : the first is , when eve after eating the forbidden fruit perceived by certain tokens that she should dye , she perswaded her husband to taste it too , and told him , if i must die thou shalt die with me ; but when her perswasions prevailed not over his constancie , she brake off a branch from the tree , and beat him till he did eat ; as it is expressed in genesis 3.2 . the woman which thou gavest to be with me , she gave me of the tree , ( that is , she pluck't off a bough from the tree , and with it beat me ) and i did eat ; so it is expounded in the book chajim ( that is , the way of life . ) and by this means poor adam was subject to his wife , brake the command of god , and brought death upon himself , and bequeathed it to all his posterity . but before eve had sinned , the sun shined bright , as it will in the world to come on the just ; then they wanted not the instruction of hens and daws to teach them their duty : but as soon as she had transgressed , the sun was clouded , and the light of heaven was soon darkned . the second reason why the women light the candles is , because they are alwayes at home , but the men often abroad : moreover , we read exod. 27.20 . thou shalt command the children of israel , that they bring thee pure oil-olive beaten for the light , to cause the lamp to burn alwayes in the tabernacle before the testimony . the rabbies moreover count that if a godly woman attend on the lighting of the candles , she doth as holy a deed as if she had kindled candles for the golden candlesticks in the holy temple at hierusalem . moreover , we have it in the talmud , that a woman guilty of these sins shall die in childbed : first , if she have not provided a cake : secondly , if she have not lighted up the candles : thirdly , if she have not taken great care of her menstruous cloaths . but if the women diligently observe these precepts , they sooner conceive , and are easier delivered . of these candles they have commonly two , some times more , according to the capacity of the house or dining-bed . and in those candles all the members of man and womans bodies are secretly contained : according to jewish anatomizing , men have 248 members , women 252 , which being added together make 500 , which number the hebrew word ner ( signifying a candle ) doth signifie . they use candles of two sorts , because the light of life lost in eden , may be restored again both to man and woman . the reason that they lift up both hands towards the light is , to guard their faces from the rayes of the candle , whilest they repeat a short prayer , which is not to be said till the candles are lighted up . the matter whereof the wekes of these candles is made , and what oyl they make the candles with , may be seen at large in the talmud , to which i refer the reader . that they set apart some time of the week-dayes , in which they early begin the sabbath , is in love to the dead , whose souls , they say , come from hell or purgatory to keep the sabbath : for as soon as they enter the synagogue they sing a short hymn , at the hearing of which , the souls of the deceased hasten from purgatory , and rush into the water they first meet with , to wash off the stink of the smoak , and cool their flames ; and therefore the rabbies have strictly charged that no water should be drawn at that time , lest those sad souls should be disturbed , as we read in ritualibus eorum . whilst they are intent on their devotion , two angels approach , one good , another evil , and place themselves one against another in the synagogue : if they hear any one praying , or repeating his lecture with a godly intention , him the two angels lead forth with their hands on his head , saying , thy iniquity is taken away , and thy sin is purged . and if at their entrance into the synagogue they find the candles well kindled , the table well furnished , the bed covered with clean linnen ; then the good angel saith , i wish i may see all things in this posture the next sabbath , and the bad angel is forced to say amen . but if things are not well order'd , then the bad angel sayes ( as the good before ) i wish i may find all things thus the next sabbath ; to which the good spirit , though unwilling , sayes amen . when they come home , they sit down at the chief place of the table , where the salt is placed with a cup of wine and two loaves covered with a napkin : then the master of the family taking the cup of wine , consecrates the sabbath , saying ; the sixth day the heavens and the earth were finished , and all the host of them , and on the seventh day god ended his work which he had made , and rested the seventh day from all his work which he had made : and god blessed the seventh day , and sanctified it , because that in it he had rested from all his work which god had created and made . gen. 2.1 . &c. then adds ; blessed art thou o lord our god , creator of the vniverse , who hast created the fruit of the vine . blessed art thou o lord god , creator of the vniverse , who hast devoted us to thy praecepts , and hast given us a holy sabbath , and in thy good pleasure hast left us an heritage as a remembrance of the creation : it is a token of the communion of saints , and a remembrance of the departure out of egypt ; for thou hast chosen and sanctified us among all nations ; thou out of thine abundant goodness hast left to us thy holy sabbath : blessed art thou o lord who hast hallowed the sabbath . when he hath said this , he tasts the wine , and delivers it to all present to taste : then he removes the napkin , and takes the two loaves , but cuts them not before prayers , as they do on week-dayes , but forthwith sayes , blessed art thou , o lord our god , lord of the world , who hast caused the earth to bring forth bread . after this , he cuts and eats a piece of bread , and gives to all that are present , in larger shares than on week-dayes ; and all to honour the sabbath , wherein all niggardliness is contemned . whil'st the wine is consecrating , every one looks diligently on the candle , because the wise rabbies write , that if they travel hard on week-dayes they loose much of the strength of their eyes ; and looking on the candles at the consecration of the wine is an effectual remedy . the bread is covered on the table , that its vileness in respect of the wine may not be seen ; for in the law it is mentioned before the wine , though consecrated after it , as it is written deut. 8.8 . a land of wheat and barley , and vines . where the wheat and barley of which the bread is made are first named , yet consecrated last on the sabbath ; and if it were not covered , it would be much despised . the rabbies say , that it is covered in remembrance of the manna . for in the wilderness the dew fell , then the manna , after that the dew ; so that the manna lay betwixt the dew , after the same manner as the bread is laid on a table-cloth , and covered with a napkin : and for this reason , the holy women bake a sort of wafers which they eat instead of manna . their flesh-pyes are made like ours ; the meat is laid on a thin cake , and covered with another of the same sort , so that it lyes as the manna did betwixt the dew . and they take two loaves , because on fridays in the wilderness they gathered a double quantity of manna , as it is written , exod. 16.22 . but on the sixth day they gathered twice as much bread. what we shall chiefly note , is , that on the sabbath they much indulge their genius , as is observable in the law , esay 58.13 . where the sabbath is called a delight ; that is , that we may enjoy all delights that day ; and so ought all our feasts to be according to that : thou shalt rejoyce in thy feasts , that all may be done to the honour of god ; wherefore thou may'st eat and drink , and cloath thee decently , that so thou may'st truly honour the sabbath ; but don 't be excessive in thy charge . all this is contained in libello timoris , where the reader may see with what charms they excite their devotion , by repeating such short sentences as these following . prepare to keep the sabbath , and rest from all thy work . if all things necessary are provided , thou art praise-worthy . yea if thou have a great retinue of servants and maids . the day requireth strict observance . be content , and thou hast plenty enough . wear good habit , for the sabbath is called a bride . provide the choicest diet for the day . and observe all ceremonies carefully . come with a good appetite . prepare good wine , flesh and fish . cover the bed decently . let the table be furnished splendidly . anoint thy head , but be not proud . sharpen thy knife , and cut thy meat modestly . cast the parings of thy nails into the fire . do not grudge wine at the consecration . wash thy hands and feet , for this is no trivial injunction . have a good courage . wash all thy cups . be not mindful of any injuries . rejoyce with thy wife and children . banquet thrice in the day . speak nothing but what may cause mirth . besides these , they have a book of all the blessings for the feasts of the whole year ; amongst other these are observable . wear such habit as may donote mirth . consecrate the candle , that it may burn well . finish all thy work on friday , and rest . eat all dainties , fish , capons and quails . walk softly , for the law commands meekness , and morning-rest . silk garments are of much account , and they who wear them also . the sabbath is holy , and he who rightly observes it . let no care trouble you , though spiders be in your houses . be merry and jolly , though at other mens charge . get the best wine , fish and flesh , and banquet thrice that day . if thou observe all this , thy reward is great . and , ye women see that the candles be lighted , and be attentive . your convenience will be much when you are with child . and if you provide plenty of wafers , you shall easier conceive , and bring forth with joy . but lest the curious reader may think these to be meer fictions , i shall instance some pleasant passages out of the talmud relating to the same purpose . where we read that one rabbi chaja fortuned to lodge one sabbath with a butcher , and there was set before him a golden table , burthen enough for sixteen men , on which there hung sixteen silver chains , and on it many vessels of the like metal were set , as spoons , plates , and cups furnished with plenty of dainties . when all things were set in order , he praised god , thus : the earth is the lords , and the fulness thereof : and when the banquet was ended , he gave thanks after this manner : the heavens are the lords , but the earth hath he given to the sons of men . and then the rabbi began to enquire of the butcher how he had gotten such riches , and what good works he had done ? the butcher replyed , hitherto have i been a butcher , and when ever i lighted on a beast fatter than usual , i reserved it for the sabbath , that i might do as i am commanded , and therefore god has given me much riches , for the honour i do to his day . and when the rabbi heard this , he gave god thanks that he had bestowed on him such abundance . and here we leave the butcher . moreover , we read in the same page of a man truly charitable , named joseph ; if any thing extraordinary came to the market , especially fish , he spared no charge to buy it ; and he had a rich neighbour , who would often mock him , asking him what good this strict observing sabbath-duties did him ? thou gettest nought by it , saith he ; i am much richer than thou , yet do not observe it so punctually : but joseph took of his words but little notice , and answered , that god was able to recompence him . and at the same time , there came astrologers to the rich man , saying : what good hast thou of thy riches ? thou darest not buy a good fish with it : we finde that the fates have given all thy store to joseph the sabbath-observer : he spares no charge to honour the day . the rich man took some notice of what they said , and went and sold all his possessions , and with it bought jewels , and hung them in his hat , and resolved to travel , to secure his riches from joseph ; and taking ship , he was so toss'd with a tempest , that he lost his hat and jewels in the sea ; there came a great fish and swallowed them up : and a little after , the same fish was brought into the market to be sold ; many cheapened it , but thought it too dear : at length came this joseph , and soon bought it ; and dressing it , found the hat and jewels which the rich traveller had lost : so the astrologers predictions were verified , and joseph grew rich on a sudden . then there came a wise old man to joseph , and said , he who bestows much on the sabbath , him the day recompenseth ; but he that of a little bestows a little , to him god gives fourfold . we read of another passage in the talmud concerning feasts ; how a certain rabbi every friday sent his servants into the market to buy off all the herbs which the sellers could not vent , and then he cast them into the river : and the rabbies inquiring the cause why he had not distributed them to the poor israelites , the answer was this : that if he had given them to the poor , then they in expectation of having them given still , would not have provided for the sabbath ; and therefore if it should happen that the sellers had sold all , and the poor not provided for themselves , then the sabbath would not have had its due honour . but why then did he not cause them to be given to the cattel ? it had been better to do so , than to cast them carelesly away . the answer was , that he would not give those things to cattel which men might eat , and from which they might have profit ; for they might perchance take them out of the water . but why did he command them to be bought ? the reason is , that those who sold such commodities might willinglier come to the market : for suppose them to come often and sell nought , they would soon be weary , and not frequent the market ; and then the poor would have had nothing to eat on the sabbath , and thereby would have deprived it of its due honour . moreover , we read in a treatise of the sabbath , that if any one on the sabbath let loose the reins to pleasure , and so pass the day , that god giveth him an heritage for ever , as it is written : when thou shalt call the sabbath a delight , then shalt thou delight thy self in the lord : and i will cause thee to ride upon the high places of the earth , and feed thee with the heritage of thy father jacob : of which heritage it is largely spoken ; for thou shalt be spread abroad to the east , and to the west , and to the north , and to the south ▪ rabbi mackman saith , he that feeds high on the sabbath , and is joyful , shall be free from the servitude of kings , as it is , i will lift thee above the high places of the earth , and thy enemies shall be found lyars . another rabbi saith , that he who merrily passeth the sabbath , hath whatsoever he will ask of god , as 't is written ; delight thou in the lord , and he will give thee thy hearts desire . seeing therefore that the jews have not conquered their enemies , nor obtained their desire , that they have not yet subdued the christians , nor are lords of the whole earth according to their prayers on the sabbath and feast-days , may be imputed to their want of a right hallowing the sabbath , or at least , that they have not thereon been sufficiently merry . when they have thus joyfully finished the first banquet , they again go to prayers ; but the table is kept covered , and the candles burn till the evening of the sabbath . and they dispute much what is to be done with those candles , whether it be lawful to catch fleas or lice with them ; but reading by them is forbidden , lest when the light is dim he that reads should snuff the candle and so violate the sabbath . and because the sabbath is called a delight , they often marrie on it , and enjoy the society of their wives ; they say those who are conceived on the sabbath live to a good age , if their parents don't respect the pleasure as the honour of the day . finally , when a jew travelleth on friday , and hath a greater journey than the sabbath alloweth of , he ought to take up his lodgings in the fields or woods at the approaching of the sabbath , and there to continue till it be ended , exposing himself to the danger of thieves , and want of sustenance . there is a memorable story in their histories to this purpose . three jews on a time took a journey on friday when the evening drew nigh , and the sabbath approached ; two of them spake thus to each other : what shall we do ? we are in certain danger , the way is beset with thieves ▪ and the wood barbours wild beasts ; we had therefore better keep on our journy and save our lives , than with certain danger both of body and life hallow the sabbath . but the third repli'd ; truly we ought not to stir hence but here to keep the sabbath ; god who hath commanded us so to do , is able to preserve 〈◊〉 safe . the other two persisted , and broke the sabbath , but the third pitched his tent and there abode ; he covered the ground ( instead of a table ) with a cloth , and on it laid the provision he had with him , and so betook himself to prayers ; that being ended , he sat● down to eat of the first banquet of the sabbath : the attendance he had was a terrible bear almost pin'd with hunger : the good jew was almost afraid , and gave the guest a piec● of bread , and had faith that god would preserve him ; the bear took the bread , and attended on him . the jew after supper betook himself again to prayer , and so to sleep , and the bear lay down by him ; in the morn h● was very glad that the hungrie bear was s● kinde as to spare his flesh , and for it gave god ●hanks , and so provided for his morning-prayers : he then dined , and after sup't , and did all his duty . when the sabbath was ended he went on his journey , the bear still following him . the same night it fortuned that his companions fell among thieves , who stripped them of all they had . at length this devout jew and the bear overtook them ; and though the beast was so kinde to him , it was not for want of natural fietceness , for he soon tore the other two in pieces . then the godly jew began to be afraid ; but whilst he mused with himself , the thieves beset him , and asked who he was , whence he came , and whither he was going ? he told them he was a jew , and that he came from the kings palace ; they asked whence he had that bear ; he answered , the king gave it as a companion . one of the thieves told the other , that surely this person was beloved of the king , that he had given him such a guard . the other said , let us give him all our money , and follow him through this wood , that the bear hurt us not . so they gave him all their money to conceal them ; and going far with him , at length departed , the bear also returned to the wood. and from this storie the jews conclude that they ought to observe the sabbath in whatsoever place they are , and commit themselves wholly to the protection of god almighty . chap. xvii . how the jews hallow the sabbath , and how they end it . in the morning they rise not up so early as on other days ; but for the greater pleasure in honouring the day , they sleep a good part of the morning . and for this custom the rabbies have consulted the writings of moses , and finde in numb . 28. where it is spoken of daily offerings , that it is expressed by the word babboker mane , that is , the morning : but when it is spoken of the offering of the seventh day , it is expressed by the words die sabbathi ( that is ) the sabbath day ; intending this meaning , that the daily offerings were to be performed antelucano tempore , that is , at break of day ; and instead of this on the sabbath they had morning-prayers , and referred their offering till later in the morn : therefore the jews sleep longer than on other daies , to prepare them for prayers . when they repair to the synagogue , they pray as on other , but longer , and sing more hymns to honour the day ; they put not on their phylacteries as on other daies , because they think the sabbath it self is a sufficient signe of the jewish faith , and ordained only for them to hallow ; and have therefore no need of circumcision and phylacteries , though both are signes by which jews are distinguished and known . they bring the book of the law out of the ark after the same manner as is declared in the ninth chapter . they read a section out of the law , and divide each section into seven lessons , to be read by seven choice men . after the reading of the law , they read lessons out of the prophets , which are agreeable to the writings of moses ; of which custom this is the original : when in old time they were forbidden to read moses , they chose a section out of the prophets , which agreed with the writings of moses : of this there is mention in the acts of the apostles , act. 13.27 . they which dwell at jerusalem , and their rulers knew him not , nor the voices of the prophets which are read every sabbath day . and again , act. 15.21 . moses of old time hath in every city them that preach him , being read in the synagogue every sabbath . but though they are not forbidden the reading of moses , yet they keep the old custom , and read the prophets after moses . they pray also for the souls of the dead who have not kept the sabbath aright : for the rabbies suppose that they , both before and after the sabbath , are tortured in hell-fire ; and therefore they pray for them on the sabbath , that thereon they may have rest . they continue in prayer not after the sixth hour of the day , being forbidden to fast or pray longer , as they plead , from the place so often recited , thou shalt call the sabbath a delight . here they say that the word signifying in hebrew delight , is written without the letter ד , which signifies six ; by which the prophet meant implicitly that they should pray but till the sixth hour . when morning-prayer is ended , they provide for the second banquet ; and to honour the day , they generally indulge their appetites : but if it happen that any one have a strange dream , as if he should see the book of the law or his house burn , or his teeth strook out , or suchlike portending evil , he has liberty to abstain from meat till the evening . he who in a dream is offended with meat , and delights in fasting , may do as he himself pleaseth ; and he that is so grieved that he cannot refrain from tears , he may weep , for by it grief is eased , and such pleasant weeping honours the day ; but he that fasts on purpose on the sabbath , is bound to fast the next day after , that thereby he may do penance for detracting from the honour of the day . after dinner the rabbies have thought fit to studie or read in sacred writ : for one of the chief rabbies relates , that the sabbath made complaint that god had given to every thing a companion and equal , except to it ; and god answered , israel shall be thy companion ; for on the sabbath they shall learn the law , whereas others are idle . the law also came and complained , saying , when isarel returns into his own land , one possesseth his vine , another his field : who then shall regard me ? to which god said , israel shall respect thee , for on the sabbath they shall not labour . and considering this , they have thought it fit to spend some time after dinner in studying the word of god , that the sabbath or the law might have no more reason of complaint . at the time of evening sacrifice they repair again to the synagogue , and say their evening-prayers , and then eat the third and last time on the sabbath : when it begins to depart , they take leave of it with a blessing . they look upon the observance of these three banquets to be of much concern ; for they think that he who thus observes the sabbath shall escape hell , and be preserved from the dreadful war of gog and magog , and also be free from the perplexities that shall attend the coming of the messia : and therefore one of the rabbies pray'd that his portion might be with those who celebrate the sabbath with three banquets . at evening they are again prohibited to draw water out of the river or well , by reason of the souls of the wicked deceased , which again refresh themselves as they are returning to hell. at the very departure of the sabbath , after supper , one very nimbly draws the cloth from off the table ; for they say that he who doth it , shall in a short time be set at libertie . aere alieno . about the evening they again go to prayers , in which they make mention of the prophet elias ; for they say that his coming was promised in the evening of the sabbath or some feast-day : and when the sabbath is gone , they ask him if he will come the next sabbath and acquaint them with the coming of the messia . some of them also write , that the prophet sate under the tree of life in paradise , and registred the good works the jews did on the sabbath . they continue these prayers till late in the night , out of love to the souls of the wicked , that they may have the more respit from torments : for as it is in the evening on friday proclaimed in hell , by dumah an angel that is ruler among the spirits , that the wicked may go to their rest as the jews do and all israel on the sabbath : so when the prayers are ended , the spirit cries again , return ye wicked into hell , for the jews have done prayers . as soon as the hymn benedicite is ended , the women go with haste to the wells and draw water : for they write that the well mara whereof they drink in the desart , runs into the sea of tyberias , and thence in the end of the sabbath did mixt it self with the water of all their wells ; and if a woman should chance to draw in that instant , she would have an antidote for all diseases . a certain woman gave testimony to this most precious panacea , who immediately after prayers going to draw water , came in that instant in which the well had mixt it self with hers ; but being somewhat slow in drawing , her husband was verie angrie : the woman for fear let the pitcher fall out of her hands , and it happened that some drops fell upon her husband , and those parts which the water touched were immediately healed . see the effect of this his anger ! for he was only healed in part , whereas if he had drank , he had been totally cured , and clean as a new-born child . hence is that notable saying of the rabbies ; iracundus nihil aliud quam iram suam reportabit . lastly , they separate the sabbath from the week following , and give god thanks that he hath enabled them so to hallow the sabbath . they do it after this manner . a great taper like a torch is kindled , which they call the candle of separation ; they have also a little box full of sweet spices provided : then the master of the family takes the cup of wine in his right hand , and sings with a loud voice , behold , god is my salvation , i will trust and not be afraid : i will receive the cup of salvation , and call upon the name of the lord , &c. which done , he consecrates the wine , and ( spilling a little on the ground ) saith , blessed art thou o lord who hast created the fruit of the vine . then he smells to the sweet spice , and delivers it to all present to smell to : afterwards he takes the cup in his right hand , and going to the great taper , looks diligently on the nails of his left hand , bowing his fingers inwards towards the palm of his hand , that they may cause a shadow ; after that he opens them again , and looks on the outside so diligently , that he may discern the nails to be whiter than the flesh , and saith , blessed art thou o lord who hast ordained a clear light : then taking the cup in his left hand , he vieweth the nails of his right hand ; which done , he removeth the cup into his right hand , and saith , blessed art thou who hast made difference betwixt things holy and prophane ; betwixt israel and other nations ; betwixt the seventh day and the other six days of the week : and while he saith this , he spills a little of the wine on the ground , and then drinks , and giveth to all present to drink . and so the sabbath is ended , and the week begun . they prove the difference between the sabbath and the week-daies by these words : and that ye may put difference between things holy and unholy ; and , god divided the light from the darkness . they smell to the sweet spice to avoid dotage , because they are deprived of a soul at the end of the sabbath , which soul they again receive at the beginning of it , and enjoy more than on week-daies . antonius margarita in his book de side judaica has something to this purpose . the jews write in the talmud , that every man hath three souls ; and prove it from esay 42.5 . thus saith the lord god , he that created the heavens , and stretched them out ; he that spread forth the earth , and that which cometh out of it ; he that giveth breath to the people upon it , and spirit to them that walk therein . from this text they attribute to man two souls , which with the true natural soul always inherent make three : moreover they say , that when a man sleeps , these two adventitious souls steal from him ; one ascends to heaven , and there hears all future events ; the other roves about the earth , and there beholds nought but folly and vanity ; and this they call the irrational or brutish soul : but that soul wherewith every man is first inspired , hath its immoveable residence in the heart , and sees all that those two souls that have forsaken the body , do or see . hence all dreams arise , and therefore not always to be lightly esteemed . but on the sabbath a fourth soul cometh as a fresh supply , which elevates their minds , that so they may the better honour the sabbath ; and when the sabbath is ended , this soul leaveth them again : hence it is that they are dull , and smell to the sweet spices to refresh their spirits . ( so much of margarita ; but whence he collected this , cannot as yet be understood by the jews writings . ) some more wise than the rest smell to the sweet spices , because on the sabbath the fire of hell doth not stink ; but as soon as the sabbath is ended , and the gates of hell opened , that the souls of the wicked may again enter in , it sends forth an ill sent ; and these spices are preservatives against it ( as they say . ) they spill a little of the wine in the consecration , as a signe of plenty and abundance in their houses ; for they say where the wine is not spilt , there is no blessing : some think it is done to refresh core and his company whom the earth swallowed up ; as if they were yet alive , and could perceive refreshment from this waste . they take strict notice of their nails , because of their soon growing ; for though they pare them every friday , they grow up again by the next . some say it is by reason of the great difference betwixt the nails and the flesh , which made adam so much to wonder when he saw the world dark , and cried out , ah me miserable creature , for my fault was the world darkned : and hereupon god was so merciful to him , that he gave him discretion to knock two flints together , from which there came fire , with which he lighted a candle ; and when he saw himself all naked save only the tops of his fingers , he burst out into admiration , and praised god. to prove their opinion of the stench of hell , they produce this story out of the talmud : one turnus ruphus a wicked fellow , asked one of the rabbies what the sabbath was better than other week-daies ? whom the rabbi asked again , why art thou more honourable than other men ? he answered , because it was the good pleasure of his lord and king : so , saith the rabbi , it was the good pleasure of the lord of hosts , to command us to prefer the sabbath before other days . but saith turnus , how knowest thou that the seventh day is your true sabbath ? it may be some other day : perhaps the first , second , third , &c. the rabbi told him that this was first revealed to them by a certain river which flows so strong six days that it hurls with it great stones , and is not navigable all the week ; but on the sabbath it moveth not at all . a second proof of it , saith the rabbi , is from thy own fathers sepulchre , which all the week is infected with a loathsome vapor caused by the stench of hell-fire , in which he is tormented ; but on the seventh day it hath no ill smell , because on the sabbath thy father cometh from hell , and the evil spirits have no power over him , and therefore also hell-fire has no ill smell on the sabbath . when turnus heard this , perhaps ( saith he ) his punishment is ended . the rabbi bid him go to the sepulchre after the sabbath , and he should smell a stench . when turnus had made trial and found it so , he by the help of magick raised his father's ghost , and spake thus to him : whilst thou livedst thou did'st not regard the sabbath , but now thou art dead thou hallowest it : how long hast thou been a jew ? his father answered , dear son , he who living observeth not the sabbath willingly , in hell shall be forced to do it . his son proceeds , what is your imployment in hell on week days ? his father answered , we are tortured in the fire , but on the sabbath we enjoy our ease ; for friday in the evening , which is the preparation for the sabbath , proclamation is made in hell , 't is a time of rest , therefore rest ye wicked ; so are we eased , and do hallow the sabbath ; but at the end of the sabbath , when the jews have ended their customary prayers , an evil spirit called dumah , who is our ruler , calleth us back again to hell , because the people of israel have ended the sabbath , where we renew our torments , and endure them till the next sabbath . and this is our employment . he who desireth to know more of this , let him consult rabbi bochai in his exposition of the eighteenth chapter of exodus , where he writes much concerning the sabbath . and because god hath commanded in the law , that not only man but beast also should rest on the sabbath ; they make great inquiry how far a horse or an ass may travel on the sabbath , and whether it may carry any thing on it ? and here they say , that no beast ought to carry any thing on the sabbath , but that with which it is led , as a horse or ass may carry a bridle or halter ; and these too must be put on on friday before the sabbath begins . they ought not to let a horse go abroad with a saddle on , much less must one ride upon it . if any one come home on the sabbath with a saddle on , they may loose the girts , but not take off the saddle ; if the horse shake it off , then the jew is free . the cock is not to be let loose with a piece of cloth tied to his leg or wing , but is to be loosed on friday , that it may rest on the sabbath . if a beast fall into a pit on the sabbath , and cannot get forth of it self , it is to be fed in the place till the sabbath is ended , and then to be holpen out . if the place be so deep that the beast is in danger of being drowned , then they are to put straw ( and such-like stuff ) under it , to preserve it ; and if it get out of it self , then the jew is free . but this seems to contradict that answer christ made to the jews , when they blamed him for healing on the sabbath-day , mat. 12.11 . which of you ( saith he ) having an ox or an ass fallen into a pit , will not straightway help him out on the sabbath-day ? but this is the injunction of the talmud . on the sabbath , a christian may milk the jews cows or goats ; but the jews must not eat the milk , unless they buy it of the christians , as they usually do . the men or women must not run on the sabbath , unless they be commanded of god ; neither must they step more than the length of a cubit at once , lest they hurt the eye-sight . no man ought to carry any sort of weapon , neither must a taylor carry needles on his sleeve . if any one be lame or sick , so that he cannot walk without a staff , he may use it ; but he who is blinde may not . they must not use stilts to help them over the water ; for though they seem to carry a man , yet are they born of him ; and any burthen is forbidden on the sabbath . they must carry no moneys with them on the sabbath . they may shake off the dirt from their shoos against a wall , but not on the ground , lest they may seem to fill the ditch . if any one have dirt on his hands , he may wipe them on his horse-mane ; but washing is forbidden . they are forbidden to catch flies or gnats which stick on their garments , or creep on the ground ; but if they offend them , they may catch them , not hurting them , and throw them away . a louse may be killed ; but one of the rabbies saith , he who kills a louse on the sabbath , breaks it as much as he who kills a camel : and this raiseth a dispute , what was to be done with such offensive creatures ; and it was agreed , that those creatures which were generated by natural coition , should not be hurt ; ( and therefore flies were free ) but those which were bred of corrupt , putrified matter , were to be killed ( and therefore lice . ) they are forbidden to climb trees , lest they should break the boughs . he who feeds his hen and chickens in any open place where the rain may fall , with any corn , must not give them more than they can eat , lest when it rains it should grow , and so he might be said to sow on the sabbath ; which is a sin unpardonable . they must not knock at the dore with the iron hammer , lest they may seem to drive a nail ; and therefore chassan , the sexton , doth knock with his fist . they may not knock with the fingers on the table , nor write on sand or ashes , but they may in the air. no picture , either in paper or wax , is to be defaced . the sum of all that they are forbidden , is contained in 39 articles , to which all lesser matters are reducible . the first article concerns plowing ; under which , is comprehended dressing of gardens , removing herbs , setting trees , planting vines , digging , pruning , &c. whereby the growth of any thing may be improved : and because it is not lawful to fill ditches , the rabbies have thought fit that the chambers should be sprinkled with water , that the dust might not arise ; but sweeping is forbidden , lest thereby any little chink in the chamber should be filled : and for this reason , they would not throw nutshels towards the ditch , lest peradventure they might fall into it . the second article concerns reaping ; under which , is contained gathering any kinde of fruit , which they are forbidden ; as also to take honey from the bees , and such-like . they may on the sabbath eat any fruit as it hangs on the stalk , but not break the stalk : they may not go over a corn-field newly sown , lest the corn should stick to their shoos , which is , as if they had purposed to take it . and it seems that the jews were offended with our saviour , for the breach of this article , when his disciples pluckt off the ears of corn on the sabbath , mat. 12. the third article respects thrashing ; to which pertaineth beating of hemp or flax , to press any moist fruits , as grapes , and such-like . milking is also contained under this article ; but the rabbies don't as yet agree about it . you may judge of the other articles accordingly : the difference betwixt the general ones , and those contained under them , is not great . he who beareth false witness against another , is to be stoned ; and he who willingly sins , him god shall judge , and root out of the land of the living . these are explained in the talmud , in tractatu de sabbatho , chapter 7. with many more , but they are too tedious to be named . and though the jews think that they rightly observe the sabbath , yet they may be convinced of the contrary from their own conscience : for we read in the talmud , that he who observeth all the ceremonies of the sabbath to do them , shall have free pardon of all sins ; yea though he be an idolater , as enoch , in whose time they say this sin had its original . according to gen. 4.26 . then began men to call upon the name of the lord : and esay the 56.2 . blessed is the man that keepeth the sabbath from polluting it . rabbi juda said , if the israelites had kept the first sabbath aright , immediately after the law was given , no nation would ever have overcome them . and another rabbi said , if they had kept the two first sabbaths aright , they had soon been set at liberty ; according to esay 56.4 . they that keep my sabbaths aright , them will i bring back into my holy mountain , ( that is , jerusalem . ) but seeing they are not , neither are like to be set at liberty , it must needs be because they have not kept the sabbath aright , as they confessed , while the temple stood at jerusalem . as the talmud expresly speaketh ; for no other reason was the temple at jerusalem destroyed , but because the jews observed not the sabbath aright . as it is written , ezek. 22.27 . they have hid their eyes from my sabbath , and i am polluted among them . the jews celebrate the sabbath with wine , fish , and flesh , and all kinde of delights : they abstain from work , and are not at any time desirous to do any thing , but only command the poor christians ; and therefore boast , that they are lords over them . i shall conclude this chapt. with the complaint which god made to israel by the prophet esay , esay 1.13 . incense is an abomination unto me : the new moons and sabbaths , the calling of assemblies , i cannot away with : it is iniquity , even the solemn meetings . your new moons , and your appointed seasons my soul hateth , they are a trouble unto me , i am weary to bear them . chap. xviii . of the jews feasts : the manner of their celebration . in the order of prayers according to the hebrew use , the offices for the festivals immediately follow those of the sabbath , though the service-book doth not yield offices for every feast which are in present observation with them . for besides a peculiar order for the purim , there is but one general office for all the rest . now besides what occurs in holy writ concerning the institution and reason of the jewish festivals , there are some modern customs chiefly therein to be considered , which we shall refer to the several feasts , and only give them a naked enumeration . the chief both of the antient and modern jewish festivals , are the passover , the feast of weeks or pentecost , and the feast of tabernacles . the passover is the first both in time and dignity , and the divine scriptures exhibit enough in testimony both of its institution and designe : so that we shall only succinctly set down the usual rites of its present observation . and in the first place , the jews esteem the passover of so great moment , that their preparation for its solemnity is much more great , than to all the other festivals . for the wealthier and devouter sort spend above a lunar month in preparing for its coming . but their preparations consist not in any spiritual exercise , but in a carnal providing for the body . where they use no small curiosity and diligence in getting the finest wheat for the unleavened bread , which by divine appointment is thereon to be eaten . and what is very commendable , the richer are careful to provide the poorer with fine wheat for the same purpose gratis , out of their own store . for they account it a great scandal to their religion , that any jew should be unprovided of things requisite to so sacred a celebration . the two or three daies before the passover , are spent in cleansing their houses , and washing their furniture of brass , pewter , and iron . on the eve of the feast , the first-born of the family always fasts : and the rest of the houshold are imployed in searching every corner , that not a crum of leaven'd bread may remain till the passover . and because they pray that not the least mite may escape their discovery , it is ordinary with them to cast some pieces of hard crusts into the secret corners , that finding them , they may not be said to have pray'd in vain . whatsoever crums they meet with , they are carefully laid up till the next morning , when they are burn'd ; and all this to testifie their especial diligence to observe the law concerning the passover . the sabbath immediately antecedent to this festival , is for its singular and peculiar sanctity , stiled the great sabbath : which name was occasioned by a miracle that thereon happned : of which the rabbies give this short legend . our ancestors , when they lived in egypt , taking their paschal lambs , according to gods appointment , upon the tenth day of the month , and tying them to their bed-posts , that 〈◊〉 might have them ready to kill upon the fourteenth day of the month ; ( which interim of time ( from the tenth to the fourteenth day ) they were to spend in meditation of their deliverance , and in searching if the lamb was without blemish . ) the egyptians demanding a reason of their so doing , the hebrews told them , that their lambs were kept to be killed at their passover . the egyptians murmured greatly thereat , and grew very much incensed against the hebrews for killing the lamb , because it so much resembled one of their gods. for they had placed aries , the ram , one of the celestial signes , in the number of their deities . whereupon the egyptians began to complot the hebrews ruine , but were suddenly struck with so much horrour , that they durst not open their lips , nor move a finger , against them : and because this happened the next sabbath before the passover , it was therefore called the great sabbath : on which they make long discourses , relating to the ordinance and use of the passover . while they are searching and cleansing their houses , they are either to be silent , or to speak of nothing but finding out and burning the leavened bread . and at the lighting of the candle wherewith the crums are sought for , the father of the family saith this benediction : blessed art thou , o lord our god , the lord of the whole earth , who hast sanctified with thy precepts , and commanded us to cast out the leaven . and all his domesticks distinctly answer , amen . some jews will not suffer the women to cleanse the house , because they say , talkativeness is so natural to that sex , that they cannot perform that office with so great silence as is required . the father of the family has alwaies the inspection of purging the house , who lest any leaven'd bread might be left undiscern'd , useth this execration : let all the leaven which i have not found and taken away , vanish into the dust of the earth . while some of the family are making clean the house , others grinde the wheat for the azima , or unleavened cakes . where their first care is to see the mill throughly cleansed from all grain that was designed for leavened bread . and in barbary this task is not long or difficult , because the jews use small hand-mills , like the moors . next , the master of the house , betwixt sun-set and star-light , draws water and puts it in such consecrate vessels as are purposely set apart for their festivals . and when all things are in readiness , they fall to making of the pascal cakes : which are of a round figure , and without any other ingredient , than pure water and fine flour ; which must have been two or three daies ground before they use it . and this they do , lest the heat it takes in grinding , should make it smell , and grow leavenish . if in kneading or moulding the cakes , any part of the dough happen to fall to the earth , they must not take it up , but leave it to be eaten by any creature that has a minde thereunto . for they are of opinion , that the least crum falling to the ground , being taken and put to the rest , will sower the whole lump . the woman that makes the cakes , bakes first one alone , over which she saith , blessed art thou our god , who hast commanded us to separate the leavened cake . and having said these words , she instantly burns it to ashes , and then begins to bake the rest . upon the eve of the passover , at the time of the mincha , they go to the synagogue , where they celebrate the office of the sabbath-arvit . the prayers for the passover , are for the most part the same with those of the sabbath ; save that they intermingle therewith some of the roshodes . during the time that the men stay at the synagogue , the women spread the tables , and adorn their cubbords , not for ostentation , but honour of the festival . against they return from publick oraisons , there is a cushion , the best they can provide , laid for the head of the house , at the upper end of the room where they are to dine : for their posture of eating , is exactly eastern , or lying upon the ground . but this is no part of their religion , but a conformity to the mode of their residence . upon the day of the passover , they compose themselves to a stately gesture of body , and an imperious carriage , only to signifie thereby their deliverance from egyptian bondage . and the women which at other times sit hanging their heads , at this feast look loftily , expressing thereby alacrity and triumph . in eating the paschal lamb , the jews of all countries use the same ritual . four dishes make up their bill of fare ; which are these : the first dish contains three paschal cakes ; the uppermost whereof represents the high-priest ; the middle , the levite ; & the lowermost , the common hebrews . the second dish , is a leg of lamb or kid rosted , together with an hen-egg : the mystery of which last morsel , i could never meet with any jew was able to reveal . the third dish , is a deal of thick stuff much like the moors cuscussow ; but of much better ingredients : for the moors make theirs of meer water and flour , or crum'd bread ; but the jews put several spices in theirs : and the better to make it represent the colour of the bricks they made in egypt , they tincture it with saffron . the fourth dish , is a green salad attended with vinegre , in which they dipping the salad , call to minde the sower herbs wherewith their fathers were commanded to eat the passover . at this feast every jew is to drink wine , but none to exceed four glasses , and none to refuse so many . before they lie down to eat , the chief of the family consecrates the viands . and when the cakes are broken , and every one hath eaten a piece , and drank a cup of wine , the whole family sing an hymn : in which they remember the bread of sorrow eaten by their fathers in egypt ; concluding with their hopes of a speedie restauration unto canaan . at the breaking of the second cake , the master of the house puts a piece thereof in his napkin , in memory of their ancestors wrapping up their dough in haste before it was leaven'd , when they posted out of egypt . and then they drink a second glass of wine , and sing an hymn ; wherein they commemorate their deliverance . and having past the afternoon and part of the night in liberal refreshment ; they eat the third cake , and drink a glass of wine : then the father of the family saith grace , and with the fourth cup of wine in his hand , repeats the 6 verse of the 79 psalm , and the last verse of lamentations the 3. and utters most direful execrations against all that are not of their religion . and immediately upon this , they go to sleep . on the night of the passover they think themselves so safe from danger , that they let the doors stand open , which at other times are bolted and locked with all imaginable security . but some tell us , that they leave their doors open upon the night of the passover , that there may be nothing to hinder the entrance of elias , whose coming on that night is expected . as for the rationale of the four cups of wine , the number of the cakes , time of execration , and other mysterious rites of this festival , it is to be learned out of their masters , whither the curious are remitted . all that i have here to take notice of , is their custom of showing the paschal cakes to their children , and instructing them in the institution and ceremonies of the passover : wherein they pretend to be very faithful observers of exod. 12.26 , 27. as for the other daies of this feast , there is little to be observed concerning them , except that thereon the jews eat better , and go finer than at other times . chap. xix . of their pentecost , or feast of weeks . the meaning and institution of this festival may partly be learned from its name . for pentecost denotes the time of its observation , which was the fiftieth day , reckoning from the second of the passover . it was also called the feast of harvest , and of first-fruits ; because the jews then began their harvest , and offered the first fruits of the earth , exod. 23.16 . and seeing they cannot keep this feast according to its first institution , they spend the time allotted thereunto in praying for their restauration , that god would hasten their return to canaan , and the rebuilding of the temple : for which they use this form . let it be thy good pleasure , o lord our god , and the god of our fathers , that the house of thy sanctuary may speedily be rebuilt in our daies : and give us our portion in thy law. and indeed , this feast may well bear the title of the feast of harvest , because it contain'd the weeks usual for that season : which were bounded with two remarkable daies , whereof the one began , and the other ended the harvest . the former was called the second of the passover , and the later the pentecost . and from this second day of the passover , they number their sabbaths , which custom explains the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. sabbatum , used in the gospel . at this festival , the present ceremonies are but few : only they carry the law twice in procession , and read out of it such portions as concern the oblations which were of old accustomed to be offered . and these parcels of the law are after a most solemn manner read by five select jews . their entertainments likewise are at this time very plain and frugal ; using little flesh-diet , though they are bound to use some , that they may not contradict their own rule : a feast without flesh , is without joy . but still white meats , and confection of milks , are their prime delicacies . and this sort of viand is at this time made use , of , out of no less mystery , than that by its colour and dulcour , they might be remember'd of the purity and delightfulness of the law. to which they allude the 10 verse of the 19 psalm . they have a custom at this feast to strow the synagogues , their dwelling houses , and the streets ( if they have leave ) with greens , and to wear some upon their heads ; out of no deeper mystery , than to commemorate that pleasant verdure which was upon mount sinai when the law was there given unto their great master moses . a custom they have likewise , to bake a cake of seven folds , to signifie ( say they ) the seven heavens , into which god ascended when he went up from the mount. at the beginning of this feast , the jews with great devotion make this prayer . blessed art thou , o lord our god , the king of the world , who hast sanctified us with thy precepts , and hast inabled us rightly to number the days , as thou hast commanded us , this being the first day . thus they proceed to number until the whole fifty daies be expired , every day using the same benediction . chap. xx. of the feast of tabernacles . this is the third capital feast of divine appointment among the jews , which those of barbary keep at present as their fathers did antiently , in booths , which being made of green canes , it is now generally known among them by the spanish name of fiesta de las ( writing as it is pronounced ) caunias , or the feast of reeds . and the end of this feast is to preserve the memory of their ancestors long pilgrimage in the wilderness ; and it lasts eight daies . the institution hereof is to be met with , deut. 16. and exod. 23 , and 34. now , as of old , the chief solemnity and observation of this festival is confined to the first and second day thereof . in that liturgie of the jews ( which i have so often named ) there is no proper office for this feast ; so that thereon they do no more but go to the synagogue , and there solemnize the vsual service , and thence hasten home to their booths , bowers , tents , or tabernacles ; which they finde furnished as richly as their estate and fortunes will make them . during the whole eight daies of this festival , they live in their booths , and adorn them with the furniture of their houses ; and constantly lodge therein , unless it fall out that the rains ( which in barbary often begin in september , the time of this feast ) force them into more comfortable lodgings . paulus fagius ( on levit. 23. ) reports out of the rabbins , that every man was bound every morning to bring a burden of cittern , palm , mirtle or willow-boughs , toward the making of these booths . and this burden was called hosanna . and the cutting down of the boughs , and strowing them in the way , and crying hosanna to christ as he rode to hierusalem , is thought to have been in allusion to this custom . and the jews in barbary are wont at this festival , to take any sort of boughs in their hands , and to shake them toward the four cardinal points of heaven ; beginning at the east . and by this action they foretel and threaten destruction to all the ends of the earth that oppose them . with these boughs also they make a great noise , in allusion to the 12 verse of the 69 psalm , and also to terrifie the devil , and triumph over sin . at the shaking of these boughs , they use these words : blessed art thou , o lord our god , king of the world , who hast sanctified us with thy precepts , and commanded us to carry a bundle of palm . at this time also , the law is brought to the reading-place , about which they walk with great state ; and nothing but threatning and victory appear in their looks . this they do seven times , in memory of their fathers compassing the walls of hiericho . but others say , that this compassing of the reading-place seven times , is in prediction of the certain ruine of their enemies . and this notice of the ceremonie , is very agreeable to the execratory which is now used by them : wherein they profoundly curse the christians ; desiring that god would smite them as he did the first-born of egypt . and though this direful prayer is not found in that liturgie printed at venice , ( as i above-mentioned ) yet i am assured by a good author , that it is extant in the machsor of the cracovian impression . upon the last day of this festival , the last section of the law is constantly read , and the first section begun . for they begin and end the lesson of the law on the same day , to declare their joy therein . this last day of the feast of tents , is called the great day of the feast , s. john 7.37 . where tremelius observes , that on the last of tabernacles , the antient jews used to incompass the altar ( as the modern jews now the reading-place ) with palms in their hands , crying hosanna , that is , preserve us we beseech thee : whence it was called hasanna rabba , or the great hosanna , or the chief of the feast : and that on the same day they drew water from the well of shiloah at the foot of mount sion , and brought it to the temple , where the priests mingled it with the best wine , and poured it on the altar : and that the people sang these words of esay ; with joy shall they draw water out of the wells of salvation . to which our saviour is thought to have alluded , in that speech which on this day he made use of , s. john 7.38 . every one that believeth in me , out of his belly shall flow living waters . when they have built their tabernacles , they may not use them till the father of the family hath consecrated both them and all the utensils of the feast : wherein he gives god thanks that he hath chosen and sanctified the jews above all other nations , and that to them only belongs the habitation in tents . at the expiration of the feast , when they come out of their tabernacles , the chief of the family saith these words : god grant that the following year we may dwell in the tent of the leviathan . the mystery of which prayer depends upon the opinion that the jews have of eating with their messias of the great fish called a leviathan ; which they imagine to be of a poetical magnitude , and preserved on purpose for that great entertainment to which they shall all be invited by messias , at his coming . and the prayer above-named , has respect to this opinion , and designes no more than their desires that their king may have a speedy advent . and having now taken this short view of the present rites wherewith the jews celebrate their three cardinal feasts , their minor festivals come next to be considered . among which , their purim or feast of lots merits the first remembrance : for to it is allotted a proper office , which honour is not granted to any of the rest . chap. xxi . of the jews purim , or feast of lots . the word purim is persick , and signifies lots ; and the feast bears this name from the occasion of its institution , which without the trouble of transcribing , is to be seen at large in the book of esther . the mischiefs plotted against the jews , falling upon their enemies , and those being killed by them who designed their destruction ; and all this happening upon the 13 of the month adar , answering to our february , and ending upon the 14 of the same month : in memory of their own deliverance , and the destruction of their enemies , the jews keep those two daies festival , whereon they both happened . in the celebration of this feast , they at present use these ceremonies : first they light up great store of lamps , that thereby they may testifie their joy ; and read over the book of esther : at which , both the women and children are bound to be present . who at the naming of haman , make an hideous noise , beating with their hands , and stamping with their feet : and at the same time pronounce these words ; let his name be blotted out : let the name of the ungodly come to naught : cursed be haman ; blessed be mordachee : cursed be zeresch , but blessed be esther : cursed be all idolaters , and blessed be all israelites . which maledictions are now applied to the christians . and when they come to that passage concerning the death of haman's sons , they huddle it over without pause or distinction ; intimating that they were all killed in a moment , and that they hate to be long mentioning them . when they come out of the synagogue , they fall to eating and drinking ; and are therein much more liberal at this , than any other time . and they have a rule , that at the feast of purim they should drink till they cannot distinguish between , cursed be haman , and blessed be mordachee . at this feast , the rich supply the poor with wine and viands ; and for two daies none undertake any servile work : the women especially are to keep holy-day , in honour of her who was the occasion of their deliverance . at this feast also they salute one another with presents , and bestow large alms upon the needy , in compliance with what their great patriot commanded , esther 9 20 , 21 , 22. where he established the institution of the feast of lots . the mattins of this feast , begin with extolling gods mercie and power in their deliverance : after which follow the proper lessons out of esther . when those are finished , the chasan leaves the pulpit , and saith part of the dayly service . their vespers they begin with this psalm : my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? &c. and then again a lesson is read out of esther ; and after that , the ordinary evening-service : then follow four benedictions , and all is concluded with select psalms . purim is the last of their anniversary festivals : for happening in adar , there is none between it and easter ; which alwaies falls in nisan , the month that began the year when the hebrews came out of egypt , and which still keeps that place in the computation of their greater feasts . besides their purim , and the three capital feasts which we have already considered , the jews have other minor festivals , as that of reconciliation , dedication , church-officers , new year , and lunar mutations ; of which take this short account in their order . and beginning with their feast of reconcilement or expiation , we finde the ground thereof in lev. 16. and an express statute for its celebration , v. 29. in the seventh month , on the tenth day of the month , ye shall afflict your souls , and do no work at all , whether he be one of your own country , or a stranger ihat sojourneth among you : v. 30. for on that day shall the priest make an atonement for you to cleanse you , that you may be clean from all your sins before the lord. in obedience unto which law , the jews upon the 10 of tizri repair to their synagogues , and in places of open toleration , carry wax-lights in their hands , which when they have lighted , they begin in a very dismal note to lament their sins , and continue fasting and praying for ten daies , which are called the daies of contrition : for which their liturgy has a proper office. every morning , during this feast of expiation , they thrice repeat this confession . o lord , thy people , the house of israel , they have sin'd , they have done wickedly , they have transgressed before thee ; i beseech thee now , o lord , pardon the sins , iniquities , and transgressions , with which the people , the house of israel have sin'd , done wickedly , and transgressed before thee , as it is written in the law of thy servant moses : that in that day he shall make an atonement for you , that he might cleanse you , and that you might be clean from all your iniquities before the lord. this confession , saith p. fagius , is of very great antiquity , and was made by the high-priest when he disburden'd the sins of the whole congregation upon the head of the scape-goat . since the destruction of their city , the jews have no place for a proper sacrifice ; and therefore , instead thereof , when they come from the synagogue , every father of a family takes a cock , ( a white one if possible ) upon the 9th day of the feast , and calling his household about him , repeats several sentences of scripture ; among which , the principal are the 17 vers . of psalm 107. fools because of their transgression , and because of their iniquities are afflicted . and 23 vers . of job 13. how many are mine iniquities and sins ! make me to know my transgression and my sin . after the repetition of these scriptures , he waves the cock three times about his head , at each of which he useth these or the like words : let this cock be a commutation for me : let it be my substitute : let it be an expiation for me : let the bird die ; but let life and happiness be to me and to all israel . amen . then he again swings the cock thrice about his head , once for himself , once for his sons , and once for the strangers that are with him . then he kills the cock , and saith , i have deserved thus to die . the woman takes a hen , and doth the like for those of her sex. in barbary where the houses are flat-roofed , they cast the garbage thereon , to be devoured by some ravenous birds , in token that their sins are removed as the entrails they cast out . now the reason why they chuse a cock for the expiatory , is drawn from the ambiguous word in the talmud , which may signifie either man or cock. so that they repute the death of a cock , as much as that of a man : and to this domestick bird the 53 of esay , with many other passages of holy writ , are prophanely and ridiculously applied . but however they may at this feast greatly extol ▪ the merits of the cock , and imagine all their sins to be atoned by his death : yet when themselves come to die , they acknowledge no commutation , but skin for skin according to this saying of one of their masters when he was a dying : let my own death be the expiation and satisfaction for all my sins . when they have done with the cock , they repair to the sepulchres , where they repeat , enlarge , and enforce their prayers , and confessions . they bestow the value of their cocks upon the poor , to whom formerly they gave their carkasses , which they now keep to furnish out their own tables . besides that form of publick confession which we mentioned before , they use private confession one to another : which they thus perform . about the middle of the service they make an interruption , and two by two step aside in the synagogue and confess their sins to each other . during the time of confession , he that confesseth turns his face northward , and with great seeming contrition bows his body , beats his brest , and readily submits his back to such stripes as his friend will inflict ; who yet never exceeds the number of 39. and the first having thus made confession , the second goes upon the same duty . this feast as it has the name of expiation ( because according to its first institution , the high-priest did then confess his own sins and the sins of the people ; and by certain rites did expiate , and make atonement to god for them ) so is it likewise called the feast of reconciliation , because at this time they endeavour a general amnesty and pardon . for they labour that no quarrel among them remain unreconciled . he that seeks to be at peace with his neighbour , though he be refused , is looked upon as innocent . they hold this reconciliation so necessary , that if the offended die without it , the offender must go to his gr●●e , and in the presence and hearing of ten witnesses , confess his trespass . upon the even of the 9th of this feast , they repair to the synagogue , where they trim and encrease the number of their lamps . the women do the like at home . if the lamps burn cleer , it is a good signe that their sins are pardoned , and that they shall live chearful and happy . but if the lamps burn dim , it is a sad abodement their trespasses are not expiated . whereupon some of them renew their penances , and use several abstinences , and remain restless till the omen alter . some are reported at this time to bribe the devil that he may not accuse them ; and some again are so confident of their expiation , that they bid the devil do his worst . that the expiation & reconcilement might be extended unto all , upon the eve of the 9th of this feast , they absolve all offenders , restore the excommunicate , and admit to the prayers and communion of the synagogue , even the stubborn and refractary . at last the chasan blesseth the people , stretching out his hands toward them : which hands the people dare not stedfastly look upon while they are elevate , because they suppose them for that time to be full of the holy ghost . after the expiation is thus ended , they continue a space fasting at the synagogue , and then return home to feast : and to testifie their mutual peace and reconcilement . their next feast is that of dedication , whose institution we meet with in 1 maccab. 4.59 . moreover judas and his brethren , &c. and this our saviour honour'd with his presence , s. john 10.22 . not to countenance the abuses , but to own its appointment , and to approve the consecration and dedication of times and places to gods service . this feast in the n. t. is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or renovations , or a feast wherein something is renewed , and is in memory of second dedications . it continues 8 daies , during which time the synagogues are full of candles ; which may be the reason that the spanish jews call it fiesta de las candelas ; and some call it the feast of oyl : and both give this reason of the name . in the dedication of the temple , and restauration of the divine worship , there wanted oyl for the holy lamps ; whereupon judas maccabaeus diligently seeking every corner of the temple for oyl , at length found a jar full , which was sealed with the high-priests seal , and had never fallen into the desecrating hands of the enemy . but the oyl was of so small a quantity , that it was but enough for one night . whereupon , he and the people became very sorrowful , not being able to procure oyl for the present necessity . for the place where it was to be bought , stood three daies journey from hierusalem . but god ( saith the story ) by a bountiful miracle made the small jar of oyl to last the whole eight daies of the feast . in memory of which miraculous supply , some , as i said , have called it the feast of candles , and others , the feast of oyl . they spend the eight daies in junketing and games ; little of religion appearing through the whole solemnity . they have another feast in remembrance of giving the law , at which time they sell those ecclesiastick offices we spoke of before : and which always falls out upon the same day that the last section of the law is finished , and the first begun . and they begin the law the same day they end it , that the devil may not tell god , that israel is weary of his law. on this feast all the copies of law are taken out of the ark , and in very solemn procession is carri'd through the synagogue with all manner of exultation and rejoycing . and after this , they make the best provision they can possible , which they call the supper upon the finishing the law. and it is founded upon the act of solomon , who coming to hierusalem , and there offering burnt-offerings and peace-offerings before the ark of the covenant of the law , made a feast to all his servants , 1 kings 3.15 . the next feast , is that of the new year , which is kept in tizri ; for that is the first month according to their secular , though but the seventh according to their ecclesiastical computation . on the day of this festival , they repair to the synagogue ; and the usual service being ended , with a short prayer they consecrate the feast , and drink , if they can possible procure it , some mustum , because it is wine of a good abodement of an happy year , which they then wish one to another . the younger sort do now receive the chief priests benediction , which he gives them by laying his hands upon their heads , and praying they may have a good year . in some places rams horns are sounded at this feast , in memory ( think some ) of the ram which was sacrificed in stead of isaac ; some , in memory of the giving of the law with sound of cornets ; and some , to minde them of the day of judgement , to which they shall be summoned by the sound of trumpets . now the deliverance of isaac , and the giving of the law did , and the last judgement ( say they ) shall happen upon the first day of tizri , answering to our september . the jews have had a custome on this day to run into the rivers , and there to shake off their sins , that according to micah 7.19 . they may be carried into the depths of the sea. if at this lustration they have the good fortune to see a fish , they shake themselves lustily on purpose to load it with their sins , that it may swim away with them , and be as the scape-goat of old , which carried the peoples sins into the desart . some among them would have this repairing to the running-water , to be in memory of abraham's being led by an evil spirit into a river , ( when he went to sacrifice his son ) where being in great danger of drowning , he prai'd unto god , and the river upon the sudden became dry land. but he that shall converse with the jews , shall be furnished with plenty of stories of this nature ; and if upon every occasion i should have set down the miracles wherewith their most ridiculous and improbable rites are attested , i might have made this discourse voluminous to no purpose . their last feast i shall take notice of , is that of their new-moons , which are a sort of half holy-days ; the morning , as on other daies , being spent in the synagogues , and the afternoon in good company . at the first sight of the new-moon , they have a benediction , wherein they bless god , that with the breath of his mouth he hath created the heavens and all the host thereof , and appointed them laws which they observe : that he reneweth the moon , and makes it assist the pregnant hebrews . and then they leap as 't were to catch her , and wish their enemies may come no nearer them , than they to the moon . then they extol her good qualities ; for which they have but little reason , seeing that they are told how in the beginning god deprived the moon of light for murmuring against him ; to expiate which crime of the moon , the jews were appointed to keep this feast . at the feast of tabernacles , they divine from the rays of the moon , of the accidents of the whole year . if the shadows of their bodies appear defective , they accordingly foretel their own or friends deaths . as if a man see his shadow without a head , then he is to fall into danger of death , or die , the following year . if it wants a finger , he shall loose a good friend . if the right hand , a son : if the left , a daughter . if no shadow at all appear , then the man's death is unavoidable . chap. xxii . of the jewish fasts . the jewish fasts , except that upon the expiation , are esteem'd to be all of humane institution . their first fast , is in memory of nebuchadnezzar's siege of hierusalem , which happened upon the tenth of tebeth , answering to our december ; for which their liturgy hath a small office. their second , is in memory of moses's breaking the two tables of the law ; for the loss of their daily sacrifice ; for setting idolatry in the temple ; for the second siege of the city , and breaking down the walls thereof . and this constantly falls upon the 17th of thamuz , corresponding to our june , and lasts till the ninth of ab. all the daies of this fast are accounted ominous and unlucky ; so that thereon they avoid all business of moment , and if possible to begin journeys , or attempt ought that is considerable : and so careful are they hereon to be idle , that school-boys are not thereon to be corrected . upon the fifth of ab , or july , they sit on the ground , read jeremiah's lamentations , bewail the dead , and the loss of hierusalem ; and for ten daies live so severely , that they abstain from every thing wherein is supposed to be delight . their third fast is for the death of gedaliah , whom we read was treacherously murthered , jer. 41.2 . and it falls out in tizri , or september . besides these fasts which are of publick institution , they have several that are private , as those of munday and thursday : one for the death of miriam and eli ; and another for the turning of the bible out of holy hebrew into profane greek , by the seventy translators . but these fasts being the private exercises but of some jews , their rites fall under no certain annotation . the general rule in all their fasting , is to abstain from all manner of meat and drink till the stars appear : and if the jews were orthodox in the circumstances of this afflictive , no people would therein exceed them . but in this , as all other things , they are palpably carnal , relying upon the very doing of the work , and esteeming a meer corporal abstinence highly meritorious . besides , there are not a few miracles ascribed to the bare act of fasting . the prayer used upon fasting-daies ; translated out of the jews liturgy . hear our voice , o lord our god , and have compassion upon us ; and with mercie hear our prayers : and impart thy pity , and subdue us to thy holiness . deliver us from death and the sword , and hunger and captivity , from the prey and an evil desire ; and bad infirmities , and hard chances . pronounce a good sentence upon me and all the males of my house : and let thy compassions return with thy conditions ; and o lord our god , deal with us in mercie and favour , and enter with us before the rule of justice , and harken unto our prayer , our supplication and cry : for thou hearest the prayer of every mouth . answer me o my father , answer me in this day of fasting and affliction . because i am in a great strait by reason i have offended , and rebelled against thee since the day that i was upon the earth until this hour . i blush and am ashamed of my rebellion , i repent me of my sins and transgressions . notwithstanding i have put thy mercies before mine eyes , with which thou art wont to keep off thy fury , and to be appeased with thy creatures : thou art good to pardon ▪ and hast great pity upon all that call upon thee . for thy manifold mercies now answer me , and let a little of my fat and bloud be mingled with my fasting , and be received of thee , as the fat put upon the top of thy altar to pardon every one that hath sin'd , and that hath striven and rebelled against thee . i beseech thee for the sake of thy power , soveraignty and knowledge , bear good will unto me for thy great mercies , and look not upon my wickedness , nor stop thine ears at my prayers ; be nigh unto my calling , and to the calling of the men of my house . it is said , before we cry unto thee , thou wilt answer ; before we speak , thou wilt hear : it shall be that before they cry , i will answer ; and before they speak , i will hear . that thou , o lord , wilt deliver , and answer , and be appeased in the hour of adversity , and hear the petition of every mouth . blessed be thou adonai : lord hear our prayer . the prayer used by the jews after they have done fasting ; translated out of their liturgy . o lord of the worlds , i have afflicted my self this day with fasting before thee . i have made known and manifest before the seat of thy honour , that in the time that the house of thy sanctuary stood , the man that sin'd brought before thee an offering , and offer'd nothing but the fat and bloud , and was forgiven . and at present we have neither sanctuary ( that is , temple ) nor altar for our many sins , nor priest to pardon . let it be thy will , lord our god , and the god of our fathers , that the little of my fat and bloud which is this day spent before thee , may be reckon'd with my fast , and accepted before the seat of thy honour , even as if i had done it upon the sides of thy altar ; and receive me of thy great mercies . chap. xxiii . of the jewish excommunication . the mahumedans ( as i have observed in another discourse ) are not acquainted with church-censures ; the contriver of that religion having left all sorts of delinquents to the civil sword. and though for greater decorum and solemnity , the grand segnor keeps his musti , whom he makes his pope , and pretended oracle in religion ; yet he has no power to chastize any by spiritual censures , be their enormities never so hainous . and upon this account the jews upbraid mahumedism with great deficiency , because it has no power to terrifie evil doers , to preserve the broken from the whole , and to prevent and divert gods judgements ; to bring offenders to amendment , and to maintain the credit and power of their religion . to all which ends the jews manage and hold excommunication necessary . concerning which , this ensuing chapter shall give the reader a short account of the causes of excommunication , its kindes and form . some have thought that the jews of old used excommunications onely in case of pollutions : of which they held chiefly these three sorts , viz. by leprosie , touching of the dead , and an issue . and that to these three sorts of pollutions , were adapted as many kindes of excommunication , namely , the niddui , herem , and shammatha . but besides these three causes of excommunication among the primitive jews , the modern assigne twenty four more ; for all , or any of which , they at present excommunicate , that is , forbid those of their religion the free enjoyment of all civil and religious society . the causes of excommunication among the jews , are chiefly these . 1. he that doth scandalize a master , though he be dead . 2. he that doth revile a publique minister of justice . 3. he that calls a free-man , a slave or servant . 4. he that doth not appear at the consistory upon the day prefixt . 5. he that doth undervalue a single precept , or one head of doctrine , which is contained in the prescripts of the scribes , or the law. 6. he that doth not what he is appointed , stands excommunicated till he doth it . 7. he that keeps in his house what may do mischief to another , as a biting dog , or broken scales , is excommunicated until the fault be corrected : that is , till the dog be hanged , and the scales be mended . 8. he that sells his land to a gentile , is excommunicate , till the damage be repaired that thereby shall accrew unto an israelite . 9. he that in the courts of the gentiles shall be a witness against an hebrew , so that he shall be forced to pay money contrary to the custom of his nation ; shall be excommunicate until he refund it . 10. the priest that sacrificing doth not give the dues to the rest of the priests , is to stand excommunicate until he doth . 11. he that shall do any work in the forenoon of the day before the passover . 12. he that shall carelessly , or with an oath , or in lofty and hyperbolical terms pronounce the name of god. 13. they that shall cause the vulgar to profane the name of god. 14. he that shall cause the vulgar to eat holy things out of holy places . 15. he that doth reckon the years , and prefix the months out of the holy land. that is , shall otherwise observe the months and years than of old their fathers appointed them in the holy land. 16. he that putteth a stumbling-block before the blinde , or causeth him to slip . 17. he that hindereth the common people in keeping any commandment . 18. the priest that suffereth a torn beast to be sacrificed . 19. he that killeth a beast for the sacrifice , and doth not first try his knife before a master , rabbi , or wise man. 20. he that is morose and backward to learn . 21. he that keeps company with the wife whom he has divorced . 22. the wise man that is ill-reported , or of a bad fame . 23. he that doth undeservedly excommunicate another . 24. he that profaneth the festivals . these were the old primarie causes of excommunication , most of which are now in present use with the jews . those indeed relating to the sacrifices , ( because they now have none ) are quite out of use : as also that which respects their selling of land or house ; for in barbary they have none but what they hire . the kindes , or rather the degrees of excommunication in antient use with the jews , were the three above-named , whereof the niddui is by some christian authors reckoned the lowest sort ; and by which they understand a separation from , or a casting out of the synagogue ; which usually lasted 30 days ; but might be of a shorter or longer continuance , as the offended gave signes of repentance . during the time of this excommunication , the party was not to come within four cubits either of a man or woman , nor to dress or trim himself as at other times : yet they say he was admitted to instruction , to hear divine service , to hire others , & to let out himself to work ; on condition of observing the four cubits distance but now mentioned . but if the consistory pleased , upon the contumacie of the excommunicate , they might retrench these priviledges , and aggravate the penance , even to the denial of his son circumcision , and the burial of his dead . also if himself died , he was denied all usual rites of burial , and a great stone laid upon his grave , in token that he deserved to have been stoned to death . the denouncing of this excommunication was not always confined to the court or consistory : ( which at this day cannot consist of fewer than three masters ) for it was in the power of any private person to excommunicate those whom they found guilty of the thirteenth cause of excommunication ; and he that was herein negligent incurr'd the like penalty : but they were presently absolved , lest it should become a snare and an offence unto others . and to restrain them to sobriety herein , the court had power to punish him , that did it rashly . from these private excommunications their superiours , rabbins , and chief lawyers , were exempt : for these had a priviledge to excommunicate and absolve themselves . the form both of extrajudicial and legal excommunication , was one and the same , which is this : n. let him be excommunicate . and the excommunicate upon repentance , was absolved in this form : n. thou hast absolution , or thy offence is forgiven thee . but at the time of absolution , the court had power to correct the trespasser with stripes . the second kinde of excommunication was called shammatha , the same with the maran-atha think the most . and it sounds ( saith mr. selden , according to the opinion of some ) the lord cometh . he would not have his shammatha at all to differ from niddui ; which opinion he grounds upon some sayings in the talmudick commentaries . but j. drusius intimates otherwise , when he saith , the jews were wont to excommunicate per maledictionem , that was their cherem , or anathema ; per separationem , that was their niddui ; and by maranatha , the same with shammatha ; and by others of that kinde . by this last intimation , i conceive , may be meant the anathema maranatha . their shammatha was a total exclusion from the church , a blotting them out of the book of life , and not permitting them the least communion in things of publick religion . and by the word shammatha , they signifie the coming of the lord , to take vengeance upon those who are thus excommunicate . and it was never pronounced upon the offender , till he became desperately irreclaimable . a third kind of excommunication was the cherem , which enforced the niddui when the offender within 30 daies gave no signes of amendment , nor sought to be reconciled . a new form of excommunication was now used , containing dreadful execrations , imprecations and cursings of it . as to the maranatha , an old spanish author tells us , it got the signification of anathema upon this occasion : the jews glorying of their messias to come , commonly used the word maran ▪ our lord : in opposition whereunto , the christians used to say maran atha ; our lord or messias is come already . whereupon no small strife arose betwixt them . the jews frequently out of contempt saying maran , and contumeliously called the christians maranites . on the contrary , the christians replied maran atha , affirming that their lord was come already . and hence it grew that the spaniards call those maranos , who being discended of jewish parents , and being christians , turn apostates , and yet expect the coming of messias . but the maranatha is certainly of far greater antiquity , than in this story it can pretend to . for it was used in s. paul's time , as 1 cor. 16.22 . doth cleerly testifie . where an old english translation ( cited by mr. selden ) of an hundred twenty and five years standing , renders anathema maranatha , let him be had in execration to death : meaning ( perhaps ) that the excommunicate should die under this severe censure . for anathema being added to maranatha , by a general agreement , was the highest degree of excommunication . there were indeed two sorts of cherem in the old testament : the one a consecration of things to gods service , by separating them from common and ordinary use : of which we read , lev. 27.28 . and as in the case of hierio●● , where pilfering or stealth of such things as were devoted , was punishable by death . jos . 7. the other sort of cherem , was a devoting of persons unto death . but the cherem we now speak of , was in our saviours time a very fearful kinde of excommunication among the jews . in which , with solemnity and authority , and a heap of direful execrations and cursings , a man was turned out of the synagogue . and this sort of excommunication was so dreadful , that for fear of it , many principal jews who believed on christ , durst not confess him , s. john 9.22 . & 12.42 . and 16.2 . of the manifold use of this cherem among the antient jews , mr. selden has made so plentiful a collection , that the reader may there best be satisfied , de jure naturali & gentium , &c. lib. 4. c. 7 , &c. that which upon this subject i have here to take further notice of , is the antient form of their general cherem or anathema , as it denotes the severest censure of the jewish church . the form i shall here insert , is taken out of that ritual , which they call sepher colbo , or pandects ; and which was used against all those israelites who wilfully and knowingly transgressed any chapter of the law sacred or introduced . the form of cherem or anathema . by the decree of cities , & command of the holy , we anathematize , adjure , exterminate , excommunicate , curse and execrate , god being willing , & his church , by the book of this law , by the 600 precepts therein written , by the anathema with which josua anathematized hiericho , by the curse wherewith elisha cursed the young men , by the curse wherewith gehezi cursed his boy , and by the excommunication with which barach excommunicated meroz , and by the excommunication which rab. jehuda son of rabbi jehezkiel used in this matter , and by all the anathemata , imprecations , curses , excommunications and exterminations which have been made from the time of our master moses , and since , by the name of acetheriel , jah , the lord of hosts ▪ by the name of michael the great prince , by the name of mittatron , whose name is as the name of his master ; by the name of sandalipon , who tieth the hands of his lord ; by the name of forty two letters ; by his name who appeared to moses in the bush ; by the name with which moses divided the sea ; by the name i am what i am ; by the mystery of the name tetragrammaton ; by the scripture that was written upon the tables ; by the name of the lord of armies , the god of israel sitting upon the cherubin ; by the name of the sphears and circles , and living creatures , saints and ministring angels ; by the name of all the angels which wait upon the most high god : every israelite , and every israelitess , who willingly and knowingly violates any of those which are now denounced to be observed , let him be cursed of the god of israel who sitteth upon the cherubin . let him be cursed by the bright and glorious name , which the high-priest in the day of expiations expresseth with his mouth . let him be cursed by heaven and earth . let him be cursed from god almighty . let him be cursed of michael that great prince . let him be cursed of mittatron , whose name is as the name of his master . let him be cursed of acetheriel , jah , the lord of hosts . cursed be he of the seraphin , and the orbs , of the holy animals and angels , who wait before the most high god of israel in holiness and purity . if he was born in the month nisan , which the angel vriel , as the prince of the classes under which it is , governeth ▪ let him be cursed of him , and of all his order . and if he was born in the month ijar , which the angel tzephaniel governeth , let him be cursed of him and his whole order . and if he was born in the month sivan , &c. ( the like imprecation is made in the same words by the angel of this month , and so forward by the angel of every month . ) let him be cursed of the seven angels set over the seven weeks , and of all their order , and helping power . let him be cursed of the four angels which govern the four seasons of the year , and of their order and helping power . let him be cursed of the seven palaces . let him be cursed of the princes of the law ; by the name of the crown , and the name of the seal . let him be cursed of the great god , strong and bright . let him receive confusion from his embraces . let him fall with swift ruine . let the god , the god of spirits , destroy him to all flesh . let the god , the god of spirits , put him under all flesh . let god , the god of spirits , lay him prostrate to all flesh . let god , the god of spirits , cut him off from all flesh . let the wrath of the lord and violent ▪ whirlwinde fall upon the head of the wicked . let the destroying angels run upon him . let him be cursed in every thing he puts his hand unto . let his soul depart in terrour . let him die of the quinsie . let not his breath come or go . let him be smitten with a feaver , driness , the sword , rottenness , the jaundise . neither let him be delivered from them before destruction . let his sword enter his own heart , and let his bows be broken . let him be as the dust before the wind , and let the angel of the lord drive him away . let his ways be darknesses and slipperiness , and let the angel of the lord persecute him . let sudden desolation come upon him , and his net which he hath laid let it catch himself . they shall drive him from light to darkness , and exterminate him from the habitable world. tribulation and anguish shall make him afraid , and his eyes shall see his destruction , and he shall drink the fury of the lord. he shall cloth himself with cursing as with a garment . let him eat the strength of his skin . god shall scatter him for ever , and pull him out of his tabernacle . the lord will not rest that he may be propitious to him , but the wrath of the lord , and his zeal shall smoak against him , and upon him shall rest all the maledictions written in the book of this law , and the lord shall blot out his name from under heaven . also the lord shall separate him to mischief out of all the tribes of israel , according to all the curses of the covenant which are written in the book of this law. but you who adhere to the lord your god , are all alive this day . he that blessed abraham , isaac , jacob , and moses and aaron , david and solomon , and the prophets of israel , and those who were pious among the nations , let him bless all this holy congregation , with all holy congregations , except the man onely , who hath violated this anathema . god of his mercie keep them , make them safe , and deliver them from all evil , misery , and affliction ; and prolong their daies and years , and send his blessing and happie success to every work of their hands , and avenge them quickly , with all other israelites . and so let it be his will and decree . amen . chap. xxiv . concerning the present judicature among the jews . concerning the ecclesiastical and civil consistories among the present jews , little of moment is now observable . and though the synedrion of old related to civil matters , as the synagogue to ecclesiastical : yet the affairs of religion and the world now do both fall under the cognizance of one and the same court. but that which is the subject of the present remark , is the manner of legal proceeding in the case of meum and tuum ; which is plainly and compendiously thus : when any contest ariseth among them concerning debts , bargains , contracts , &c. a juncto of sabios , chachams or masters , are appointed to hear and determine in the cause . this court of chachams consists of 11 , 9 , 7 , 5. and can never be of fewer than three . to these the party promovent makes his address , in a short and plain allegation of the case : which the judges examine by witnesses ; who must be persons well reported of , and very sober : for so much is required by their 212 precept . in case of want of witnesses , the bare oath of the party producent is sufficient : if he be a man of known integrity and good fame . if the creditor have any thing under the debtor's hand , he has the priviledge of attesting the truth thereof by his own oath . but if he demands a debt for which he can produce no writing , the debtor has leave to swear the negative . if the witnesses whose names are at the bill be dead , and there be none to attest their hands , the bill is invalid , & cast out of court. that which much renowns their judicial procedures , is cheapness and expedition ; the whole matter being tried and determined in a few hours . yet if either party finde himself agrieved , he has the liberty of appealing to another court , and may carry the appeal as far as hierusalem : beyond which , there lies none . but though they may dislike , yet they dare not revile the sentence of any court. for to speak evil of any minister of justice , is ipso facto excommunication . and he incurs the like punishment , who ventures to appeal to a second court , before he has obtain'd leave from the first : which laies so great a restraint upon appeals , that few now happen , unless in some such important case , as marriage and divorce . it is very observable , that the jews have made very cautious provision to conserve the esteem and reverence of their masters . insomuch that none in word or carriage can offer them the least disrespect , but he is excommunicate , and his testimony render'd invalid . and if within three daies he make not his peace with the offended rabbi , the excommunication is aggravated , and pronounced before witness in open court by a rabbi , who superaddes thereunto a solemn malediction . if the excommunicate flie to another country , the curse follows him , and he is sent before to beg pardon and be absolved in the same place where the crime was committed ; or in case of contumacie , the execration is aggravated . sometimes the delinquent jew frees himself from the whole censure by turning renegate . the masters , of which the court consists , are chosen upon their reputation for their learnedness in the law , and integrity of their manners : and for a clearer testimony of the former , they sometime are tried by disputation . but besides vnderstanding and good life , there is a competent age required to make a master . who upon election , is invested with authority in this form : behold , hands are laid upon thee , and power is given thee to exercise authority in things criminal . that which most tends to the commendation of the jewish courts , are ( as i said ) brevity and cheapness : for they use no delatory artifices , nor covetous exactions ; but in a very small time , and at a very easie rate , the litigants know their doom . chap. xxv . the manner of the jews alms , and of their making provision for the poor . those who have observed that the jews have no beggers , seem not well informed of the manner of their alms , and their way of providing for the poor . whom 't is true we may not reckon among beggers , as that word usually implies a seeking relief from house to house . for though among the jews in barbary there is great store of needy persons , yet they are supplied after a manner which much conceals ( as to men of other religions ) their poverty . for the wealthier take care to provide for them , and very much magnifie their religion upon this very score , that they live under its profession in a more mutual charity of alms than either the moore or christian ; both which ( with great insulting ) i have heard them upbraiding with their common beggers . and it cannot be denied , but that the jews manner of relieving their poor is regular and commendable . for first they suffer them not to take alms of any man who is of a different religion from their own : and this inspection of them and their wants , is consigned to no meaner persons than their chief masters , who once or oftener every year ( as occasion requires ) are very solemn in this inspection . in every synagogue they have in store several copies of the law , which they sell for great sums of money : but the buyers are not permitted to carrie these copies out of the synagogue , or any further to impropriate them to their own use , than that ( if any of them fall into necessity ) they may be sold again to relieve them . and therefore the name of the buyer is upon a label annexed to the copie of the law , that they may know to whom it belongs , and for whose use it may be sold , if any of the buyer's relations be reduced to want. insomuch that the buying of one of these copies of the law , is a certain provision against poverty , if it shall happen . but that which is here chiefly to be remarked , is their raising of maintenance for the poor with the prizes of these copies . and to make more ready chapmen , the buying of them is accounted very honourable , and meritorious , & of no small interest to the buyer's familie . another way of raising provisions for the poor , are the legacies and bequeathments of dying persons : for the jews have a rule , that none die safely , who bequeath not some part of their estates to the corban of the poor . next they have their contributions ; and out of all these together they raise portions , and make provisions for orphans and indigent females , and the necessitous in general . and to prevent all sophistication and partiality herein , the poorer females are provided for by lot ; and without respect of circumstances , those on whom the lot falls , are first placed in marriage . they moreover permit the poor upon every friday and holy-day-eve to receive private alms , to honour ( that is , to keep ) the sabbath and the festival with . they have also their kibbuz , or letters of collection , by which the indigent has liberty to go from synagogue to synagogue , to receive the benevolence of their country-men . and these kibbuz much resemble our briefs . in them the poverty , religion and honesty of the bearers are certified , who are first to produce them to the chief master of the synagogue ; and he having given his approbation thereof , appoints a day for the collection , which is usually made at the door of the synagogue . by these letters also the necessitous father raiseth portions for his daughters . when any poor jew is upon a journey , it is the custom for him to repair for relief to those of his own religion , who are oblidgd to treat him civilly ; but his company quickly becomes troublesom , according to the old saying among them : the first day a guest ; the second a burden ; the third day a vagamond . chap. xxvi . their visitation of the sick ; testaments : burial of the dead , &c. when a jew falling sick apprehends his disease to be mortal , he sends for a sabio , or master , and some of his more intimate friends , with whose advice and assistance he sets his house in order . the rabbi first draws up an envois of his estate : then he takes account of his debts , and making first provision for their payment out of the estate , the rest is disposed of in legacies and alms. the object of the later , are orphans , widows , synagogues , and the holy house ; for so they call the temple , which they expect shall be rebuilt at the coming of their messiah . and therefore toward the structure thereof , every dying jew that is able , contributes something . for they have erected a treasury to this purpose ; which is managed by the masters , and carefully improved by them . the rest of the estate is divided among the wives and children : the wives first taking out their dowries doubled . if the children of the dying person be very young , the master is to be their guardian ; who with a signal care labours to improve their fortunes . the alms likewise are deposite in the rabbies hands , who out of them disposeth of some females every year in marriage . when the sick man has set his house in order , and is under evident indications of death , he makes confession of his faith , and in a short oraison is recommended to mercie . and the breath is no sooner out of his nostrils , but they prepare for his funeral , which is always within the natural day of his departure . and first the corps is washed in clean water ; or if he be rich , in water of roses , orange-flowers , or any thing that is aromatick . while the corps is thus making clean , they pray that god would cleanse the soul from all the defilements that it had contracted in the body . this ceremony of washing being finished , they put the corps in a clean shirt and drawers , and then a strip of linnen resembling the zizith ; and after all , they sow him in a very white sheet , and put him into a coffin . the relations of the deceased , for seven daies after the interment , stir not abroad ; or if by some extraordinary occasion they are forced to go out of doors , it is without shoos ; which is a token with them , that they have lost a dear friend . for the seven daies that they stay within , the neighbours come to the house to pray with them ; and their mourning habit is either a black ganiphe , or the same clothes they wore when the party died . the corps is born by four to the place of burial , in this procession : in the first rank march the chachams or priests , next to them the kindred of the deceased , after whom come those that are invited to the funeral ; and all singing in a sort of plain-song the 49th psalm . and if it last not till they come to the grave , they begin it again . at the grave , ten rabbies , or so many old jews in their room , say over some certain psalms , composed by the rabbins for that purpose . and when they are ended , the corps is laid in the grave and covered with earth ; and the rabbies compassing the grave seven times , say , from the earth thou camest , and to the earth thou art returned . after this is done , they return from the grave to the house of the deceased , where one , who as chief mourner receives them , with his jaws tied up with a linnen cloth , after the same manner that they binde up the dead . and by this the mourner is said to testifie that he was ready to die with his friend . and thus muffled the mourner goes for seven daies ; during which time the rest of his friends come twice every twenty four hours to pray with him . at the end of these seven daies , the friends of the deceased repair to his grave , which they cover with a black cloth , and say this prayer , vide syracides 22.23 . judge of the truth , who judgest truly , be judge of the truth ; for all thy judgements are justice and truth . and then the kindred of the dead wish one another good health and comfort . and the same ceremonie is repeated precisely that day twelvemonth ; till which time the obsequies are incompleat . if the friends of the deceased be devout , they often every week repair to his grave , where they make great lamentation and bitter weeping over him ; they pray at the same time , that god would pardon his sins , and receive him into the garden . meaning the garden out of which adam was cast , when he became disobedient . in the funeral-rites of the jews , the same order is observed for both sexes : only with this decorum , that the women meddle not with the men , nor the men with the women : but each wash and shrowd those of their own sex. they never bury their dead promiscuously with those of another faith ; but have purchased distinct burying-places where they reside , which they very much respect , and to which they often resort , both in contemplation of their own mortality , and to lament and pray for those who are dead already . it may not be unfit to observe , that though the modern ceremonies of burial are neither so numerous nor costly as those of old among the jews ; yet they do not much varie from them : for the washing of the body was in use at the time of tabitha's death ; and the chief mourner , spoken of before , as also the weekly lamenting of the dead , refers to the women hired to lament at burials : and which the scripture calls mourning-women , jerem. 9.17 . the same with the praeficae among the romans . they likewise agree in the places of burial , which are now as formerly without the towns or cities where they live , except that in fez they have a burying-place within the city , adjoyning to the juderia , or the part where they live ; as was said in the entrance of this discourse . enquiring after inscriptions or epitaphs , and though often in the burying-place for that end , i could see none , nor any other state about the graves than green turf and boughs . but this remark respects the jews in barbary , whom i conceive to come far short of those of other countries , in this sort of funeral pomp. but we are told that they were not without inscriptions upon their sepulchers , as hic jacet n. memoria ejus sit in benedictione . though this i confess be now used , rather as an honourable commemoration , when any author of worth being dead , is cited by the masters , than as a common epitaph . but when they use sepulchral inscriptions , they are usually a prayer for the dead , such as , let his soul be received into the garden of eden . or , let his soul be bound in the bundle of life with the rest of the just . the confession of sins made by the sick upon his death-bed . i acknowledge and confess before thee , o lord my god , and the god of my fathers , the mighty god of the spirits of all flesh , that both my health and death are in thy hands . restore me i beseech thee to my former health ; be mindful of me , and hear my prayers , as in the time of king ezechias , when he also was grievously sick : but if the time of my visitation be come that i must die , let my death be an expiation for all my sins , iniquities , and transgressions ; whether i have committed them ignorantly , or knowingly , from the day that i first drew in the light . grant i beseech thee , that i may have my portion in paradise , and the future world appointed for the just. make known unto me the ways of eternal life ; satisfie me with the joy of thy glorious countenance at thy right hand for ever . blessed art thou , o lord god , who hearest prayers . this confession is usually made by the sick person in the presence of ten more invited thither for that purpose . after this confession , follows the absolution , which is pronounced by some chief rabbi ; wherein the sick person is absolved from all the execrations and curses which are fallen or may fall upon the sick and his family . here are also read the 20 , 38 , and 91 psalms : then follows this prayer , utter'd by the rabbi . let god be merciful unto n. and restore him to life and former health , and let his name be hereafter called b. let him rejoyce in this name , and let it be confirmed in him . let it be thy good pleasure , o god , that the change of his name may help to abolish all hard and evil decrees , and to tear in pieces the sentence that is brought against him . if death be decreed upon the former name n. it is not decreed upon the later name b. if evil be designed against n. it is not so against the name b. behold , at this hour he is as it were another man , as a new creature , as a new-born babe ; bring him to a good life , and length of daies , &c. in dangerous diseases , they change the name of the sick , and impose a new one ( as the prayer shows ) on purpose thereby to move god to have compassion upon the sick , on the account that he desires to become a new man. another prayer used at the grave . blessed be god , who hath formed , created , fed , brought up , preserved , and doth kill us all in justice and judgement ; who knows the number of you all , and will restore you all to life in his good time . blessed be god , who kills and makes alive . amen . in some places , the jews are said , upon the departure of a friend , first of all to cast all the water out of the house ; and then presently to cover his face , without permitting any one to look upon him . they likewise bow down the dead man's thumb into the hollow of the hand , and by that incurvation they fancie to express the holy name of god ; which is an amulet against satan . but all the rest of the fingers of the dead are stretched out at length , to shew that they have utterly forsaken the things of the world , and hold nothing of its goods . returning from the grave , they pluck up grass and cast it behinde their backs , to signifie their hope of the resurrection of the dead , who shall flourish again as the grass , according to es . 66.14 . the mourners use to eat eggs , out of no less emblem , than that death is voluble like an egg , and to day takes one , and another to morrow , and so will come round upon all . the children yearly fast upon the day their parents died , and for the eleven mouths say the prayer for deliverance out of purgatory . where the children out of a reverend esteem of their father's piety , suppose that he stays but eleven months , though all the other jews tarry twelve there . as we have said in our chapter of purgatory . they are very wary that none of the earth taken out of the grave remain uncast upon the corps ; for they imagine this were to upbraid the dead , as if the earth should disdain to cover him . there are many other minute ceremonies relating to the jewish interment , omitted chiefly upon the account of their small importance . the conclusion : wherein is considered the present obstructions of the jews conversion . having ( through the divine assistance ) finished this succinct account of the present state of the jews , i deem'd it would not be unwelcome to the reader , by way of epilogue to recollect some of the visible impediments of their conversion . of which , some respect the jewish nation in general , and others relate to the jews of a particular residence . among the fatal impediments respecting the jews conversion in general , their own ingrafted perversness , and obstinate adherence to the doctrines of their fore-fathers , may be reckoned for the chief ; and indeed , the root of all the rest . as to the former , the jews are notorious therein above all other people ; though the latter be a thing common to the hebrew with other nations . for not onely cotta in cicero , but most men of any parts or education , have thought themselves under no small obligation to keep close to the traditions of their fathers ; although no rational evidence could be produced for the matter of the tradition . vnum mihi satis est majores nostros ita tradidisse ( which was cotta's ) is the ultimate resolution of the jews religion . and not to speak of the obstinacie of education in this particular , we finde even the renowned propagators of christianity complaining of a prioribus credere , as the most knotty and stubborn objection they met with . and when the jews ( such i mean as are considerate and ingenious ) do freely acknowledge the religion of christians to be very conformable to the law of nature , which they account the principal ; yet lest they should seem to think themselves wiser than their ancestors , and so incur the imputation of being proud , or upon the change of their faith to be branded for inconstancy ; they resolutely retain the religion in which their forefathers lived and died , and thought themselves happy and secure . and this is spoken not upon trust , but experience : for upon a fair occasion pressing a spanish jew with the evident danger he was in , if after means of conviction he should obstinately die in his judaism ; he made no other reply , but that he desired to be in no better state , nor to be accounted wiser than the sabies or wise men of his nation . and that if he was damn'd , so would rabbi ben maimon , rabbi salomon jarchi ( and so run over a large catalogue of their rabbins ) placing great consolation to have such good company in perdition . but beside all this , they esteem it so scandalous a thing for any man to forsake his native religion , that even those who turn jews are still under a very jealous aspect , according to their own old proverb : beware of proselytes to the tenth generation . which is also the genius of the moors : for albeit that with a seeming triumph they receive a renegado for a musulman ; yet they never repose in him any considerable trust , nor look upon him as a person of any worth or gallantry . as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some reckon among the internal obstacles of the jews conversion , if thereby be meant their ignorance , either in their own rites , or in evading the arguments brought against them ; those that shall practise them herein , will finde they have arrived to no contemptible knowledge in both ; there being no rite of their religion whereof they have not been taught ( according to their principles ) a probable rationale ; nor any objection brought by christians against the present judaism , for which they are not furnished with an evasion . for the jewish masters take an especial care , and use an utmost diligence , to see the youth be so profoundly instructed in the elements of their religion , that it may be no easie task to efface the characters of their first catechism , or to pull down the fortress of education . and above all , it is in this point highly considerable , that the common sort of jews are bound to acquiesce in the judgement of their rabbins , to whom they make their last appeal , when pressed with arguments too difficult for their own solution . of which i could produce a numerous citation ; but i shall content my self with the single instance of one jacob israel belgara , who from hag. 2.7 . being clearly confuted that the time of messias's advent was already past , eluded the whole argument , by referring himself to the sentiments of their masters . the next thing which may be reckon'd among the grand impediments of the jews conversion , are the christians uncharitable dissentions and divisions , which they suppose proceedeth from a want of the vnity of truth in the foundation : and which they can no way make agreeable to that mutual peace and affection foretold to flourish among the professors of the true messias , and to be the signals of his kingdom , isaiah 11.6 , 7 , &c. this i alwaies found a string continually harp'd upon by the jews ; & one scoffingly told me , that if he should turn christian , he knew not what sect to be of : reflecting upon the manifold divisions that are wofully hapned under the general denomination of christian . in the body , a wound is worse than corruption ; the former being a solution of continuity , the later but a disorder of some humour . in christians , evil manners are wholly contradictions of the purity of their religion , but schism brings its truth into question ; and is of that wretched consequence , that it keeps those out that are without , and drives those out that are within . for our speaking with different tongues , will make the atheist , as well as infidel , say that we are mad . but were the scandal of our divisions removed , yet the naughtiness of our lives would become a new hinderance of the jews conversion ; who are very greatly scandalized with the open , and even professed , transgression of the third commandment , so apparent in those blasphemies which hellish mouthes dart up against god , and those horrid oaths which are become , with some , meer interjections of speech , and with others , phrases of gallantry . and that those sins which the jews severely punish , should become the christians physick and recreations : and that we should live in so palpable a contradiction to our vow and promise of a cleer contrary carriage . and it was this licentiousness of conversation that made a leud jew ( in spain turn'd to popery ) magnifie the happiness of his change , because he had light on a religion , wherein at once he could enjoy both his beads and his whore. reflecting upon that old spanish proverb , las quentas en la máno , y el diáblo en el capillo : good words , and wicked works . and if this obstacle were also taken away , and christians would take care to be as regular as their religion doth oblige them ; yet there wants proper means for the jews conversion , as being vouchsafed neither competent conversation , nor books for that purpose . as to the first , none i think will deny it highly requisite in this affair , unless such as would make the gospel ( like weapon-salve ) to work at a distance . now we know that in our own nation there is no such competent familiarity or civil society held with the jews , as in any degree of probability may in ordinary course be sufficient for their conversion . for since their expulsion out of england by king edward the first , about the year 1290 , the greatest conversation with them has been managed by tradesmen upon the account of trafick , and secular purposes : as is evident at this day . and we have been so far from endeavouring their conversion to christianity , that that which might greatly have encouraged it , is quite taken away . i mean , the house of converts erected by our henry the third , ( which he piously indowed for the maintenance of poor jews converted to christianity , where every one during their lives was allowed two pence a day ) and appointed by edward the third for records to be kept therein , now called the rowles . nor hath it fared any better with the jews in other nations than in our own : for since from france they were banished by philippus pulcher , anno 1307 : from spain by ferdinand , anno 1492 : from portugal by emanuel , anno 1497 : out of the kingdom of naples and sicily by charles the fifth , anno 1539. they have in these kingdoms been so far from any enjoyment of that society requisite to make them converts , that they dare not set a foot within their borders without running very great adventures : as is known to all , acquainted with the regiment of those countries . 't is true , in the jurisdiction of avignon , ( the popes state ) the jews are admitted : and they are very numerous in rome , venice , legorn , &c. ( not to speak of their toleration in germany , bohemia , polonia , lituania , russia , ) yet they are so little invited to christianity , that they meet with no small motives to the contrary . for in the papal dominions no jew can be admitted to baptism till he has renounced the world ; that is , till he confess all the estate gotten in judaism was ill gotten , and that he doth and ought to renounce it , and leave it to the church . and it is but cold comfort to a jew , so notoriously devoted to the world , to take a final farewel of his beloved mammon , and to devest himself and family of all maintenance , at his initiation into christianity ; without any convenient provision for his future subsistence , unless he will betake himself to a cloyster ; a kinde of life very unpleasing to the jews , as contrary to the designe of nature , which intended man for society , and each to be helpful to other in civil duties . besides that monkery is a trade which they never finde commended or injoyn'd by god ; never practised or counselled by their renowned ancestors , who received continual instruction and inspiration from above ; which none of their patriarchs or prophets have given example of ; only in three or four thousand years , elias and some one or other have been found upon very extraordinary cause to have taken also an extraordinary course of life , though of other nature , and to other purpose , then the votaries of the roman church . 't is true , the pope has power to dispense in this particular , and to grant the jew baptism without confiscation of his estate ; yet this is so seldom and uncertain , that few jews are found so hardy as to trie the experiment . in the next place , as to books tending to further the jews conversion , it must be granted that there is no small impediment arising from this particular . for notwithstanding that many learned treatises have been compiled upon this theme ; yet they have either been pen'd in languages unknown to most of this antient people , or in a method exceeding the generality of their capacities , or , no means have been used to bring such books to their perusal . and what is herein not the least considerable , tracts against judaism , or rather for christianity , have been composed by bookish and retired persons , who undertook the confutation of such jewish tenets , as the course of their studies best inabled them to encounter . and others have spent much oyl and time in demolishing a fortress which most of the modern jews never undertook to defend . an instance whereof , i found in a learned discourse concerning christ's resurrection , in which the author excellently confuting that calumny of the disciples stealing away their master while the guard slept : the jews , with whom i discoursed this article , professed a deep silence therein , and that they medled no further with our messias , than to bring him to the cross ; not being at all concern'd for what hapned afterward . so that all the arguments brought to vindicate christs resurrection from the jews belying the disciples in conveying away secretly the body of their blessed master , was answered by denying the supposition . several volumes ( as i have seen ) are written both in spanish and portuguez upon the same subject ; but so far from any likelihood to confute the obstinacie of the jews , that there is a greater probability they may add to its confirmation . for the books ( i speak of ) are stuffed with such ridiculous and irrational miracles , that in reading of them the jews take no small contentment , as being so subservient to their purposes of speaking evil of the christian faith , which they hope cannot long stand , while they imagine it is supported by such frail and chimerical buttresses . and besides all this , the jews have ever been as diligent to detect , as the fryars to contrive their fictitious miracles . and what is herein truely deplorable , christianity has the hard fate to be weighed in these scales , and all its sacred truths to be rejected for a few monkish trumperies . for i have heard some maligning jews urging the brainless conceits of the spanish fryars ( who of all others seem herein the most hypocondricaal ) for the principles of christianity ; which they are the more ready to believe , as finding it advantageous to their designe ; and that the books wherein they occur are of no surreptitious edition , but permissu superiorum , and allowed of by that church , which calls her self the catholick . what i now speak of , respects the obstacles of the conversion of those jews who converse with the romanists , and live even in rome it self : where more monks turn jews , than jews monks ; as all ages have observed . and indeed , through all the papal countries there is but little probability to make the jews have any good will for christianity , if we consider the manifold offences apparently arising from the whole oeconomy of their publick worship and doctrine , of which i shall for brevity sake give instances onely in the vows and prayers made to saints and angels , which the jews in all ages have esteem'd a duty peculiar unto god. and they observe too , that more devotions are made to the virgin , whom all christians acknowledge to be but a creature , than to christ , who by all orthodox christians is believed to be god. but that which of all other yields greatest matter of scandal to the jews , is the worshiping of images , for which both the hebrew and mahumedan lay idolatrie to their charge ; from which nought is left to defend , them but an unintelligible distinction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of a final and instrumental intention in worship . at which the jew has no small occasion to be scandalized , when they consider that yet the sun never rose upon a nation that was so blockish , as to make a stock or a stone the final object of their worship ; but looked upon their simulachra as the representations of some absent divinity , or things wherein the divine power did sometimes inhabit , and by his vertue work miracles , even as the papists opine the b. lady in infinite places of christendom , doth in her images . and whatever apprehensions and distinctions these venturous votaries of the roman church may be furnished with , to save them from idolatry , when they fall down before their images ; yet seeing they use therein all the circumstances appointed and fitting to wait upon the immediate addresses which are made unto god , the jews can perceive nothing visibly fit to vindicate the service from being thought idolatrous . for , as to the mental affection , so much spoken of , it lies altogether hid to the beholder , and no less perhaps to the blunt and undistinguishing wits of the vulgar , who therein are concern'd . it would be a matter of no great difficulty to enlarge the instance to many particulars of the roman doctrine , whereat the jews ( in no mean degree ) are daily scandalized , as may be exemplified in their transubstantiation , where the jews are told messias to be comprehended under the appearances of a wafer ; which is a thing to them so egregiously offensive , that they spit at its mentioning . those that have met with the roman catechism , observe the second commandment to be wanting , and the tenth to be cloven into two , to keep up the decalogue . now all these things , and many more , are of so much the greater scandal and indignity , as being believed by the jews to be the universal tenets of christians ; and that christs ( pretended ) vicar doth herein follow the footsteps of his master . discoursing once with an italian jew concerning the conditions of rome , ( where he had long dwelt ) he began with great assurance to tell me , that at rome great wonders were to be seen , as , a man that could make his god , make and unmake sins at his pleasure : and so run inveighing against the filthy and unhallowed conversations of the principal roman clergy ; closing up his discourse with a deep protestation , that if he were a christian , the vices and doctrines of italy would strongly tempt him to disown that name . and what in the last place is not the least considerable , even at those sermons in italy , to which the jews are bound to resort , little or nothing is to be heard directly tending to the subversion of those points , wherein they place their strongest sanctuary : but obiter , and by the by , the preacher sallies out into a numerous invective against their obstinate infidelity , without laying down such plain arguments as may rationally move them to forsake it . and if herein there were no fault , yet as long as the jews ( coming to the christian sermons ) shall see the preacher begin his discourse with an ave maria , ( which is a general custom with the papists ) and frequently to direct his speech and prayer to the b. virgin , and the little ( wooden ) crucifix which stands on the pulpit by him ; to call that image his lord and saviour , to kneel down to it , to embrace and kiss it , to weep over it , and after all perhaps to cast it to the ground , ( to let the people see they meant not there to terminate their worship ) the very sight hereof doth as much induce the jews to hate christianity , as any reason can be alledged to perswade them to love and embrace it . these are the terms , in which the jews ( with whom i have conversed ) do stand , who above all that has been said , derive the greatest obstruction of their conversion from their own obstinacy ; being not more scandalized , than stifneckt ; nor less untractable within , than offended without : and as proud of their opinions , as they are despised for them . glorying in their ancestors and founders ; in gods temple , and oracles , peculiar promises , and prerogatives , long continuance in honour and prosperity ; and indefatigable in their expectation of being triumphantly recollected , and victoriously to reign over the edomites , when the promise of their messias shall be perform'd , which has ( as they say ) so long beyond the appointed time been protracted , by reason of their own vnworthiness . a summary discourse concerning the jewish talmud , misna & gemara . having in the former part of the antecedent discourse observed , that there are no jews to be met with who adhere to the old bible without talmud-traditions ; i thought it would be disagreeable neither to the reader , nor the subject , to give a succinct account of the talmud , misna , and gemara , in order to facilitate the meaning of the traditions above-mentioned . and waving all critical reserches into the word talmud ( which makes so great a noise in the world ) it may suffice to observe , that by a sort of metonymy , it signifies the book containing the main doctrines of the jews , which by way of eminence is called the talmud or doctrinal . so that the word talmud may as well be used for a system of christian , as jewish doctrines , for any thing therein to the contrary . the two talmuds ( of which hereafter ) are according to mr. selden , the pandects of the jews sacred and civil laws ; and they are generally received of the present hebrews for the great body of their learning , and standard by which the whole israelitick nation is to regulate both their conversation and doctrine . and there needs no other testimonie of their great esteem hereof , than the rr's frequent using it in the proof and confirmation of their tenets . for it is very observable , that the talmud is oftener brought in vindication of their religion , than moses , the prophets , and holy writings : insomuch that they make it , and not the old bible , the touchstone of their doctrine , and that into which they resolve the decision of all their cases . nor are they herein greatly blameable , seeing they esteem the talmud of equal authority with the canonical scriptures , and no more inferiour thereunto , than a law given by word of mouth is to one in writing . for the jews hold there is a twofold law , which they are bound to observe : the one written , which is contained in the five books of moses ; the other oral , which they call the misna , or traditional law which god gave to moses at the same time he did the other ; but did not commit it to writing , but left it to be preserved and propagated orally . some of the masters gifted with a wonderful sagacity , with great assurance maintain that moses , during his abode in the mount , could not discern the time of night from the day , but by the delivery of these two laws : that when god gave the written law , he knew it was day ; and that it was night when he gave the oral . and r. eliesar ( as a late author writes ) affirms that moses read the scripture by day , and the misna by night . but this will scarce sound congruously , if it be considered that the misna was not written , and therefore could not be read , till some thousand years after moses received it in the mount. and as to the reason why god would not suffer it to be written , it was the profound mysteriousness of its nature ( say the masters ) which to have communicated by writing to the vulgar people , would have been no better than to give holy things unto dogs , and to cast pearls before swine . others are of opinion , that god foreseeing how the nations would transcribe the books of the law , prophets , and holy writings , and pervert them to heretical and impious doctrines ; lest they should to the like to the misna or the second law ( for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ) he would not suffer it to be committed to letters . and here it may be pardonable to take notice of two things ; first , that by the holy writings , which the jews call cetaphim , they understand the books of daniel , psalms , proverbs , job , canticles , ruth , lamentations , ecclesiastes , ezra , nehemiah , chronicles ; and that they were compiled or collected by esdras , and the seniors of the synagogue , after the jews returned from babylon . next , that the jews were of old so cautious of preserving their law secret to themselves , that they would not suffer it to be translated into any other language out of their own . insomuch that in the daies of ptolemy when the penteteuch was put in greek by the jews of alexandria , they say that as if god had been therewith displeased , there happened three daies of darkness over the whole earth . and to testifie their own abhorrence of so execrable a fact , the jews appointed a solemn fast to be kept upon the eighth of tebeth , as the immortal joseph scaliger hath observed . but to return . that moses in the mount did receive from god not onely the written law , but also a secret explanation thereof , seems to have been the opinion of origen ( of the third ) and hillary ( of the fourth age. ) and this explanation is supposed to have been none other but the misna , or the oral and second law we now speak of , which was preserved as the cabala of the creation , and of the things happening before the flood , by tradition from minde to minde ( to use mirandula ) without letters , by word of mouth . for moses thus delivered it to aaron ; and he to his sons ; they to joshua ; joshua to the elders ; the elders to the prophets ; the prophets to the great synagogue ; and so it was drawn down by the rabbins of successive ages , of whom the famous ramban has given an account . and in this state the misna continued till many years after the nativity of our blessed saviour ; even till rabbi jehuda ( who for his piety was called the saint , and for his singular love to his nation , and knowledge in their law , the prince ) perceiving that this oral tradition grew difficult , and that thereby the misna was in no small hazard to be utterly lost or grievously corrupted , by reason of the extreme dispersion of his nation , collected all the notes ( taken by the jews to assist their memories ) which contain'd any thing of the misna , and digested them into one volume , which he called the sepher misnaioth , or the book of traditions . and this was no sooner compiled , than it gain'd such credit with the hebrews , as to be publickly taught in their colledges , and to be made the catechism of their youth ; as in another discourse i have observed . the time when this syntagm was finished by rabbi jehuda is not certain ; but most conjecture it was about an hundred and twenty years after the destruction of the temple , and near upon the 190th year of the crucifixion . about an hundred and eighty years after that rabbi jehuda had thus composed the misna , one r. jochanan ( who for many years had been the head of a colledge in palestine ) added to the misna of jehuda , his gemara ; which together with the misna made up the hierusalem-talmud , or the doctrinal of the jews who dwelt in the citie and judea . but this was looked upon as not sufficient for all the constitutions and decisions of the hebrews ( in captivity and dispersion ) especially after they were passed from under the roman to the persick empire . and therefore one rabbi ashi , or ase , composed a second gemara , about an hundred years after the first ; which being effected by him when he lived in babylon , and for the use of the jews there , it with the misna was called the babylonian talmud . and notwithstanding that the talmud of hierusalem is confessed by the jews to have fewer mysterious ( that is fabulous ) stories than the talmud of babylon ; yet this later hath obtain'd publick honour and belief among them : and at this day is universally received as the authentick body of their law. in this compilement the misna is as the text , and the gemara as the comment ; in which the different opinions of the ancient masters are reported and discuss'd , and a final and absolute decision thereunto annexed . and thus we have seen ( in brief ) the original of the talmud , which by way of eminence is often stiled the law ; and indifferently used for the misna or the secundary law , which contains the traditions of moses ; and the gemara , containing the disputations and decisions that have been made upon those traditions ; though properly speaking , these two are constituent parts of the talmud . in which many passages are inserted , which if taken literally , the jews confess , would look like the most idle and romantick tales that ever filled a legend . and therefore they assigne them a secret and reserved interpretation , which , say they , fall not under the comprehension of vulgar and ordinary capacities . but after all this , it must be granted , that some christian writers understand the talmud to be nothing else but a system of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or traditions of the jewish fathers ; which if granted , can at most respect but one part thereof , namely the misna . it is true , that these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were highly valued by the pharisaical jews , and as meanly looked upon by the sadduces ; who pleaded as eagerly for their non-observance , as the other did to the contrarie . and the fierce and impetuous contention which hapned about these traditions in the school of antigonus sochaeus , gave name and birth to the pharisees and sadduces , the first factious sectaries notorious among the jews . josephus speaks much of their emulation and strife ; and how the sadduces were abetted by the wealthy , and the pharisees by the multitude : and that in the end the later so prevailed with the populacie as to have the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be taught for doctrine , and to be made an authentick institution of their schools . of which numerous are said to have been erected purposely to advance the pharisaical discipline . yet it must here be remarked , that the teaching of these traditions did not totally exclude , though greatly diminish the instruction of the written law. for in every colledge of the university of hierusalem , there were two schools , the one called the bibliotheca , because therein they used books , and taught the scriptural law ; the other was called the misna , or beth talmud , or house of doctrine , by reason of the traditions that therein were instilled . both these schools flourished till they were laid desolate by titus ; whose desolation occasioned ( in great part ) the writing of the sepher misnaioth by r. juda , who is said to have lived under the three antonines ; pius , marcus , and commodus . but what in this affair is not the least observable , there is no express notice taken of the talmud , by those fathers who lived in the four first ages of christianity ; notwithstanding they spoke many things of the jewish traditions . and tertullian ex professo writing against the jews , though he speaks distinctly of the primordial law given to adam , and of the law of the two tables delivered to moses , yet he makes not the least mention of the misna , or oral law. s. austin ( of the fifth age ) doth expresly name this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or second law , as containing certain traditions of the jews , which they wrote not , but got by heart , and transfused them from one to another by word of mouth . but the great darkness that befel the jews records at the beginning of christianity , might be one reason why the knowledge of the talmud came so late to the christian world . and indeed , for almost two ages after the talmud was finished , but little light or certainty is to be met with in the history of the jews . and as to our part of the world , it was not much acquainted with the doctrines and records of the hebrews , till they were expell'd babylon . at which time a great part of them came into europe , and especially settled in spain ; where applying themselves unto studie , the rabbins began to multiply , and grow learned ; and to illustrate the talmud with commentaries , expositions , and homilies : as is to be seen in the writings of zacuth , abarbinel , gautz , ben nachman , &c. ( all spanish jews ) but especially r. moses ben maimon ( born at corduba , and a student in egypt , whence he was called moses egyptius ) who in the 23d year of his age began to comment upon the misnaioth , or the text of the talmud ; which he finished at thirty . he lived seventy years , and during his whole life was so studious in writing upon , and instructing religion , that to this day it is said of him : from moses ( the prophet ) to moses ( the egyptian ) there was never such another moses . the first among christians who took more solemn cognizance of the talmud , was justinian the emperour , who about the 551 year of christ gave toleration to the jews to read the sacred bible in their synagogues in the greek tongue ; but utterly prohibited them the reading of the misna , as being neither adjoyned to the sacred books , nor delivered from above to the prophets ; but a meer invention of earthly men , who had nothing of heaven in them . as is to be seen novella 146. where the notes upon that constitution say , that the misna torah was composed out of the caballisticks and anagogicks of the jews , or some allegorical interpretations , pretended to be derived from moses . when the jews were setled in italy and france , the bishops of rome began to take severe cognizance of the talmud . for pope innocent iv. commanded all the copies thereof that could be found in france to be burned , because it contained manifest blasphemies against god , christ , and the virgin mary , inextricable abuses ▪ erronious and unheard-of fooleries . and in italy the talmud fell under the same condemnation : for pope julius the third by solemn bull sentenc'd it to the flames , as containing many things offending the divine law , and the orthodox faith. upon which the inquisition seised upon all the gemara's that could be met with in the regions of italy , and made them an holocaust to the holy chair , &c. finis . the contents . chap. i. the present condition of the jews in barbary ; their places of residence , profession , apparel , stature and complexion , &c. page 7. chap. ii. the moral conversation of the barbary-jews : the ingredients of their religion ▪ their backwardness to disputes : their creed ▪ occasion , author ; with a short paraphrase thereof , &c. 13. chap. iii the barbary-jews opinion of the trinity , angels , several states of the soul , the law , merit , purgatory , resurrection , last judgment , end of the world , &c. 26. chap. iv. their opinion of matrimony and coelibate , their espousals , dowry-bill , &c. 40. chap. v. of other ceremonies relating to their marriages . 46. chap. vi. their opinion of sterility : their lilis : their rites of child-birth . 54. chap. vii . of the rites of circumcision and purirification . 59. chap. viii . of the jews polygamy : divorce : a copy of their bill of dismission , &c. 71. chap. ix . of the jews concubinage : of their marrying the brothers wife . 74. chap. x. of the institution of their children : the time and manner thereof . 80. chap. xi . of their synagogues : the officers thereof : time of their election : hours of prayer . 88. chap. xii . of the jews preparation to the synagogue . 93. chap. xiii . of the jews zizith and tephillim , or phylactery or prayer-ornaments . 99. chap. xiv . of the jews hastening to morning prayer . their manner of entranc● into , and deportment in the syn●gogue , &c. 104. chap. xv. their ceremonies about the book of the law : their manner of celebrating the sabbath : the offices which thereon are solemniz'd , &c. 112. chap. xvi . how the jews prepare themselves for the sabbath , and how they begin it . 130. chap xvii . how the jews hallow the sabbath , and how they end it . 150. chap. xviii . of the jews feasts : the manner of their celebration . 167. chap. xix . of their pentecost , or feast of weeks . 175. chap. xx. of the feast of tabernacles . 177. chap. xxi . of the jews purim , or feast of lots . 182. chap. xxii . of the jewish fasts . 194. chap. xxiii . of the jewish excommunication . 198. chap. xxiv . concerning the present judicature among the jews . 210. chap. xxv . the manner of the jews alms , and of their making provision for poor . 213. chap. xxvi . their visitation of the sick ; testaments : burial of the dead , &c. 216. the conclusion : wherein is considered the present obstructions of the jews conversion . 225. a summary discourse concerning the jewish talmud , misna and gemara 239. finis . ievves in america, or, probabilities that the americans are of that race. with the removall of some contrary reasonings, and earnest desires for effectuall endeavours to make them christian. / proposed by tho: thorovvgood, b.d. one of the assembly of divines. thorowgood, thomas, d. ca. 1669. 1650 approx. 358 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 93 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a94301 wing t1067 thomason e600_1 estc r206387 99865547 99865547 117792 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94301) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 117792) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 92:e600[1]) ievves in america, or, probabilities that the americans are of that race. with the removall of some contrary reasonings, and earnest desires for effectuall endeavours to make them christian. / proposed by tho: thorovvgood, b.d. one of the assembly of divines. thorowgood, thomas, d. ca. 1669. [42], 136, [4] p. printed by w.h. for tho. slater, and are be to [sic] sold at his shop at the signe of the angel in duck lane, london : 1650. annotation on thomason copy: "may. 6.". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jews -early works to 1800. lost tribes of israel -early works to 1800. indians of north america -early works to 1800. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-06 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ievves in america , or , probabilities that the americans are of that race . with the removall of some contrary reasonings , and earnest desires for effectuall endeavours to make them christian . proposed by tho : thorovvgood , b. d. one of the assembly of divines . cant . 8. 8. we have a little sister , and she hath no breasts , what shall we doe for our sister in the day when she shall be spoken for ? mat. 8. 11. many shall come from the east , and from the west , and shall sit downe with abraham , and isaac , and jacob in the kingdome of heaven . aethiopes vertuntur in filios dei , si egerint paenitentiam , & filii dei transeunt in aethiopes si in profundum venerint peccatorum : hieronym . in esai , london , printed by w. h. for tho. slater , and are be to sold at his shop at the signe of the angel in duck lane , 1650. to the honovrable knights and gentlemen that have residence in , and relation to the county of norfolk , peace , from the god of peace . when the glad tidings of the gospels sounding in america by the preaching of the english arrived hither , my soule also rejoyced within me , and i remembred certaine papers that had been laid aside a long time , upon review of them , and some additions to them , they were privately communicated unto such as perswaded earnestly they might behold further light ; being thus finished , and licenced also to walke abroad , as they were stepping forth , that incivility charged upon chrysippus occurred , that he dedicated not his writings to any king or patron , which custome presently seemed not onely lawfull , but as ancient as those scriptures where saint luke in the history of the acts of the apostles applies himselfe to theophilus , act. 1. 1. and saint iohn to the elect lady , so named , some thinke , or for her graces so entituled , i was easily induced to follow this fashion , and my thoughts soone reflected upon you , who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lovers of god , and choice men of your countrey . i may be censured for this high , generall , and ambitious dedication ; but i doe freely publish my own utter unworthinesse : t is true , my respects and love be very much to you all , and my native soile , yet in this i doe not drive any private designe , i looke beyond my selfe , at your honour , the honour of the nation , yea the glory of god , and the soule-good of many millions that are yet in darkenesse and out of christ ; by you is the following tract communicated to the world , i wish , and pray , that the designe bespoken in it may be cordially furthered by you , and all that read or heare thereof ; t is like you will finde in the probabilities so many iudaicall resemblances in america , that as it was said of old , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either plato writes like philo the iew , or philo is become platonicke ; so the jewes did indianize , or the indians doe judaize , for surely they are alike in many , very many remarkable particulars , and if they bee iewes , they must not for that be neglected ; visible comments indeed they are of that dismall text , thou shalt become an astonishment , a proverbe , and a by-word to all nations , &c. deut. 20. 37. and so they are every where to this day : what more reproachfull obloquy is there among men , then this , thou art a jew ? oh the bitter fruits of disobedience ; and t is high time for us gentiles to lay up that example , in the midst of our hearts , pro. 4. 21. remembring alwaies , because of unbeliefe they were broken off , and , if god spared not the naturall branches , take heed lest hee spare not thee . rom. 11. 21. it was a suddaine sentence , tam viles inter christianos iudaei , ut inter mundum triticum mures , jewes are as bad and vile among christians , as mice in cleane wheate ; for glorious were their privileges , and we have a share in some of them , that last especially — of whom concerning the flesh christ came , who is god over all , blessed for ever , rom. 9. 4 , 5. and for another thing they have highly merited our regard — to them were commited the oracles of god , rom. 3. 9. the holy scriptures were concredited to them , and they have faithfully preserved them for us , and conveyed them to us : former times indeed found cause to exterminate them these dominions , i say nothing for such their reintroduction , which must be with sacred and civill cautions , that the svveet name of our dearest lord be not blasphemed , nor the natives robbed of their rights , but when will christians in earnest endeavour their conversion , if the name of jevv must be odious everlastingly ? i speak for their gospelizing , though some suspect they are never likely to come again under that covenant , as if the liber repudii , the bill of divorce mentioned by the prophet did put them away from god for ever , esa . 50. 1. as if they should return to their spouse no more , but that there is for them a time of love , and that they shall be grafted in , rom. 11. 23. is manifested afterwards upon scripture grounds ; and if the period of their wandering be upon its determination , and their recovery approching , how may wee rejoyce in the returne of that prodigall ? it is meet that wee should make merry and be glad , for our brother that was dead is reviving againe , luk. 15. 32. how should wee beg for them that god would poure upon them the spirit of grace and supplication , that they may looke upon him whom they have pierced , and mourne for him as one mourneth for his onely sonne . zach. 12. 10. or if the lost tribes are not to be found in america , of whatsoever descent and origination the poore natives be , if they finde the lord christ , and the nov-angles be the wisemen guiding them unto their peace , great cause shall wee have to lift up the high praises of our god in spirituall exultation ; how should wee cast our mite into this treasury , yea our talent , our talents , if wee have them ? for certainely the time is comming , that as there is one shepherd , there shall be one sheepfold . io. 10. 16. it is true , our owne countrey in many respects stands in need of helpe , wee are fallen into the last and worst times , the old age of the world , full of dangerous and sinnefull diseases , iniquity is encreased , and if ever , if to any people , the saying of that torrent of tullian eloquence ( so ierome calls lactantius ) be applicable , it is to poore england , that is not onely in the gall of bitternesse , but in the very dregs of error and ungodlinesse , ideo mala omnia rebus humanis ingravescunt , quia deus hujus mundi effector ac gubernator derelictus est , quia susceptaesunt , contra quam fas est impiae religiones , postremo quia ne coli quidem vel à paucis deus sinitur . but , o my soule , if thou be wise , be wise for thy selfe , pro. 9. 12. and give mee leave to say to you as moses to his israell , onely take heed to your selves , and keepe your soules diligently , deut. 4. 9. make your calling and election sure , 2 pet. 1. 10. and because you are the children of faithfull abraham , command your children and families that they walke in the waies of the lord , gen. 18. 9. and let who will serve themselves , follow lying vanities , and set up their owne lusts ; let every one of us say and do as ioshua , i and my house will serve the lord , josh . 24. 15. and not onely serve the lord with and in our housholds , but in furthering the common good of others , and t is considerable god is pleased to owne publique interests , though in civill things with the name of his owne inheritance . but this is the sinne , this is the misery of these times , all seek their owne , not the things of iesus christ . even regulated charity may beginne at home , it may not , it must not end there , it is the onely grace that is sowne on earth , it growes up to heaven and continues there , it goes with us thither , and there abides to all eternity , and t is therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , greater then faith and hope , not from continuance onely , but its extensivenesse , it delights to be communicative , it reacheth an hand of helpe one way or other to every one that needs , though at never so great a distance ; after the cloven tongues as of fire had warmed the affections of the holy apostles , they had so much love to soules that they forgat their fathers house , discipled all nations , and preached the gospel to every creature , their line went through all the earth , and their words to the ends of the world , that former known world , the same spirit hath warmed the hearts of our countreymen , and they are busie at the same worke in the other , the new-found world ; for behold a white horse and he that sate on him had a bow , and a crown was given unto him , and hee went forth conquering , and to conquer ; so the lord christ shall be light to that world also , and gods salvation to the ends of the earth . britain hath woon the gospel-glory from all other countries , not onely imbracing it with the formost , as old gildas testifieth , but it was the first of all the provinces that established christianity by a law saith sabellicus , our lucius was the first christian king that annales make mention of , and venerable bede out of eutropius declareth that constantine the first christian emperour , was created to that dignity in this island , & sozom. l. 9. c. 11. saith that so were marcus & gratian also ; but constantine brought further honour to the nation & religion : for the saxon bede , and ponticus virunnius affirme expresly , that constantine was born in britaine ; after this , ingemuit orbis videns se totum romanum , all the world wondred after the beast , & groaned under the papall servitude , and our k. henry the eight was the first of all the princes who brake that yoke of antichrist : but neerer yet to our purpose ; the inhabitants of the first england , so verstegan calls that part of germany whence our ancestors came hither with the saxons and iutes , derive their christianity from iewry , ad nos doctrina de terra iudaeorum per sanctos apostolos , qui docebant gentes , pervenit , as that great linguist , learned , and laborious mr wheelocke hath observed , and translated out of the old saxon homilies , t is but just therefore lege talionis , that we repay what we borrowed , and endeavour their conversion who first acquainted us with the eternall gospell , and if it be probable that providence honoured this nation with the prime discovery of that new world , as is intimated hereafter , it is true without all controversie , that from this second england god hath so disposed the hearts of many in the third , new england , that they have done more in these last few yeares towards their conversion , then hath been effected by all other nations and people that have planted there since they were first known to the habitable world , as if that prophesie were now in its fulfilling ; behold , i will doe a new thing , now it shall spring forth shall ye not know it ? i will even make a way in the wildernes and rivers in the desart , &c. when our ancestors lay also in darkenesse and the shadow of death , gregory wrote divers epistles to severall noblemen and bishops , yea and to some kings and queenes of france and england , these sir h. spelman that famous antiquary , your noble countreyman , and of alliance to divers of you , calls epistolas britannicas , which are also mentioned afterwards ; in these he gives god thankes for their forwardnesse to further the worke of grace , and desires earnestly the continuance of their bountifull and exemplary encouragement of such as were zealously employed in that soule-worke , and that is one of the two businesses entended in the following discourse , which begs your assistance in your spheres , and cordiall concurrence to promote a designe of so much glory to the lord of glory . this is no new notion , or motion , all the royall charters required the gospellizing of the natives ; and in the beginning of this parliament there was an ordinance of lords and commons appointing a committee of both , and their worke was , among other things , to advance the true protestant religion in america , and to spread the gospell among the natives there ; and since , very lately , there is an act for the promoting and propagating the gospell of iesus christ in new-england . i wish prosperity to all the plantations , but those of new-england deserve from hence more then ordinary favour ; because , as by an edict at winchester , about eighth hundred yeeres since , king ecbert commanded this country should be called angles-land , so these your countreymen of their owne accord , and alone , were , and are , ambitious to retain the name of their owne nation ; besides , this england had once an heptarchate , and then your countrey was the chiefe of that kingdome called anglia orientalis , and these are the neerest of all the seven to you in name , nov-angles , east-angles ; i pray that you would be nearest and most helpefull to them in this most christian and gospel-like designe , which i leave with you , and two or three petitions at the throne of grace for you ; one is that of moses , yee shall not doe after all the things that wee do heare this day , every man whatsoever is right in his owne eyes , but that ye walk by rule and not by example ; this is an age much enclining to enthousiasmes and revelations ; men pretend to externall and inward impulses , but wee must remember , though wee had a voice from heaven , yet having the scriptures wee have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a more sure propheticall word , whereunto yee doe well that yee take heed , as unto a light , that shineth in a darke place , untill the day dawne , and the day starre arise in your hearts ; here is a comparison , even with an heavenly voice , which must vaile and submit to the written word , because poore mankind may easily be deluded by him , who among his many other wiles and depths can transform himself into an angel of light . againe , my prayer for you is , that in the wofull concussions and commotions of these daies , your selves may stand firme and unmoveable : you have seene the waters troubled , and the mountaines shaken with the swelling thereof , oh , that you may say , in and with holy davids sense , though an host should encampe against me , my heart shall not feare , though warre should rise up against me , in this will i be confident ; this ? and what is it , but ver . 1. the lord is my light and my salvation , whom shall i feare , the lord is the strength of my life , of whom shall i be afraid ; even heathens have said much and done much towards that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magnanimity and patience , but christians have an higher prospect , they looke above the terrors of men , and they doe not feare their feare ; for as stephen through a showre of stones , they can see the heavens open and the sonne of man sitting at the right hand of god ; nihil crus sentit in nervo , si animus sit in caelo , they are not so much affected with what they feele , as with that they believe , because we walk by faith and not by sight . and oh , that these strange mutations may perswade us all , all the daies of our appointed time to waite , untill our change come , even that change which never , never can again be changed ; these are the last times and yet a little while , yea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet a little , little while , and hee that shall come will come , and will not tarry , his fan is in his hand , and he will throughly purge his floore , and gather the wheate into the garner , but will burne up the chaffe with unquenchable fire . the ungodly shall not stand in the judgement , for all faces shall then be unmasked , and every vizard shall be plucked off , the lord will then bring to light the hidden things of darknesse , and will make manifest the counsels of the heart , and then every one that hath done well , shall have praise of god. the lord god of our mercies fit you for his appointment , stablish you in every good word and worke , and keepe you from evill , that you may give up your account with joy , and not with griefe ; and now i commend you all , and all that love that appearing of our lord , unto the word of his grace , which is able to build you up , and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified ; such is the serious and unfaigned devotion for you , of him who willingly subscribes himselfe , your most humble servant in our dearest lord , tho : thorowgood . jewes in america , or probabilities that the americans be jewes : from part. 1. six severall conjectures . generall introduction . chap. 1. 1. conjecture . their own acknowledgement . ch. 2. 2. rites and customes in both alike , common ceremonies such , chap. 3. and solemn . ch. 4. 3. their words and manner of speech , as the iewes , chap. 5. 4. their man-devouring . ch. 6. 5. they have not yet been gospellized . ch. 7. 6. their calamicies , as 28. deut. ch. 8. part 2. some contrary reasonings removed . 1. in the generall . ch. 1. 2. particularly , how , 1. the jewes should get into america . chap. 1. 2. so few empeople that great part of the world . ch. 3. 3. become so predigiously barbarous . chap. 4. part. 3. earnest desires for hearty endeavours to make them christian . 1. to the planters . 1. cause of their removall . chap. 1. 2. hope of the natives conversion . chap 2. 3. directions to it . chap. 3. 4. cautions about it . chap. 4. 2. to the english there . 1. in behalfe of the planters , aspersions wiped off . chap. 5. & 6. 2. towards the natives conversion . 1. motives . chap. 7. 2. helps . chap. 8. 3. encouragements from our countrymens pious endeavours there . ch. 9. 4. and the successe thereof upon the indians . ch. 10. the preface to the reader . bona domus in ipso veistbulo debetagnosci saith austin , the portall commonly promiseth somewhat of the house it self , and prefaces be as doors that let in the reader to the booke , and bespeake much of the intention of the writer ; you are in some measure prepared already by the foregoing epistle , with the forefront , and first page : marsilius ficinus said of his booke de triplici vita . esca tituli tam suavis quam plurimos alliciet ad gustandum , the title will invite some to further enquiry ; it is in mans nature to be well pleased with novelties , thence later times have had good leave to correct former mistakes . it was written with confidence long since , that the shee beares did licke their informe litter into fashion , that the young viper thrusts its dam out of the world to bring it selfe into it , and that the swan sings its owne dirige at his dying , all which be sufficiently confuted by after experiences , famous varieties of this sort be daily produced to view , those are curious enquiries into common errors by doctor browne . it was said of one contort in body , but of a fine spirit , animus galbae malè habitat , it was a bad house for so good an inhabitant ; many thought so and worse of richard the third , king of england , till those late endeavours to rectifie him and his readers . that geographia sacra is an exact and accurate worke , in respect of the subject and materials , the scattering of nations at the building of babel , and it may puzzle some mens thoughts , that hee should know so well the places of their dispersion so long since , and yet wee continue ignorant what is become of gods owne first people , which shall be recovered to him againe , and have not been missing so many yeeres . the trojans , though now no nation , live yet in the ambitious desire of other people , clayming from them their descent : the jewes , once the lords owne peculiar people , are now the scomme and scorne of the world ; florus calls their glory the temple , impiae gentis arcanum ; democritus another historian said they worshipped an asses head , every third yeere sacrificed a man , &c. others speake spightfull things of them , and their pettigree ; only the lacedemonian king , in that letter whereof you have a copy , 1 macab . 12. 20. &c. tells onias the high priest . it is found in writing that the spartans and jewes are brethren , and come out of the generation of abraham . the originall indeed of the jewes is assuredly knowne to themselves and all christians ; wee have no such evidence for any other people that have now a being ; there is nothing more in the darke to the inhabitants of the severall parts of this earth , then their owne beginnings , and t is thus in countries of along time knowne to each other , and yet in such disquisition they cannot affoord one another almost any light or help ; no wonder therefore that the originall of the americans is in such uncertaine obscurity , for their very name hath not been heard of much more than one hundred and fifty yeares , t is a wonder rather that so great a part of the world should be till then terra incognita , notwithstanding the ambition , curiosity , and avarice of mankind carried him into a greedy inquisition after all places and corners where men and beasts abode , or any commodity was to be found : hieronimus benzo in his nova novi orbis historia , so often hereafter mentioned , professeth , that above all things concerning the americans , his great designe was to finde out what thoughts they had of christians ; touching the countrey it selfe in the topography and other particulars , besides divers mentioned in the following discourse ; some have of late done excellently that way : that t is no part of my businesse , which , next to the desire of their conversion to christ , was , and is , to aske whence they came ; and that they be judaicall , i have laid together severall conjectures as they occu●●… in reading and observing , to stirre up and awaken more able inquisitors , to looke after the beginning , nature , civilizing , and gospellizing those people , and to cast in my poore mite towards the encouragement of our countreymen in such their pious undertaking ; and though some men have spoken meane things of them in reference to their labours that way , as if they had been negligent therein , such men consider not i feare , how long their countreymen have been wrastling with divers difficulties , and busily employing their minds and time in providing outward accommodations for themselves in a strange land , they remember not the naturall perversenesse of all mankind to spirituall things , nor with what counterworkes satan doth oppose the underminers of his principalities , nor how he hath broken the language of the natives into severall tongues and dialects to impede their conversion , nor how the novangles have themselves been broken into divers ruptures , lest they should be at leasure to further the enlargement of christs kingdome upon the spoiles and diminution of his ; this was in the purpose of their hearts at first , and now to their comfort they do abundantly see that the natives are a docible people , who for their contempt of gold & silver , and for some other reasons , have been deemed bruitish , and almost irrationall ; but to what is after written it may be mentioned in this place , that in mexico they were observed to be wise and politique in government , to the admiration of christians , yea they were not ignorant in those parts of letters and writing , though in a different fashion from others : acosta did observe , the jewes write from the right hand to the left , others from the left to the right , the chinois or east-indians write from the top to the bottom , & the mexicans from the bottome to the top , the reformed dominican in his new survey of the west-indies , tells of a town as he travelled , called amat titlan , a towne of letters , and of very curious artifices of their citizens , of goldsmiths worke and otherwise , their ingenuity , cunning and courage is marvelously manifest in their leading a whale as big as a mountaine , with a cord , and vanquishing him in this manner ; by the helpe of their canoes or little boats , they come neare to the broad side of that huge creature , oand with great dexterity leape upon his necke , there they ride as on horsebacke , and thrust a sharpe stake into his nosthrill , so they call the hole or vent by which they breathe , he beats it in with another stake as forcibly as hee can , the furious whale in the meane time raiseth mountaines of waters , and runnes into the deep with great violence and paine , the indian still sits firme , driving in another stake in o that other passage , so stopping his breath , then hee goes againe to his canoe , which with a cord hee had tied to the whales side , and so he paesseth to land ; the whale running away with the cord , leaps from place to place in much pame till hee gets to shoare , and being on ground , hee cannot move his huge body , then a great number of indians come to the conquerer , they kill the whale , cut his flesh in pieces , they dry it , and make use of it for food , which lasts them long , thus plainely verifying that expression , psal . 74. 14. thou breakest the heads of leviathan in pieces , and gavest him to be meat to the people inhabiting the wildernesse : when , or where , or by whom is this thus done , but by these ? who will not now desire , and willingly lend his helpe to cover their naked bodies , and cloath their more naked soules with the gospel , who , and who alone have so litterally fulfilled that scripture of our god ? but let me commend three other things to thy consideration , that thy affections may bee warmed towards thy countreymen , and they receive encouragement in the planting of themselves , and the gospel among the natives . first , they may be preparing an hiding place for thy selfe , whoever , whatever now thou art , thou mayst be overtaken by a tempest , and stand in need of a shelter , and where canst thou be better for sweetnesse of aire and water , with the fertility of the soile , giving two wheate harvests in one yeare in severall places , yea in some , three , saith p. martyr , and books generally speake of that land as of a second canaan : and for new-england you may believe the relation of a very friend there to his like here , who mutually agreed upon a private character , that the truth might be discovered without deceit or glozing , and thus he wrote to him whom he entirely loved . the aire of this countrey is very sweet and healthfull , the daies two houres shorter in summer , and two houres longer in winter then they be with you , the summer is a little hotter , and the winter , a little colder , our grounds are very good and fruitfull for all kind of corne , both english and indian , our cattell thrive much better here then in old england , fowle encrease with us exceedingly , wee have many sweet and excellent springs , and fresh rivers , with abundance of good fish in them ; of a very truth , i believe verily , it will be within a few yeares the plentifullest place in the whole world , &c. i might proclaime , saith lerius , the inhabitants of that land happy , meaning the natives , if they had knowledge of the creator ; so that as parents intending to marry their daughters well , extend themselves in what they may to encrease their portion , and make way for their preferment , our heavenly father hath dealt thus with these americans , enriching them with gold , silver , good aire , good water , and all other accommodations for use and delight , that they might be the more earnestly wooed and sought after . and yet further , as he commended his house offered to sale , that it had good neighbours , if thou beest driven thither , goe chearefully , for thou goest to thine owne countreymen , from one england to another , new england indeed , witnesse that experimented asseveration of him worthy of credit , who having lived in a colony there of many thousand english almost twelve yeares , and was held a very sociable man , speaketh considerately , i never heard but one oath sworne , never saw one man drunke , nor ever heard of three women adulteresses , if these sinnes be among us privily , the lord heale us , i would not be understood to boast of our innocency , there is no cause i should , our hearts may be bad enough , and our lives much better . and yet they have more abundantly testified their pious integrity in serious endeavours to propogate gospel-holinesse , even to those that be without , their godly labours christianizing the natives must be remembred to their praise , they have had long and longing preparative thoughts and purposes that way , and as saint paul once to his corinthians , 2. 6. 11. they have seemed to say o americans , our mouth is opened unto you , our heart is enlarged , you are not straightned in us , be not straightned in your owne bowels , and now for a recompence of all our endeavours to preach christ unto you , we aske no more , but be ye also enlarged with gladnesse to receive the lord jesus christ : their active industry in this kind with the successe is now famously visible in severall discourses , which whosoever shall read will be sufficiently contented in his spirituall and outward well-wishings to his friends , both of this nation and the natives , for the gospel runs there and is glorified : and here i crave leave to speake a word or two to the military reader , the late english american traveller , dedicating his observations upon his journeys of three thousand three hundred miles within the maine land of america , to the lord fairefax , speakes knowingly to his excellency , that with the same paines and charge that the english have been at in planting one of the petty islands , they might have conquered so many great cities , and large territories on the continent as might very well merit the title of a kingdom ; he shewes further , that the natives have not onely just right to the land , and may transferre it to whom they please , but that it may easily be wonne from the spaniards , and that for these three reasons among the rest . 1. the spaniards themselves are but few and thinne . 2. the indians and blackamoores will turne against them , and so will 3. the criolians , that is , the spaniards borne in america , whom they will not suffer to beare office in church or state ; looke westward then yee men of warre , thence you may behold a rising sunne of glory , with riches and much honour , and not onely for your selves , but for christ , whom you say you desire above all , and are delighted to honour : in yonder countries , that the following leaves speake of , non cedunt arma togae , the pen yeelds to the pike , the first place of honour is given to the profession of armes , and therefore in mexico the noblemen were the chiefe souldiers ; thus you may enlarge not onely your owne renowne , but the borders of the nation , yea the kingdome of the king of saints . we have all made covenants and professions of reformation at home , with promises to propagate the gospell of our deare lord among those that remaine in great and miserable blindnesse , how happy were it for them and us , if this england were in such a posture of holinesse and tranquility , that all opportunities might be imbraced to advance its territories abroad ; in the interim i could wish with the most passionate , and compassionate of all the holy prophets , oh that my head were waters , and mine eyes a fountaine of teares , that i might weep day and night for the sinnes , and for the slaine of the daughter of my people , oh that i had in the wildernesse , &c. ier. 9. 1. 2. our countrey is justly called our mother , whose heavy groanes under multiplied miseries be heard from all places , whose bowels doe not sympathize with her , and yerne over her , who is not unwilling or ashamed to gather riches or honour from her rents and ruine ; the heathen orator spake affectionately , our parents are dear to us , and so be our children , alliances and familiars , but the love of our countrey , comprehends in it and with it all other dearnesses whatsoever ; and in another place , omnes qui patriam conserverunt , adjuverunt , auxerunt , certum est esse in caelo , t is certaine they are all in heaven that have been lovers and conservators of their countrey ; and when heathenish babylon was the place of israels exile , they are commanded by god himselfe , to seeke the peace of the city whether they were carried , and pray unto the lord for it , jer. 29. 7. it is recorded to the honour of mordecai , that he sought the wealth of his people , esth . 10. 3. the contrary to this entailes ignominy to men and their posterity , by the book of gods own heral dry , esa . 14. 20. thou shalt not be joyned with them in buriall , because thou hast destroyed thy land , and slaine thy people , the seed of evill doers shall never be renowned ; for that judge judged righteously : in a civill warre there is no true victory , in asmuch as he that prevaileth is also a loser . but i returne , and reinvite to peruse these probabilities , and if they like not , because they are no more but guesses and conjectures , yet the requests i hope shall be listened unto , for they aime at gods glory and mans salvation , and nothing else ; and surely the poore natives will not be a little encouraged to looke after the glorious gospel of christ , when they shall understand that not onely the english among them , but wee all here are daily sutors for them at the throne of grace , so that we may say as paul to the romans , 1. 9. god is our witnesse , whom wee serve with our spirit in the gospel of his sonne , that without ceasing wee make mention of them alwaies in our prayers ; mr. elliot whose praise is now through all our churches , 2 cor. 8. 18. deserves publique encouragement from hence , besides those sprinklings of an apostolicall spirit received from heaven , by which in an high and holy ambition he preacheth the gospell where christ had not been named , rom. 15. 20. such another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , like-minded soule-lover is not readily to be found , that naturally careth for their matters , phil. 2. 20. regarding the indians as if they were his owne charge and children , and as god hath furnished him with ministeriall and spirituall abilities for the worke . i wish that he and his com-presbyters and companions in that labour , might be supplyed with all externall accommodations , to further the civilizing , and gospellizing of the americans . and now me thinks i heare thee say also , oh that the day breaking of the gospel there , might be the way of saints , even the path of the just , as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day , pro. 4. 18. and oh that all our nation here and there , would forbeare all other strivings , being ashamed and afraid lest their woefull quarrels be told in gath , and published in the streets of askalon , to the prejudice of the gospels progresse here and there and every where ; erasmus felt what he said of the differences in his time , tragaediae lutheranae mihi ipsi etiam calculo molestiores , and who laments not the wofull tearings of our nation ? who bewailes not to see the breakings of the sheepfold ? who mournes not to heare the strange bleeting of the flocks ? and what soule is not grieved for the great divisions of england ? and let me wish once more , oh that all who love the lord jesus in sincerity , would study to speake the same things , and that all would be perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgement , 1 cor. 1. 10. converting all their tongue-combats , and pen-contentions into an earnest contending , that the faith once delivered to the saints ( jud. 3. ) might be preserved whole , holy , and entire among themselves , and be with like holinesse and integrity communicated to the indians , that doe now so much hunger and thirst after that righteousnesse of our most deare lord and master christ ; let us all with our tongues , purses , pens , counsels , and prayers , promote this worke of god with one shoulder and consent : there be among us here that have had this in their daily devotions more then twenty yeares , which is mentioned to no other end but from desire to call in thy helpe also ; i will take leave by commending to thy practice the imitation of learned and holy theod. beza in his daily prayer for the iewes , lord iesus thou dost justly avenge the contempt of thy selfe , and that ingratefull people is worthy of thy most severe indignation ; but , lord , remember thy covenant , and for thy names sake be favourable to those miserable wretches , and to us the most unworthy of all men , unto whom thou hast vouchsafed thy mercy , bestow this goodnesse also , that we may grow in thy grace , that we be not instruments of thy wrath against them , but rather , both by the knowledg of thy word , and by the examples of holy life , we may , by the assistance and vertue of thy holy spirit , reduce them into the right way , that thou maist once be glorified of all nations and people for ever , amen . an epistolicall discourse of mr. iohn dvry , to mr. thorowgood . concerning his conjecture that the americans are descended from the israelites . with the history of a portugall iew , antonie monterinos , attested by manasseh ben israel , to the same effect . sir , iam bound to thank you for the communication of your booke , which i have read with a great deale of delight and satisfaction ; for the rarity of the subject , and the variety of your observations thereupon , which you have deduced with as much probability to make out your theme , as history can afford matter : i did shew it to another friend of great judgement and ingenuity , who was so taken with it , that he said he would have it to be coppied out at his cost , if you would not publish it to the world , which hee and i have resolved to importune you to doe : for although at first blush , the thing which you offer to be believed , will seeme to most men incredible , and extravigant ; yet when all things are laid rationally and without prejudice together , there will be nothing of improbability found therein , which will not be swallowed up with the appearance of contrary likelyhoods , of things possible and lately attested by some to be truths : whereof to confirme your probable conjectures , i shall give you that information which is come to my hands at severall times in these late yeares , which you , ( if you shall thinke fit ) may publish to the world , as i have received them , which to the probability of your conjectures adde so much light , that if the things which i shall relate be not meere fictions ( which i assure you are none of mine , for you shall have them without any addition , as i have received them ) none can make any further scruple of the truth of your assertion ; but before i come to particulars , i shall tell you of some thoughts which are come upon this occasion into my minde , concerning gods way of dealing with mens spirits for the manifestation of his truth and wisdome to those that seeke after it ; and concerning the wonderfull contrivances by which he brings his counsell to passe beyond all mens thoughts : i have observed , and every one that will take notice must needs perceive , that the spirits of men in reference to spiritual matters , whether divine or humane ( by humane , i meane all matters of science and industry depending upon judgement and sagacity ) are distinguishable into two kinds , the one are stedfast to some principles , and the other are unstable ; this distinction in divine matters is clear , from 2 pet. 3. 17. jude , ver . 3 , 4 , 6 , 12 , 13 , 17 , 18 , 20 , 21. and in humane matters wee need none other proofe but daily experience . againe , these that are stedfast to their principles , will be found of two sorts ; some are led in an ordinary common way and rest therein , admitting of nothing further then what they have attained unto ; some ( though they doe not undervalue the ordinary waies which in their owne kinds are usefull and necessary , yet they ) aspire to something more then ordinary and rest not where they are , they believe that both in humane and divine matters , there is , as long as we are in this life , a plus ultra , and that we never ought to rest in seeking after the advancement of learning and the increase of knowledge , till wee shall come to see the father of lights face ro face ; the different inclinations of these three sorts of men in the world , leading them to different courses and straines in their proceedings , and these begetting divers encounters amongst them wherein they disagree , and know not how to right matters towards one another for mutuall content and edification , are the causes of all our strife and confusion in all affaires , as well of religious as of civill concernment ; nor is it possible to be free from the disorders and distempers , which make the life of mankinde uncomfortable in this kind , and full of vexation , till god hath removed those that fall away from their owne stedfastnesse out of the earth , which will not come to passe till hee hath filled the earth with the knowledge of the lord as the waters cover the sea ; till hee hath brought us all that are stedfast unto true principles , and that walke by rules , unto the unity of the faith and knowledge of the sonne of god , unto a perfect man unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of christ : which things because they are clearely promised , wee may expect shall come to passe , but till then we shall be carried differently about with severall winds of doctrine , and ensnared in our owne ignorance by the cunning craftinesse of men who lie in waite to deceive ; for the unstable are either wickedly set to worke changes upon those that are setled for ends of their owne , or weakely carried up and downe through the uncertaine apprehensions of things differently represented unto them , sometimes one way and sometimes another ; so that between the motions of mens spirits subtilly unstable tending to unsettle others , and weakely stable susceptible of any unsettlement from others , all our changes and disorderly carriages , both in divine and humane affaires doe arise ; when either those that have no principles of truth to walke by , study lies to puzzle those that pretend to walke by rules , or those that have true principles vary from one another in their degrees of understanding , and in their manner of applying the same to advance knowledge , and to make discoveries of gods manifestation of himselfe ; for as these motions meet with one another in opposite courses , and men led thereby , stand by one another in disproportionat frames , or justle one another out of their places for contrary ends ; so all our confusions and revolutions of churches and states , and therein of scientificall straines , and of practicall undertakings , arise differently in the world : here then is a threefold diversity in acting , the changeable and moveable disposition of the one sort , is made to try the stability of the other two , and those that are setled in an ordinary way , are tryers to those that are led forth to something that is extraordinary ; and those that upon allowed principles do rationally bring forth something more then ordinary , try the ingenuity of the other two , how farre they love truth for it selfe ; so that each of these puts his neighbour to the triall of his property , and constraines him to manifest the nature of his way , how farre it is , or is not from god : and although every thing which is beyond the ordinary straine , is liable to be censured and contradicted by men of ordinary apprehensions . who condemne for the most part as extravagant and ridiculous whatsoever is not levell with their capacities ; yet i am inclined to believe , that there is alwaies something of god in all men , that are led forth by extraordinary motions , namely when their spirits doe not reject the common true principles , and yet are raised above them , to apprehend conclusions and inferences which are not common ; and when their affections are regularly constant to their workes , and their undertakings pursued with sobriety in the feare of god , then i conceive that god hath put upon them a speciall stampe and character of his vertue , by which he doth fit them for some designe and service whereunto he hath raised them . i have observed this in very many men of publike spirits , most commonly they have bin laught at by others for going out of the common road-way of acting ; whether to make good some opinions , which others never dreamt of , or to doe some businesse which others have thought impossibilities to be effected ; ( i say ) i have observed , that when they have been led forth with modesty , without selfe conceitednesse and vanity , and when they have prosecuted their enterprises with remarkable perseverance , that god hath made them one way or other remarkably instrumentall and usefull towards their generation for the advancement of his worke , which is the reformation of this world , and the restauration of all things by the kingdom of iesus christ , whereunto all extraordinary gifts , and the unusuall leadings forth of mens spirits are preparatives . i could instance in severall men which i have known , and doe know abroad and at home , of severall professions , whose studies and endeavours have been lookt upon as whimsies and extravagancies by the road-way-men of that profession ; and yet i am perswaded that they are led and acted by that spirit which leadeth the children of god in all truth ; and because other men otherwise rationall and observant , ( who though not altogether destitute of the spirit , yet are not raised above the ordinary pitch ) do not know the drift of the spirit of these ; therefore these are lookt upon by them as men of odde conceits : i have seen some of the great rabbies of our times , heretofore much scandalized at the proposals and undertakings of mr comenius ; but it hath pleased god to assist him so with grace , and support him with constancy in his way , notwithstanding many trialls and temptations ; that he hath been able during his ownelife , to see the usefulnesse of some of his endeavours , whereof a more full account will be given to the world very shortly . i could speake of others , whose attempts , though not so apparantly successefull during their life , yet no lesse usefull in their kind , and which in due time , will prove the grounds of great advantages and discoveries unto posterity , although in the generation where their lot is fallen to live , they have not been believed nor received . gods way to dispence grace is not according to outward appearances , and for this cause , the multitude doth not entertaine the instruments thereof with due esteem , nor the meanes by which it is offered to the world with respect , because they come in a homely dresse , and without the affectation of any shew ; neverthelesse wisdom at all times is justified by her children , and there take notice of her paths , and trace the counsell of god therein , for they can see that gods waies and counsels reach from end to end , and that he comprehends in his aime both that which is past , and that which is present , and that which is to come in future ages ; so that in the conclusion of all , he will make it appeare , that the unusuall motions of his servants , which the world have disesteemed and counted foolishnesse , have been the extraordinary worke of his spirit in them , whereby he doth convince the world of sinne , of righteousnesse , of judgement : of sinne , because the testimony which they bore to the truth was not received ; of righteousnesse , because they who served their generation faithfully with the righteous use of their talent in the midst of scorners , are justly taken away from an unthankfull generation and the evill day , to rest from their labours , that their workes may follow them ; and of judgement , because the selfe conceited pride and partiality of the wise and prudent of this world , shall be judged and condemned by the worke of his spirit , when he shall bring all the effects thereof together to make out his compleate designe against the world , and by the conjunction of the seemingly scattered parts which his servants have acted upon their stages , produce the new frame of a perfect scene , the catastrophe whereof shall make up a building fit for the kingdom of his son. i am fallen upon these thoughts , and acquaint you thus with them , partly to support mine owne spirit against the contradictions which i meet withall in the way wherein god hath set me , for the constant prosecution of peace and truth without partiality amongst my brethren ; partly to apologize for the drift of your spirit , whereby i perceive you have been led these many yeares in some of your studies ; for it is very evident to me , that you have sought after a matter , which to most men will seem incredible , rediculous and extravagant ; and to tell you the truth , before i had read your discourse and seriously weighed matters , when i thought upon your theme , that the americans should be of the seed of israell , it seemed to me somewhat strange and unlikely to have any truth in it ; but afterward when i had weighed your deduction of the matter , and lookt seriously upon gods hand in bringing into those parts of the world where the americans are , so many religious professors , zealous for the advancement of his glory , and who are possessed with a beliefe from the scriptures , that all the tribes of israell shall be called to the knowledge of jesus christ , before the the end of the world : and when i had recollected and laid together some other scattered and confused thoughts which at several times i have received , partly from the places of scripture , which foretell the calling of the jewes , and their restitution to their owne land , together with the bringing back of the ten tribes from all the ends and corners of the earth , partly from some relations which i had heard a few yeeres agoe concerning the ten tribes , which the jewes here in europe had given out ; and partly from the observations of gods way , which he seemes to make by all these changes , and the dissolution of the states and empires of the world , towards some great worke , and extraordinary revolution which may shortly come to passe : all which things when i had called to mind and represented unto my selfe , i was so far from derogating any thing from that which you have conjectured concerning the american indians ; that i beganne to stand amazed at the appearances of the probabilities which so many waies offered themselves unto me , to make out and confirme the effect of that which you have said : and then i begun also upon another account , to wonder at the strangenesse of gods conduct over your spirit , that he should have set you a worke twelve or more yeeres agoe , after the search of such a matter , by historicall observations , whereof then so few , and almost no footsteps at all were extant to be traced , and whereof now , of a suddaine , the world is like to be filled with such evidences , that it wil be an astonishment to all that shall heare of it , and lay it to heart ; and that all who have any ingenuity will be constrained to confesse , that indeed there is a god who ruleth in the earth , and that he hath ordered the affaires of the nations by an universal providence , to bring to passe his own counsels , and that the things which hee hath revealed by his word , should in the latter times be accomplished ; for to my apprehension , this will be the great benefit of these discoveries ; namely , that the mouths of atheists will be stopped , and convicted of irrationality and foolishnesse : for when it shall appear to all men undeniably , that the transmigration of nations , and the affaires of this world , have not been carried hitherto by meere chance , or by the craftinesse of humane counsels , or by force ; but by the wisdome of a supreame conduct , who hath ordered all things from the beginning towards an end which hath been foreknown , and to a designe foretold . ( i say ) when this shall appeare , and that in the midst of all these changes and confusions , there is a conduct over-ruling the force of man , and disappointing the councels of the crafty ; then the eyes of all men will be upon the lord , and god alone will be exalted in righteousnesse , and the holy one of israell in judgement : for seeing it is evident that the ten tribes of israell have been as it were lost in the world neare about the space of two thuusand yeeres , if now they should againe appeare upon the stage , first as it were in another world by themselves , and then afterward speedily come from thence hither to the land of their ancient inheritance , where they shall be joyned to their brethren the jews ( which is clearly foretold by the prophets shall come to passe ) if ( i say ) those things should now begin to come to passe , what can all the world say otherwise , but that the lords counsell doth stand , and that he hath fulfilled the words spoken by his servants the prophets concerning israel ; that although all the sinfull kingdoms of the nations shall be destroyed from off the face of the earth , yet that the house of jacob shall not be utterly destroyed , but shall be corrected in measure , for loe i will command ( saith god by the prophet ) and i will sift the house of israell among all nations , like as corne is sifted in the sieve , yet shall not the least graine fall upon the earth . these prophecies must needs be fulfilled , if there be a god in heaven who hath foretold them , and when he shall make this his word good unto israell , he will thereby make it undeniably apparent , that it was he himselfe and none other who did foretell it : and that it is also none but hee who brings the worke about beyond all humane appearances , according as he did foretell it : and by all this he will shew to all the world , that which he oft-times repeates by the prophet isaiah , that he alone is the saviour , and that there is none besides him , isa . 45. 5 , 6 , 15. till the end . the destruction then of the spirituall babylon by the restauration of israel , shall make out this to all the earth , that god alone is the lord over all , and the saviour of the people that put their trust in his name . now the appearances which offer themselves unto me , that these prophecies are towards their accomplishment , are many , which now i shall not insist upon , ( perhaps god will direct me to declare them in due season more fully then now i can intend ) but i shall onely mention that which i find to be a confirmation of your conjecture , leaving it to your owne discretion , what use you will make of it . first then i shall impart unto you some stories which i heard five or six yeeres agoe , when i was in the low countries , concerning the ten tribes ; and then i shall adde some information concerning the state of the iewes in our europaean and asiaatique worlds , which i have learned at other times by some providences which god hath offered unto mee ; and upon the whole matter i shall leave you to your further conjectures , by that which i shall guesse at . the first story which i heard was at the hague , a person of chief quality about the queen of bohemia , and one of her counsell , and a discerning godly man , and my speciall friend told me , that the jew ( a jeweller residing ordinarily at the hague ) whom i knew , had been there at court , and with great joy had told , that they of his nation had received from constantinople letters , bringing to them glad tidings of two speciall matters fallen out there ; the one was , that the grand seignior had remitted the great taxes which formerly had been laid upon the jewes of those parts , so that now they were in a manner free from all burthens , paying but a small and inconsiderable matter to that empire ; the other was , that a messenger was come unto the jewes who reside neere about the holy land , from the ten tribes , to make enquiry concerning the state of the land ; and what was become of the two tribes and the half which was left in it , when they were transported from thence by salmanasser . this messenger was described to be a grave man , having some attendance in good equipage about him . he told them that the people from which hee was sent were the tribes of israel , which in the daies of hosea the king , were carried captives out of their owne land by the king of assyria , who transported them from samaria into assyria and the cities of the medes ; but they being grieved for the tronsgressions which caused god to be angry with them , they tooke a resolution to separate themselves from all idolaters , and so went from the heathen where they were placed by salmanassar , with a resolution to live by themselves , and observe the commandements of god , which in their owne land they had not observed : in prosecuting this resolution , after a long journey of a yeere and six moneths , they came to a countrey wholly destitute of inhabitants , where now they have increased into a great nation , and are to come from thence into their owne land by the direction of god ; and to shew them that hee was a true israelite , hee had brought with him a scroule of the law of moses , written according to their custome . the gentleman who told me this story , as from the mouth of the jew , said that it brought to his mind fully ( by reason of the agreement of circumstances almost in all things ) the story which is recorded in the second booke of esdras , which is called apocrypha , chap. 13. ver . 40. till 50. which will be found a truth if that messenger came and made this narrative . this was the first story ; and not long after viz. within the space of five or six moneths , a little before i came from the low countries , i was told of a jew who came from america to amsterdam , and brought to the jewes residing there ▪ newes concerning the ten tribes ; that hee had been with them upon the border of their land , and had conversed with some of them for a short space , and seen and heard remarkable things whiles he stayed with them , whereof then i could not learn the true particulars ; but i heard that a narrative was made in writing of that which he had related , which before i went from holland last , i had no time to seeke after , but since the reading of your booke , and some discourse i have had with you about these matters , i have procured it from the low countries , and received a copie thereof in french , attested under manasseh ben israel his hand , that it doth exactly agree with the originall , as it was sent me , the translation thereof i have truly made without adding or taking away any thing ; and because i was not satisfied in some things , and desired to know how farre the whole matter was believed among the jewes at amsterdam , i wrote to manasseh ben israel , their chiefe rabbi , about it , and his answer i have gotten in two letters , telling me that by the occasion of the questions which i proposed unto him concerning this adjoyned narrative of mr. antonie monterinos , hee to give me satisfaction , had written insteed of a letter , a treatise , which hee shortly would publish , and whereof i should receive so many copies as i should desire : in his first letter dated novem. last , 25. he saies that in his treatise he handles of the first inhabitants of america , which he believes were of the ten tribes ; moreover , that they are scattered also in other countries , which he names , and that they keepe their true religion , as hoping to returne againe into the holy land in due time . in his second letter , dated the twenty three of december , he saies more distinctly thus : i declare how that our israelites were the first finders out of america ; not regarding the opinions of other men , which i thought good to refute in few words onely : and i thinke that the ten tribes live not onely there , but also in other lands scattered every where ; these never did come backe to the second temple , and they keep till this day still the jewish religion , seeing all the prophecies which speake of their bringing backe unto their native soile must be fulfilled : so then at their appointed time , all the tribes shall meet from all the parts of the world into two provinces , namely assyria and egypt , nor shall their kingdome be any more divided , but they shall have one prince the messiah the sonne of david . i do also set forth the inquisition of spaine , and rehearse divers of our nation , and also of christians , martyrs , who in our times have suffered severall sorts of torments , and then having shewed with what great honours our jewes have been graced also by severall princes who professe christianity . i prove at large , that the day of the promised messiah unto us doth draw neer , upon which occasion i explaine many prophecies , &c. by all which you see his full agreement with your conjecture concerning the americans , that they are descended of the hebrewes : when his booke comes to my hand , you shall have it god willing . in the meane time i shall adde some of my conjectures concerning the jewes which live on this side of the world with us in europe and asia ; these are of two sorts or sects , the one is of pharisees , the other of caraits , the pharisees in europe and asia are in number farre beyond the caraits , they differ from one another wheresoever they are , as protestants doe from papists ; for the pharisees , as the papists , attribute more to the authoritie and traditions of their rabbies and fathers , then to the word of god ; but the caraits will receive nothing for a rule of faith and obedience but what is delivered from the word of god immediately : and their name imports their profession , that they are readers of the text , or textuaries , for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you know when it relates to bookes and writings , is to be rendred . these two sects are irreconcilably opposite to each other , and as the papists deale with protestants , so do the pharisees with the caraits , they persecute and suppres them and their profession by all the meanes they can possibly make use of : nay as mr ritangle ( of whom i have all the informations which i know concerning the caraits ) tels me , the hatred of the pharisees is so fierce against their opposites the caraits , that they have anathematized them so , as never to be reconciled unto them ; insomuch , that it is counted unlawfull so much as to speake to any of them , or to any that belongeth unto them , but at the distance of foure cubits at least ; their bookes and all things belonging to them , are avoided as things abominable and to be abhorred ; nor will the pharisees , although the caraits should become penitent , and desire to be joyned to their congregations , and renounce their owne way , admit of them as a caraite reconciled unto them : but the caraite must first become a christian , a mahumetan , or an idolater , before he can be admitted to joyne with them , that it may never bee said that a pharisee was reconciled to a caraite , or that a caraite is become a pharisee . as their principles and affections are thus different , so are their opinions , and the course of their life extremely opposite ; the pharisees are full of superstitious imaginary foolish conceits , and thalmudicall questions and nicities in their sermons and bookes ; the caraits are rationall men that take up no doctrines but what the scriptures teach , by comparing one text with another : the pharisees have wild and extravagant fancies concerning the messiah and his reigne ; but the caraits have true grounds of spirituall and raised thoughts concerning the messiah and his kingdome , little different from that which the better sort of christians truly believe , and professe of these misteries . the pharisees in their sermons insist upon nothing but their traditions and ceremonies , and foolish curiosities ; but the caraits insist onely upon necessary and profitable duties , teaching the way of godlinesse and honesty , to bring men from the outward forme to the inward power and spirituall performance of divine worship . as concerning their course of life , the pharisees live every where by a way of trading & usury , which is destructive to those with whom they have commerce ; but the caraits abhor that way , as pestilent unto humane societies , and betake themselves to trades , and manufactures , to become husbandmen , and servants in the places where they live , and to serve as souldiers under the magistrate , who doth protect them . this being the state and difference of these two sects , ( as he who in asia and some part of europe hath been above twenty yeers conversant with them , and a doctor in their synagogues , hath informed me ) i shall acquaint you with my conjectures concerning the event of our present troubles in the world over all , and the revolution of the jewish state , which are these ; that it is not unlikely to me that the issue and effect of these changes which now are wrought , and afoot to bee wrought in the world , ( wherein the highest powers are shaken , and a generall distresse is brought upon all the nations of the earth ) will be a breaking of the yokes of tyranny and oppression , under which not onely the jewes every where groan , but with them most of the gentiles , or rather all of them that are under an arbitrary power of absolute potentates , and superstitious selfe-seeking teachers ; that the breaking of these yokes is already a great way advanced . first , in the easterne china empire by the invasion of the tartarians . secondly , in the northerne and easterne mahometane empire , by the changes brought upon , and likely to fall out in the ottoman house and line ; and by the liberty which of late hath been granted to the jewes , not onely from taxes , but of repairing to jerusalem , and having synagogues there , which heretofore was utterly prohibited . thirdly , in the westerne , which is called the roman or german empire , by these late troubles , and the assistance which the king of the north the swede , hath given to protestants to maintaine their liberty : all the power of these yokes must yet further be broken in the supreame and subordinate ministers thereof ; in respect of the whole bodies of these empires , and of the particular kingdomes and states which resort under the same ; for all nations by the light of naturall reason , but chiefely those , whom the gospel hath enlightned , and prepared in a measure , to apprehend the hope of the glorious liberty of the sonnes of god , will more and more every where resent their priviledge and right to a freedome , from which they have been restrained , by the mistery of iniquity in spirituall and corporall matters ; and when the grounds of righteous order , of impartiall love to mankinde , and of common preservation , shall breake forth at last , and be taken notice of in the midst of these confusions and great troubles which fall upon all sorts of men ; then the jewes will come and appeare in their owne ranke , and for their own interest , they will by others be respected ; for their interest will be upon the dissolution of the mahometan , to resist and oppose the spanish monarchy , that it may not propagate it selfe eastward , and southward , beyond the mediterranean sea ; and that the inquisition by which they have been so cruelly persecuted , may be every where abolished ; but above all things , kept out of the holy land and their beloved city jerusalem : if then there should be any transactions ( as it is said there is like to be ) between the ottoman house and the house of spaine about the holy land , the jewes who are now at some liberty there , and begin from all parts of the earth to lift up their eyes to looke thitherward , will quickely resent it , and finde their interest to be the enjoyment of their owne inheritance ; and to helpe them to it , they will finde assistance from all christians that are not slaves to superstition and tyranny , and that assistance and favour which by such christians will be given them , may in gods hand be a meanes to open the pharisee his eyes , to see somewhat in christianity , from which he hath been hitherto blinded , by reason of the prejudice which the idolatry of the papall sea , and the spanish inquisition hath begotten in him . as for the caraits , god hath so ordered it , that the greatest bodies of them are in the northerne parts of the world , by which the ten tribes , if ever they come to the holy land , are like to come ; there be some few in russia , some in constantinople , some in alcair , some in persia , and some in other places of asia and of africa ; but mr ritangle told me that their chiefe bodie is amongst the asiatique and european tartarians , who now appeare upon the stage as beginning to be conquerers . for besides that which they doe fully possesse in china , they have tasted somewhat of a victorious progresse of late in poland , and they are the next pretenders to the ottoman crowne , if the line faile , which is like to be : their rising and dissipation abroad from their owne centers to their circumferences towards neighbour nations , will weaken them at home ; and if then , when they are not strong within their owne bounds , and by their invasions have weakened their neighbours southward on ; god call the ten tribes to march toward the place of their inheritance : the caraits their brethren will be leaders of them on their way , and so their march may be , as manasseh ben israel saith , to make their rendezvous in assyria ; and on the other side , the jewes that are pharisees , may make their rendezvous from arabia and other neighbouring places , and out of all europe into egypt ; that so when the shunamite shall returne ( as it is said in the canticles , chap. 6. ver . 13. ) the world may looke upon her , and may see in her the company of two armies , which both shall look towards jerusalem . then will the great battaile of harmageddon be fought , whereunto all these troubles and changes are but preparatives : then shall the sword of the spirit , the word of god , prevaile mightily over the spirits of all men ; the two edges thereof on the right hand and on the left , will cut sharpe , and pierce to the dividing asunder of soule and spirit , and of the joynts and marrow , and to the discerning of the thoughts and intentions of the heart : and when this sword shall be thus powerfull in the hands of his saints , ( the true protestants with the one troope , and the true caraits with the other ) then shall be fulfilled the prophecie of the psalmist , that vengeance shall be executed upon the heathen , and punishments upon the people ; that their kings shall be bound with chaines , and their nobles with fetters of iron ; and that the honour due to all saints shall be given them , to be made executioners of the judgement written in the word of god against them . we know not how neare these things are at hand , let us therefore be watchfull , and put on the armour of light , to be ready , when the bridegroome comes , to goe with him in our wedding garment , having our lamps burning , and provision of oile , into the wedding chamber . and to this effect , the lord teach us to be diligent , to be found of him in peace , without spot and blamelesse , that in the midst of these fightings and confusions , we may not be found as many are , smiting their fellow servants , eating and drinking largely of the spoile of those that are spoiled , and being drunken with the passions of malice , entertained for the revenge of injuries , or of covetousnesse and ambition , prosecuted for self-interests : and with this prayer i shall commend you to the grace of god , and rest , your faithfull friend and fellow labourer in the gospel of christ . j. dury . st iames , this 27 ian. 1649 / 50. iewes in america , or , probabilities that the americans are jewes . chap. i. it hath been much , and many times , in severall mens thoughts , what genius devoted our countrey-men so willingly to forsake their friends , and nation , exposing themselves by voyages long and perillous to so many inconveniences , as are to be encountred with by strangers in a forraigne and unchristian land ; some were hastened by their dislike of church government ; other perhaps were in hope to enrich themselves by such adventures ; and 't is like , divers of them did foresee those epidemicall calamities , now for so many years oppressing this forlorne nation , following thereupon solomons counsell , a prudent man foreseeth the evill , and hideth himselfe , &c. prov. 22. 5. or else those pious soules by a divine instinct , might happily bee stirred up to despise all hazards , that the natives for their temporall accommodations might bee spiritually enriched by the english , and though this was little seen at first in the endeavours , at least the successe of many gone thither , yet who can tell but supreme providence might then dispose mens hearts that way , themselves not discerning that influence ; even as cyrus promoted the cause of the jewes , he knew not why , nor whence , esa . 45. 4 , 5. upon confidence that the gospell of christ shall be revealed in the midst of that yet most barbarous nation , the next desire was , if possible , to learne the originall of the americans , and by observations from printed books , and written letters , and by discourse with some that had travelled to , and abode in those parts severall years , the probability of that opinion as yet praeponderates , that the westerne indians be of jewish race . a r. verstegan proves the saxons to be germans , because their speech is alike , the names of persons and things sometimes agree , and the idols of them both are not different ; bodine b mentioneth 3 arguments ( b ) , by which the beginnings of people are discoverable , the faire and true dealing of historians , the comparing of language , with the description of the countrey , such helps have assisted also in this enquiry : grotius c conceiveth these americans to have come out of europe , passing from norway into iseland , thence by friesland into greenland , and so into estotiland , which is part of that western continent , hee is induced to that opinion from the names and words of places and things in both sounding alike : but io. de laet d abundantly disproves this conjecture , which yet the governor of the dutch plantation e there told mr. williams was his judgement : some others take them f to be a remnant of those canaanites that fled out of that land when the feare of israel approaching thither fell upon them , iosh . 2. 9. others thinke g it most probable , that they are tartars , passing out of asia into america by the straights of anian . emanuel de moraes h willingly believes them to be derived from the carthaginians and jewes ; from which latter that they be descended , these following conjectures are propounded to consideration . chap. ii. the first conjecture that the americans are jewes . the indians doe themselves relate things of their ancestors , a suteable to what we read of the jewes in the bible , and elsewhere , which they also mentioned to the spaniards at their first accesse thither ; and here the speech of myrsilus b occurred as observable : if we would know , saith hee , the antiquity and originall of a nation , there is more credit to be given to the natives and their neighbors , than to strangers , and caesar c concluded the britons to be gaules , because that was the affirmation of them both . p. martyr d tells at large , how muteczuma the great king of mexico in an oration made to his nobles and people , perswading subjection to the king of spaine , minds his countrey men , that they heard from their fore-fathers , how they were strangers in that land , and by a great prince very long agoe brought thither in a fleet , they boast their pedigree from men preserved in the sea by god himselfe , that god made one man , and one woman , bidding them live together and multiply , and how in a famine hee rained bread for them from heaven , whō in a time of drought also gave them water out of a rock : many other things , themselves say were done for them , such as the scriptures relate concerning the israelites at their comming out of aegypt , as , their peregrination many yeares , the oracles they received , their arke of bulrush , wherein vitzi-liputzli was included , of the tabernacle the ark e carried by foure priests , and how they pitched their tents according to its direction , and who seeth not saith malvenda f much probability that the mexicans are iewes , how could they else report the manner of their comming into the promised land ; they affirme there is one chiefe god , who hath been from all eternity , by whom the lesser gods were made , who became assistants in the fabrick and government of the world , as some of the g rabbins also called the angells con-creators with god , to whom the lord did say , let us make man in our image , &c. gen. 1. 26. the indians judge the sunne , moone and starres to be living creatures , a thing a so avowed in the jewish talmud h , shewing it to be a thing easie enough for the heavens to declare the glory of god , psalme 19. 1. seeing they have understanding soules as well as men and angels ; they i say of themselves , that they be strangers , and came from another countrey . m●●●…s k before named doth not onely averre that many learned men in brasile take the natives to be jewes , but that they themselves , taught by a most ancient tradition , acknowledge their fore-fathers to be of that linage ; and peter martyr l hath from them also such a kinde of assertion : and now whereas some conceive the ten tribes to be either shut up beyond the m caspian mountaines , whence they could not get out , though they begged leave of alexander the great , yet the way was made miraculously unpassable against them , as the same comester relateth : others suppose n them to be utterly lost , and if once so , 't is probable in the opinion of some that they are to be found in america ; o acosta acknowledgeth this to be the judgement of divers , to which he is not onely adverse himselfe , but endeavours to answer their arguments , as will be shewd hereafter ; to these conjectures of the natives , let this chapter bee concluded with the judgements of two others , that have reason for what they say , the first is p emanuel de moraes , forespoken of , affirming those of brasile to be judaicall : first , because those brasilians marrie into their owne tribe and kindred . secondly , their manner is also to call their uncles and ants , fathers and mothers . thirdly , they are given much to mourning and teares in their funerall solemnities : and last of all , they both have garments much alike . the next is master q r. williams , one of the first , if not the first of our nation in new england that learned the language , and so prepared towards the conversion of the natives , which purpose of his being knowne , hee was desired to observe if hee found any thing judaicall among them , &c. he kindly answers to those letters from salem in new england , 20th of the 10th moneth , more than ten yeers since , in hac verba . three things make me yet suspect that the poore natives came from the southward , and are jewes or jewish quodammodo , and not from the northern barbarous as some imagine . 1. themselves constantly affirme that their ancestors came from the southwest , and thither they all goe dying . 2. they constantly and strictly separate their women in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons . 3. and beside their god kuttand to the south-west , they hold that nanawitnawit ( a god over head ) made the heavens and the earth , and some tast of affinity with the hebrew i have found . chap. iii. second conjecture . the rites , fashions , ceremonies , and opinions of the americans are in many things agreeable to the custome of the jewes , not onely prophane and common usages , but such as be called solemn and sacred . common and prophane customes in both alike . 1 the indians a weare garments fashioned as the jewes , a single coate , a square little cloake , they goe barefoot : if you should aske a man of brasile what vestment would please him best , he would answer presently , b a long cloake the habit of the jewes , and this may seem no light consideration to such as minde seneca's c confidence , that the spaniards planted themselves in italy , for they have the same kind of covering on their heads , and shooes for their feet . 2 they constantly d annoint their heads , as did the jewes also , luk. 7. 46. 3. they doe not onely pride themselves with eare-rings e but their noses are borcd also , and have jewells hanging on them , which they call caricori , like that is read , esa . 3. 20 , 21. 4. in all india f they wash themselves often , twice or thrice in the day , and the women in brasile ten times saith lerius g and the jewes were frequent in this , mar. 7. 3 , 4. io. 2. 6. 5. they delight exceedingly in dancing , h men and women , yea and women apart by themselves ; and so they did in israell . exod. 13. 20. 1 sam. 21. 11 , 12. and thus especially after victories i and overthrows , of enemies , which is found also , iud. 11. 34. iud. 21. 21. 23. & 1 sam. 18. 6 , 7. 6. as the jewes were wont to call them fathers and mothers , that were not their naturall parents , so k the indians give the same appellation to unkle and aunts . 7. in america they eate no swines flesh l t is hatefull to them , as it was among the jewes , levit. 11. 7. esa . 66. 15. 8. they wash m strangers feet , and are very hospitall to them , and this was the known commendation of old israell . 9. the indians compute their times by nights n an use which laet o confesseth they had from the hebrews ; they reckon by lunary rules , giving the same name to their moneths they do to the moon , tona . 10. virginity is not a state praise-worthy among the americanes p and it was a bewaileable condition in iury , iud. 11. 37. 11. the natives q marry within their owne kindred and family , this was gods command to his people , num. 36. 7. 12. the indian women r are easily delivered of their children , without midwives , as those in exod. 1. 19. 13. they wash their infants newly born s and this you finde also , ezek. 16. 9. 14. in faeminine seasons they put their women in a wigwam by themselves , ( t ) for which they plead nature and tradition ; another writes expresly such kind u of purification they have as had the jewes . 15. the widdow marrieth w the brother of the deceased husband , which was also moses law , mat. 22. 24. 16. dowries for wives are given x by the indians , as saul enjoyned david , 1 sam. 18. 25. 17. the husband hath power y over the adulterous wife , to turne her away with disgrace , they have also other causes of divorce , as was in israel , mat. 8. 19. 18. they nurse their owne children , z even the queenes in peru , and so did the mothers in israel . 19. the husbands come not at their wives till their children be weaned , ( a ) such an use is read hos . ●8 . and at pera if they be forced to weane them before their time , they call such children ainsco , i. e bastards . 20. among the indians b they punish by beating , and whipping , and the sachims if they please , put offendors to death with their owne hands , and secretly sometimes send out an executioner , as mark 6. 27. 2 cor. 11. 25. 21. if a brasilian wound another , c he must be punisht in the same part of his body , and with death , if the other die , for they also answer an eye for an eye , &c. as the law was . deut. 24. 19. 22. when the master of the family dieth , he is buried in the middle of the house , d with his jewells , and other things he delighted in ; the spaniards were often made rich by such sepulchars , and iosephus e tells of much treasure laid up even in davids grave . 23. the indians are given much to weeping , f their women especially , and at burialls ; this was in fashion among the jewes . ier. 19. 17. famous for this they were among the old heathen . 24. balsamum g was peculiar to the jewish countrey , and thought to be lost long agoe saith pliny ; h if it were , t is now found againe in america . 25. their princes and governours whom they generally call sachims , sachmos , sagamos , i are no other but heads of families , as it was of old in israel . num. 7. 2. 26. the indians have their posts k and messengers that were swift of foot , whom they dispatcht upon their affaires , and they ran with speed , and such were among the jewes . 2 sam. 18. 24 , 26 , 27. chap. iv. sacred and solemne rites and customes alike . a costa a affirmes the americans to have ceremonies and customes resembling the mosaicall . 1. circumcision b is frequent among the indians , which some not observing , have thereupon denyed them to be judaicall , and io. de laet c is forced to acknowledge such venereous people have somewhat like to circumcision occasioned by their lasciviousnesse ; but daily d experience declareth that they have indeed upon them this judaicall badge . herodotus e averreth the colchi for this to be of the aegyptian race , and that the phenicians and syrians of palaestina learned from them that rite ; and though some have judged the tartars to be jewes , because circumcised , others f yeeld not to this , because they were mahometans by religion , and from them received that custome ; but these people have cut off their foreskinne time out of minde , and it cannot be conceived whence they had this ceremony , but that it is nationall . and though the fore mentioned g writer endeavours much to prove , that there is no circumcision among them , and that some other people be so handled , whom none yet ever imagined to be judaicall , but that of ier. 9. 26. is not so fitly i thinke cited for his purpose ; and grotius tells him h confidently , we have so many witnesses that the americans be circumcised , as it becomes not a modest man to deny it ; and among the rarities brought from those quarters , pancirollus i speakes of stony knives , very sharpe and cutting , and his illustrator k h. salmuth , shewes that the jewes of old did use such in their circumcisings , knifes of stone , which sacrament omitted fourty yeeres in their travell , is revived by gods command to ioshua 5. 2. make thee sharp knives , cultros petrinos ; arias montanus reads , cultros lapideos in the vulgar latine , but the septuagint doth not only mention those rocky knives , but adds , taken from a sharpe rocke , as if the allusion also were to christ , the rocke , that doth circumcise our hearts ; lerius l affirmes he saw some of those cutting stones or knives at brasil . 2. the indians worship that god m they say , who created the sun , moon , and all invisible things , who gives them also all that is good . 3. they knew of that floud which drowned n the world , and that it was sent for the sin of man , especially for unlawfull lust , and that there shall never be such a deluge againe . 4. it is affirmed by them o neverthelesse that after many yeers , fire shall come down from above and consume all . 5. they beleeve the immortality of the soule , and that there is a place of joy , p another of torment after death , whither they shall goe that kill , lie , or steale , which place they call popogusso , a great pit , like the expression , num. 16. 33. and rev. 19. 1 , &c. but they which do no harme shall be received into a good place , and enjoy all manner of pleasure . 6. the americans have in some parts an exact form of king , priest , q and prophet , as was aforetime in conaan . 7. priests are in some things among them , as with the hebrewes , r physitians , and not habited as other men , and in tamazulapa there be vestments kept like those aaroniticall robes of the high-priest . 8. the temples wherein they worship , s sing , pray , and make their offerings , are fashioned and used as with the jewes ; at mexico they were built foure square , and sumptuous , as ezek. 40. 47. 9. the priests have their chambers t in the temple , as the manner was in israel . 1 reg. 6 ▪ 7. 10. they had places also therein u , which none might enter into but their priests . heb. 9. 6 , 7. 11. in their worship of viracoche w , and the sun , &c. they open their hands , and make a kissing sound with their mouthes , as iob 31. 27. 12. they had almost continuall fire before their idols , and took great care lest the x fire before the altar should dye , they call that the divine harth , where there is fire continually , like that in leviticus 6. 9. 13. none may intermeddle with their sacrifices but the priests , y who were also in high estimation among them as they were among the jewes . 14. every noble-man in mexico z had his priest , as israel had the levites within their gates . 15. in their necessities a they always sacrificed , which done , they grew hopefull and confident . 16. they burnt incense , b had their censars , and cake oblations , as ier. 7. 18. 17. the first fruits of their corne c they offered , and what they gat by hunting and fishing . 18. at mexico and some other places d they immolate the bodies of men , and as the jewes of old , saith p. martyr , did eate of their beasts so sacrificed , they feed on mans flesh so offered . 19. in all peru they had but one temple , e which was most sumptuous , consecrated to the maker of the world ; yet they had foure other places also for devotion , as the jews had severall synagogues , beside that their glorious temple . 20. the idols of america f were mitred , in a manner , much as aaron was . 21. a yeare of jubile g did they observe , as did israel also . 22. lerius tells a story of them , h much like that of apocryphall bel , and the dragon , and his priests . 23. in their idoll services they i dance and sing , men and women , almost as miriam , with timbrells , exod. 15. 20. and then they offer bread , as it is in malac. 1. 7. 24. they have hope of their bodies k resurrection , and for that cause are carefull in burying their dead ; and when they saw the spaniards digging into sepulchers for gold and silver , the natives entreated them not to scatter the bones , that so they might with more ease be raised againe . 25. the indians make account the world shall have an end , but not till a great drought come l , and as it were a burning of the aire , when the sunne and moone shall faile , and lose their shining ; thence it is ▪ that in the eclipses of those two greater lights , they make such yellings and out-cries , as if the end of all things were upon them . chap. v. the third conjecture . the americans words and manners of speech , bee in many things consonant to those of the jewes , a seneca hath that other reason , perswading that the spaniards planted in italy , because they both speake alike ; and as volaterrane b for his countreymen , so some suppose the greeks long since mingled with the brittans , because we still have divers words of graecian idiome . for this reason c caesar judged the british to bee gauls , in that the cities of both the nations were called by the same names . giraldus cambrensis derives his countreymens originall from troy , because they have so many trojan names and words amongst them ; oenus , resus , aeneas , hector , ajax , evander , eliza , &c. and grotius d therefore imagines that the americans came from norway , because they have many words the same with the norwegians . it is then considerable to our purpose , how in this the jewes and indians be alike . 1. the aspirations of the americans have e the force of consonants , and are pronounced by them not as the latines and some other nations , but after the manner of the hebrewes . 2. the name of that great city mexico f is observed in sound and writing to come very neare unto that name of our deare lord , psalme 2. 2. meschico , and mexico in their language is a g spring , as of our master and messiah ; the day spring that from on high hath visited us . luk. 1. 78. 3. the ziims mentioned esa . 13. 21. and 34. 14. are h supposed to bee wicked spirits , deluding mankinde , as hobgoblins , fairies , &c. such are the zemes among the indians so often spoken of by i peter martyr , these they call the messengers of the great god ; every king among them hath such a ziim or zeme , and from them came those predictions constantly current among them , of a cover'd nation that should spoyle their rites . 4. acosta marvailes much k at the indians , that having some knowledge that there is a god , yet they call him not by any proper name , as not having any peculiar for him , a relique it may be of that judaicall conceit of the non-pronuntiable tetragrammaton . 5. t is very remarkable that escarbotus l tells , how he heard the indians often perfectly use the wvrd hallelujah ; at which hee marvailed the more , because hee could not at all perceive that they had learned it from any christian ; and this is with like admiration recorded m by the describer of nova francia . 6. in the island of st. michael or azores , which belongs to america , saith n malvenda , certaine sepulchers , or grave-stones are digged up by the spaniards , with very ancient hebrew letters upon them , above and below , thus above , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why is god gone away ; and beneath this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hee is dead , know god , which words seem to have a woefull enquiry of gods departure from them , with a comfortable declaration of his dying for them , together with an incitation to know him . 7. very many of their words are like the hebrew , which our novangles o have observed , and in the general attested : a more serious disquisition into their language would conduce much to finde out their descent , and helpe exceedingly towards their conversion ; and if it be said , the jewes were ever tenacious of their language , which p elias levita saith , they changed not in aegypt , but if they be now in america , all in a manner is lost . 't is fit then to consider , that in all nations , in two or three ages there is a great alteration in their tongues ; the words of the league between the carthaginians and romans in fifty yeares space , sayth q polybius , were so uncouth , and little knowne , that they could scarce bee understood ; and r keckerman sheweth , ( r ) that the german language in almost as short a time received the like mutation , and our saxon ancestors translated the bible into english as the tongue then was , but of such antique words and writing , that few men now can read and understand it , which waxing old , and hard , it was againe translated into newer words , saith arch-bishop s cranmer , and many even of those words are now strange and neasie to us ; in such suddaine change of language universally , wee need not wonder , that so little impression of the hebrew tongue remaines among them , if the indians be jewish ; but wee may marvaile rather , that after so many yeares of most grosse and cursed blindnesse , and having no commerce , nor converse with other nations , that any the least similitude thereof should be left . chap. vi. the sixth conjecture . this which followeth next , at first sight , will appeare a paradox rather than a probability , that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 americanorum , the man-devouring that is in america ; for what an inference may this seem to bee ; there bee carybes , caniballs , and man-eaters among them , therefore they be jewish ? but let it be considered , among the curses threatned to israel upon their disobedience , wee read levit. 26. 29. yee shall eate the flesh of your sonnes and of your daughters , &c. so deut. 28. 53. which predictions , according to common supposalls , seeme to be fully verified in the famine mentioned , 2 kings 6. 28. and lament . 4. 10. and those words are spoken of things then done and past ; but the prophet ezekiel , that lived about the same time , speakes in the future tense of some new , and till then unheard of calamity , but such as should bee common afterward ; i will doe in thee that i never did before , for in the midst of thee the fathers shall eat their sons , and the sons their fathers , &c. ezek. 5. 9 , 10. before indeed , and at the romans beleaguering ierusalem , women did eate their children , but there is no relation of fathers and sonnes devouring one another , though this be foretold , and as a thing easily to bee taken notice of , a iosephus in that last siege tells but of one woman eating her childe , and 't is like there was no other , because the whole city was astonish'd at the newes , and the seditious themselves did abhorre it ; yea and when the romans heard thereof in their campe , it exceeded credit at first , and their generall comforted himselfe against that most inhumane and hideous fact , by remembring he had often proffered them peace , and they had as often wilfully refused it ; but that prophet foretells an infelicity without parallel , both de praeterito , and de futuro ; i will doe in thee that i never did before , neither will i ever doe the like , verse 9. and it should be a publick and notorious calamity , for in the midst of thee the fathers should eate their sonnes , and their sons their fathers , ver. 10. words implying , yea expressing more than wee can read was done , either when the chaldees or romans begirt their city : and the glosse of st. ierome b strengthens this conjecture ; when the fathers , saith he , did eate the sonnes , or the sonnes their fathers , is not related in any history , and yet it was to be done openly in the midst of them , and as it were in the sight of the sunne . but if the jewes bee planted in that westerne world , we shall soone find the accomplishment of that prophecie from heaven , for c there be caniballs and man-eaters in great multitudes ; some whose trade is homo cupium , & homo capium , hungring and hunting after mans flesh , and devouring it , whose greedy bellies have buried millions of them , these carybes are scattered all the countrey over , the mauhacks are such , and so neare they are , or were to some of our d planters , that finding an englishman , they eate one part of him after another , before his face , while he was yet alive . if it be said , they eate none but strangers , or enemies , not fathers their sonnes , & à contra , f peter martyr removes that scruple , by affirming , if they want the flesh of foes and forraigners , they eate then one another , even their owne g kinred & allies , as he writes that added the centons to h solinus . if it be objected , those caniballs are of a different nature and nation from the rest , peter martyr answers that also , supposing all the inhabitants to bee of one stock , because they use all one and the same kind of bread , every where called maiiz , and their cymbae uni-ligneae , their canoes and boats are in all places alike , and as i those western nations generally call their boats canoes , and their bread maiiz , so their common word for wine is chichia , for swords macanas for kings caciques . and if the americans bee jewish , the spaniards have yet in another sense fulfilled that prediction of ezekiel , for their owne bishop k bartholomeus de las casas writes , how they tooke indians 10000 , sometimes 20000 abroad with them in their forragings , and gave them no manner of food to sustaine them , but the flesh of other indians taken in warre , and so christian-spaniards set up a shambles of mans flesh in their army ; children were slaine and roasted , men were killed for their hands and feet sakes , for those they esteemed the onely delicate parts : this was most hideous and most barbarous inhumanity , the tidings whereof was soone carryed through the land , and overwhelmed the inhabitants with horror and astonishment . chap vii . fifth conjecture . the people that have not yet received the gospell of jesus christ are jewes , but the americans have not yet been gospelized ; and here three things come to consideration . 1. all other nations at first received the gospell . 2. the jewes before the end of the world shall be converted . 3. these indians have not yet heard of christ . 1. as the scripture foreseeing that god would justifie the gentiles through faith , preached before the gospell unto abraham , saying , in thee shall all the gentiles be blessed , gal. 3 , 8. gen. 12. 2 , 3. 18. 8. in like manner the glorious gospell was soon conveyed to them , soon after the comming of christ , even before the death of the apostles ; holy david spake of this promulgation , when he said , psal . 19. 1. the heavens , i. e. the apostles did declare the glory of god , &c. for the fourth , their line is gone out into all lands , and their words into the end of the world , is applied by saint paul to this very purpose , rom. 10. 18. it was the command of their master , goe teach all nations , &c. mat. 28. 19. and preach the gospell to every creature , mar. 16. 15. and they gave hereto most willing obedience , which we must have believed , though it had not bin so exactly recorded in undoubted ecclesiasticall histories . there we read often a that they divided the world into 12 parts , every apostle accepting that which fell to his lot ; but first they compiled the creed , called therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or collation , saith cassian , b who was chrysostomes scholar ; because that which was at large expressed in the severall volumes of the bible , was by them briefly contracted into that forme ; and to this he applieth that of the apostle , rom. 9. 28. a short worke we read it now , but of old it was rendred , verbum abbreviatum a short word , a short rule , to which all of them were to conforme their doctrine , and the fifteenth of iuly was afterwards , and is still celebrated by c some christians , in memory of their thus going to gospellize the world ; and it is called festum divisionis apostolorum : yea and the place is yet shewed to travellers at this day , d where they are said to assemble upon this occasion . very e many ancient writers , historicall and others , f agreeing with vigilius in this , authenticum symbolum quod apostoli tradiderunt ; and a little before he blameth some for venting such doctrines , as were neither g delivered by the prophets , nor had the authentique authority of the apostles creed , and yet suppose it dubious whether that symboll be indeed of apostolicall constitution ; and that they did not so divide the world to further their worke , which is so confidently avouched by the ancient , together with the countries where each of them had their portion ; yet we are sufficiently assured such was their commission , which they pursued with exactnesse and successe ; so that in their life time by their diligence the whole earth was enlightned : thus saint paul tell his romans , 1. 8. their faith was published through the whole world ; the same is said to the collossians also , 1. 6. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in neither place , lest curiosity should restraine it to the roman world , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the former expression , and the latter is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the whole and every part of the world ; and is it not considerable , as the injunction was , preach the gospell to every creature , as was before remembred from saint marke , 16. 5. so saint paul avoweth that in his time it was preached to every creature , col. 1. 23. such was then the use of that word ; the name creature was especially given to man , the chiefe of all creatures below . and this is unanimously acknowledged by the next writers , ignatius h thought to be that little child called by christ mat. 18. 1. hath this expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there i is one church which the apostles setled from one end of the earth to another in the bloud of christ , by their sweat and labour . tertullian k in the following century affirmes that the gospel in those very first times went beyond the roman monarchy , even to us britons ; and l eusebius sheweth how the doctrine of salvation by divine power and cooperation , was carried into all the world : and iulius firmicus maturnus m professeth that in his time 1300 yeeres since , there was no nation under heaven , east , west , north , or south , unto whom the sunne of the gospel had not shined ; and not onely in all the continent , but in every island saith greg. nissene ; thus n bernard also , and others ; for when the jewish fleece was dried up , all the world saith ierome o was sprinkled with that heavenly dew . 2. the jewes before the end of the world shall be converted to christianity ; this truth is to be found in the old and new testament , and hath bin the constant beliefe of the faithfull in every age . the children of israell shall remaine many daies without a king , and without a prince , &c. hos . 3. 4. yet ver. 5. afterward they shall convert , and seeke the lord their god , and david their king , i. e. christ the sonne of david the king of his church , thus zephan . 3. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. zach. 12. 10 , 11 , &c. and some predictions in that evangelicall prophet esay . saint paul applies to this very purpose , rom. 11. 26 , 27. from esa . 59. 20. & 27. 9. yea and our common master christ telleth us , ierusalem shall be trodden under foot of the gentiles , untill the time of the gentiles shall be fulfilled , luke 21. 24. so saint paul , when the fulnesse of the gentiles is come in , all israell shall be saved , rom. 11. 25. some by israell here would understand , israell according to the spirit , that is , the elect from all the nations : but all along the jewes and gentiles are spoken of as distinct people according to the flesh , so all israell shall be saved , that is , p a very great and numerous company , or many from every tribe , as we use to say genera singulorum , not singuli generum , or all the elect of them ; for when their heart shall be turned to the lord , the veile shall be taken away , 2 cor. 3. 16. ancient christians have subscribed to this ; in the end of the world saith ierome q the jewes receiving the gospel , shall be enlightned , thus augustine r , gregory s , bernard t , primasius u , this was , this is the common opinion of christians . coepitah his , defertur ad hos , referetur ad illos w nostrafides , & erunt submundi fine fideles . 3. the third consideration hath a twofold branch . 1. the americans have not , but 2. shall be acquainted with christianity : and to the first all are not of this mind that the indians have not heard of the gospell : for x osiander speaking of vilagagno , and his planting there in brasil , writes confidently , without doubt those people received the gospel of christ by the preaching of the apostles 1500 yeeres since , but they lost it againe by their unthankfulnesse ; and malvenda y allegeth some conjectures that christianity might have been among them , but these are so few , and so forced , that himselfe supposeth them rather satanicall suggestions , illusions , and imitations , than remembrances indeed of the gospell . there be z some records where every one of the apostles planted the faith of christ , in what nations and kingdomes , but they are all silent touching this part of the world , which indeed was not knowne till of late ; yea some a conceive , they had no being at all in former ages , and that there was not so much as land or earth in those places ; however questionlesse they be but of late discovery ; for though some b will have america to be those atlantique islands mentioned by plato , others that the phaenicians arived thither more than 2000 yeeres since , and some further improbable conjectures there be , 't is concluded neverthelesse by many judicious and observant men , that it was never heard of in this world , till c christopher columbus of genoa brought newes thereof about 1590. when then , or by whom should they be made christians ? is it credible there should be no records thereof in the annalls of any nation ? could so great a part of the world become christians , without any whispering thereof to any other ; is it likely that all gospel impressions should be utterly obliterate among them ? all the light thereof quite extinguished ? and not so much as the least glimpse thereof remaine ? as is also acknowledged by him d that hath written and observed so much of these nations . 2. seeing they were never yet enlightned , without question they shall be , for the gospell of the kingdome must be preached every where for a witnesse to all nations , mat. 24. 14. surely so large a part of the world shall not alwaies be forgotten : is it imaginable that the god of mercy , who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a lover of soules , wisd . 11. 23. should suffer so great a portion of mankind everto remaine in darknesse , and in the shadow of death ? is it credible or fit to be believed , that the wisdome of the father who taketh his solace in the habitable parts of the earth , and his delight is to be with the children of men , prov. 8. 31. should have no compassion of such an innumerable multitude of soules ? the earth was inhabited e by degrees , from the place where noahs ark rested they went as the sunne , from the east , and so planted themselves forward ; and the progresse of the gospell saith f eusebius , was in the same manner , and for this there is more than allusion in psal . 19. 5. compared with rom. 10. 18. that westerne part of the world was last inhabited , and it shall heare of christ also in due time , as certainely as there be people to receive him , for he shall be salvation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the last end of the earth , act. 13. 47. and the americans have a tradition among themselves , g that white and bearded nations shall subdue their countries , abolish all their rites and ceremonies , and introduce a new religion . chap. viii . the sixth conjecture . the americans calamities are suitable to those plagues threatned unto the jewes , deut. 28. such a comment upon that terrible scripture is not any where to be found , as among the indians , by this also it will appear probable that they be jews : and here three things shall be touched upon . 1. the jewes were a very sinfull people . 2. the indians were and are transcendent sufferers . 3. in that way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 litterally , as was threatned to the jewes . 1. the jewes were grand offenders ; a galatinus mentions sonre of their enormous transgressions , with their ensuing vengeances . 1. the selling of ioseph into egypt , where themselves were kept afterward in an iron furnace , and dwelt a long time in an house of bondage . 2. their first rejection of the messiah , typified in david , 2 sam. 20. 1. which was punished by the assyrians . 3. the sacrificing of their owne children to idols , and murthering the prophets that deterred them from such abominations , he calls their third great offence , for which the babylonian captivity fell upon them . 4. their fatall and most grievous crime was the denyall of the holy one , and the just , with desire that a murtherer should be given them , act. 3. 14. and this brought upon them , first the tyranny of the roman conquest , and then all those hideous and horrid tribulations that presse and oppresse them to this day . 2. the natives of america have endured the extremities of most unspeakable miseries : they are a nation saith lerius b cursed and forsaken of god , and the men of spaine to their other cruelties added that most abominable reproach , these barbarians are c dogs , unworthy of christendome ; t is too true they were so used by them , as if they had bin such or worse , they did so weare them up with labour , that they became weary of their lives , the poore creatures chusing rather to die any kind of death , than to live under such bloody masters and monsters ; they scared the indians into woods , where the men and women hanged themselves together , and wanting instruments sometimes for such selfe execution , they helped one another to knit their long locks about the branches of trees , and so cast themselves downe headlong , their owne haires being their halters ; and thus many thousands of them ended their daies with most lamentable yellings and out-cries ; their intestine violences and injuries among themselves were woefull by rapine , warre , and sacrificings of one another , many d thousands of them have been immolated in one day at mexico ; but their sufferings by the spaniards exceed not onely all relation , but beliefe , and surely the savages could not have outstripped the spaniards in barbarous savagenesses , if those infidells had gotten the upper hand of these christians ; a very prudent cacique saith benzo e , that was neere an hundred yeeres old , reported freely , that when he was young , a very strange disease invaded those countrys , the sick commonly vomited many filthy wormes , such a wasting plague he said followed this calamity , that we feared none of us could survive it : and a little before your comming we of iucatana had two cruell battailes with the mexicans , in which above one hundred and fifty thousand were slaine , but these were all light and easie vexations , in respect of those terrible examples of intollerable insolence , avarice , and cruelty , exercised by your selves upon us ; thus he : we read , when the prophet of god foretold hazael , the evill bee should bring upon israel hazael said , is thy servant a dog that he should doe this ? 2 king. 8. 13. but the spaniards did more evill things to the indians , and shewed themselves with shame to be worse than dogs , witnesse that bloody bezerill , though not so bloody as his master didacus salasar f , who set that his mastiffe upon an old woman , employed by himselfe , as he feigned with letters to the governour , who seeing the cruell curre , by his more cruell masters setting on , with open mouth comming upon her , falls to the ground , bespeaking him in her language , sir dog , sir dog , i carry these letters to the governour , holding up to his view the seale , be not angry with me , sir dog , the mastiffe as decalmed by that begging posture and language , abates his fiercenesse , listes up his leg , and besprinkles the woman , as dogs use to doe at the wall : the spaniards that knew well his curstnesse at other times , saw this with astonishment , and were ashamed to hurt the woman , that so cruell a dog had spared . 3. the indian sufferings have runne so parallell with those threats , deut. 28. as if they had been principally intended therein also . was israel offending to be calamitous , in all places , towne and field , at home and abroad , &c. the poore indians g for their gold and labour , were by the spaniards hunted out of all places , corners and islands , as if the end of their discovery had been indeed to make a full end , and a totall devastation of the american nations . against the sinning jewes it was said , cursed shall be the fruit of thy body , &c. vers . 18. the pestilence shall cleave unto thee , &c. the lord shall smite thee with a consumption , &c. ver . 21 , 22 , 35 , 29. strange diseases have destroyed the natives , as the histories of those countries doe relate ; their cruell task-masters the spaniards , did so much overburthen them with load and labour , that the h cohabitation of man and wife did cease : seven thousand infants of cuba did perish in three moneths space , their mothers worne out with toyling had no milk to give them . the lord said , he would smite israeel with blindnesse , madnesse , and astonishment of heart , and thou shalt grope at noone day , as the blind gropeth in darknesse , &c. ver . 28. 29. and woefull indeed is the veile of ignorance that is come over the natives i ; they imagined the island hispaniola to be a living creature , eating and digesting like a monster : that vast sea-den or hollow place which they call guacca-jarima , is the voider of its excrements , a fancy like that antique fable of the demogorgon lying in the wombe of the world , whose breath causeth the flux and reflux of the sea : the darke part of the moone k they take to be a man throwne thither , and tormented for incest with his owne sister , whose eclipse they guesse to be caused by the sunnes anger ; those responsalls of the aires reverberation , which we call eccho , they suppose to be soules , wandring thereabouts . how were those poore creatures astonish'd , when they saw themselves torne by l spanish dogs , whose masters would borrow quarters of indians , men and women , for their hounds , and as commonly expose them to such a kind of death and buriall , as if men and women had bin made for dogs meate ? how were they affrighted when the feare of spanish cruelties provoked fathers , mothers , children , to hang themselves together ? that bishop knew of two hundred and more so perishing by the tyranny of one spaniard . no m marvaile therefore if when the fryer told hathuey , the cacique , of heavens happinesse , and the torments of hell , and hee understanding upon enquiry that the spaniards dying went to heaven , because they were christians , let my lot saith he fall in hell rather than with that most cruell people . god said of the jewes , they should be oppressed and spoyled evermore , ver . 29. thou shalt betroth a wife , and another shall lie with her , ver . 30. you shall be left few in number , though yee were as starres for multitude , &c. ver . 62. and these americans were made by the spaniards every where and every way miserable , without any helpe or reliefe : barthol , las casas upon fourty two yeeres sight of their suffering , sympathized so much with them , that he represented the same to king philip , in hope to obtaine for them some favour and mercy , but he little prevailed . one of them boasted of his care to leave as many indian women as he could with child , that in their sale he might put them off to his better profit : from n lucaios to hispaniola , about seventy miles , dead carkases were cast so abundantly into the sea , that they needed no other direction thither ; and wee know it for truth , saith hee , that countreys longer than all europe and a great part of asia , by horrid cruelties were destroyed , and more than twenty millions of the natives perished ; o yea in hispaniola alone , scarce one hundred and fifty , of two millions were left alive . in another place hee professeth their tyranny was so cruell and detestable , that in fourty six yeeres space they caused , he verily believed , more than fifty millions of them to pay their last debt to nature ; for i speak , saith hee , the truth , and what i saw : they dealt with the poore indians , not as with beasts , hoc enim peroptarem , but as if they had bin the most abject dung of the earth : and is this the way saith benzo to convert infidels ? such kindnesse they shewed to other places also , cuba , iamaica , portu ricco , &c. it was said against israell , cursed shall thy basket be , and thy store , ver . 17. the fruit of thy land , the encrease of thy cattle . ver . 18. all shall be devoured by enemies and other nations , &c. ver . 30 , &c. for very much is said of their suffering in riches and honour &c. and the spanish christians that brake into america shewed themselves so covetous of their treasure , that the natives with wonder said p surely gold is the spaniards god ; they broiled noble indians on gridirons , to extort from them their hidden wealth , giving no respect at all to their caciques or kings . memorable in q many respects is the history of attabaliba the great king of peru , who being conquered and captivated by francis pizarro , redeemed his liberty by the promise of so many golden and silver vessels , as should fill the roome where they were so high as one could reach with his hand , and they were to take none away till he had brought in the whole summe ; expecting thereupon according to covenant his freedome and honour , he dispatched his officers and servants with great care and diligence , and did faithfully performe his bargaine , in bringing that vast heape of treasure together ; but they resolve neverthelesse most impiously to murder him , though with many arguments and tears he pleaded for his life , desiring sometime to be sent unto caesar , then expostulating with them for their perfidiousnesse and falsehood , but neither words nor weeping , nor their owne inward guilt could mollifie those hard hearts , they sentence him to death by a rope , and the cruell execution followed ; but r benzo observed a miraculous hand of vengeance from heaven upon all that gave consent thereto : so that as suetonius s records of caesars stobbers , nullus corum sua morte defunctus est , every one of them found that consultation and contrivance fatall ; almager is hanged , didacus his sonne is slaine by vacca de castro , the indians kill iohn pizarro at cusco , who fell upon fryar vincent also of the green valley , and slew him with clubs in the isle puna , ferdinandus pizarro was sent into spain , where he consumed his daies in a prison , gonsallus pizarro was taken by gasca and hewen in pieces , and francis pizarro that was the president , and gave judgement , died an evill death also , being slaine by his owne countrey men in that strange land ; so just was god in avenging so perfidious a regicide and king-murder , so ominous was their presumption against the honourable , vile swine-herds sentencing so great a king to so foule a death : those , are his words , in whom , and his interpreter t , he that please may read further , those murderers were base in birth and life , and they instance in despicable particulars . it were endlesse to mention all the parallels that the spaniards have drawne upon the poore indians , according to the threats of god upon the sinning jewes , deut. 28. 43 , the stranger that is within thee shall get up above thee very high , and thox shalt come downe very low . 48. thou shalt serve thine enemy in hunger , and thirst , and nakednesse , and in want of all things , and he shall put a yoake of iron upon thy necke till he have destroyed thee . 59. the lord will make thy plagues wonderfull , &c. 61. and every plague which is not written in this law will the lord bring upon thee , untill thou be destroyed . their kings and caciques were no more regarded by them than the meanest , they enthralled all the natives in most woefull servitude and captivity ; their sufferings have bin most wonderfull , such as the book of the law hath not registred , nor any other record ; they spared no age nor sex , not women with childe ; they laid wagers who could digge deepest into the bodies of men at one blow , or with most dexterity cut off their heads ; they tooke infants from their mothers breasts and dash'd their innocent heads against the rockes ; they cast others into the rivers with scorne , making themselves merry at the manner of their falling into the water ; they set up severall gallowses , and hung upon them thirteen indians in honour they said of christ and his twelve apostles : and yet further the same bishop mervailes at the abominable blindnesse and blasphemy of his countrymen , impropriating their bloudy crimes unto god himselfe , giving him thanks in their prosperous tyrannies , like those thieves and tyrants he sayth spoken of by the prophet zachary , 11. 5. they kill , and hold themselves not guilty , and they that sell them say , blessed be the lord , for i am rich . and now if all these parallels will not amount to a probability , one thing more shall be added , which is the dispersion of the jewes , t is said , the lord shall scatter thee among all people , from one end of the earth , even to the other , &c. deut. 28. 64. the whole remnant of thee i will scatter into all winds , ezek. 5. 10 , 12 , 14. & zach. 2. 6. i have spread you as the foure winds of heaven . now if it be considered how punctuall and faithfull god is in performing his promises and threats mentioned in the scripture of truth , wee shall have cause to looke for the jewes in america , one great , very great part of the earth ; esay had said , 1. 8. the daughter of syon shall be left as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers , and as helena u found it in her time , pomorum custodium an apple-yard ; so w cyrill affirmeth in his daies it was a place full of cucumbers ; ieremies prophecies of babylons destruction , even in the circumstances thereof , are particularly acknowledged and related by xenophon x , the lord had threatned to bring a nation upon israell swift as the eagle flieth , deut. 28. 49. iosephus y saith this was verified in vespatians ensigne , and the banner of cyrus was an eagle z also , as the same xenophon relateth ; and if the jewes bee not now , never were in america , how have they been dispersed into all parts of the earth ? this being indeed so large a portion of it ; how have they bin scattered into all the four windes , if one of the foure did never blow upon them ? much more might be said of their sufferings from the spaniards , whom the barbarous indians thereupon counted so barbarous and inhumane , that they supposed them not to come into the world like other people , as if it were impossible , that any borne of man and woman should be so monstruously savage and cruell ; they derived therefore their pedigree from the wide and wild ocean , and call'd them a viracocheie , i. e. the foame of the sea , as beeng borne of the one , and nourished by the other , and poured upon the earth for its destruction . b acosta indeed gives another interpretation of that word in honour of his nation , but other c writers unanimously accord in this ; and d benzo confidently averreth , that the conceit and judgement of the indians touching the originall of the spaniards , is so setled in them , that none but god himselfe can alter their minds herein ; for thus saith hee they reason among themselves , the winds tumble downe houses , and teare trees in peeces , the fire burnes both trees and houses , but these same viracocheies devoure all , they turn over the earth , offer violence to the rivers , are perpetually unquiet , wandering every way to finde gold , and when they have found it , they throw it away at dice , they steale , and sweare , and kill , yea and kill one another , and deny god : yea these indians in detestation of the spaniards , he saith , doe execrate and curse the sea it selfe for sending such an intractable , fierce , and cruell a generation into the earth : but thus have wicked sinnes drawne woefull punishments , threatned to the jewes , and suffered also by these americans , wherein the more hath bin spoken , not onely to deter all christians from such inhumane barbarities , but to provoke the readers every way to compassionate such transcendent sufferers , the rather because as canaan of old was emanuels land , hos . 9. 3. the holy land , zach. 2. 12. and the jewes were gods peculiar people , so these surely are either a remnant of israell after the flesh , or else god will in his good time incorporate them into that common-wealth , and then they also shall become the israel of god. part second . some contrary reasonings removed , and first in the generall . chap. i. there be some that by irrefragable arguments , they suppose , evince and overthrow all conjectures that the americans be jewes : apocryphall esdras in historicalls may be of some credit , and that sentence of his by many is applyed to this very purpose ; and these very people , the ten tribes led away captive by salmanasar , tooke this counsell among themselves , that they would leave the multitude of the heathen , and goe forth into a farther countrey , where never man dwelt , that they might there keepe their statutes , which they never kept in their owne land , and they entred into euphrates , by the narrow passages of the river , for through that countrey there was a great way to goe , namely of a yeere and an halfe , and the same region is called arsareth , &c. 2 esdr . 13. 40. &c. a acosta is of opinion that these words thus produced by many , make in truth against this conjecture , and that for two reasons . 1. the ten tribes went so farre to keepe their statutes and ceremonies , but these indians observe none of them , being given up to all idolatries : and is this at all consequent , such was their purpose , therefore the successe must be answerable ? is it likely they should be so tenacious in a farre and forraigne land , that never kept them in their owne , as the next words expresse ? his second argument is of like force , for t is not said , that euphrates and america be contiguous , or places so neere one the other , muchlesse that the entries of that river should stretch to the indies ; but hee tells of a very long journey taken by them , suitable to the places of their removall , and approach , which was to a countrey where never man dwelt , and what countrey could this be but america ? all other parts of the world being then knowne and inhabited : besides there hath bin a common tradition among the jews , and in the world , that those ten tribes are utterly lost ; in what place are they then like to be found if not in america ? for they shall be found againe . some conjectures that they came from norway , and be of that nation , have bin mentioned , with the improbability also thereof ; and now lately t. gage sets forth his new survey of the west indies , his long abode there , and diligent observation of many , very many remarkable passages in his travells ; there i hoped to read somewhat of their originalls , and finde him b affirming that the indians seeme to be of the tartars progeny , his reasons are , 1. quivira and all the west side of the countrey towards asia is farre more populous than the east next europe , which sheweth these parts to be first inhabited ; but if the meaning be , the nearer tartary the more populous , therefore they came from thence , its falls in with the third reason . 2. their barbarous properties are most like the tartats of any ; this argument militates with more force for their judaisme , to which many of their rites be so consonant , both sacred and common , as hath been said . and thirdly the west side of america , if it be not continent with tartary , is yet disjoyned by a small straite ; but the like may be said of some other parts , that they be or may have been neer some other maine lands , and so by that reason of some other race and extract . 4. the people of quivira neerest to tartary , are said to follow the seasons and pasturing of their cattell like the tartarians ; this particular , a species of the generall , delivered in the second reason , is there glanced upon , but all he saith of this nature , and others with him , are so farre from weakening our conjecture , that they may be embraced rather as friendly supports thereunto , if others have guessed right that conceive the tartars also themselves to be jowes . mathew paris c , no meane man in his time , was of that opinion ; in his famous history he mentions it as the judgement of learned men in that age , it is thought the tartars , quorum memoriaest detestabilis , are of the ten tribes , &c. yea and of latter times dr fletcher d a neere neighbour to them while he lived among the russes as agent for queen elizabeth , supposeth the same , and giveth divers probable arguments inducing him thereto : the names of many townes in tartary the same with those in israell , tabor , ierico , chorasin , &c. they are circumcised , distinguished into tribes , and have many hebrew words among them , &c. for hee addeth other probabilities ; yea and the same m. paris e shewes that the jewes themselves were of that mind , and called them their brethren of the seed of abraham , &c. there was another transmigration of them when vespatian destroyed ierusalem ; their owne , and other histories speake little thereof : it might be well worthy the endeavours of some serious houres to enquire after the condition of that nation since our most deare saviours ascension ; a strange thing is reported by themselves , and of themselves , and with such confidence f that t is in their devotion . it saith when vespatian wan ierusalem , he gave order that three ships laden with that people might be put to sea , but without pilot , oares , or tackling , these by windes and tempests were woefully shattered , and so dispersed , that they were cast upon severall coasts ; one of them in a countrey called lovanda , the second in another region named arlado , the third at a place called bardeli , all unknown in these time , the last courteously entertained these strangers , freely giving them grounds and vineyards to dresse , but that lord being dead , another arose that was to them , as pharaoh to old israell , and he said to them , he would try by nabuchodonosors experiment upon the three young men , if these also came from the fire unscorch'd , he would believe them to be jewes , they say adoni-melech , most noble emperour , let us have also three daies to invoke the majesty of our god for our deliverance , which being granted , ioseph and benjamin two brothers , and their cosin samuell , consider what is meet to be done , and agree to fast and pray three daies together , and meditate every one of them a prayer , which they did , and out of them all they compiled one which they used all those three daies and three nights ; on the morning of the third day one of them had a vision upon esa . 43. 2. which marvelously encouraged them all : soone after a very great fire was kindled , and an ininnumerable company of people came to see the burning , into which they cast themselves unbidden without feare , singing , and praying till all the combustible matter was consumed , and the fire went out ; the jewes every where published this miracle , and commanded that this prayer should be said every monday and thursday morning in their synagogues , which is observed by them to this day saith buxtorsius : in this narration if there be any truth wee may looke for some confirmation thereof from america . but that there be no jewes in those parts , io. de laet endeavours otherwise to evince ; as 1. they are not circumcised , therefore not jewes ; but their circumcision hath been made so manifest , that this reason may well be retorted ; they are circumcised , therefore they be jewes . againe the indians are not covetous , nor learned , nor carefull of their antiquities , therefore they are not judaicall ; in which allegations if there be any strength , it will be answered in the examination of those three following scrupulous and difficult questions . 1. whence and how the iewes should get into america . 2. how multiply , and enpeople so great a continent , so vast a land . 3. how grow so prodigiously rude and barbarous . chap ii. answer to the first quere , how the jewes should get into america . the jewes did not come into america , as is feigned of ganimed a , riding on eagles wings , neither was there another arke made to convey them thither , the angels did not carry them by the haires of the heads , b as apocryphall habakuk was conducted into babylon , these were not caught by the spirit of the lord and setled there , as saint philip was from ierusalem to asotus , act. 8. 5. they were c not guided by an hart , as t is written of the hunns , when they brake in upon the nearer parts of europe d , procopius reports of the maurisii , an african nation , that they were of those gergesites or jebusites spoken of in the scriptures , for he had read a very ancient writing in phaenician characters thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. we are they that fled from the face of the destroyer iesus the sonne of nave ; and so the septuagint names him , whom wee call the sonne of nun , and as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 formerly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was not in those daies of such odious signification : it may be said these might passe from the parts of asia into lybia by land , but the jewes could not so get into america , which is thought by some to be very farre distant on every side from the continent ; e acosta therefore supposeth the natives might come at first by sea into that maine land , alledging some experiments to that purpose , but in the next chapter he judgeth it more probable , whosoever the inhabitants be , that they travelled thither by land ; for though some few men happily by tempests , might be cast on those shores , yet it is unlike , so large a part of the earth by such mishaps should be replenished . f. cotton ( f ) , it seemes was puzled with this scruple , therefore in his memorialls he propounded to the daemoniaque that interrogatory , quomodo animalia in insulas , &c. quomodo homines , how got men and other creatures into those islands and countries . acosta g subscribes at length to the sentence of st. austin h for the entrance of beares , lions , and wolves , that they arrived thither , either by their owne swimming , or by the importation of curious men , or by the miraculous command of god , and ministration of the angels , yet his i finall determination is , and he lived seventeen yeeres in that countrey , america joyneth somewhere with some other part of the world , or else is but by a very little distance separated from it . and it may yet be further considered , the scituation of countries is much altered by tract of time , many places that were formerly sea , are now dry land saith strabo k , a great part af asia and africa hath bin gained from the atlantique ocean , the sea of corinth was drunk up by an earthquake , lucania by the force of the water was broken off from italy , and got a new name ; sicily saith l tertullian , the sea gave unto the m earth the island rhodes ; pliny n mentions divers places , islands long since , but in his time adjoyned to the continent , and the sea hath devoured many townes and cities , that were anciently inhabited ; that vallis silvestris as the latin translation renders , gen. 14. 3. or of siddim , i. e. laboured fields , as t is in hebrew , was certainely a vaile of slime-pits in the daies of abraham and lot , ver . 10. which very place about foure hundred yeeres after , was a sea , the salt sea , ver . 3. between thera and therasia an island suddenly appeared , saith o eusebius , and the sea perhaps hath broken into some places , and of one made a double island ; all ages and nations tell of the water and the earth , how they gain one from the other : and thus some p have conjectured , that our brittaine since the floud , was one continent with france , for the distance between them , at callis and dover is but small , about twenty foure miles , and the cliffes on both sides are like each other , for length and matter , equally chalk and flinty , as if art , or suddaine violence had made an even separation . thence hollinshead writes confidently , because lions and wild bulls were formerly in this island , that it was not cut from the maine by the great deluge of noah , but long after ; for none would replenish a countrey with such creatures for pastime and delight . and if these be no more but conjectures that america was once united to the other world , or but a little divided from it , time and the sea two insatiable devourers have made the gap wider : but the question is not in what age , before , or since the incarnation of our lord the jewes tooke their long journey , and planted there ; but how the way was passable for them : malvenda q speakes confidently that they might come into tartary , and by the deserts into grotland , on which side america is open ; and mr brerewood r assures us that the north part of asia is possessed by tartars , and if it be not one continent with america , as some suppose ; yet doubtlesse they are divided by a very narrow channell , because there be abundance of beares , lions , tigers , and wolves in the land , which surely men would not transport to their owne danger and detriment , those greater s beasts indeed are of strength to swimme over sea many miles , and this is generally observed of beares : and t herrera saith , the inhabitants of the west indies came thither by land , for those provinces touch upon the continent of asia , africa , and europe , though it be not yet fully discovered , how , and where the two worlds be conjoyned , or if any sea doe passe between them , they are straites so narrow , that beasts might easily swimme , and men get over even with small vessells ; our countrey man nich. fuller u gives in his suitable verdit for the facile passing into columbina , so he calls it from the famous first discoverer , saying , from other places they might find severall islands not farre distant each from other , and a narrow cut at last through which passengers might easily be conveyed ; and acosta w tells that about florida the land runs out very large towards the north , and as they say joynes with the scythique or german sea ; and after some other such mentionings , he concludes confidently , there is no reason or experience that doth contradict my conceit , that all the parts of the earth be united and joyned in some place or other , or at least , approach very neere together , and that is his conclusive sentence . it is an indubitable thing , that the one world is continued , and joyned with the other . chap. iii. answer to question 2. how such a remnant should enpeople so great a part of the world . the whole countrey of jewry , whence wee would have it probable that the americans came , is not above one hundred and sixty miles long , from a dan to beersheba , and the breadth is but sixty miles , from ioppa to iordan , in st. ieromes account , who knew it so well ; and how some few colonies , as it were removing from thence should multiply into such numbers , that so large a countrey should be filled by them , is a scruple that hath troubled some considering men . america in the latitude of it is b is foure thousand miles ; and bishop casa's c hath said already , that the spaniards in his time had forraged and spoyled countries longer then all europe , and a great part of asia ; it seemes incredible therefore that the incommers , who were but few in comparison , as a little flocke of kids , should so marvelously spread into all the westerne world ; for the americans before that spanish devastation , filled all the countrey . but this will not seeme so difficult , if former examples be taken into consideration ; d some have made speciall observation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as had many children ; t is much that acosta e writes of one of the inguas or kings of peru , that hee had above three hundred sonnes and grandchildren ; t is more that philo iudeus f tells of noah the patriarke , who lived , hee saith , to see twenty foure thousand proceeding from him , all males , for women were not numbred . we use to say , rome was not built in one day ; and indeed eutropius g speaking of the empire of that city , saith , at first none was lesse , but in its increment it exceeded all others by many degrees , so that he who reades the story thereof , reads not the acts of one people , but of all nations saith florus h ; yea and seneca i looking on rome in its minority , and her immense magnitude afterward , is amazed thereat ; this one people saith he , how many colonies did it send into all provinces , he writes of numerous encreases from other cities also , as athens and miletus , but it will be nearer to our purpose to observe , how small the number of israell was at his first discent into egypt , how short a time they tarried there , what cruell waies were taken to stop their encrease , and yet how much , and how marvelously they multiplied , and then it will not be strange , that a farre greater number , in a longer time should or might grow into such vast multitudes . and for the first t is most certaine , all the soules of the house of iacob which came into egypt were seventy . gen. 46. 27. t is true also , though not to all so manifest , that the time of their abode in egypt was about two hundred and fifteen yeers , and not more ; at first appearance indeed it seems to be otherwise , because wee read , exod. 12. 40. the sojourning of the children of israell who dwelt in egypt , was foure hundred and thirty yeeres , but the septuagints addition is here remarkable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they dwelt in egypt and in the land of canaan , they and their fathers , foure hundred and thirty yeeres , and this is one of those thirteen mutations that the seventy interpreters made ; when at king ptolomes appointment they translated the scripture into greeke , which they said was done rightly by them , for israell was indeed in egypt but two hundred and ten yeeres , which collection they make from k the numerall letters of that speech of iacob . gen. 42. 2. ו / 6 ד / 4 ר / 200 and there be many impressions in the scripture , evidencing that their abode in egypt was according to this computation . saint paul first taught this high point of chronology , where and how the account must begin , namely at the time when the promise was made to abraham , for the law was foure hundred and thirty yeeres after , gal. 3. 16 , 17. god bidding abraham get out of his owne countrey , &c. gen. 12. 1. makes a covenant with him , ver . 2. 3. and abraham was then seventy five yeeres old , ver . 4. isaac is borne twenty five yeeres after , gen. 21. 5. iacobs birth is sixty yeeres after that , gen. 25. 26. iacob was one hundred and thirty yeeres old when hee went downe into egypt , gen. 47. 28. which together make two hundred and fifteen yeeres , and two hundred and fifteen yeeres after they came all out of egypt ; for when the foure hundred and thirty yeeres were expired , even the selfe same day departed all the hosts of the lord out of the land of egypt , exod. 12. 41. the computation of suidas l in the margent is consonant hereunto ; and how these seventy in the space of two hundred & fifteen yeers did encrease , is next to be declared , which is also plainly expressed , ver . 37. they tooke their journey from rameses to succoth , about six hundred thousand men on foot , beside children , so great a multiplication of so few in so short a time , may easily convince the possibility of a far greater augmentation from a beginning so vastly different , and the continuance so much surmounting . the spaniards first comming into america was about the yeere one thousand foure hundred and ninety : the great dispersion of the jewes immediately after our saviours death at the destruction of ierusalem , was more then fourteen hundred yeeres before , and their former importation into the city of the medes was seven hundred and fourty yeeres before that ; if therefore upon either of the scatterings of that nation , two thousand or fourteen hundred yeeres , or lesse then either number be allowed for the encrease of those that were very many before , such multitudes will not be miraculous : besides , in all that time no forraign power did breake in among them ; there were thence no transplantations of colonies , no warres did eate up the inhabitants , but such light battailes as they were able to manage among themselves , in all that long time they did encrease and multiply without any extraordinary diminution , till that incredible havocke which was made by the spanish invasions and cruelties . chap. iv. answer to the third quaere , about their becomming so barbarous . if such a passage through tartary , or some other countrey for them were granted , and the probability of so numerous multiplication acknowledged , the perswasion will not yet be easie , that jewes should ever become so barbarous , horrid and inhumane , as bookes generally relate of these americans . villagagno a writing of the brasilians to master calvin , speakes as if he had bin uncertaine at first whether he were come among beasts in an humane shape , so stupid he found them and sottish beyond imagination : but here every reader may take occasion to bemoane the woefull condition of mankinde , and into what rude , grosse , and unmanlike barbarities we runne headlong , if the goodnesse of god prevent us not . wee marvaile at the americans for their nakednesse , and man-devouring , we cannot believe the jewes should be given over to such barbarity : but in our own nation the inhabitants were anciently as rude and horrid , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith herodian , the britons knew not the use of apparell , lest their cloathing should hide the severall formes and figures of beasts and other creatures which they paint , and imprint upon their bodies ; and hierome saith , when he was a young man , he saw the scots , gentem britannicam humanis vesci carnibus , and that even here of old were anthropophagi , is averred by diodorus siculus , and strabo . and to what hath bin said of the jewes formerly , shall here be added . it seemes strange to us if they be jewes , they should forget their religion , and be so odiously idolatrous , although after so many yeeres ; but , if the scripture had not spoken it , could it have bin believed of this very people , that they should fall so often into such foule offences , as , if circumstances be considered , have no parallell . israel , when but newly delivered out of egypt , by many signes and wonders , with severall evident and miraculous impressions of gods majesty and power ; yet in six moneths space all is forgotten , they make unto themselves a god of their owne , attributing unto it all their deliverance , and say , these be thy gods o israrael which brought thee out of the land of egypt . exod. 32. 4. which base idoll of theirs had not it s nothing , till they were all come out safe thence ; who can sufficiently wonder that those very people who saw and heard those terrible things mentioned , exod. 19 , & 20. which forced them to say but a while before to moses , talke thou with us , and wee will heare , but let not god talke with us , least wee die , exod. 20. 19. yea god himselfe seems to admire at this , and for this to disowne them , telling moses , thy people which thou hast brought out of the land of egypt , they are soon turned out of the way , &c. exod. 32. 8. it may seeme past beliefe any of iacobs race should be so unnaturall as to devoure one another , as is frequent among these indians ; and would it not bee as much beyond credit , if the scripture of truth , dan. 10. 21. had not asserted it , that these sonnes of iacob in former times when they had priests and prophets among them , and the remembrance of gods justice and mercy was fresh in their minds , that they should then offer their sonnes and daughters unto devills , psal . 106. 36. as they did in the valley of hinnom , 2 king 23. 10. smiting b on the tabrets while their children were burning , that their cry could not be heard ; t is not impossible therefore that the jews should be againe overwhelmed with such savagenesses and inhumanity ; nor improbable neither , if to what hath bin said three other things be added . 1. the threats of god against them upon their disobedience , deut. 28. where be words and curses sufficient to portend the greatest calamity that can be conceived to fall upon the nature of man , as hath already bin in severall things declared ; and m. paris c so answers the objection , that the tartars are not jewish , because they know nothing of moses law , nor righteousnesse , &c. if when moses was alive , saith he , they were so stubborne and rebellious , and went after other gods , they may be now much more prodigiously wicked , even as these americans , being unknowne to other people , confounded also in their language and life , and god so revenging their abominations . 2. the ten tribes in their owne land were become extreamely barbarous , renouncing all almost they had received from moses , ezek. 36. 17. & 2 king. 17. their captivity is mentioned , and the sinfull cause thereof , more then abominable idolatries ; and they were not onely guilty of wicked , but even of witlesse impieties : god forbad them to walke after the customes of the nations , deut. 4. 8. and yet , as the heathen in all their cities , they built high places , making images and groves upon every high hill , and under every green tree , and made their sonnes and daughters to passe through the fire , using witchcraft and enchantment , &c. 2 king. 17. 8 , 9. this was their religion and wisdome while they were in their own countrey , and they were no better in the land of their captivity ; for it may be , they had not there the books of the law , nor any prophets among them , because t is said againe and againe , they left the commandments of their god. and if it seeme unlikely , that the jewes being in america should lose the bible , the law , and ceremonies , then let the prophesie of hosea be remembred , where t is foretold , that the children of israel shall remaine many daies without a king , and without a prince , and without a sacrifice , and without an ephod , and without a teraphim , hose . 3. 4. yea and before that time there was a lamentable defection of religion in israell . while they were in their owne land , for a long season they were without the true god , and without a reading priest , and without law , 2 chron. 15. 3. yea and as chrysostome d affirmes that the book of deuteronomy had been lost along time among christians , and was lately recovered from dust and rubbish a little before his daies ; so t is most certaine that in iosiahs reigne , hilkiah the priest found the booke of the law in the house of the lord , which when the king heard read unto him , hee was astonisht , as at a new and strange thing , and rent his clothes , 2 king , 22. 8. &c. and this was the booke of the law of the lord given by moses , 2 chro. 34. 14. which was then little knowne or regarded among them , ver . 24 , 25. &c. but thirdly , the stupor and dulnesse of israell was even admirable , when our saviour came into the world , for they give no credit to their owne prophets read in their synagogues every sabbath , the shepherds publish what they received from the angells concerning christ , luk. 2. 17. simeon proclaimes glorious things of jesus , and they will not heare , ver . 25. wise men came from the east to ierusalem enquiring and discoursing , but still they apprehend not ; yea they shut their eyes against all the marvailes that christ performed among them , such as would have convinced not onely tyre and sidon , but even sodome and gomorrha : the heavenly sermons of the sonne of god wrought upon stones , harlots , publicans and sinners , but those jewes remaine inflexible against all , and at his death they still continue seared and stupified ; the veile of the temple is rent , the earth did quake , the stones were cloven asunder , and the graves did open , but their hearts are shut up still ; yea and at his resurrection there was a great earthquake , the angel of the lord comes downe from heaven , his countenance is like lightning , for fear of him the keepers become as dead men , christ riseth againe in glory , and the watch shew the high priests all these things , they are hereupon convinced , but they will not b● convinced ; for they take counsell together , and with mony hire the souldiers to say , the disciples stole away his body while they slept ; if it be therefore well considered of what dark & darkned condition the israelites were in these times , how many yeeres have passed since , what meanes they have had to increase their rudenesse and incivility , and irreligion ; no way , commerce , or means left to reclaime them , it will not seem so strange if they be wholly barbarous , seeing also the vengeance of god lies hard and heavy upon them for their injustice done to his sonne , nam crucifixerunt e salvatorem suum & fecerunt damnatorem suum , saith st. austin , they crucified their saviour , and made him their enemy and avenger . it is no marvaile then , supposing the americans . to be jewes , that there be so few mentionings of judaicall rites and righteousnesse among them ; it may be , and is , a wonderfull thing rather , that any footstep or similitude of judaisme should remaine after so many ages of great iniquity , with most just divine displeasure therupon , and no possibility yet discerned how they should recover , but manifest necessities almost of praecipitation into further ignorance , grossenesse and impiety ; the losse of which their customes and ceremonies , in so great a measure , in time may prove advantagious towards their conversion , seeing they cannot be obstinate maintainers of mosaicall ordinances , the love and liking whereof and adhesion to them , was ever a prevailing obstacle to the knowing jewes , and that is a consideration tending directly to the last part , and particular , and will helpe , i trust , to encourage us who are already desirous , not to civilize onely the americanes , 〈◊〉 even to gospellize and make them christian . part third . humble desires to all , for hearty endeavours in all , to acquaint the natives with christianity . chap. i. to the planters , and touching the cause of their removall hence . this discourse will be directed to the english planted there , and our selves at home ; concerning the former , three or foure things may be minded . 1. cause of their removall . 2. hope of the natives conversion . 3. directions to it . 4. cautions , and some other additions . deep considerations , without doubt , and mature , were in those that hence transplanted themselves into that other part of the world , but quo jure , by what right and title they could settle in a forraigne land was surely none of their last enquiries . io. bodin a reckons five reasons why colonies may be planted in other regions . 1. expulsion from their own native countrey . 2. increase of inhabitants upon a land . 3. want of necessaries at home , and unseasonable times . 4. desire to preserve and enlarge their owne territories . 5. favour to prisoners and captives . the ampliation of the kingdome of christ was expected here as a motive in vaine ; but i finde it elsewhere among our novangles , and it shall be mentioned in due place : for those are causes why men goe out of their owne land , but for the jus and right of setling in another they say nothing . when the bishop de las casas had set forth his tract of the spanish cruelties committed in the indies , some guilty persons he supposeth suborned doctor sepulveda , the emperours historian , to undertake their patronage , which he did in an elegant and rhetoricall discourse , endeavouring to prove , that the spanish wars against the indians were just and lawfull , and that they were bound to submit unto the spaniards , as ideots to the more prudent ; but he could not obtaine leave to print a booke so irrationall and unchristian . their more plausible plea is , that columbus was first employed by them to discover some of those parts ; but the same offer was before tendred to this our nation , and the king thereof ; yea and the english were as early in that very designe as the portingales , for our b chronicles shew that sebastian gabat or cabot , borne at bristol , was employed by king henry the seventh , and he with some london merchants , adventured three or foure ships into those new-found lands , anno one thousand foure hundred ninety eight ; and it cannot be doubted , but they had made some former sufficient experiments , before that their so confident engagement : thence t is affirmed by others c , that the english were there before columbus , and about the yeere d one thousand five hundred and two , three of those natives were brought unto the king , they were cloathed in beasts skinnes , did eate raw flesh , spake a language none could understand , two of those men were seen at the court at westminster two yeeres after , cloathed like englishmen . but wee of this nation have yet a more ancient claime , three hundred yeeres before columbus , in the time of henry the second , anno dom. one thousand one hundred and seventy ; when madoc ap owen gwineth did not onely discover the countrey , but planted in some part of mexico , and left monuments of the brittish language , and other usages , taken notice of by the spaniands , since their arrivall thither . mr. herbert e in his travailes doth not onely remember this , but sheweth it to have bin mentioned by many worthy men of late , and ancient times , as cynwic ap greue , meredith ap rhice , gul. owen , lloyd , powell , hackluit , davis , broughton . and purchas . l. 4. c. 13. p. 807. but yet more particularly , dr donne f allowes that as a justifiable reason of mens removall from one place to another , publique benefit ; interest reipublicae ut re sua quis bene utatur , every one must use his private for the common good : and if a state may take order that every man improve what he hath for the benefit of the nation where he lives , then , interest mundo , all mankinde may every where , as farre as it is able , advance the good of mankinde in generall , which not being done by the natives there , others are bound , at least have liberty to interpose their endeavours , especially , when by divine providence one land swells with inhabitants , and another is disempeopled by mutuall broiles , infectious diseases , or the cruelty of invaders , all which have helped to sweepe away the americans , while the english in the meanetime did multiply in such manner and measure , as they could scarcely dwell one by another ; and because man is commanded more than once to bring forth , multiply , and fill the earth , gen. 1. 28. 9. 1. he may well therefore , and justly looke abroad , and if he finde convenient and quiet habitation , he may call the name of that land rehoboth , because the lord hath made him roome , gen. 22. 26. that is also a lawfull cause of setling in other lands , when a right therein is acquired by purchase , as abraham bought of ephron the field of machpelah , gen. 22. 17. and thus paspehai h one of the indian kings sold unto the english in virginia land to inhabit and inherit ; and when mr williams of late i called upon our planters in new england to be humbled for making use of the kings patents , for removing hence , and residing there , he is well answered among other things , that they had those lands from the natives by way of purchase and free consent . againe , the territories of strangers may be possessed upon the donation and fore-gift of the naturall inhabitants , as abimelech said to abraham , behold the land is before thee , dwell where it pleaseth thee , gen. 20. 15. and pharaoh said to ioseph , in the land of goshen let thy father and brethren dwell , gen. 47. 5 , 6. so in virginia king k powhatan desired the english to come from iames town , a place unwholsome , and take possession of another whole kingdome , which he gave them ; thus the surviving l indians were glad of the comming of the english to preserve them from the oppression of the next borderers ; and surely divine providence making way , the care of emprovement , the purchase from the natives , their invitation and gift , some , or all these , may satisfie the most scrupulous in their undertaking , or else what will such our inquisitors say to maintaine the right of their owne inheritances ? the english invaded the britons the ancient inhabitants of this island , and crowded them into the nooke of wales , themselves in the meane time taking possession of the fat of this land , by what right , or by what wrong i dispute not , saith m crantzius ; but such in those daies were the frequent emigrations of people to seeke out new habitations . to these that other expression of the eloquent deane n may be added , accepistis potestatem , you have your commissions , your patents , your charters , your seale from that soveraigne power upon whose acts any private subject in civill matters may rely ; and though our forenamed country-man seemeth to slight the pattent of new-england , as containing matter of falsehood and injustice , that o imputation also is sufficiently removed by mr cotton in that his answer before mentioned . and yet further , the desire and endeavour to plant christianity there , will fortifie the former reasons , and sufficiently vindicate the transplantation of people , this p seales the great seale saith that doctor , authorizeth authority , and justifies justice it selfe , and christians may have learned this from our deare master christ , who coasted the countrey , and crossed the seas q saith chrysologus , not to satisfie humane curiosity , but to promote mans salvation ; not to see diversities of places , but to seeke , and finde , and save lost mankinde . and if such be the aime of our nation there , we may with more comfort expect and enjoy the externalls of the indians , when wee pay them our spiritualls , for their temporalls , an easie and yet most glorious exchange , the salvation of the salvages , to the hope of the one , the like sound of the other may give encouragement ; but that is the next consideration . chap. ii. hope of the natives conversion . saint paul enforced himselfe to preach the gospell where christ was not yet named , rom. 15. 20. such is the condition of that forlorne nation , a good subject to worke upon , and if so good an end be propounded , the successe by divine blessing will be answerable : and though the countrey hath been knowne more than a century of yeeres to christians , yet those that came first among them , minded nothing lesse than to make them such . benzo a relates abundantly how the spaniards laid the foundation of their endeavours in bloud , their fryers and religious persons at first instigating them thereto . that christian king indeed gave them leave to subdue the caniballs , but they destinate all the nations to bitter bondage , proceeding therein with so much rigour and severity , that the dominicans are constrained at length to complaine thereof to the pope paul the third , imploring from him a bull for the reinfranchisement of the indians , which they obtained , and brought into spaine , and presented it to charles the fifth , who made them free to the griefe and losse of some of the grandees , whose wealth and grandour consisted most in slaves ; they were most prodigiously libidinous b also , contracting upon themselves most foule and pernicious diseases , that loathsome lust first brought into this world , the filthy and infectious contagion , now so much spoken of . their covetousnesse was notorious also , the indians scorned them for it , and for their sakes abominated the name of christianity ; and when they tooke any c of the spaniards , they would bind their hands , cast them upon their backs , and poure gold into their mouths , saying , eate , o christians , eate this gold : yea their lives were generally so odious , and opposite to godlinesse , that the same writer professeth , their scandalous conversation deterred the americans from the gospell ; they did indeed teach some children of their kings and nobles , to read , and write , and understand the principles of christianity , which they acknowledged to be good , and wondered that the christians themselves so little practised them ; and thus one of them bespake a d spaniard , o christian thy god forbids thee to take his name in vaine , and yet thou swearest upon every light occasion , and forswearest ; your god saith , you shall not beare false witnesse , and you doe nothing else almost but slander , and curse one another ; your god commands you to love your neighbour as your selfe , but how are the poore injured by you ? how doe you cast them into prison , and fetters , that are not able to pay their debts ? and you are so farre from relieving needy christians , that you send them to our cottages for almes , spending your meanes and time in dice , thefts , contentions , and adulteries : he tells also of an indian prince , that was very apt and ingenious , he attained to a very good measure of learning and knowledge in religion , and was hopefull above others in both ; but about the thirtieth yeere of his age , he deceived the expectation of friends , and became extremely debauched and impious , and being blamed for his bad change , his excuse was , since i became a christian i have learned all this , to sweare by the name of god , to blaspheme the holy gospell , to lie , to play at dice ; i have gotten a sword also to quarrell , and that i may be a right christian indeed , i want nothing but a concubine , which i intend also shortly to bring home to my house ; and benzo further addes , when himselfe reprehended an indian for dicing and blaspemy e , hee was presently answered , i learned this of you christians , &c. and if it be said , benzo was an italian , and laies the more load upon the spaniards , as no friend to that nation , bartholomeus de las casas f one of their owne , and a bishop also , is as liberall in telling their faults , as hath been in part mentioned already ; the natives indeed are capable and docible , but these other tooke no care to lead them unto godlinesse , either by word or example ; but this , saith that spanish bishop , was the manner of their gospelizing them ; in the night they published their edict , saying , oyee caciques and indians of this place , which they named , wee let you all know , that there is one god , one pope , one king of castile , who is the lord of these lands , come forth therefore presently and doe your homage , and shew your obedience to him ; so in the fourth watch of the night the poore indians dreaming of no such matter , men women and children were burnt in their houses together : he affirmeth againe , they regarded no more to preach the gospell of christ to the americans , than if they had bin dogs , and their soules to perish with their bodies ; he tells further of one colmenero , who had the soule-care of a great city , being asked what he taught the indians committed to his charge , his answer was , he cursed them to the devill ; and it was sufficient if he said to them , per signin santin cruces , by the signe of the holy crosse . the spanish instruction then , it is evident , was the natives destruction , and not so much a plantation as a supplantation , not a consciencious teaching , but a lion-like rather devouring of soules ; their errors may warne and rectifie us , yea and sharpen our edge , seeing these poore indians be not indocible , and shall be converted ; and be they jewes or gentiles , as there is much rudenesse and incivility among them , so many hopefull things have bin observed of them ; and as aristotle said of the humane soule at its first immission , it was a new planed table , the americans in like manner saith p. martyr g , are capable , and docible , mindelesse of their owne ancient rites , readily believing and rehearsing what they be taught concerning our faith ; acosta h declares them not onely to be teachable , but in many things excelling many other men , and that they have among them some politique principles admired by our wisest statists ; their naturall parts and abilities were visible in that their whale-catching and conquest mentioned i already , yea they are saith benzo k , very apt to imitate the fashion of the christians ; if wee kneele at our devotion , they will kneele also ; if wee reverently lift up our hands or eyes at prayer , they will do the like : lerius l writeth severall observable things , of their aptnesse and capacity , that they be quickely sensible of their owne blindnesse , easily deterred from lying and stealing ; they told us , m saith he , that very long agoe , they could not tell how many moones since , one came among them cloathed and bearded like unto us , endeavouring to perswade us unto another kinde of religion , but our ancestors would not then heare ; and if wee should now forsake our old usages , all our neighbours would scorne and deride us ; hee found them of tenacious memories , if they heare but once one of our names , they forget them no more : and as hee walked in the woods upon a time with three of those brasilians , his heart was stirred up to praise god for his workes , it was in the spring of the yeere , and bee sang the hundred and fourth psalme , one of them desired to know the reason of his joy , which when he had mentioned , with the meaning also of the prophet , the indian replyed , oh mayr , so they call the french , how happy are you that understand so many secret things , that are hidden from us ! and when the natives of virginia o heard mr harriot speake of the glory of the great god , shewing them his booke , the bible , many of them touched it with gladnesse , kissed , and embraced it , held it to their breasts , and heads , and stroaked their bodies all over with it , and in p guiana they desired captaine leigh to send into england for instructors , and one of them was so well taught , that he professed at his death , he died a christian , a christian of england . but the q sunne-rising of the gospel with the indians in new england , with the breaking forth of further light among them , and their enquity after the knowledge of the worlds saviour , &c. hath been abundantly discovered by our brethren there of late , to our very great rejoycing , and for the encouragement of them and others . to what hath been said , let me adde what some r suppose they read foretold concerning the americans accesse to christ , out of philip. 2. 10. at the name of iesus every knee shall bow , of things in heaven , things on earth , and things under the earth , i. e. heavenly things , saints already converted , earthly , such of the knowne world as the apostles were then labouring to gospellize , under the earth , that is , the americans which are as under us , and as antipodes to us , and live as it were under , beneath , in the lower parts of the world ; for it is not like hee should speake of the corporally dead , their bodies not being under , but rather in the earth , & inferi , infernus , doe not alwaies meane hell , and the place of the damned , but the regions as under us sometimes , that be opposite to us , as that epistle , said to be brought by a winde from the upper to the nether world , had those words first , superi inferis salutem , wee above the earth wish health to them under it ; and thus the captive indians s told the english planters : wee therefore seeke your destruction , because wee heare you are a people come under the world to take our world from us . others finde their conversion praefigured in that threat , mat. 25. 30. cast the unprofitable servant into utter darknesse , those tenebrae exteriores , outward darknesses t are regiones exterae , the outer and forraigne nations in the judgement of remigius ; and some conceive the same to be fore-signified by the prophet obadiah , ver . 20. the captivity of ierusalem shall possesse the cities of the south . i. e. of america , so situate , or , the dry cities , that countrey being much under the torrid zone ; acosta u confidently applyeth thus this text , as some others doe that of esa . 66. 19. fredericus lumnius w in his booke devicinitate extremijudicii , findes or makes divers other scriptures look this way , upon that ground , three sorts of people should be in the church of christ at severall times , jewes formerly , christians now , and these indians afterwards ; he citeth hilary thus understanding that parable of the talents , the possessor of five is the jew , hee that had two talents is the gentile , then knowne , hee that received one , a people all carnall and stupid ; and according to this triple time of the church , and order of believers , hee expoundeth other scriptures , zach. 13. 8. mat. 13. 3. and the three watches , luk. 12. 38. and craving pardon of his rashnesse , or rather fidei nescientis mensuram suam , of his faith not knowing its owne measure , hee further allegorizeth the former parable , the jewes had one talent , the ancient and present christians two , law and gospell , and the servant to whom five talents were given , by which hee gained other five , is the indian and american nation , last in time converted , and called after others into the vineyard ; but it shall be more abundant in obeying the gospell , more fervent in charity , more zealous of good workes , and therefore malvenda x will have those to be the dry cities before mentioned out of obad. ver . 20. because they shall so much thirst after the gospell ; for that younger sister of the foure , saith y one of her friends in this england , is now growne marriageable , and daily hopes to get christ to her husband by the preaching of the gospel . comines z said of the english that they were much addicted to , and taken with prophecies and predictions , i believe that is incident to all nations , some even among these have foretold of the mutation of their rites , and religion , as hath b●●… mentioned , and in reference to their gospelizing a a divine and propheticall poet hath printed his thoughts hereof in severall particulars . religion stands on tiptoe in our land , ready to passe to the american strand ; when height of malice , and prodigious lusts , impudent sinning , witchcrafts , and distrusts , the markes of future bane , shall fill our cup vnto the brim , and make our measure up ; when sein shall swallow tiber , and the thames . by letting in them both pollute her streames ; when italy of us shall have her will , and all her calendar of sins fulfill , whereby one may foretell what sins next yeer shall both in france and england domineer , then shall religion to america flee , they have their times of gospell even as wee : my god , thou dost prepare for them a way , by carrying first from them their gold away , for gold and grace did never yet agree , religion alwaies sides with poverty ; wee thinke wee rob them , but we thinke amisse , wee are more poore , and they more rich by this ; thou wilt revenge their quarrell , making grace to pay our debts , and leave our ancient place , to goe to them , while that , which now their nation but lends to us , shall be our desolation , &c. here is a sad prognosticke for this england , but a joyfull calculation for america , longing , thirsting america ; and if such be their ripenesse and desire , wee should also make haste to satisfie them , the harvest there is great , and the regions are already white thereto ; the laborours indeed are few , t is more then time that the lord of the harvest were more earnestly intreated to send , to thrust forth labourers into this harvest : they that have gone into those parts have not all had a care of this , the harvest of soules : it was indeed the profession of villagagno , and the purpose surely of peter richiers , and will. charter pastors , and others from geneva , anno , one thousand five hundred fifty six , to publish the gospel there , and they were very serious therein , yea and lerius , b one of them , believes they had bin successefull also , if that apostate governour had not become a most cruell persecutor of the reformed religion in that strange land , where he most barbarously murthered three of those his owne countrey men , and the aforesaid lerius piously took care that their martyrdom should be commemorated by io. crispin in his history ; and though these were not so happy in that holy attempt , others have not been , will not be discouraged in such a worke ; a worke worthy of the choicest diligence of those that professe the glorious gospel in sincerity , who have had also many and manifold experiments of divine favour in their severall preservations , directions , and accommodations ; and because their friends ( with praise to god , and thanks to them for what is done and declared already ) desire to know more of those their pious and blessed endeavours , let me adde a third consideration , wishes of furtherance and direction in such great and gracious employments , which shall be , i hope , and pray , as a spurre to more able advisers to bring in every one somewhat or other towards the erecting of a tabernacle for our god in america . chap. iii. directions towards the conversion of the natives . some give violent counsell here , presuming they find it in that parable , luk. 14. 23. compell them to come in ; but judicious a austin calls this amoris , non timoris tractum , not a force of feare , but of love , producing the example of a sheepe following the shepherd holding a green bough in his hand ; and t is the sentence of a serious historian b among the gentiles , such are worthy of pitty not hatred , that erre from the truth , for they doe it not willingly , but being mistaken in judgement , they adhere to their first received opinions ; and the saints in the first times never thought outward compulsion a fit meane to draw on inward assent . the evangelicall prophet foretold this , they shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountaine saith the lord , esa . 65 last . and our most deare lord himselfe saith , the sonne of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them , luk. 9. 56. saint iames derives the pedigree of that wisdome which hath bitter envying and strife , though it be but in heart , though it may rejoyce and thinke highly of it selfe , yet its parentage is from that cerberus of iniquity , the world , the flesh , and the devill , jam. 3. 15. but regenerated saints delight surely in that wisdome which is from above , and that is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy , &c. jam. 3. 17. full of mercy , no roome therfore for violence and cruelty ; and the holy men of the next ages were children of this wisdome . 't is not religion , saith tertullian c , to compell religion , which ought to be introduced by perswasion , not force ; for even sacrifices of old were expostulated from willing mindes ; our church hath nothing to doe with murther , and bonds . d athanasius never committed any man to a goaler , saith hee himselfe in his apology ; and againe , the truth is not to be preached with swords , and darts , and armies , but by reason and arguments , which finde no place among them whose contradiction is requited with suffering , banishment , and death : the ancient christians abound with mentionings of this kind ; it is said indeed of e charles the great , that conquering the saxons , he commanded them to embrace christianity , and that he dealt in such a manner with the hungarians , and some others ; yea and though there be that speake the like of constantine , yet eusebius f writeth confidently , he wished all , commanded no man to be a christian , and for this orosius g commends him , that he shut up the pagan temples , but offer'd no violence to mens persons . the devill indeed , because he is no friend to truth , comes with axes and hatchets , but our saviour is gentle , and with a sweet voice saith , open unto me my sister , my love , &c. cant. 5. 2 , 5. and if they open , he enters , if not , he departeth , saith athanasius in the fore-cited place . foure things did especially assist in the first coverting of people to christ , besides those miraculous helps ; and if they be now conscienciously practised , god will shew himselfe mervellous in his blessing . 1. language , the necessity thereof was visible in those cloven tongues as of fire , the history whereof wee read act. 2. 1. &c. men must learne the speech of the natives , that dealing by interpreters must needs be difficult , tedious , and not so successefull ; meinardus h of old first gained the tongue of the livonians , and then became an happy instrument of their conversion ; and i chrysostome did the like with the scythians ; and the french colony k propounded and promised the same course at their first planting in america , as they certified mr calvin in their letters ; and the english in l virginia labouring to bring the natives to christianity , were woefully impeded therein by the ignorance of their language , which defect in themselves they did both acknowledge and bewaile . 2. labouring in the word was required and practised , mat. 28. act. 20. 18. and passim preachers should be appointed with all diligence to instruct the indians ; for men are begotten to christ by the word of truth , jam. 1. 18. the iberians m received the first inckling of the gospell by a christian maid-servant that was a captive among them ; and they sent afterwards unto constantine the emperour for preachers ; the old indian told the spanish priest n complaining of their aversenesse to the gospell , the lawes of christ wee confesse are better than ours , but wee cannot learne them for want of teachers , wherein he spake the truth , the very truth saith acosta , to our very shame and confusion . 3. the piety and holinesse of those apostolicall christians was exceeding and exemplary , by which as well as by their preaching they woo'd and wonne kingdomes and people to christianity ; their enemies could find no other fault in them , but that that they were christians : our deare masters generall command was universally practised , the light of their holy lives did shine to gods glory , and the benefit of others ; thus victor vticensis o sheweth that caprapicta was converted as well by the piety and godlinesse , as by the preaching of the africans ; as on the other side the impiety of the spaniards deterred the americans from the gospell . 4. blessing was fetched downe from heaven by prayer , this was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their only worke in a manner , prayer and ministration of the word , act. 6. 4. thus p socrates reporteth , that after seven daies fasting and supplication the burgundians were christianized ; so crantzius q tells of those northern nations that by prayer and preaching they prevailed to bring many other people to christ : if men doe now worke with these tooles , the building will goe up apace , the foundation being laid in the honour of god by the conversion of those that yet remaine in the shadow of death . ; in all which some furtherance might be found , by knowing and observing the dispositions , fashions , and customes of the natives , which would also in a good measure be understood by serious converses with them , and by severall bookes that from severall places upon severall occasions have been written of them ; and to all let be added studious industry , that some indian children be taught christianity , and trained up to such abilities that they may have skill to instruct their own countrey men . it was gregories counsell to further the conversion of our countreymen here , they should buy english children and youths of seventeen or eighteen yeeres , that might be educated in gods service , and helpful this way . the franciscan that had been so many yeeres among them , and learned two of their languages , and used much diligence in this worke in his way , told benzo r , that of necessity such a course must be taken to gospellize them , all other endeavours would be fruitlesse and labour in vaine ; and that writer s sheweth how those of peru were well contented to deliver their young ones to be taught in christianity ; and surely their fathers and countrey-men would sooner listen unto them than unto strangers . and in all these the good counsell of the holy apostle must be remembred , walke wisely toward them which are without , colos . 4. 5. not onely in watchfulnesse and care to prevent all dangers from them , but in the most pious wisdome of winning soules , prov. 11. 30. by setting before them in practise also the examples of every grace and vertue , with the perfect hatred of all vice and ungodlinesse ; and let me have favour here to commend 3 or 4 cautions . chap. iv. cautions . 1. take heed and beware of cruelty , the god of mercy hates nothing so much , saith a theophilact as unmercifulnesse ; the badge of christ is clemency , his livery love ; by this it shall be knowne that you are my disciples , saith our deare master himselfe , if yee love one another , ioh. 13. 35. other mens followers were known by their garments and colours , but charity and love made the first christians famous over all the old heathen world , but in the new world the spaniards die was not so black as bloudy , and the indians called them b yares , i. e. devills , so little humanity , as they conceived , was visible among them . the same bishop , when he made an whole book of the spanish cruelties which he saw executed by them on the indians , protesteth it was his opinion , that hee scarce mentioned one of a thousand of their tyrannies ; and more than once or twice he averreth , that they allwaies grew from bad to worse , and exceeded themselves in their diabolicall doings . nothing is more odious to this day than their name in those countries ; for where ever the spanish christians displayed their banners saith benzo c , they imprinted upon the natives by their horrid cruelties , eternall monuments of implacable hatred towards them ; but the faire , civill , and gentle deportment of our nation to the natives , hath already wonne much upon them , as is acknowledged by a d forraigne pen. 2. take heed and beware of covetousnesse , t is our sweet saviours own ingeminated command , luk. 12. 15. happy shall the natives be , and we also , if they find our conversation without covetousnesse , heb. 13. 5. that they may see and say , the englishmen seeke not ours , but us , and us , not to make us slaves to themselves , but fellow servants to christ our common master ; they saw the spaniards so guilty of this e evill , that they conceived them to adore no other god but gold , the observation of which fetched from f benzo that pious exoptation , i wish to god , saith hee , wee were no more addicted to earthly things than they , the name of christian would be glorious were it not for our covetousnes ; the spaniards indeed tell faire stories , some of them , as if their sole desire had been to christianize the natives , when indeed all their endeavour was to satisfie their lust and avarice ; and acosta g himselfe cannot deny but that his countreymen did commit many great outrages for gold and silver ; but where those metalls were not to be found , they made no stay , continued not in such places ; and benzo h is large in producing their frequent and suddaine removes upon this occasion , and he tells that the bracamorians are unsubdued by the spaniards to this day , not so much because they are a warlike people in their kind , but especially by reason of their poverty and indigence . 3. take heed and beware of complying with them in any of their rites and ceremonies , if we intend they should indeed come out of egypt , let not an hoofe be left , as exod. 10. 25. let them have christian religion purely , without blinding or blending ; the wisdome of the flesh must not here be heard , wee must listen to no other but the counsell of the spirit . it was l good advice the godly bishop and martyr hooper gave to king edward the sixth and his honourable privy councellors , as yee have taken away the masse from the people , so take from them her feathers also , the altar , vestments , and such like as apparell'd her : there hath not doubtlesse , been any one thing so powerfull in begetting and maintaining doctrinall quarrells in christendome , as the unhappy complication with nations and people in some of their supposed tollerable rites at their first approaching to christianity ; the pagans of old , saith rhenanus m , were relieved by the mutation of some things in their religion , whose universall abolition had irritated , if not totally scared them from us ; and acosta n concurres with him in this matter , even in reference to the indians : how this policy prevailed at first in the church was long ago observed , and it became the lamentation of latter times , when men were more tenacious of humane superstructures , than of the fundamentalls laid by jesus christ , the shell and shadow of gentile ceremony is yet more carefully hunted after by the man of rome , than the most solid and substantiall truths of the gospel ; pitty it is , that sense and eyedazlelings should prevaile more than divine verities , that abundance of good things should breed surfets , and yet it will ever be thus , where there is want of care and spirituall exercise at home , and but cold endeavours to promote piety and godlinesse abroad . 4. take heed and beware of all and every ungodlinesse , not onely for your owne sakes , but that the sweet name of our god be not blasphemed among the nations , rom. 2. 24. holy examples are a nearer way to righteousnesse than verball precepts and instructions ; the indians may , even without the word , be won to the truth by a godly conversation , as st. peter speaketh in the like case , 1 pet. 3. 1. a corrupt life is a violent argument perswading to evill ; the americans were scared from christianity by the scandalous iniquities of the spaniards . the evil example of one ungodly christian did more hinder the indians conversion , than an hundred of their religious could further it , * he saith it , who saw what he spake , for they are verily perswaded that of all the gods in the world , the spaniards god is the worst , because hee hath such abominable and wicked servants . benzo i tells of a confabulation himselfe had with an old indian , who in serious discourse said unto him , o christian ! what kind of things be christians , they exact mayz , honey , silke , an indian woman for a concubine , they require gold and silver , christians will not worke , they dice , blaspheme , &c. when i replyed , evil christians onely doe such things , not such , as be good , his answer was ready , but where are those good christians ? i could never yet see one of them ; and not this american onely , but a franciscan fryer publickly affirmed , that not a priest , nor monke , nor bishop in all india , was worthy of the name of a good man ; didacus lopez k in his epistle to the bishop of guattimala , saith , the christians were so prodigiously wicked , that they were odious not onely to heaven and angells , but even to the earth , and devills ; doe you believe saith hee , the indians will become christians , when your selves are not so but in name onely , and in title ? surely those silly nations will sooner be perswaded to good by the example of one daies conversation , than by an whole yeers preaching ; for to what purpose doe wee strew among the people odoriferous roses with our tongues and language , if we sting and vex them in the meane time with the thornes of our wicked doings . but our countrey men take care to follow the aforementioned injunction of the holy apostle , col. 4. 5. they walke righteously , or as in our old english it was , in right wisenesse , so they called righteousnesse , towards them without ; and so their charter on earth , as well as those letters patents from heaven , wills that the english be so religiously , peaceably , and civilly governed , as their good life and orderly conversation may winne and incite the natives of the countrey to the knowledg and obedience of the onely true god and saviour of mankinde , and the christian faith , which in our regall intention and the adventurers free profession , is the principall end of this plantation . and let these words be understood , as awakenings to those of our nation there , and our selves also , that wee all labour mutually , and from our hearts , to propagate the gospell there , because wee , who eate every man of his owne vine , and of his owne figtree , and drinke every man water out of his own cisterne , esa . 36. 16. should witnesse our thankfulnesse unto god , for these favours , by sympathizing affections towards our brethren there , and the natives . chap. v. to the english here , and first in behalfe of the planters there . they should have our hearts and love for many reasons , how many felicities did they forsake , both of the right hand , and of the left , in respect of estate , friends , and the comfort of their owne native soile ? it was said by the prophet , weepe for him that goeth out , for hee shall returne no more to see his owne countrey , jer. 22. 20. besides , that dulcis amor patriae , how many hazards did they runne into by dangerous and tedious sea-voyages ? they were exposed to divers certaine inconveniences , not only in regard of externalls , change of aire , diet , &c. but change of men especially , having little security , because they were in daily dread of indian trechery , which might then fall upon them , when they supposed it most remote ; they have also left more roome at home , of which wee were wont to have more need than company , which encreased so fast , that wee were ready to extrude one another ; and by them we have more strength abroad , because transplanted colonies a be domestique fortifications , though they have been invented sometimes , and used to abate popular undertakings , but i meane it in the roman interpretation , the nations where they fix , are reduced by degrees to their fashions , lawes , and commands : yet some have unnaturally followed those our countrey men with reproaches , accounting them so base , as not worthy to be set with the dogs of their flocke , as one to them applyed that of job 30. 1. to the westerne plantation indeed , at first men of meane condition generally resorted , but soon after people of better ranke followed ; divers of good families , and competent estates went into virginia , and setled in some islands thereabouts , but because those of new-england pretended more to religion than the rest , they are more loaden with uncivill language , but most injuriously ; for the transplanting novangles were many of them severally eminent , some of noble extract , divers gentlemen descended from good families ; their first charter mentions three knights , among other men of worth ; and it seemes their example , or somewhat else was like to prevaile with many others of no meane condition , so that eleven of the then privy counsell directed their letters in december , one thousand six hundred thirty foure , to the warden of the cinque ports , taking notice that severall persons went over with their families , and whole estates , forbidding subsidy men , or of the value of subsidy men to be imbarqued without speciall licence and attestation of their taking the oaths of supremacy and allegiance , submission also to the orders and discipline of the church of england : and three yeeres after , viz. one thousand six hundred thirty seven , a proclamation issued from the king to the same purpose , and in the same words . others instead of affections and hearts , sling darts after them , and say , they are gone out from us indeed , but they were not of us , 1 joh. 2. 19. neither liking our doctrine nor governement . yet surely they differ not at all from us in religion , witnesse our owne confession and their profession ; and for the first , our learned men have continually acknowledged the puritans to consent with them in doctrinalls , archbishop sands b in his sermon before queene elizabeth more than once asserteth this , we have here saith he , to praise our god , that in publique doctrine touching the substance of religion wee all agree in one truth , the greater pitty it is we should so much dissent in matters of small importance , in rites and circumstanees ; the puritanicall errors did not at all oppose any part of our religion , but it continued most sound even to the dying day of that most renowned princess , saith he that c analysed our thirty nine articles , and so printed them by authority ; and king iames d averreth the like of his scottish puritans , we all god be thanked agree in the grounds , and after his reception of this crowne , hee calls e the english puritan a sect rather than a religion ; and in his declaration against vorstius f hee joyneth his churches of great britaine with those of france and germany , opposing them all against vorstius , bertius , and the arminians ; notwithstanding the disciplinarian quarrell saith g bishop andrewes , we have the same faith , the cardinall is deceived , or deceiveth , in using the word puritans , as if they had another religion differing from that publiquely professed , and this hath been the unanimous asseveration of english bishops , and other learned divines , as were easie abundantly to declare . but themselves have spared us that labour , by their constant acknowledgement thereof ; mr. rogers h in his forecited analysis , produceth their owne writings to this purpose , and what one of them can be named that refused subscription to those 39 articles in reference to matters of doctrine ; mr. browne t is thought , went as farre astray as any here , yet i have seen his owne i hand declaring at that time his allowance of all those synodicall articles ; and lest any should imagine the novangles differing from us in dogmaticall truths , besides many , very many printed bookes testifying their concurrence with us herein , beside divers private letters , that subscribed by the governour and principall assistants sufficiently manifests their judgement and affection , wherein they desire to be accounted our brethren , and implore our prayers ; adding , howsoever our charity may have met with some discouragements through the misreport of our intentions , or through disaffection , or indiscretion of some among us , for wee dreame not of perfection in this world , yet would you be pleased to take notice of the principall and body of this company , as those that are not ashamed to call the church of england our deare mother , and cannot part from her without teares in our eyes , but shall ever acknowledge that such part and hope as we have obtained in the common salvation , we received it in her bosome , and sucked it from her breasts , &c. from south-hampton . iohn winthrop , governour . rich : saltonstall . tho : dudly , &c. chap. vi. there is another in jaculation that hath gone current among many , that the puritane of old and new-england is antimonarchicall , the former is sufficiently cleared by that bishop , who hath left this testimony , a presbyterio lis est cum episcopis , cum rege nulla est , or if that be not enough , king iames b in this is an irrefragable assertor , the puritans do not decline the oath of supremacy , but daily take it , never refused it ; and the same supremacy is defended by c calvin himselfe . and in new-england mr. williams d seemed in other things to be extravagant , yet thus he writes to this point : for the government of the common-wealth from the king , as supreme , to the inferiour and subordinate magistrates , my heart is on them , as once deborah spake : and as the governours and assistants doe themselves take the oath of allegiance , so they have power by their charter to give the same to all that shall at any time passe to them , or inhabite with them ; but , tempora mutantur , and it may be t is with them , as with us , & nos mutamur in illis . and t is further said , that their ecclesiastique government , is not onely opposite to the ancient episcopacy of the land , but to the discipline of the other reformed churches , even that which the covenant calleth for : it may be worth our consideration , that as there was a time when forraigners reformed were not so opposite to our bishops , but those divines e thought well of them , willingly-gave to them titles of reverend fathers , and illustrious lords ; and in their publique convenings , f spake of that government with good respect , and the valedictory epistle of mr. cotton , to the then bishop of lincoln , full of respective expressions , is yet to be seen , so the bishops then were not such antipresbyterians , caecus sit , saith g bishop andrewes to p. moulin a presbyter , qui non videat stantes sine ea ecclesias , ferreus sit , quisalutem cis neget , nos non sumus illi ferrei , let him be blind that seeth not churches consistent without such an hierarchy , let him be accounted iron-hearted that shall deny them to be in a way of salvation , we are not such iron-hearted men , yea and severall reformed congregations of severall nations have not onely been tollerated , but much refreshed under the bishops of london , norwich , winchester , &c. these times have widened all differences every where , even among such as are or should be one in covenant ; how are disaffections increased , divisions heightened , which have not only wofully abated christian love , but miserably augmented iniquities of all sorts ? many being scrupulously curious about mint and annis , having little respect in the meane time to faith , righteousnesse , and the more weighty things of the law ; and here may be taken up the lamentation of erasmus h , bemoaning himselfe exceedingly , that he had in bookes cryed up , libertatem spiritus , liberty of the spirit , which i thinke this age would call liberty of conscience , i wished thus saith hee , a diminution of humane ceremonies , to that end , that divine truths and godlinesse might be enlarged , nunc sic excutiuntur illae , ut pro libertate spiritus succedat effraenis carnis licentia , and he doth justly call it carnall licenciousnesse , for the spirit of our god , gal. 5. 20. names contentions , seditions , heresies , &c. workes of the flesh , which being but lately sowne , have strangely growne up and multiplyed , so that a forraigne penne hath to englands shame printed it thus to the world , i anglia his quatuor annis facta est colluvies , & lerna omnium errorum , ac sectarum , nulla à condito orbe provincia tam parvo spatio tot monstrosas haereses protulit atque haec , episcoporum tempora intra sexaginta annos non nisi quatuor sectas protulerunt , & eas plerunque in obscuro latentes , &c. for i had rather bewaile than reveale the nakednesse of the nation , i had rather stirre up my owne soule and others to piety , and peace , oh , when will men lay aside all bitternesse , and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evill speaking , with all malice ; and instead thereof be kinde one to another , tender-hearted , forgiving one another , as god for christs sake forgave you , ephes . 4. 32. i wish there were a law to forbid all needlesse disputes , i wish that it and those other severall lawes were put in execution impartially , so that all men by all meanes were provoked to godlinesse , that would preserve from every error , for god is faithfull that hath promised , if any man will doe the fathers will , he shall know the doctrine whether it be of god , joh. 7. 17. hearty endeavours for holinesse in our owne persons , and those related to us , would take away the occasions of many unkind controversies , for the kingdome of god is not meate or drinke , this or that government , or any such externalls , no further then they serve to promote righteousnesse and peace , and joy in the holy ghost , rom. 14. 17. and this is the best way to shew our obedience unto christ , for hee that in these things serveth christ is acceptable to god , and approved of men . ver . 18. when our countreymen planted themselves first in america , the name of independency was not knowne ; hee indeed that lately hath wrote k of the state of the churches in england , drawes so the scheme that our novangles are thus become independents , but with the epithete of orthodox . schema sectarum recentium , puritani presbyteriani , angli . scoti . erastiani , sive colemaniani . independentes , sive congregationales . orthodoxi novo-anglici , londinenses . pseudo-independentes , sive fanatici . anabaptistae , quaerentes , antinomi , & mille alii . and for our novangles it cannot be denyed , but many of them well approve the ecclesiastique government of the reformed churches , as of old , communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae regebantur , they desire it were so now ; and some of them in new england are amazed at the manner of our gathering of churches here : thus one writeth l that had bin a long time a pastor among them ; what more ungodly sacrilege , or man-stealing can there be than to purloine from godly ministers the first borne of their fervent prayers , and faithfull preachings , the leven of their flocks , the encouragement of their soules , the crowne of their labours , their epistle to heaven ? if men will needs gather churches out of the world as they say , let them first plough the world , and sow it , and reape it with their owne hands , & the lord give them a liberall harvest . he is a very hard man that will reape where he hath not sowed , and gather where he hath not strowed , mat. 24. 25. and if i mistake not , such kind of unkind and hard dealing was practised here in england even in popish times , what meanes else that canon among the saxon councells m , vt sacerdotes aliorum parochianos ad se non alliciant , how like this lookes to that i leave to the judgement of others , but these be the words of that rule , let no presbyter perswade the saithfull of the parish of another presbyter to come to his church , leaving his owne , and take to himselfe those tithes ; but let every one bee content with his owne church and people , and by no meanes doe that to another , which he would not should be done to himselfe , according to that evangelicall saying , whatsoever yee would that men should doe unto you , doe yee the same to them ; but whosoever shall walke contrary to this rule , let him know hee shall either lose his degree , or for a long time be detained in prison . i shall by and by speake more to this on their behalfe , now adde onely , that as many in new england approve of the discipline of the other churches reformed , and some of them sufficiently dislike the way and manner of our church gathering here , so all of them have now seen by experience the necessity of synods : for in their great storm of late that was so like to wracke all , the meanes to settle it was as strange as the disease , so he writes that was an eye , and eate witnes , they that heretofore slighted synods , and accounted of them as humane inventions , and the blemish of those reformed churches that made use of them , are now for the preservation of themselves enforced to make use of that meanes which in time of peace they did slight and contemne ; the synod , saith he , being assembled , much time was spent in ventilating and emptying of private passions , but afterwards it went on and determined with such good successe , that in token thereof , hee saith , wee keepe a solemne day of thanksgiving , as there was cause , and the two men most different in opinion , were selected for the publike exercise , wherein they behaved themselves to admiration , the acts and conclusions of the synod , &c. i would further aske , if the independent government , so farre as it is congregationall , be not as rigidly presbyterian as any ; sure i am , unkinde they are not to the other presbyterians , mr winslow is an irrefragable testis herein , who mentions some there that are in that way , and knowne to be so , yet never had the least molestation or disturbance , but have and finde as good respect from magistrates , and people , as other elders in the congregationall way ; yea divers gentlemen of scotland , that groaned under the late pressures of that nation , wrote into new england to know whether they might freely be suffered to exercise their presbyteriall government , and it was answered affirmatively they might ; and yet further none of them here or there , that continue true to their first principles , differ at all in fundamentalls and doctrine from the other presbyterians , and t is not unlike , but when god shall enlarge their borders , they will finde it needfull to approach yet neerer to the way of other reformed churches in their discipline : and there is of themselves , that upon observation of their former very great danger , have left their judgement , with which i will conclude this chapter : an excellent way they have , meaning their ecclesiastique government , if pastors and people would ever be of one opinion , but when they shall come to be divided into as many opinions , as they are bodies , what will the sequell be ? and i see little probability of subsistence , where independency yeelds matter of divisions , but no meanes to compound them . chap. vii . to our selves , in behalse of the natives towards their conversion . it is the unfeigned desire of every pious soule , that god would please to guide and blesse some holy and happy hand , in taking up the differences that are growne up among those that are named by the sweet name of christ , that all who love the lord jesus in sincerity , would also sincerely love one another ; that mutuall forces were conjoyned to promote the glory of our common master , not onely every man in his owne person , family , place , and countrey , but by apprehending all opportunities to publish the eternall gospell of our lord even to those other ends of the earth . gregory the great a did willingly encourage himselfe in his desire to christianize our ancestors the saxons from hints of his owne observation , for seeing children of beautifull feature offered to sale in the market at rome , as then the manner was , hee sighed within himselfe , and said , when he understood they were not christians , alas that the prince of darkenesse should possesse such faire and lightsome countenances ; enquiring further after their names , angles , they have angels faces indeed said hee , and t is meet all diligence be used that they be as the angels of god in heaven ; when hee asked of what province they were , it was answered deiri , or deira , for so was then that b seventh kingdome called , northumberland , in the time of the saxons , dei ira eruti saith hee , being made christians they shall be delivered from the wrath of god ; and upon demand , hearing that their kings name was aelle , he said allelu jah , and praises to god must be sung there : in this worke if that may be any invitation , we have the like allusions , the whole countrey is called the new world in the generall , and particularly there is new spaine , new france , new netherland , new scotland , new england , why should not there be solicitous endeavours that all the natives of that new world , should be made a world of new creatures ; and if upon occasion and enquiry the inhabitants be called barbarians , such were we our selves in the common acceptation of the word , being neither jewes nor greekes ; if salvages , t is a name of hope that they are a salvable generation , and shall in due time be partakers of the common salvation ; their complexion indeed is darke and duskish , as t is made after birth , but their soules are the more to be pittied , that yet bee in a farre more unlovely hue , even in the suburbs of that darkenesse , that blacknesse of darknesse , which is so terrible to thinke of : it was gregories desire that hallelu-jahs should bee sung to and for the english , then heathen , the christian english may observe and wonder at that very word of frequent use among the indians , as hath already been mentioned ; finally there is a constellation or starre , called the crosse , peculiar to that countrey , saith acosta c , and it is so named because foure notable starres make the forme of a crosse , set equally , and with good proportion , a good omen i wish it may be , and that a starre may leade them also to their saviour , that christ may be made knowne to them , and his peace through the bloud of his crosse , col. 1. 20. to which employment wee have likewise other perswasions , besides what hath been formerly sprinkled here and there . 1. the necessity of the poore natives require this care , who stand so much in need of spirituall bread , and so few prepare to breake it to them , they yet walke in the vanity of their minde , having their understanding darkned , being alienated from the life of god through the ignorance that is in them , &c. eph. 4. 17. &c. and the lesse sensible they be of their owne forlorne condition , the more sollicitous should others be to acquaint them therewith , together with the way of their deliverance . when d austin the monke came hither among the saxons to preach the gospell , king ethelbert opposed him not , but said i cannot so easily forsake my owne religion , and embrace theirs that is new ; yet seeing these strangers are come so farre and bring that to us which they esteem most excellent , wee will use them kindly , they shall want nothing for their work : and surely were the americans but a little civiliz'd , they would by degrees understand their owne miserable estate , and themselves would then bespeake further enlightning ; yea this is already in some of their fervent desires , e as hath been intimated also formerly . 2. christians have a care of this for christ their masters sake , good subjects wish the ampliation of their soveraignes honour , and how glad should wee bee when the kingdome of darknesse is empaired , and there be continuall accresses to the kingdome of gods deare sonne , col. 1. 14. t is our daily prayer , hallowed be thy name , divulged , and made glorious all the world over , wee cannot better improve our interest and power , then by being active & industrious instruments thereof ; wee endeavouring as much as wee may that the kingdoms of this world may become the kingdomes of the lord , and of his christ , revel . 11. 15. non est zelus sicut zelus animarum f , this zeale for soules carries in the wombe thereof glory to god , and honour to the zealots themselves , dan. 12. 3. and unutterable comfort and benefit to them that are warmed thereby , iam. 5. 20. and their debtors in this verily we are , if the words of another apostle be with a little mutation applyed hither , for if wee be made partakers of their carnall things , our duty it is also to minister unto them in spirituall things , rom. 15. 17. 3. the severall patents to severall planters call for this endeavour , such was that first granted to the virginians by king iames , it intended principally the propagation of the christian faith ; the like is to be read in the patents and confirmations made by him and king charles to others . and in the beginning of this parliament , that honourable committee of lords and commons were appointed chiefely for the advancement of the true protestant religion , and further spreading of the gospell of christ among the natives in america . yea and in the charter to mary-land , the pious zeale for the spreading of the gospel is first mentioned , and what ever suggestions be made , or aimes otherwise , there is a speciall proviso against the pr ejudice , or diminution of gods holy and truly christian religion , and the allegiance due to the kings majesty , his heires , and successors ; it is not well then if romish designes have been mannaged there , injurious to religion , and offensive to our other plantations , but herein stands the force of this motive , the mutuall and interchangeable pact and covenant of donor and receiver is in all those charters and patents the conversion of the natives . 4. i finde another encouragement from a doctor lately lapsed into popery g , yet professing his willingnesse to returne upon protestants successes this way ; for he deemes it improbable , that ever they should convert any nation , or so much as any one single person , except some poore wretch or other , whom feare or gaine will drive , or draw to any thing ; but if ever the historicall relation of gods wonderfull workings upon sundry of the indians , both governours and common people , in bringing them to a willing and desired submission to the ordinances of the gospell , and framing their hearts to an earnest enquiry after the knowledge of god the father , and jesus christ the saviour of the world ; i say if ever those discourses come to the doctors view , hee may once againe change his minde , how ever the happy progresses of our countrey men in that worke , if they be knowne and well considered of by the papists themselves , they may be carried to admiration , expectation , and it may be further . 5. the honour of our nation may be another argument to this undertaking , that as to charlemaine of old h the saxons owe their christianity , and those of phrysia , dithmarse and holsatia , the vandalls also and hungarians : it will be glorious for the chronicles and annalls of england , that by the meanes of this nation the nansamonds were brought to the true and saving knowledge of jesus christ , and so were the sasquehannockes , wicomesses , conecktacoacks , massachuseuks , mouhacks , aberginians and others ; thus will the renowne of the english name and nation , ring over all the westerne world. gregory complaines more then once , that those angles our ancestors were willing to become christians , but the priests of france refused to give help and instruction . the britons also refused to joyne with austin here in his preaching to the saxons , not out of pride and contempt as beda i reporteth , but for that those people , invited hither as friends , became their onely enemies , driving them from their possessions , which themselves invaded as their owne , but these indians give harbour to our nation , whose faire and free accomodating of our countrey men hath fully purchased to themselves all the spirituall favour wee and they are able to afford them , of which , when they also become sensible , honour will redound to this england , not onely from ours there , who professe truly , if they prosper , we shall be the more glorious , but the natives enlightned by us will returne hither the tribute of their abundant thankfulnesse . and that every one of us may be cordiall coadjutors of our countrey men in this most glorious undertaking , let me endeavour to warme the affections of the english there , and at home , by proposing a trafficke in a threefold stock for the promotion of this designe . chap. viii . further helpes to this worke . the first of these is already going , the stocke of prayers , both hence and thence on that behalfe to heaven , and not now in a vision , as to st. paul once , there stood a man and prayed him , saying , come over into macedonia and helpe us , act. 16. 9. but the natives begin to be really sensible of their spirituall necessities , and call earnestly for that bread , and our countrey men desire the assistance of their brethren here in many respects , all their letters earnestly bespeak us in this , and o that we did heartily answer them in our constant and fervent prayers , in reference to this worke . there was indeed of late a generation of men , though extreme lovers of that lethargy , yet forgate to be in charity with all men , they were content in their letany to pray it would please god to have mercy upon all men , yet deemed it piacular to pray for the novangles ; the directory guides otherwise , even by name advising to prayers for those plantations in the remote parts of the world. 2. this worke would be much prospered by a stocke of wise and constant correspondence mutually betwixt old and new england in regard of this businesse , what progresse is made in the worke , what meet to bee done for its furtherance , &c. such communication of counsells would marvelously encourage and quicken the americans conversion . the french were spoiled of this help and intercourse from brasil , by the governour a villagagno's apostacy to popery , and t is not credible , but if the poore indians were made to understand that all the nation of england were thus solicitous with god , and among themselves , in all industrious endeavours to recover them from their sinfull and lost condition by nature , but they would looke up also , and in earnest cooperate with them , and say also it may be , as was in the precedent chapter mentioned of our saxon king , who said , those preachers should be kindly dealt with , and want nothing for their worke ; yea somewhat like to this was long since spoken of by b colonchi one of the princes of peru , when he was invited to be a christian , his answer was , sir i am old and unfit to forsake the rites and lawes of my ancestors , but take my children as you will , and teach them what you please , they are young , and can more easily apply themselves to your customes , and instructions . 3. and a stock of money must be remembred , which in some sense , is as it were the soule of this worke ; the poet said truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ if wee meane the indians shall be gospellized , they must first be civilized , who are yet a very wild olive , both by nature and life , they must bee weaned from idlenesse , and hunting , and nakednesse , they must be perswaded to labour , planting , learning , arts , and manufacture , that they may get cloathing , they must be taught to build for their owne habitations , for meeting houses or churches on the lords dayes , schooles must be erected for instruction of their youth at other times , books of all kinds , tooles and instruments of all sorts must be provided , many and necessary materialls towards this structure may be easily mentioned , but are not so easily purchased : if our countrey men there have for their owne comfort and subsistance , t is little lesse then a miracle , all things considered , and a wonderfull mercy , it cannot be expected , that they should be able to adde considerable supplie towards all the forenamed particulars , and other emergent needfull occasions , though there be that can beare them record , that to their power , yea and beyond their power , they are willing of themselves as the apostle said of his macedonians , 2 cor. 8. 3. i crave leave therefore to pray every christian reader with much entreaty to take upon him the fellowship of ministring to this worke , that you may abound in this grace also , that i may use to you the same holy apostles words ; chrysostome d desirous to plant the gospel in phaenicia , stirred up many godly men , and devout women , by their liberality to contribute towards those endeavours . yea and here let it be remembred , that as gregory commends queen brunechild of france , and queen adilberga of kent , for their charitable furtherance of this worke , the gaining of soules , the first gospellizing of our saxon ancestors ; so some pious christians among us of both sexes , have shewed much bounty this way , encouraging and exampling others : the spanish bookes relate strange things of their zeale in this kinde , and one e whom wee may credit tells us , that america hath foure arch-bishops , thirty bishops , and many other houses as they call them of religion , and if it be said their lot fell into the golden part of that world , and out of their superfluities they might well spare very much , t is very much indeed , and yet t is f somewhat more that the same writer observeth how the king of spaine maintaines the lists and bonds of missionaries , priests , fryers and jesuits , that are continually transported into america , hee provides for every of them ten yeeres , and that to this day , and shall the children of this world in this also be wiser then the children of light , luk. 16. 8. shall they be enlarged for the promoting of themselves , and their abominable superstitions , and shall not wee be as forward in that which directly aimes at the glory of christ and the good of souls , as st. paul saith of his thessalonians , that they were examples to all that believed in macedonia and achaia , 1 thes . 1. 7. i trust the liberality of some will invite and open the hands of many to be very forward in this worke , for the administration of this service , will not onely supply their wants , but will be abundant also by many thanksgivings unto god , 2 cor. 9. 12. and i hope to heare once of a liberall collection and benevolence to be advanced in every parish and congregation of the land , to be put into safe hands , and such profitable employment , as may indeed further the reering up of a christian tabernacle in america . and while these papers were thus in their framing , an act , before mentioned , for propagating the gospell of iesus christ in new england , declareth much forwardnesse towards a nationall contribution in reference to this worke , and the disposall thereof to be according to the desires of those that have bin most industrious that way , and good care , i trust will be taken that the monies run into the right channel ; and for the better gale and conduct , the two universities cambridge & oxford , have affectionately expressed their christian longings that this soule-businesse may obtain all possible furtherance , in their letters to their reverend and deare brethren the ministers of the gospell in england and wales , the divines of london are desired also in their sphere cordially to act in this common cause of the gospel , that no obstruction be left in the way of this most glorious endeavour , why should any then bee straightned in their owne bowells , why should not all learne willingnesse to this worke , by reading , considering , and practising what we find the old jewes did in a like case , exod. 35. chap. ix . the novangles religious care to advance piety and learning . it hath been laid and left at the doores of those whom some call independents here in this england , that they have shewed little love to others going astray , and that their zeale hath been wanting against those blasphemies and heresies that have manifestly dishonoured the most sweet and holy name of god , father , son , and spirit . our booke tells us of a a good man in former times when hee was accused of lust , pride , &c. he said , i confesse i am a sinner , and i beseech you pray for me , but when they laid heresie to his charge , his heart was hot within him , his zeale was inflamed , and hee said , haereticus non sum , & hoc vitium nulla patientia possum aut vole dissimulare , hoeresis enim separat hominem a deo , & adsociat diabolo : alienatus a christo non habet deum , quem oret propeccatis suis . t is not for me to judge any , every one shall stand or fall to his owne master , rom. 14. 4. but i would remember my selfe and others of his zeale , who said b fateor in causa fidei etiam vitam negligendam ; i finde this grace very warme and working in our novangles , for whom i have some few words more to mention in this particular , that my readers may be invited to thinke well of them , to doe well to them , and for them , or for the poore indians rather , or rathest for christ himselfe , who shall have honour from us all , if wee all by communication of counsells , prayers , purses , and every other way endeavour the furtherance of their conversion to our lord jesus ; and to procure our cordiall conjunction with our brethren there in this , i shall transcribe some things out of their owne late printed booke of the lawes and liberties concerning the inhabitants of massachusets , by which their love to truth , godlinesse , peace , and learning will be evident , together with their liberall and enlarged care to propagate the eternall gospell of our lord among the natives . at the title of haeresie , c this is the preface . although no humane power be lord over the faith and consciences of men , and therefore may not constraine them to believe or professe against their consciences , yet because such as bring in damnable heresies , tending to the subversion of the christian faith , and the destruction of the soules of men , ought duly to be restrained from such notorious impiety , it is therefore ordered and decreed by this court : that if any christian within this jurisdiction shall goe about to subvert and destroy the christian faith and religion , by broaching or maintaining any damnable heresie , as denying the immortality of the soule , or the resurrection of the body , or any sinne to be repented of in the regenerate , or any evill done by the outward man to be accounted sinne , or denying that christ gave himselfe a ransome for our sinnes , or shall affirme that wee are not justified by his death and righteousnesse , but by the perfection of their owne workes , or shall deny the morality of the fourth commandement , or shall endeavour to seduce others to any the heresies aforementioned , every such person continuing obstinate therein after due meanes of conviction shall be sentenced to banishment . 1646. and before d having said , that the open contempt of gods word , and the messengers thereof is the desolating sinne of civill states , &c. it is therefore ordered , and decreed , that if any christian , so called , within this jurisdiction , shall contemptuously behave himself towards the word preached , or the messengers thereof — either by interrupting him in his preaching , or by charging him falsely with any error , which he hath not taught , or like a son of korah cast upon his true doctrine , or himselfe , any reproach — every such person or persons ( whatsoever censure the church may passe ) shall for the first scandall be convented and reproved openly by the magistrate at some lecture , and bound to their good behaviour , and if a second time they breake forth into the like contemptuous carriages , they shall either pay five pounds to the publique treasury , or stand two houres openly upon a blocke or stoole foure foot high on a lecture day with a paper fixed on his breast , written in capitall letters , an open and obstinate contemner of gods holy ordinances , that others may feare and be ashamed of breaking out into the like wickednesse . 1646. there be some in this england that account it piety and religion to speake evill of christs ministers , and cast off his ordinances ; now blessed of god from heaven and earth be our novangles , magistrates , ministers , and people that have so seasonably witnessed against these abominations . they are great lovers of peace and government , these therefore be their words in another place ; e for as much as experience hath plentifully & often proved that since the first-rising of the anabaptists about an hundred yeeres past they have bin the incendiaries of common-wealths , and the infectors of persons in maine matters of religion , and the troublers of churches in most places where they have been , and that they who have held the baptizing of infants unlawfull , have usually held other errors or heresies together therewith ( though as heretiques use to doe they have concealed the same untill they espied a fit advantage and opportunity to vent them by way of question or scruple ) and whereas divers of this kinde have since our comming into new-england appeared amongst our selves , some whereof , as others before them , have denyed the ordinance of magistracy , and the lawfulnesse of making warre , others the lawfulnesse of magistrates and their inspection into any breach of the first table , which opinions , if connived at by us , are like to be increased among us , and so necessarily bring guilt upon us , infection and trouble to the churches , and hazard to the whole common-wealth : it is therefore ordered by this court and authority thereof , that if any person or persons shall either openly condemne or oppose the baptizing of infants , or goe about secretly to seduce others from the approbation , or use thereof , or shall purposely depart the congregation at the administration of that ordinance , or shall deny the ordinance of magistracy , or their lawfull right , or authority to make warre , or to punish the outward breaches of the first table , and shall appeare to the court willfully and obstinately to continue therein , after due meanes of conviction , every such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment . 1644. and that wee may discerne how worthy they are that wee should doe all the good wee can for them , for they love the nation where they inhabite , and are very serious in preparing them for one husband , to present them a pure virgin unto christ , 2 cor. 11. 2. severall therefore are their decrees in order to their conversion . f 1. every towne shall have power to restraine all indians from prophaning the lords day . 1633. 1639. 1641. 2. the english shall not destroy the indians corne , but shall help them to fence in their grounds . 3. considering one end in planting these parts was to propagate the true religion unto the indians , and that divers of them are become subjects to the english , and have engaged themselves to be willing and ready to understand the law of god ; it is therefore ordered and decreed , that such necessary and wholesome lawes which are in force , and may be made from time to time , to reduce them to civility of life , shall be once in the yeer ( if the times be safe ) made knowne to them , by such fit persons as the generall court shall nominate , having the helpe of some able interpreter . 4. considering also that interpretation of tongues is appointed of god for propagating the truth ; it is therefore decreed that two ministers shall be chosen every yeer , and sent with the consent of their churches ( with whomsoever will freely offer themselves to accompany them in that service ) to make knowne the heavenly counsell of god among the indians , and that something be allowed them by the generall court to give away freely to those indians whom they shall perceive most willing and ready to be instructed by them . 5. they decree further that no indian shall at any time powaw , or performe outward worship to their false gods , or to the devill , and if any shall transgresse this law , the powawer shall pay 5 l. the procurer 5 l. &c. 1646. their love to learning also is meet to be remembred , and encouraged , wherein they have g observed a chief project of that old deluder satan to keepe men from the knowledge of the scriptures , as in former times keeping them in an unknowne tongue , so in these latter times by perswading from the use of tongues , that so at least the true sense and meaning of the originall might be clouded with false glosses of saint-seeming deceivers , and that learning may not be buried in the graves of our forefathers in church and common wealth , the lord assisting our endeavours , it is therefore ordered by this court and authority thereof , that every township encreasing to the number of fifty housholds , shall appoint one within their towne to teach all such children as shall resort to him , to write and read , whose wages shall be paid either by the parents or masters of such children , or by the inhabitants in generall by way of supply , as the major part of those that order the prudentialls of the towne shall appoint , and where any town shall encrease to an hundred families or househoulders , they shall set up a grammer school , the masters thereof being able to instruct youth so far , as they may be fitted for the university , and if any town neglect this above a yeere , every such towne shall pay five pound per ann . to the next such schoole , till theyshall performe this order . 1647. and an academy or university is not onely in their aime , but a good while since they had more than begun well , and therefore wee read these words in another h part of their lawes , whereas through the good hand of god upon us there is a college founded in cambridge in the county of middle sex , called harvard college , for incouragement whereof this court hath given the sum of four hundred pounds , and also the revenue of the ferry betwixt charles towne and boston , and that the well ordering and mannaging of the said college is of great concernment ; it is therefore ordered by this court , &c. then follow directions for the president and commissioners to establish orders and dispose gifts , &c. 1636. 1640. 1642. mr. coleman that was erastianly principled , preached publikely that except some other way be found to keepe up learning , our universities will be but uselesse places , and learning it selfe an unnecessary thing ; for under this notion of independency , weavers and tailors may become pastors , so that if some stop be not , the issue may be , that one may binde his sonne apprentice to a cobler , and at seven yeeres end he may go out a free minister , &c. but our brethren of new england wee see have other principles and practises , and notwithstanding that they went out as exiles hence , m extra anni solisque viam — yea as iacob of old with his staffe onely passed over iordan , and suddenly became two bands , gen. 32. 10. these ventured upon the wide and wild ocean with poore and small provision , and how great how many are the mercies that our god hath shewed unto his servants there , that they are not onely furnished themselves with necessaries of all sorts , and have made large steps in an academicall way , having acts , degrees , and commencements according to the commendable fashion of england , as their own words are ; the theses at their commencements disputed upon have been printed severall yeeres at cambridge in new england , and thence dispersed here ; but they have also industriously furthered by their godlinesse , gentlenesse , and good orders , the conversion of a miserable people that have lien so long in darkenesse . to warme the affections of the english here , to raise all our hearts and endeavours to joyne all possible forces here and there in this soule-worke , the next chapter is added . chap. x. the successe of the novangles in gospellizing the indians . the reader here shall have a breviate inviting him to peruse those larger discourses , printed on purpose to raise our hearts in lifting up the high praises of god , that hath given this grace unto men . first treatise . foure of the english , having sought god , went among the indians , octo. 28. 1646. to make knowne the things of their peace , they were conducted into the principall wigwam of waaubon , their chiefe minister of justice , who like another cornelius , act. 10. 24. had called together many men , women , and children to hear and learne , they began with prayer in english , not for want of language , but to shew them the duty was sacred , and that wee might agree together in the same heart-sorrowes for them , even in that place where god was never wont to be called upon : it was an affecting spectacle , after prayer , to see a company of forlorne outcasts diligently attending upon the word of salvation , which in the space of an houre and a quarter discovered to them the grounds of religion , repeating , expounding , and applying the ten commandements , then preaching jesus christ the onely meanes of recovery from sinne and wrath , perswading them to repentance for severall sinnes which they live in . wee next asked them if they understood what was spoken , which they affirmed with many voices , and then wee desired to know if they would propound any questions to us , for their further satisfaction , and this they did , but not such curiosities as some others of them had done before , as , what was the cause of thunder , of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , of the wind : no , the wisdome of god directed them to aske , how wee may come to know iesus christ ? one of them after wee had answered , said , hee was praying in his wigwam to christ that hee would give him a new heart , but another indian interrupted him , saying , hee prayed in vaine , because christ understood not what indians speake in prayer , as not being acquainted with their language , his question therefore was , whether iesus christ did understand the prayers of indians ? another demanded , if english men were once so ignorant of christ as themselves ? and how can there be an image of god , seeing it is forbiden in the second commandement ? if the father be bad , and the child good , will god be offended with that child ? for t is said in the second commandement , hee will visit the sinnes of the fathers upon the children ? how is all the world become so full of people , being all were once drowned in the floud ? wee then asked them three questions . 1. if they did not desire to see god , and if they were not tempted to thinke there was no god , because they could not see him ? some of them replyed they did indeed desire to see him , but we had taught them that could not be , yet they believed , though their eyes could not see him , hee was to be seen with their soules within . 2. wee asked if it were not strange to them there should be but one god , yet this god should be in massachusets , conectacut , quimipenik , in old england , in this wigwam , in the next , every where ? it is strange one of them said , as all else is we hear preached ; yet they thought it might be true that god was so big every where . 3. whether they did not finde something troubling them within after the commission of sinne , as murther , adultery , theft , lying , &c. they confest the trouble , but could not tell what to say to it , he therefore that first spake to them concluded with a dolefull description ( as far as his language permitted ) of the trembling condition of every soule that dies in sinne , and shall be cast out of favour from god. having thus spent three houres , wee asked them if they were not weary , they said no , wee resolved to leave them with an appetite ; the chiefe of them seeing us conclude with prayer , desired to know when wee wou'd come againe , wee appointed the time , gave the children some apples , and the men what was at hand , they asked more ground to build a towne together , which wee liked well , and promising our furtherance for them at the generall court , wee departed with many welcomes from them . november 11. 1646 , wee came againe to the same wigwam , there was a greater concourse , and seats provided for us , wee began againe with prayer in english , and then catechized the younger sort , wee asked them onely three questions in their own language . 1. who made you and all the world ? 2. who shall save you from sinne and hell ? 3. how many commandements hath god given you to keepe ? the preacher then proceeded , wee are come to bring you good newes from the great god , and to shew how evill men may come to be good , and be happy while they live , and goe to god when they die ; then in familiar descriptions hee set forth god to them in his glorious power , goodnesse and greatnesse , shewing what his will was , and what he required , even of the indians , in the ten commandements , and how angry god was for any sinne , yet that hee sent christ to die for their transgressions , and to pacifie god by suffering in their roome , if they did repent and believe the gospell , and that hee would love the poore indians if now they sought god , threatning wrath against all such as stood out and neglected so great salvation , &c. in hearing these things about sinne , and hell , and christ , one of them shewed much affliction , desiring to conceale his griefe ; about an houre thus spent , wee desired them to propound some questions , and the first was by an old man , if it were not to late for such an old man as hee to repent and seeke after god ? which cleared , 2. they demanded , how the english came to differ so much from the indians in knowledge , seeing at first they had all one father ? 3. being satisfied in this also , they said , how may wee come to serve god ? which being answered , their fourth question was , why the sea water was salt , and the land water fresh ? and their fifth , if the water be higher then the earth , why did it not overflow it ? a philosophicall answer was given to this , and they conferred much among themselves about these questions , but night hasting wee desired them to proceed , thereupon one of them said , if a man hath committed adultery , or stollen goods , and the sachim doth not punish him , and hee restore the goods , is not all well , will no punishment come from god , as if restitution made god amends ? this answered , wee asked two things . 1. what doe you remember of that spoken to you the last time wee were here ? after some speech among themselves , one of them said , they did much thank god for our comming , and the things they heard were wonderfull to them ; then secondly wee said , do you believe the things we tell you , and that god is musquantum , i. e. very angry for the least sinne in your thoughts , or words , or works ? they said yes , and we spake further of the terrors of god against sinners , and his mercy to the penitent , seeking after christ ; night being almost come , considering the indians desired to know how to pray , and thought that christ did not understand their language , one of us therfore prayed in their tongue above a quarter of an houre , divers of them holding up eyes and hands , and one of them hung downe his head , with his rag before his eyes , which when hee had wiped , hee held up his head againe , yet such was the power of god upon his heart , that hee hung downe his head againe , covered his eyes , wiping them and weeping abundantly , till prayer was ended , then hee turned to a corner of the wigwam , and wept more by himselfe , which one of us perceiving , spake encouraging words , hee then wept more and more ; when he came out of the wigwan , wee spake to him againe , hee then fell into more abundant weeping , like one deepely affected , so as wee could not forbeare weeping over him also ; wee departed greatly rejoycing for such sorrowing . and while i am transcribing this , i know not whether first , to pitty the poore natives in their spirituall distres , or sympathize with the english in their holy compassion , or praise god more for discovering to the indians their lost condition by n●ture , or that hee hath made our countreymen so industrious in recovering them out of it ; however i cannot but remind my reader of the relators observations hereupon , at least some of them . 1. that none of them slept sermon , nor derided gods messengers ; woe to those english that are growne bold to doe that which indians will not , heathen dare not . 2. there is need of learning in ministers , who preach to indians , much more preaching to gracious christians , these had sundry philosophicall questions which could not have bin answered without some knowledge of the arts ; worse than indian ignorance hath blinded their eyes , that renounce learning as an enemy to gospel ministeries . at a third meeting it did appeare that the indians notwithstanding discouragements from other indians , did encrease in their desires after the word , and propounded more questions . what is the meaning of the word humiliation , so often heard of by them in our churches ? 2. what a spirit is ? 3. whether they should believe dreames ? 4. how the english know god so much , and they so little ? being satisfied in this , they desire a place for a town . a day or two after wampas a wise indian offered his own sonne , and three more indian children , to be trained up by us , saying they would grow wicked at home , and never know god , hee with two other young lusty indians tendred their service to dwell in some of our families , they are two of those weeping indians , and they are received into two of the elders houses , where one of them confessed his former adulterous life , and feared that god would never looke upon him in love ; upon our declaring the greatnesse of that sinne , yet hope of pardon through repentance and faith in christ , hee wept bitterly ; the other then present also confessed his like guiltines , & brak out into great mourning , wherein they both continued above halfe an houre . an english youth occasionally lodging in waaubons wigwam the third night of their hearing , assured us he instructed his company in the things he heard , and prayed among them . while the generall court was considering where to lay out a towne for the indians , they consulted about lawes for themselves . 1. if a man be idle a week , at most a fortnight , hee must pay five shillings . 2. if a man unmarried lie with a woman unmarried hee shall pay twenty shillings . 3. if a man beat his wife his hands shall be tied behind him , and he severely punish'd . 4. if a womans haire hang loose , or cut as a mans , she shall pay five shillings . 5. if a woman goes with naked breasts she shall pay two shillings six pence . 6. all men that weare long locks shall pay five shillings , &c. they were desirous to know the name of their town , it was said noonanetum , i. e. rejoycing , because the english rejoyced at their desires to know god , and god did rejoyce at it ; this pleased them much . the two honest indians told us that waaubon and the rest used these expressions in prayer , take away lord my stony heart , another , o lord wash my soule , another , lord lead me when i die to heaven . december 9. the children being catechized , and that of ezechiel touching the dry bones opened , they offered their children to be instructed by us , complaining they had nothing to give us . we propounded sundry questions to them , and one of them being asked what was sinne , said , a naughty heart , another old man complained of his feares , he purposed to keepe the sabbath , yet he was afraid whether he should goe to hell or heaven , another complained of other indians reviling and calling them rogues for cutting off their lockes , for since the word hath wrought upon them , they discerne the vanity of their pride in their hair , of their owne accord therefore they cut it modestly . second treatise . the awakening of these indians raised up a noise round about , a sachim from concord side came to noonanetum to an indian lecture , where the lord spake so to his heart , that hee desired to cast off his sinnefull courses , &c. some of his men opposed him therein , he called the chiefe of them about him , and spake to this effect , that they had no reason at all to oppose the way of the english for their good ; while you lived after the indian fashion , what did the sachims for you ? onely sought their owne ends out of you , taking away your skinnes , kettles , and wampam at their pleasure , but the english care not for your goods , onely seeke your good , &c. upon this they desired mr elliot should come among them and preach , and they framed to themselves certaine lawes for their more religious and civill government . 1. abusers of themselves by wines or strong liquors shall pay for every time 20 s. 2. there shall be no more powawing , the penalty 20 s. 3. they desire to be stirred up to seeke god. 4. and understand the wiles of sathan . 5. and detest them . 6. that they may improve their time better . 7. a lyar shall pay for the first fault 5 s. for the second 10 s. for the third 20 s. 8. against stealing . 9. having more wives than one . 10. against pride . 11. for paying their debts to the english . 12. observing the lords day , prophaners of it pay 20 s. 13. vveare their haire comely as the english , offenders pay 58. 14. none grease themselves as formerly , penalty 5 s. 15. set up prayer in their vvigwams , before also , and after meate . 16. adultery punish'd with death . 17. so wilfull murther . 18. not come to an english mans house without knocking . 19. vvhosoever beates his wife shall pay 20 s. &c. most of these indians set up prayer morning and evening in their families , before and after meate , keep the lords day , cut their haire , minister what edification they can one to another , manifesting great willingnesse to conforme unto the english fashions . march , 3. 1647. at the lecture in noonanetum , wee saw some indian women well affected , and considering how unmeet it is for women to aske questions publikely , they were desired to acquaint their husbands privatly therewith , or the interpretor , the first was propounded by the wife of one vvampooas , vvhether said she doe i pray when my husband prayeth , if i speake nothing as he doth , but i like what he saith , and my heart goes with it ? the wife of one totherswampe proposed this , vvhether an husband should doe well to pray with his wife , and yet continue in his passions and be angry with her , &c. an aged indian complained of an unruly sonne , asking what should be done with him , when hee will not heare gods word , though his father command him , nor forsake his drunkennesse . an aged indian told us openly , that the very things which mr elliot taught them of god and his commandements they have heard some old men speake , &c. and many of them have now this apprehension among them , that their forefathers did know god , but after this they fell into a great sleepe , and when they did awaken they quite forgate him . another indian told his dreame , that about two yeeres before the comming over of the english , one night hee could not sleepe a good while , then he fell into a dream , thinking he saw a great many men come into those parts cloathed as the english now are , a man rose up among them all in blacke , with a thing in his hand , which hee now sees was all one englishmans booke , hee stood upon a higher place than the rest , on one side the english , and a great many indians on the other , he told all the indians that god was moosquantum or angry with them , and would kill them for their sinnes , whereupon himselfe hee said stood up , and desired to know of the blacke man what god would doe with him , and his squaw , and papooses , but hee would not answer him a first time , nor a second , till hee desired the third time , and then hee smiled on him , and said , hee and his papooses should be safe , god would give unto them mitchen , i. e. victualls , and other good things , and so he awakened . at noonanctum the indian men women and children , especially upon the lecture daies , are clad partly by the gift of the english , and partly by their owne labour . iune , 9. the first day of the synods meeting at cambridge , the morning spent in a preparative sermon to that worke , in the afternoone there was a great confluence of indians from all parts , to heare , mr elliot out of ephe. 2. 1. shewed them their miserable condition out of christ , dead in trespasses and sinnes , pointing unto them the lord jesus who onely could quicken them . they then propounded questions . what countreyman christ was ? how far that place from them ? where christ was now ? how they might lay hold on him ? and where being now absent from them ? the english magistrares , ministers , and people , were much affected at what they saw and heard . an indian brake out into admiration , that god should looke upon them that had bin so long in darknesse ; me wonder saith he at god , that hee should thus deale with us . that winter many questions were propounded . why some so bad that they hate those that would teach them ? a squaw said , might she not goe and pray in the wood alone , when her husband was not at home , because she was ashamed to pray in the wigwam before company ? to what nation iesus christ came first , and when ? if a man should be inclosed in iron a foot thicke and thrown into the fire , what would become of his soul , would it come forth thence ? why did not god give all men good hearts ? how long is it before men believe that have the word of god made knowne unto them ? how they should know when their faith and prayers bee good ? why did not god having all power , kill the devill , that made all men so bad ? if we be made so weake by sinne in our hearts , how can wee come before god and sanctifie a sabbath ? they propounded three cases about the sabbath . in the exercises , besides prayer for a blessing , mr. elliot doth four things . 1. he catechizeth the children and youth , by which the aged learne . 2. he preacheth out of some scripture plainely and briefely . 3. if there be cause , admonition follows . 4. they aske us questions and we answer them . some cases and admonitions are there mentioned . 1. wampoonas upon a light occasion beat his wife , for this hee was brought before the assembly , where the quality of the sinne was opened , as against gods command , cruelty to his owne body , &c. hee turned his face to the wall and wept , hee was so penitent and melting , that all forgave him , but the indians would have his fine notwithstanding his repentance , which he paid also willingly . another case of was of cutshamaquin a sachim , who had a son fourteen or fifteen yeeres old , hee was drunk , and behaved himselfe disobediently against his father and mother , they rebuked him , but he despised their admonition , hee was brought before the assembly , stood out a long time , though his father for his example confessed his owne faults , the young man still persisted , divers of us called upon him to acknowledge his offence against his parents , and entreat their forgivenesse , yet he refused ; the indians also affectionately put him on , divers spake one after another , and some severall times , at last hee humbled himselfe , confessed his sinne , and asked forgivenesse of his father , taking him by the hand , at which his father burst into teares , he did the same to his mother , who wept also , as did divers others , and many english wept also , the house was filled with weeping , wee went to prayer , all the time thereof the sachim wept so abundantly , that the boord hee stood upon was all dropt with his teares . some questions were after this propounded . an old powoow asked , why we had not taught them to know god sooner ? another said , before he knew god he was well , but since i have knowne god and sin , i finde my heart full of sin . whether their children goe when they die , because they have not sinned ? if any of them shall goe to heaven , seeing their hearts are so full of sin , especially nanwunwudsquas , mad after women ? if they leave powawing and pray to god , what shall they doe when they are sicke , having no skill in physick ? what shall we say to such indians as oppose our praying unto god , and believing in christ , what get you say they by this , you goe naked still and are as poore as we , our corne is as good as yours , and we take more pleasure then you , &c. they bring their cases to mr. elliot . a law is now among them against gaming , other indians demand their old debts , which they refuse to pay because it was a sinne to play , and they must not pay such sinnefull debts . they tooke it to heart when mr. elliot told them he was afraid they were weary and cooled in their love to religion , and enquired when they did heare and pray aright , how they might know when they were weary of them , what time it might be before the lord might come and make them know him , &c. some other cases were moved by them . a man before hee knew god had two wives , the first is barren , the second brought forth sweet children , which of these must hee put away ? if the former , they offended god , if the latter , they illegitimate their owne deare children ? and , a squaw leaves her husband , commits adultery with remote indians , heares the word , repents , and returnes to her husband still unmarried , is not he bound to receive her ? an old widdow squaw said , if when men know god , god loves them , why then are any afflicted after they know him ? mr. elliot preaching upon ephes . 5. 11. have no fellowship , &c. they asked what englishmen thought of him ; because he came among the wicked indians and taught them ? another said , suppose two men sin , one knowes it , the other doth not , will god punish both alike ? againe , if a wise indian teach good things to other indians , should not he be as a father or brother to such ? one tutaswampe prayed at the buriall of an indian child , with such zeale , variety of gracious expressions , and abundance of tears , that the woods rang with their sighs and prayers , the englishman that heard him , said , hee was ashamed of himselfe and some others , that have had so great light , but want such good affections . third treatise . that woman that propounded the first question according to appointment by another man ( 2. treatise , p. 6. hujus p. 4. ) moved this also . when my heart prayeth with my husband praying , is this praying to god aright ? this woman kept at home , learned quickly to spinne well , held her children to labour , after she submitted to the gospel her life was exemplary , she died of a sicknesse taken in childbed ; mr. elliot visited her severall times , prayed with her , asked her about her spirituall estate , she said she still loved god though he made her sicke , and was resolved to pray unto him as long as she lived , and to refuse powawing , shee believed god would pardon all her sinnes , because jesus christ dyed for her , that god was well pleased in him , that she was willing to die , believed shee should goe to heaven , and live happy with god and christ ; of her owne accord she called her children , and said to them , i shall now die , and when i am dead , your grandfather , grandmother , and unkles , &c. will send for you to live among them , and promise you great matters , but i charge you doe not believe them , live not among them , for they pray not to god , keepe not the sabbath , commit all manner of sinnes , and are not punisht ; but i charge you live here , for they pray to god , his word is taught , sins are supprest , and punish'd by lawes , therefore i charge you live here all your daies , she died , and it fell out as she said . t is observed many other indians would come in , but they have neither tooles nor skill to sence in their grounds , if the word were constantly taught , government exercised , encouragements for the industrious , with meanes to instruct them in letters , trade and labour , as building , fishing , flax , hemp , &c. many well-minded indians would thus be drawne together . mr. elliot stirres up the ministers to learne the language , and assist in the worke , there is nothing else to invite but the good of soules , not so much as meate , drinke , and lodging to be had among the indians , but such as wee must carry with us , beside what wee give away to them , &c. severall questions they then propounded . doth the devill dwell in us , as we dwell in an house ? when god saith honour thy father and thy mother , doth he meane three fathers , our father , our sachim , and god ? when a soule goes to heaven what doth it say ? and what saith a wicked soule when it comes to hell ? why did christ die in our steads ? why must we love our enemies , and how shall we do it ? how doth christ redeeme and deliver us from sin , when every day my heart thinkes i must die , and goe to hell for my sins , what shall i doe in this case ? how long was adam good before he sinned ? if two families dwell in one house , one prayeth , the other doth not , what shall they that pray do to them that pray not ? now the indians desire to go to heaven , what shall we doe that we may goe thither when we die ? how shall i bring my heart to love prayer ? doe not englishmen spoile their soules to say a thing cost them more than it did , and is it not all one as to steale ? i see why i must feare hell , and do so every day , but why must i fear god ? if i reprove a man for sin , and he answer why do you speak thus angerly , mr. elliot teacheth us to love one another , is this well ? if a wife put away her husband because he will pray to god and she will not , what must be done in this case ? may such women as pray to god , marry those that do not pray to god ? if my wife doth some worke on the night before the sabbath , and on the sabbath night also , is it a sin ? if i do that which is a sin , and know it not to be a sin , what will god say to that ? whether is faith set in my heart or in my minde ? why have not beasts a soule as well as man , seeing they have love , anger , &c. as man hath ? why doth god punish in hell for ever , man doth not so , but after a time lets out of prison againe ? what is faith ? how shall i know when god accepts my prayers ? how doth christ make peace betwixt god and man , what is the meaning of that point ? in wicked dreames doth the soule sin ? doth the soule in heaven know things done here on earth ? if my heart be full of evill thoughts , and i repent and pray , and a few houres after it be full againe , and i repent and pray againe , and after this it be full of evill thoughts again , what will god say ? what force of wicked men is lawfull , and what not ? what if a minister weare long haire , as some other men do , what will god say ? why doth god so hate them that teach others to commit sinne ? if a man will make his daughter marry one she doth not love , what will god say ? &c. there be sundry of them begin to enquire after baptisme and church ordinances , and mr. elliot with consideration speakes solemnly not suddenly , nor lightly , but before the lord , as i apprehend , saith he , in my conscience , were they but in a setled way of civility and government , cohabiting together , and i called , according to god , to live among them , i durst freely joyne into church fellowship with them , and could find out at least twenty men and women in some measure fitted of the lord for it . that indian that was mr elliots interpreter , and first taught him words , was joyning himselfe to the church of dorchester , and the very day of this writing was the day for the triall of that indian in order to his admission , and this was 2. of the 12. 1648. since which time these labourers with the lord have not been idle in this vineyard , they are digging , and fencing , and gathering out the stones thereof , and planting it with the choisest vine , &c. esa . 5. 2. and though some informations of their happy endeavours have unhappily miscarried , there be other passages that have arrived hither , to give us assurance that they wax not faint in that gospel worke , they are not indeed yet printed , but i have obtained leave to give the reader a little taste thereof , for as we here long to understand what further foot steps be made , so the discoveries thereof will in due time and better manner be recommended . mr elliot in the beginning of the last spring prepared for his journey among the indians , to a great fishing place upon merimak , and hired an indian to mark trees , and pilot him thither , which he did , with the helpe of some indians , they passed by other of the natives , who had heard of his preaching , and were very glad of his comming that way , but sicknesse prevented him at that time ; howbeit upon his recovery , he went to another place call'd pantuket , where from all parts they meet , there he asked them if those indians were desirous to pray to god , and when they said yea , he demanded how many desired it , they answered wamee , i. e. all . the chiefe sachim of this place had heard him before , and now shewed great affection to him , and the word of god , using many arguments to perswade him to tarry among them , saying , his comming but once a yeere did them little good , it was as if one should come and throw a fine thing among them , and they like it well , but cannot tell what is within , whether something , or nothing , but if it be opened and they see it precious , they should believe it , &c. another indian learning from mr. elliot that hee had five sonnes , asked him if they should all teach the indians to know god , as he did , which when hee affirmed , the other was well pleased , and mr. elliot himselfe much encouraged , for hee had often dedicated them in his prayers to that service of the lord , desiring no better preferment for them , than to be fitted for that worke , hee endeavours therefore with that smal meanes he hath to traine them up in learning , and god will i doubt not raise up some liberall hearts and hands to assist him therein . this summer hee was making another journey , but in regard of some quarrells among the indians , the church was doubtfull at first of his going , which when the nashaway sachim heard , he took twenty men armed after their manner , and was his guard , with many other neerer indians , so much do they hunger after instruction ; this was a long journey into the wildernesse of sixty miles , it proved very wet and tedious , so that hee was not dry three or foure daies together night nor day , but the lord upheld him and his company in strength and health . one of the indians would needs know of mr elliot the reason why they that pray to god , love the indians so doing , more than their owne brethren , and when the rest of them said they all found it so in their hearts , this gave him occasion to discourse to them of the unity of the spirit . they propounded questions . if a man know gods word , but believe it not , and yet teach others , is that good teaching , and if others believe that teaching , is that good believing ? and when mr. elliot asked them how they could tell , when a man knoweth gods word , and doth not believe it , they answered , when he doth not in his practise answerable to that he knoweth . if i teach on the sabbath that which you taught us , and forget something , is that a sin ? what should i pray for at night , what at morning , and what on the sabbath day ? what is true repentance , and how shall i know when it is true ? how must i waite on god ? when i pray for a soft heart , why is it still hard ? can one be saved by reading the booke of the creature ? when such die as never heard of christ , whither do they go ? vvhat is the meaning of the name hebrews , why doth god say he is the god of the hebrews ? if one purpese to pray , and die before that time , wither goeth his soule ? doth god know who shall repent and believe , and who not ? why then did god use so much meanes with pharaoh ? vvhat meanes that , blessed are they that mourne ? vvhat meaneth lifting up hands to god ? vvhat anger is good , and what is bad ? if a child die before he sin , whither goeth his soule ? if one that prayes to god sin , like him that prayes not , is not he worse ? and while they discoursed of this , and about hating of wicked persons , one of them said , they must love the man and doe him good , but hate his sin , &c. for i will not forestall but prepare the publication of those other remarkeable occurrences ; and now ex pede herculem , when this little of those many matters worthy of observation , is seen together , none will call it a day of small things , zach. 4. 10. shall we call this a day of small things ? shall not those poore natives in new england rise up in judgement against old england and condemne it ? they at once or twice preaching of the law and gospel , repent , and weepe , and pray , and heare , and most earnestly enquire after god ; but wee , when the sunshine of truth hath been so long cleare among us , degenerate into those very sinnes which they abandon and detest , and with indignation say , get ye hence , es . 30. 22. they willingly forsake their powawing , and inchantments ; but the devill is broke loose among us , and many desire commerce with those that have familiarity with him . the indians set a mulct upon those women that tie not up their haire , that goe with naked breasts , what would they say , what would they doe , if that sex were as immodest as some in this nation , bepainted , bedaubed , debauched , not more with spots in their faces , then stains in their glory , if christianity be to them any honour ? the indians weare their haire comely as the english , and punish those that doe otherwise ; there be among us that would account it piacular it should be said of them that in the least they looke rome-wards , yet like those locusts having the faces of men , they have haire as the hair of women , rev. 9. 8. grace is pleased to borrow that from nature , if a man have long haire , it is a shame to him , 1 cor. 11. 14. those natives surely will rise up in judgement with the men of this generation and condemne them ; they pray in their families morning and evening , and upon other occasions , they sanctifie the sabbath ; wee have those among us , that scoffe and scorne these practises of piety , and call the practisers thereof duty-mongers . the indians desire publique meetings , and delight in the places where god is worship'd and his word is taught ; but there be those in this england that make it a great piece of religion to divide and separate , though god himselfe would not have us forsake the assembling of our selves together , as the manner of some is , hebr. 10. 25. the indians asked mr. elliot , if any teach us good things should wee not love him as a father , or a brother ? but t is now among some esteemed a signe of grace , and a badge of holinesse , to despise their teachers , as if that scripture of truth were never againe to be fulfilled . they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , untill the wrath of the lord arose against his peaple , till there was no remedy , 1 chron. 36. 16. but many other be the sad symptomes of our englands defection and danger , and our god hath made himself many waies marvelous in new-england , wee cannot call it a day of small things , or if at first it was like a little cloud arising out of the sea as a mans hand , 1 king. 18. 44. certainely it carried with it a a sound of abundance of raine , ver . 41. even that raine that commeth downe from heaven and returneth not thither but watereth the earth , and maketh it bring forth and bud , that it may give seed to the sower , and bread to the eater ; gods word hath not returned unto him void , it hath accomplished that which he pleased , and it shall prosper in the thing whereto i send it , es . 55. 10 , 11. now the blessing of the god of iacob be upon them and their endeavours , even the blessing of iacob upon ioseph , the god almighty help them and blesse them with blessings of heaven above , blessings of the deep that lieth under , gen. 49. 25 , 26. that god by their meanes may say to the north give up , and to the south keepe not backe , bring my sonnes from farre , and my daughters from the ends of the earth , esa . 43. 6. so from the uttermost parts shall we hear songs , songs of praise , even glory to the righteous , 24. 16. and not onely glory to the lord our righteousnesse , but those that winne many to this righteousnesse shall shine as the starres for ever and ever , dan. 12. 3. and not onely hereafter in that heaven of heavens , but this shall bee told as englands memoriall , in present and succeeding generations , and those american nations especially shall call them blessed ( mal. 3. 12. ) yea the blessings of them that were ready to perish , will come upon them , job 29. 13. for they have done worthily in ephrata , and are famous in bethelem ( ruth 4. 11 ) and when they be indeed sensible of this great mercy , they will not onely say , thanks be unto god for this unspeakeable gift , 2 cor. 9. 15. but they will long to require this kindnesse to the english also : and as of old almost all nations receiving from ierusalem the first meanes of their . christianity , expressed their gratefull mindes by their charitable beneficence upon all occasions to those that dwelt there , this began in the apostles daies , act. 11. 19. rom. 15. 26. those of macedonia and achaia distributed to the poor saints at ierusalem , so it was the use till ieromes k time , that all the churches of the gentiles sent collections to the christians at ierusalem , because they all from thence received first the glad tidings of the gospel ; where the same christ is preached , there will be the like christian affections , which likewise will be demonstrable upon every possible opportunity . gregory in severall epistles , not lesse then twenty foure , to the great personages of those times , shewes much zeale in this kind , sometimes encouraging them , afterwards commending them for their assistance afforded to that glorious worke , the first conversion of our countreymen . nothing more shall now be added but the praise and practise of n albertus the arch-bishop of hamburgh , who tooke upon him a resolution to visit in his owne person all the northerne provinces , not leaving so much as any one island unbenefitted by his preaching ; when all things were prepared , and his attendants chosen , and shipping ready , hee was diswaded by zueno king of denmarke , who told him those people would sooner be instructed by men of their owne nation , who were best acquainted with the rites , manners , and language thereof ; the arch-bishop hereupon dealt earnestly with others to that purpose , and made them most willing to the work , for there was not a man among them whom hee had not encouraged , and by his bounty hee warmed their zeale in publishing the gospell , frequently repeating that sentence of our saviour , the harvest indeed is great , but the labourers are few , pray ye therefore the lord of the harvest , that hee will send forth labourers into his harvest , mat. 9. 37. 38. finally as david to solomon in the bulding of the temple , 1 chr. 22. 16. i wish it were effectually spoken to , and by all the english here and there , vp and be doing , and the lord will bee with you . the relation of master antonie monterinos , translated out of the french copie sent by manaseh ben israel . the eighteenth day of elul , in the yeere five thousand foure hundred and foure from the creation of the world , came into this city of amsterdam mr aron levi , alias , antonie monterinos , and declared before me manassah ben israell , and divers other chiefe men of the portugall nation , neer to the said city that which followeth . about two yeeres and an halfe agoe , the said monterinos going from the port of honda in the west indies , to go to the government of papian in the province of quito , did hire some mules of a certaine indian mystique , called francis du chasteau , in which company , together with other indians , went a certaine owner of mules who was also called francis , whom all the indians named cacique , to whom it fell out , passing over the mountaine cordecilla , in a day of great winde and raine , that their carriages fell to the ground , whereat the indians being grieved , as also at the evill weather , they begin to complaine of their ill fortune , saying that they deserved all that , and more also for their sinnes , which the said francis hearing answered , that they should have patience , that shortly they should have rest ; whereunto they answered that they deserved it not , having used the holy people so ill , and the most noble of all the nations in the world ; but contrariwise that all the cruelties which the spaniards had used against them did befall unto them for the expiating of that sin ; after they were gone a little while , they stopt upon the mountaine to rest , and passe the night season , at which time the soresaid monterinos did take out of a box some few biskets , some cheese and sweet-meates , and offered some to the soresaid francis , saying to him , take this though thou dost speake evill of the spaniards , whereunto hee answered , that he had not told the halfe of the hard usage which they received from that cruell and inhumane nation ; but that after a short space they should see themselves avenged upon them by a hidden nation : after these discourses between them , mr monterinos arrived at the town of cartagena in the indies , where he was taken by the inquisition and put in prison ; one day praying unto god , hee uttered these words , blessed be the name of adonay , that hee hath not made me an idolater , a barbarian , an ethiopian , nor an indian ; and pronouncing the name of indian hee reproved himselfe , saying the hebrewes are indians ; and then comming againe to himselfe said , am not i a soole , how can it bee that the hebrewes should be indians ? the same fell out the second and third day , making the same prayer and giving the same thankes unto god , whence hee gathered that that fancie did not come to him by meere chance , remembring also that which passed between him and the aforesaid indian ; so that hee tooke an oath hee would so informe himselfe of the whole matter , that hee should know the truth , and that comming out of prison hee should instantly seeke the indian , and would bring to his minde the discourse which they had together , to obtaine by that meanes the satisfaction of his desires . being then come out of prison by the goodnesse of god , he went to the forenamed port of honda , where hee had so much good lucke that hee found instantly the foresaid indian , to whom he made his application , and brought into his memory the discourse which they had upon the mountaine , whereunto he answered that he had not forgotten it , which monterinos hearing , said that he would goe a journey with him , to which hee answered that hee was ready to doe him service : so the said monterinos gave him three pataques to buy some provision ; whiles then they followed their journey and talked together , the said monterinos at last discovered himselfe unto the said indian , and told him in these words , i am an hebrew of the tribe of levi , my god is adonay , and all the rest are nothing but mistakes and deceites ; whereat the indian being somewhat surprized , did aske him the name of his predecessors , whereunto hee did answer that they were called abraham , isaac , iacob and israel , which the indian hearing , did aske of him whether hee had none other father , hee said yea , and that hee was called lodwick of monterinos ; but the indian being not well satisfied as yet , said these words unto him , on the one side i did rejoyce at that which thou hast said unto me , and on the other i am resolving to disbelieve thee , because thou canst not tell mee who were thy fathers , whereunto the said monterinos answered with an oath , that the thing which hee said was truth , having spent some time in questions and answers , and the indian being wearied at the matter said to him , art thou not the sonne of israell , to which he answered , yea , which the indian having heard said , make an end then of thy speech , for certainly thou didst put me in such a confusion that i would have been perplexed at it all my life time ; nevertheles let us rest a little and drinke , and then follow on our discourse . after a little space , the indian said unto him , if thou hast the courage and boldnesse to follow me , thou shalt know all what thou desirest , but i tell thee before hand thou must go a foot and eate roasted mayz , and do that which i shall bid thee ; the said monterinos answered , that hee would not at all transgresse his orders ; the day following which was monday , the indian came to the said monterinos , and bid him take out all that which he had in his pockets , put on his alpergatas ( these are a certaine sort of shooes which the indians weare ) and take this staffe and follow him , which the said monterinos did , leaving his cloake and his sword and all what hee had , and so they followed on their way , the indian carrying on his backe three measures of roasted mayz , two ropes , the one made with knots and an hooke with two teeth to climbe up by the mountaine , and the other untied , to be made use of in the marshes and passages of rivers ; with a little axe and the alpergatas ; they went then after this manner the whole weeke till saturday on which they rested , and returned to follow their course the whole sunday and monday ; on thursday about eight of the clocke they came to a river as broad as the duero in spaine , and the indian said unto him thou shalt here see thy brethren , and making a flag of two peeces of cotten cloath which were their girdles , made a signe , after which they saw a great smoake , and in a moment afterward the same signe with another flagge ; and it was not long after that they saw in a boat comming to them three men and one woman , which being arrived to the banke of the river , the woman leapt a shoare , and the men tarried in the boate , which after a long discourse which shee had with the indian , which the said monterinos could not at all understand , went back to the boate , and told the three men all that shee had heard of the indian , which came instantly out of the boate ( having alwaies lookt with attention upon him , viz. the said monterinos ) and did embrace him , and the woman did the like ; after this one of the three men went backe againe to the boate , and the other two together with the woman did stay there ; which comming neer unto the indian hee did prostrate himselfe at their feete , and they received him with demonstrations of civility and affection , and begun to talke with him ; after a little while the indian said to mr monterinos , be not amazed , and doe not believe that these men will tell thee a second thing , before thou hast well understood the first ; the two men instantly put him between them , and told him the verse following in hebrew out of deut. chap. 6. vers . 4. semah israel adonay elohim adonay ehad , heare o israel the lord our god is one lord ; and hee informing himselfe of every thing by the indian interpreter , and learning to say it in the spanish tongue , the two men told him that which followeth , putting a little space of time between one sentence and another . 1. my fathers are called abraham , isaac , iacob and israel , and they named them all foure with three fingers , and then they added reuben , making a sign with foure fingers . 2. all such as will come and dwell with us we will give them lands . 3. ioseph dwells in the mids of the sea , making a signe with two fingers shut , and afterwards dividing the same into two parts . 4. wee shall all one day speake together , uttering with the mouth ba , ba , ba , and shall come forth as the earth had brought us forth . 5. wee shall goe out from hence shortly ( speaking hastily ) some of us to looke out , and to make water , and saying these words , they winked with their eies and thrust their feet to the ground . 6. a messenger shall go . 7. francis shall say somewhat more , making a signe with the fingers , that it would be a little . 8. give us time to make our selves ready , and shaking their hand on all sides , said with their mouth , and with their hands , stay not long . 9. send 12 men , making a signe that all shall have beards and be able to write . these discourses being all ended , which lasted all that day , they came backe and told him the same wednesday and thursday , not adding a word more thereunto . and monterinos being wearied , that they answered him nothing to that which hee asked , and that they would not permit him to passe the river , did draw neere the boate in a dissembling way , and would have cast himselfe therein to goe to the other side , but they thrust her from the shoare with a staffe , and the said monterinos falling into the water hee was in danger of being drowned , because he could not swimme ; the men cast themselves suddenly into the water , and drew him out , and shewing themselves angry , said unto him , doe not think that thou wilt bring to passe thy purpose by force ; which the indian declared unto him , and they shewed unto him by signes and words . notice is to be taken that the boat for the space of those three daies did not at all stay in one place , but four men went and foure other came , which all of them said the same nine things which we have mentioned , being all the men who during that time came to see him , about 300 more or lesse . these men are somewhat burnt with the sunne , some of them weare their haire to their knees , some others shorter , and others as wee use to weare it , faire bodies , good countenances , well made of foot and leg , with a linnen about their heads . moreover the said mr monterinos declared , that going from that place on thursday at night with a great deale of provision which they brought to him , he tooke his leave of them , having been entertained by them , during the three daies which he staied there ; and having shewed him how they enjoyed all things which the spaniards have in the indies , aswell of meates as of other things needfull for the life of man. being come the same day to the place where they had lien the night before , mr monterinos said to the indian , francis , thou dost know that my brethren said unto me that thou shouldest tell me something , therefore i pray thee tell it now to satisfie my desire , whereunto the indian said , i shall tell thee what i know , if thou wilt not anger mee , and shall relate unto thee the truth so as i have heard it from my ancestors , but if thou dost vex me ( which i apprehend , perceiving thee to be so speculatif ) thou wilt oblige me to tell thee lies ; so then i beseech thee take onely heed to what i shall say unto thee . thy brethren the sonnes of israel were by divine providence brought into these countrys , god doing many miracles for them , which thou wouldst not believe , if i should tell them to thee as i have heard them of my fathers ; wee indians went into those countries and made warre against them , and did use them worse then the spaniards doe us : afterwards by the command of our mohanes ( these are their sorcerers ) wee went as souldiers towards those parts where thou hast seen thy brethren , to wage warre with them , and of all those that entred there , not one came backe againe alive ; wee made a great armie , and entring into his lands , all fell downe dead , so that not one escaped ; at last wee raised another army , for the making of which the countrey was dispeopled wholly , so that none but old men , women and children remained therein , which came to an end as the former had done ; which those who remained alive , and were not gone to that warre perceiving , said , that the mohanes had deceived them and were the cause of the death of their fathers , for which they deserved to be put to death , having then killed many of them , those that remained alive did intreat them to hearken to them , and they would discover to them all the truth of that which they knew , which having gotten leave , declared that which followeth . the god of these sonnes of israel is the true god , all that is written in his stories is true , they shall be lords of all the world in the latter end , a people shall come hither which will bring many things to you , and when the land shall be well provided , these sonnes of israel shall goe out of their habitations , and shall become lords of all the earth as it was theirs before , if you will be happy joyne your selves to them . the indian having made an end to relate the prediction of the mohanes , followed on his discourse after this manner , my fathers were caciques , and there are yet four of them . these 5 caciques then having heard what the mohanes had foretold , as if they had been some of the sages of the hebrewes , came and tooke their habitation neere that place , to see if they could get acquaintance with some of thy brethren . they satisfied their desire after a long time by the intercession of an indian woman : because thy brethren would never speake to our fathers , and he of us that went into their lands , did fall downe dead , and none of thy brethren did passe over to us ; we therefore made a league with them , by the meanes of that woman , under these conditions . first , that five men , sonnes to five caciques or their successors , should come to visit them every seventy moones , and that none should come with them . secondly , that the man to whom the secret was to be declared , should be three hundred moones old , and that nothing of this should be revealed to him in a place inhabited , but only in the open field , and when it should be revealed , that it should be in the company of all the caciques ; thus then ( said the indian ) wee keepe this secreet amongst us , for the great reward which wee hope , for the innumerable services which wee have done to thy brethren . wee cannot go to see them , but from seventy to seventy moones , if no new thing fall out ; there hath not been any in my time except thy arrivall which they have so much desired and waited for . i finde no more but three new things according to my reckoning ; the first , the arrivall of the spaniards in these countries , the second that ships arrived in the south sea , and the third is thy arrivall . of all three they have greatly rejoyced , for they say that the prophecies do come to passe . moreover the said monterinos declared , that afterward hee came to honda , where the said indian did bring to him three indian young men , not telling him their names , till hee told him that hee might speake freely with them , seeing they were his companions , whith whom hee was in league , and that the other namely the fift was old , and for that cause was not able to come . the three indians did imbrace him affectionately , and asked him of what nation hee was ; to whom hee answered , that hee was of the hebrew nation , of the tribe of levi ; and then they imbraced him the second time , and said to him , thou shalt see us one day , and shalt not know us , wee are thy brethren by a speciall favour which god hath shewed us , and having saluted him they went away : the indian francis bid him also farewell , and that hee went to speak with his brethren in the company of the other caciques . as concerning this countrey , wee have all the indians at our command , and when wee shall have made an end of these cruell spaniards , wee shall goe and draw you out of the slavery wherein you are , if it please god ; which he will permit , because his word cannot faile . finis . laus deo. i manasseh ben israel underwritten , beare w●tnesse , that this present paper hath been coppied with the whole truth of the originall , and that the author monterinos is a vertous man , and separate from all manner of worldly interests ; and that hee swore in my presence that all that which he declared was a truth . manasseh ben israel . j. dvry received this at london , 27 of novem. 1649. the reader is entreated with his pen to amend these mistakes of the presse . in the epistle dedicatory , remove the note at the bottome of the margin in the third page of ( b ) to the second line of the next page . page 5. line 12. read comestor . p. 16. l. 19. r. and uneasie . p. 18. l. 3. r. è contra . p. 21. 1. witekind in the margent . p. 21. l. 16. r. they were . p. 22. l. 23. r. maternus . p. 24. l. 19. r. records indeed . p. 32. l. last . r. thou . p. 49. l. 28. r. israel was . p. 50. l. 8. adde , should so farre , and so suddenly degenerate . p. 6. l. 32. r. converting . p. 76. l. 31. r. for our , the. p. 80. l. 20. r. your charity . p. 93. l. 13. r. leitourgy . and l. 15. r. pray that . p. 93. l. 15. r. holy spirit . our books tell us . p. 107. l. 30. r. too late . p. 118. l. 11. r. hujus . p. 113. p. 126. l. 4. r. 16 , &c. p. 136. l. 12. r. their lands . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a94301-e180 d. laert. p. 381. d. heins . in 2. jo. hesych . φ io. maj. hist . scot. l. 4. c. 9. sixt. sen. bib. s. l. 2. r. p. 97. wollet . comp. theol. p. 197. part. 1. t. 1. ep. p. 105. lib. 5. c. 8. nehem 3. 5. 2 sam. 20 19. phil. 2. 21. 1 cor. 13. last . act. 2. 1. psa . 19. 4. revel . 6. 2. esa . 49. 6. de excid . brit. in bal. cent. p. 23. hist . l. 1. c. 8. p. 25. rev. 13. 3. c. 5. 123. not. in bed. hist . p. 257. par● . 3. esa . 43. 19. k. theodoric . theodob●rt , clotharius , qu. brunechild of france , and to aldibert and aldiberga of england . concil . p. 71. holinsh . chro. part . 1. p. 15. kent , mercia , west-saxons , northumberland , east-angles , east-saxons , south-saxons . deut. 12 8. 2 pet. 1. 19. 2 cor. 11. 14. psal . 46. 3. psal . 27. 3. 〈◊〉 8. 12. act. 7. 56. tertull. 2 cor. 5. 7. job . 14. 14. 1 joh. 2. 18. heb. 10. 37. mat. 3. 12. psal . 1. 5. 1 cor. 4. 5. 2 thes . 2. 17. 3. 3. heb. 13. 17. tim. 4. 8. act. 20. 32. notes for div a94301-e2630 de doct. chr. l. 4. longa , san● caele●us , apolog. ad finem . oblect . acad. c. 21. pseud . epidem . mr bucks hist . hist . rom. tac●tus . id●os ab ida. l. 5. plut. symp. c. 9. suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 2. c. 18. p. 248. io. de lact descriptio am●ric . dedic . carolo r. britan. mr. castel , mr. gage , &c. i l. p. 37. l 6. c. 9. mr gage p. 182 p. 50. &c. acost . l. 3. c 15. gage survey . p. 85. 1 ▪ 5. 139. p. 153. 245. letter of a. c. 1635. p. 168. plutar. themist sim. c , p 61. mr. gage . mr gage pref . & p. 139 , & 10 acosta . hist . l. 6. c. 26. cic. de offic. somn. scip. sir io. dod● . hist of princi . of wales . p. 23. ep. p. 819. in rom. 11. 18 notes for div a94301-e4050 esa . 11. 9. eph. 4 13. eph. 4. 14. isa . 2. ezec. 34 & 37. jer. 3● . & 46. amos. 9. micha . 4 &c. jer. 30. 10 , 11. amos. 9 ▪ 8 , 9. 2 king. 1● . this narrative so attested and translated , is at the end of this book . psa . 149 7 , 8 , 9. notes for div a94301-e5150 a restitut . c. 2. b met. hist . c. 9. c dissertat . de orig. gent. americ . d not. ad istam dissert . e key of the language of amer. pref. f lerius hist . brasil . p. 231. g laet descr . americ . mr. gage . h apud laet in grot. dissertat . part. 1. p. 216. a pet. mart. decad. aliique . b in boroso . l. 6. c in bodin . meth. p. 493. d ib. p. 353. mort. n. canaan . p. 49. malvend●r de anti●…ri p. 155. e acosta . hist . l. 7. c. 4. f vbi supra . g aquin. in gen. 1. h arr. ag . br. p. 343. i pet. mart. p. 353. k laet. in grot. p. 219. l ibid. m comestor hist . p. 137. & 169. n g. sands . trav. p. 146. o hist . l. 1. c. 29. p apud 10. de laet. part . 1. p. 217. q letter . a acosta . l. 1. c. 23. b lerius . vbi supra . c de cons●at . ad helvid . c. 8. d mr will. key ▪ preface . e benzo . p. 6. & 50. acosta . l. 7. c. 17. f benzo . p. 193. g id. p. 94. 107 h id. p. 107. 109 i nova francia . p. 221. k jo. de laet. p. 217. l mr will. key prospect of n. e. p. 95. m benzo . p. 117 222. lerius . p. 256. 258. laet descr . of america . p. 545. n lerius . p. 225 p. mart. p. 314. 478. o nat in grot. p. 37. p acosta . p. 57 q id. p. 569. laet. p. 317. and descrip . amer. p. 470. r capt. smith . p. 31. laet descr . amer. p. 479. s lerius . p. 236. mr will. key pref . p. 7. & u nova fran. p. 236. w p. mart. p. 526. x mr will. key . y lerius . p. 234 acosta . l. 5. c. 27 z 46. laet des . amer. p. 479 mr will. key . p lerius p. 236. b mr will. key . p. 139. c lerius p. 241. d benzo . p. 168. 291. 39. acost . l. 5. c. 8. e antiq. l. 7. c. 12. f lerius . p. 266. 267. benzo . 396 laet des . amer. p. 545. 642. g benzo . p. 222. acost . l. 4. c. 28. h l. 12. c. 15. i laet descr . amer. p. 75. k acost . l. 6. c. 10. 17. a hist . l 5. c. 27. b id. de procur . ind. sal. p. 6. 45 c in grot. part . 1. p ▪ 45. d p. mart. p. 175. 290. 293. 296. 300. e l. 2. p. 143. f dr helin geo. p. 662. laet. ibid. 127. g id. p. 128. h in laet p. 2. p. 59. i tit. 1. de no viter repet is , cultellos lapideos quidvis secantes ▪ k p. 135. l p. 191. m mart. p. 524 n id. p. 444. lerius . p. 220. acost . l. 6. c. 19 o id. de procur . ind. sal. p. 68. p benzo . p. 396 relation of maryland . p. 33. cap. smith . lerius . p 223. acosta . p. 345. q mr will. key . p. 100. r p. mart. p. 418. 473 521. 529. godwin of the esseni , in jewish antiqu . malvend . de antichristo . p. 153. s capt. smith p. 120. acosta . l. 5. c. 13. pet mart. p. 350. t id p 351. u id. p. 314. w acost . p. 339 x id. l. 5 : c. 16 ▪ 6. 24. y id. l. 5. c. 14. z ibid. l. 5 c. 8. a pot. mart. b relat. mar. land. p. 169. acost . 5. 16. c pot , mart : p. 522. 351. d ibid. e laet. descr . amer. p. 398. 434. f malvenda . p. 169. g id. ibid. & acost . hist . l. 5. c 29. h id. p. 269. ] i benzo . p. 113 , 114. cum tympano . k cento ad solin . p. 256. benzo . p. 403 , and hist . of peru. l benzo ubi sup . & solin . cent. ibid. a idem genus ca'cementi , & verba quaedam . vbi supra . b l. 30. p. 323. c vbi ante . descr . cambr. p. 266. d in laet. part . 1. p. 30. e pet. mart. p 248. laet. ibid. p. 186. f malvenda p. 169. g gag . survey . p. 46. h jerem in loc , i p. 88. 93 , 94. &c. k hist . l. 5. c. 3. l lact. descr . amer. p. 53. 164. m p. 164. 172. n p. 154. o mr. will. key pres of n. e. p. 91. p pref. to chaldean diction . q bodin . meth p. 494. r syst . phys . s pref. to the old english bible . a josph . de bello judaico . l. 7. e. 8. b in ezek c. 5. c p. mart. p. 206. lerius . benzo . alii . d prosp . of n. eng. part . 2. naucler . chr. part . 2. p. 519. f p. 275. g in fine . p. 188. h p. 55. i benzo . p. 120. k crudelit . hispan . p. 50. a socrat. l. 1. 15 ruffin tripartit . &c. discessuri ab invicem apostoli normam praedicationis in commune constituunt . cypr. de symb. ap. b de incarn . l. 6 ▪ c. 3. c witek land de sphaera . d g. sands tra . e socrat. ubi ante . ruffin in symb. & hist . l. 1. c. 9. tertul. de vel . virg . l. 1. c. 1. regula quidem fidei una omnino est sola immobilis . & inreformabilis . clem. ep. ad jacob. quam latin. fecit . ruffin . ambr. ser. 138. aug , de t. 119. f disput . p. 21. g ibid. h ep. ad philadelph . p. 4. i niceph. l. 2. c. 35. k britannorum inaccessa romanis loca christo patuerunt . ad v. iud. c. 7. l hist . l. 2. c. 3. m de error . profan . relig . n de consid . l. 2. o in math. & t. 1. ep. p. 103. p willet de vocat . iud. malvend de antichristo . q in mat. 24. in hos . 2. in joh. 4. mic. 2 : r de civit. d. l. 18. c. 28. & 20 , 21. s mor. l. 35. c. 9. t in cant. ser . 39. u in apoc. mei p. 31. w sum. raymundi . p. 81. from the jewes our faith began , to the gentiles then it ran , to the jewes returne it shall , before the dreadfull end of all . x epit. cent. 16 part . 2. y p. 169. z doroth. synop. hieron . catal. socrat. l. 15. ruffin . l. 1. c 9. euseb . aliique a salmuth . in pancirol . de noviter repert . c. 1. p. 7. b bocha . geo. sac. p. 716. c acost . benzo . pet. mart. lerius . &c. d io. de laet in grot. part : p. 71. e bucholz chro. mei p. 136. f de vit. constant . l. 2. c. 65. g pet mart. decad. p. 95. &c. 244. malvenda . ibid. a de arcan cathol . vent . ▪ c. 24. p. 282. b lerius p. 230. c benz● p. 77. 111. 167. d surius in append . ad naucler . p. 775. e p. 222. f ovied . hist . ind l. 16. c. 11. in benzo . p. 295 g casa , benzo , alij historici passim . h iidem . i pet. mart : p. 506. guacca regio , jarima podex . k id. p. 525. l casa . p. 100. m casa . p. 24. n id. p. 60. o benzo . p. 111. id. ib. p. 7 & 8 p casa . p. 12. 22. 29. 54. q benzo . p. 285. r p. 289 , &c. s c. 89. t benzo . 179. 311. 315. &c. casa . p. 19. 11. id. p. 57. u tripartit . hist . l 2. c. 18. w catech. 16. p. 263. x cyropaid . passim . y de b. judaica l. 3. c. 57 ▪ z vbi supra . 7. p. 501. a lerius . p. 152. alijque cent. ad solin . p. 218. b hist . l. 7. c. 22. c lerius , alij . d p. 405. 406. notes for div a94301-e13070 a acost . l. 1. c. 9 b gages survey . p. 73. c m. parisad an. 1240 mei p. 732. & 756. d in m. s. e vbi supra ▪ f buxtors . synag . iud. c. 9. mei p. 231 : in grot : a hygin . astron . b bel , & drag . c agathias hist . m p. 142. d in euagr. l. 4. c. 18. e l. 1. 19. tract . p. cott. g vbisupra . h de c. d. l. 16. c. 7. i idem . k geograp . l. 1. l apol. c. 39. m aelian . var. hist . p. 455. n l. 2 c. 89 91. o chro. anno 46 p verst●g . c. 4. lamb. peramb . p 18. chron. 1. pars . p. 225. q ibid. r in 10. de laet. p. 126. s ibid. p. 116. t ibid. & p. 25. u miscellan . sacr. l. 2. c. 4. w hist . l. 7. c. 3● & . l. 1. c. 20. a t. 3. ep. p. 69 ▪ b lerius . p. 169. c ante p. hujus 24. n. d versteg . p. 188. e hist . l. 6. c. 22 ▪ f qu. in gen. & comest . c. 37. g hist . l. 1. h prolog . ad l. 1 i de consolat ad helv. c. 7. k ben. gor. p : l in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l suidas thus computes the four hundred and thirty yeeres of israels being in egypt , and the land of canaan : from abrahams going into charran to isaacs birth , yeers 25 thence to iacobs nativity . 60 from him to levi. 87 from levi to caath . 45 from ceath to amram . 63 from amram to moses . 70 from moses to their exodus , and going out . 80 summe 430 yeeres ▪ a ler. hist . pre p. 8. f. in sev. p. 83. t. 2. ep. p. 75. lib. 6. geor. l. 4. b hier. in loc . c vbi supra . d chrisost . in 1 cor. 2. m. p. 218. e in io. tr. 4. notes for div a94301-e16310 a meth. hist . p. 522. casas . p. 134. &c. b stow ad an. 1501 , & 1502. c purchas . l. 4. c. 13. d stow. ibid. e l. 3. p. 360. f sermon to virginia planters . an. 1622. p. 20. 26. h declara . of virginia . p. 11 ▪ i mr cott. ans . p. 27 , &c. k declara . of virgin. vbi supra . l mr cot. ibid. m metrop . 129. n ibid. o ib. mr cott. p ibid. q ser. 16. init a benzo . p. 76. 77. passimque . b id. p. 11. &c. c id. p. 100. 104. 248. &c. d id. ibid. &c. e id. p. 251. f casas . p. 27. 101. 115. g p. 100. 104. h hist . l. 6. c. 1. i epist . before . k p. 32. 444. l presat . p. 38. m id. p. 221. 225 m id. 230. 248. 301. &c. o cap smith . p. 11. p book of that planta . anno 1632. p. 12. q treatises thereof . r malvenda ubi supra . p. 150. s cap. smith . p. 63. t barradus . t. 2. l. 8. c. 4. u de nat . nov ? orb. l. 1. c. 15. w p. 85. 93. &c. x malvenda ubi supra . p. 154. y ho. sta. p. 194. z hist . l. 1. a herberts sacr . poems . p. 190. b lerius . p. 62. 300. 338. a in loc . b agathias . l. 1. c ad scap. init . d apolog. 2. p. 300. 450. e crantz . l. 1. c. 7. l. 2. f de vit. const . l. 2. c. 55. g hist . p. 100. h tripartit ▪ l. 10. c. 5. i vit. per g. patriark . k ep. p. 439. l cap. smith . p. 20. 37. &c. m sozem. l. 2. c. 6. n hist l. 6. c. 25 o p. 388. p l. 7. c. 30. q vbi supra . p. 16. lib. 5. ep. 10. r benzo . p. 256. s id. p. 390. a in math. 16. b casas . p. 66. p. 35. p. 34. 99. c p. 11. d io. de lact. descr . amer. pref . e casas . p. 22. f p. 118. g hist . l. 4. c. 2. h p. 204. l ep. before ferm . in jona . m in tertul. p. 103. n hist . l. 6. c. 28 cas . ●●ud hist . p. 116. id. ibid. i l. 2. c. 16. k benzo . p. 257. charter . a clapmar arcan . reip. p. 52. 40 caroli . b serm. p. 81 , 82. &c. c rogers pref . p. 19. d pref. basil . dor. e parlia . spe ? anno. 1603. f his workes . p. 358. g res . ad apol. p. 28. h rogers passim . i m. s. a resp . ad apol. p. 29. b king iames workes . p. 340. c institut . l. 4● c. 20. d letter 20 ▪ of the 10 moneth . 1635. charter . e calvis . beza . gualt . alii . f epit. cent. 16. p. 185. 285. & concil . dordrac . g andr. posthu . p. 176. h ●…p . p. 749. i honor. reg. commentar . dautisci . 1647. k idem ibid. hieron . tit. l simp. c. p. 42 m sir h. s. p panang . p. ●92 . a discourse of new england not printed . relat. of proceagainst sa. gort . p. 99. discourse before mentioned . a in bed. ecclesiast . hist . l. 2. c. 1. b lambard peramb . of kent . p. 5. c hist . l. 1. c. 5. d malmbs . p 1. and beda . l. 1. c. 25. e daybreak● &c. f greg. m. g dr. vane lost sheepe . p. 186. h crantz . met. p. 405. 8. 12. lib. 5. ep. 58. 59. i hist . l. 2. c ▪ 7. a lerius , hist . praef . b benzo . p. 390. c hesiod . op. & di. l. 2. d theodor. hist . l. 5. c. 29. lib. 9. ep. 56 , 57. e gage survey of america . p. 81. f id. p. 3. a agathon in doroth. doctr. & vita patrum . b erasm , ep. 6. c p. 24. d tit. ecclesiasticall . p. 19. 20 e tit. anabaptists . p. 1. f tit. indians . p. 28. 29. g tit. scheels . p. 47. h tit. college . p. 12. sermon at westm . in ann. 1646. iuly , 30. è iob. 11. 22 m stat. eccles . brit. praeface . day breaking if not the sun-rising of the gospel with the indians in new-england . printed for fulk clifton , on new pish . street hill . 1647. page . 1. & 2 : p. 3. questions of the indians . p. 4. p. 5. p. 6. questions to them . p. 7. second comming . p. 8. p. 9. questions . p. 10. p. 11. p. 12. p. 13. a weeping indian . p. 14. observations . p. 17. third meeting novemb. 26. ●… questions . p. 19. p. 20. p. 22. indian lawes . p. 23. indian prayers fourth meeting . p. 24. p. 25. the clear sun-shine of the gospel upon the indians , &c. by mr. shepheard . 1648. p. 3. orders made by divers sachims , at concord , 1646. p. 5. p. 6. p. 7. indian womens questions . p. 8. p. 9. p. 10. an indians dreame . p. 11. indian questions . p. 13. p. 19. p. 20. indian cases and admonitions , of one beating his wife . p. 21. or an unruly son recovered . p. 22. p. 23. prayer . p 24. questions . p. 25. indian cases . p. 27. p. 33. p. 34. p. 35. p. 37. the glorious progresse of the gospel among the indians , &c. published by mr winslow , 1649. an indian woman living and dying christianly . p. 6. p. 7. p. 8. p. 10. indian questions . p. 20. letter to mr winslow . 18. of the 8. 1649. day break . p. 22. cleare sun-shine . p. 5. 2 treatis . p. 35 ▪ k t. 2. ep. p. 126. lib. 4. ep. 52. l. 5. 10. 152. &c. n crantz . metrop . l. 5. c. 18. notes for div a94301-e27170 elul is the first moneth of the jewish yeere answering to our august and to some part of september . digitus dei: nevv discoveryes with sure arguments to prove that the jews (a nation) or people lost in the world for the space of near 200 years, inhabite now in america; how they came thither; their manners, customs, rites and ceremonies; the unparallel'd cruelty of the spaniard to them; and that the americans are of that race. manifested by reason and scripture, which foretell the calling of the jewes; and the restitution of them into their own land, and the bringing back of the ten tribes from all the ends and corners of the earth, and that great battell to be fought. with the removall of some contrary reasonings, and an earnest desire for effectuall endeavours to make them christians. whereunto is added an epistolicall discourse of mr john dury, with the history of ant: monterinos, attested by manasseh ben israell, a chief rabby. by tho: thorowgood, b:d. thorowgood, thomas, d. ca. 1669. 1652 approx. 343 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 91 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62471 wing t1066 estc r219280 99830770 99830770 35224 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62471) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35224) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2082:14) digitus dei: nevv discoveryes with sure arguments to prove that the jews (a nation) or people lost in the world for the space of near 200 years, inhabite now in america; how they came thither; their manners, customs, rites and ceremonies; the unparallel'd cruelty of the spaniard to them; and that the americans are of that race. manifested by reason and scripture, which foretell the calling of the jewes; and the restitution of them into their own land, and the bringing back of the ten tribes from all the ends and corners of the earth, and that great battell to be fought. with the removall of some contrary reasonings, and an earnest desire for effectuall endeavours to make them christians. whereunto is added an epistolicall discourse of mr john dury, with the history of ant: monterinos, attested by manasseh ben israell, a chief rabby. by tho: thorowgood, b:d. thorowgood, thomas, d. ca. 1669. dury, john, 1596-1680. manasseh ben israel, 1604-1657. [44], 136, [4] p. printed for thomas slater, and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the angell in duck-lane, london : 1652. includes an initial contents page. caption title on p. 1: jewes in america, or, probabilities that the americans are jewes. includes errata at foot of t2r. reproduction of the original in the trinity college (university of cambridge) library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng montezinos, antonio de, d. ca. 1650 -early works to 1800. jews -antiquities -early works to 1800. lost tribes of israel -early works to 1800. indians of north america -early works to 1800. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion septem . 4. 1649. i have perused this learned and pious discourse concerning the americans , and thinking that it will much conduce to that most christian worke of their conversion to the faith of the lord jesus christ , i doe approve it as very worthy to be printed and published . iohn downame . digitus dei : nevv discoveryes ; with sure arguments to prove that the iews ( a nation ) or people lost in the world for the space of near 200 years , inhabite now in america ; how they came thither ; their manners , customs , rites and ceremonies ; the unparallel'd cruelty of the spaniard to them ; and that the americans are of that race . manifested by reason and scripture , which foretell the calling of the iewes ; and the restitution of them into their own land , and the bringing back of the ten tribes from all the ends and corners of the earth , and that great battell to be fought . with the removall of some contrary reasonings , and an earnest desire for effectuall endeavours to make them christians . whereunto is added an epistolicall discourse of mr iohn dury , with the history of ant : monterinos , attested by manasseh ben israell , a chief rabby . by tho : thorowgood , b : d. cant. 8. 8. we have a little sister , and she hath no breasts , what shall we doe for our sister in the day when she shall be spoken for ? mat. 8. 11. many shall come from the east , and from the west , and shall sit down with abraham , and isaac , and jacob in the kingdome of heaven . aethiopes vertuntur in filios dei , si egerint paenitentiam , & filii dei transeunt in aethiopes , si in profundum venerint peccatorum ; hieronym . in esai . london , printed for thomas slater , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the angell in duck-lane . 1652. to the honovrable knights and gentlemen that have residence in , and relation to the county of norfolk , peace , from the god of peace . when the glad tidings of the gospels sounding in america by the preaching of the english arrived hither , my soule also rejoyced within me , and i remembred certaine papers that had been laid aside a long time , upon review of them , and some additions to them , they were privately communicated unto such as perswaded earnestly they might behold further light ; being thus finished , and licenced also to walke abroad , as they were stepping forth , that incivility charged upon chrysippus occurred , that he dedicated not his writings to any king or patron , which custome presently seemed not onely lawfull , but as ancient as those scriptures where saint luke in the history of the acts of the apostles applies himselfe to theophilus , act. 1. 1. and saint iohn to the elect lady , so named , some thinke , or for her graces so entituled , i was easily induced to follow this fashion , and my thoughts soone reflected upon you , who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lovers of god , and choice ▪ men of your countrey . i may be censured for this high , generall , and ambitious dedication ; but i doe freely publish my own utter unworthinesse : t is true , my respects and love be very much to you all , and my native soile , yet in this i doe not drive any private designe , i looke beyond my selfe , at your honour , the honour of the nation , yea the glory of god , and the soule-good of many millions that are yet in darknesse and out of christ ; by you is the following tract communicated to the world , i wish and pray , that the designe bespoken in it may be cordially furthered by you , and all that read or heare thereof ; t is like you will finde in the probabilities so many iudaicall resemblances in america , that as it was said of old , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either plato writes like philo the iew , or philo is become platonicke ; so the iewes did indianize , or the indians doe iudaize , for surely they are alike in many , very many remarkable particulars , and if they bee iewes , they must not for that be neglected ; visible comments indeed they are of that dismall text , thou shalt become an astonishment , a proverbe , and a by-word to all nations , &c. deut. 20. 37. and so they are every where to this day : what more reproachfull obloquy is there among men , then this , thou art a iew ? oh the bitter fruits of disobedience ; and t is high time for us gentiles to lay up that example , in the midst of our hearts , pro. 4. 21. remembring alwaies , because of unbeliefe they were broken off , and , if god spared not the naturall branches , take heed lest hee spare not thee . rom. 11. 21. it was a suddaine sentence , tam viles inter christianos iudaei , ut inter mundum triticum mures , iewes are as bad and vile among christians , as mice in cleane whoate ; for glorious were their privileges , and we have a share in some of them , that last especially — of whom concerning the flesh christ came , who is god over all , blessed for ever , rom. 9. 4 , 5. and for another thing they have highly merited our regard — to them were commited the oracles of god , rom. 3. 9. the holy scriptures were concredited to them , and they have faithfully preserved them for us , and conveyed them to us : former times indeed found cause to exterminate them these dominions , i say nothing for such their reintroduction , which must be with sacred and civill cautions , that the svveet name of our dearest lord be not blasphemed , nor the natives robbed of their rights , but when will christians in earnest endeavour their conversion , if the name of ievv must be odious everlastingly ? i speak for their gospelizing , though some suspect they are never likely to come again under that covenant , as if the liber repudii , the bill of divorce mentioned by the prophet did put them away from god for ever , esa. 50. 1. as if they should return to their spouse no more , but that there is for them a time of love , and that they shall be grafted in , rom. 11. 23. is manifested afterwards upon scripture grounds ; and if the period of their wandering be upon its determination , and their recovery approching , how may wee rejoyce in the returne of that prodigall ? it is meet that wee should make merry and be glad , for our brother that was dead is reviving againe , luk. 15 : 32. how should wee beg for them that god would poure upon them the spirit of grace and supplication , that they may looke upon him whom they have pierced , and mourne for him as one mourneth for his onely sonne . zach. 12. 10. or if the lost tribes are not to be found in america , of whatsoever descent and origination the poore natives be , if they finde the lord christ , and the nov-angles be the wisemen guiding them unto their peace , great cause shall wee have to lift up the high praises of our god in spirituall exultation ; how should wee cast our mite into this treasury , yea our talent , our talents , if wee have them ? for certainely the time is comming , that as there is one shepherd , there shall be one sheepfold ▪ io. 10. 16. it is true , our owne countrey in many respects stands in need of helpe , wee are fallen into the last and worst times , the old age of the world , full of dangerous and sinnefull diseases , iniquity is encreased , and if ever , if to any people , the saying of that torrent of tullian eloquence ( so ierome calls lactantius ) be applicable , it is to poore england , that is not onely in the gall of bitternesse , but in the very dregs of error and ungodlinesse , ideo mala omnia rebus humanis ingravescunt , quia deus hujus mundi effector ac gubernator derelictus est , quia susceptaesunt , contra quam fas est impiae religiones , postremo quia ne coli quidem vel à paucis deus sinitur . but , o my soule , if thou be wise , be wise for thy selfe , pro. 9. 12. and give mee leave to say to you as moses to his israell , onely take heed to your selves , and keepe your soules diligently , deut. 4. 9. make your calling and election sure , 2 pet. 1. 10. and because you are the children of faithfull abraham , command your children and families that they walke in the waies of the lord , gen. 18. 9. and let who will serve themselves , follow lying vanities , and set up their owne lusts ; let every one of us say and do as ioshua , i and my house will serve the lord , iosh. 24. 15. and not onely serve the lord with and in our housholds , but in furthering the common good of others , and t is considerable god is pleased to owne publique interests , though in civill things with the name of his owne inheritance . but this is the sinne , this is the misery of these times , all seek their owne , not the things of iesus christ. even regulated charity may beginne at home , it may not , it must not end there , it is the onely grace that is sowne on earth , it growes up to heaven and continues there , it goes with us thither , and there abides to all eternity , and t is therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , greater then faith and hope , not from continuance onely , but its extensivenesse , it delights to be communicative , it reacheth an hand of helpe one way or other to every one that needs , though at never so great a distance ; after the cloven tongues as of fire h●…warmed the affections of the holy apostles , they had so much love to soules that they forgat their fathers house , discipled all nations , and preached the gospel to every creature , their line went through all the earth , and their words to the ends of the world , that former known world , the same spirit hath warmed the hearts of our countreymen , and they are busie at the same worke in the other , the new-found world ; for behold a white horse and he that sate on him had a bow , and a crown was given unto him , and hee went forth conquering , and to conquer ; so the lord christ shall be light to that world also , and gods salvation to the ends of the earth . britain hath woon the gospel-glory from all other countries , not onely imbracing it with the formost , as old gildas testifieth , but it was the first of all the provinces that established christianity by a law saith sabellicus , our lucius was the first christian king that annales make mention of , and venerable bede out of eutropius declareth that constantine the first christian emperour , was created to that dignity in this island , & sozom. l. 9. c. 11. saith that so were marcus & gratian also ; but constantine brought further honour to the nation & religion : for the 〈◊〉 bede , and ponticus virunnius affirme expresly , that constantine was born in britaine ; after this , ingemuit orbis videns se totum romanum , all the world wondred after the beast , & groaned under the papall servitude , and our k. henry the eight was the first of all the princes who brake that yoke of antichrist : but neerer yet to our purpose ; the inhabitants of the first england , so verstegan calls that part of germany whence our ancestors came hither with the saxons and iutes , derive their christianity from iewry , ad nos doctrina de terra iudaeorum per sanctos apostolos , qui docebant gentes , pervenit , as that great linguist , learned , and laborious mr wheelocke hath observed , and translated out of the old saxon homilies , t is but just therefore lege talionis , that we repay what we borrowed , and endeavour their conversion who first acquainted us with the eternall gospell , and if it be probable that providence honoured this nation with the prime discovery of that new world , as is intimated hereafter , it is true without all controversie , that from this second england god hath so disposed the hearts of many in the third , new england , that they have done more in these last few yeares towards their conversion , then hath been effected by all other nations and people that have planted there since they were first known to the habitable world , as if that prophesie were now in its fulfilling ; behold , i will doe a new thing , now it shall spring forth , shall ye not know it ? i will even make a way in the wildernes and rivers in the desart , &c. when our ancestors lay also in darkenesse and the shadow of death , gregory wrote divers epistles to severall noblemen and bishops , yea and to some kings and queenes of france and england , these sir h. spelman that famous antiquary , your noble countreyman , and of alliance to divers of you , calls epistolas britannicas , which are also mentioned afterwards ; in these he gives god thankes for their forwardnesse to further the worke of grace , and desires earnestly the continuance of their bountifull and exemplary encouragement of such as were zealously employed in that soule-worke , and that is one of the two businesses entended in the following discourse , which begs your assistance in your spheres , and cordiall concurrence to promote a designe of so much glory to the lord of glory . this is no new notion , or motion , all the royall charters required the gospellizing of the natives ; and in the beginning of this parliament there was an ordinance of lords and commons appointing a committee of both , and their worke was , among other things , to advance the true protestant religion in america , and to spread the gospell among the natives there ; and since , very lately , there is an act for the promoting and propagating the gospell of iesus christ in new-england . i wish prosperity to all the plantations , but those of new-england deserve from hence more then ordinary favour ; because , as by an edict at winchester , about eighth hundred yeeres since , king ecbert commanded this country should be called angles-land , so these your countreymen of their owne accord , and alone , were , and are , ambitious to retain the name of their owne nation ; besides , this england had once an heptarchate , and then your countrey was the chiefe of that kingdome called anglia orientalis , and these are the neerest of all the seven to you in name , nov-angles , east-angles ; i pray that you would be nearest and most helpefull to them in this most christian and gospel-like designe , which i leave with you , and two or three petitions at the throne of grace for you ; one is that of moses , yee shall not doe after all the things that wee do heare this day , every man whatsoever is right in his owne eyes , but that ye walk by rule and not by example ; this is an age much enclining to enthousiasmes and revelations ; men pretend to externall and inward impulses , but wee must remember , though wee had a voice from heaven , yet having the scriptures wee have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a more sure propheticall word , whereunto yee doe well that yee take heed , as unto a light , that shineth in a darke place , untill the day dawne , and the day starre arise in your hearts ; here is a comparison , even with an heavenly voice , which must vaile and submit to the written word , because poore mankind may easily be deluded by him , who among his many other wiles and depths can transform himself into an angel of light . againe , my prayer for you is , that in the wofull concussions and commotions of these daies , your selves may stand firme and unmoveable : you have seene the waters troubled , and the mountaines shaken with the swelling thereof , oh , that you may say , in and with holy davids sense , though an host should encampe against me , my heart shall not feare , though warre should rise up against me , in this will i be confident ; this ? and what is it , but ver . 1. the lord is my light and my salvation , whom shall i feare , the lord is the strength of my life , of whom shall i be afraid ; even heathens have said much and done much towards that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magnanimity and patience , but christians have an higher prospect , they looke above the terrors of men , and they doe not feare their feare ; for as stephen through a showre of stones , they can see the heavens open and the sonne of man sitting at the right hand of god ; nihil erus sentit in nervo , si animus sit in caelo , they are not so much affected with what they feele , as with that they believe , because we walk by faith and not by fight . and oh , that these strange mutations may perswade us all , all the daies of our appointed time to waite , untill our change come , even that change which never , never can again be changed ; these are the last times and yet a little while , yea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet a little , little while , and hee that shall come will come , and will not tarry , his fan is in his hand , and he will throughly purge his floore , and gather the wheate ▪ into the garner , but will burne up the chaffe with ▪ unquenchable fire . the ungodly shall not stand in the judgement , for all faces shall then be unmasked , and every vizard shall be plucked off , the lord will then bring to light the hidden things of darknesse , and will make manifest the counsels of the heart , and then every one that hath done well , shall have praise of god. the lord god of our mercies fit you for his appointment , stablish you in every good word and worke , and keepe you from evill , that you may give up your account with joy , and not with griefe ; and now i commend you all , and all that love that appearing of our lord , unto the word of his grace , which is able to build you up , and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified ; such is the serious and unfaigned devotion for you , of him who willingly subscribes himselfe , your most humble servant in our dearest lord , tho : thorowgood . the preface to the reader . bona domus in ipso veistbulo debet agnosci saith austin , the portall commonly promiseth somewhat of the house it self , and prefaces be as doors that let in the reader to the booke , and bespeake much of the intention of the writer ; you are in some measure prepared already by the foregoing epistle , with the forefront , and first page : marsilius ficinus said of his booke de triplici vita ▪ esca tituli tam suavis quam plurimos alliciet ad gustandum , the title will invite some to further enquiry ; it is in mans nature to be well pleased with novelties , thence later times have had good leave to correct former mistakes . it was written with confidence long since , that the shee beares did licke their informe litter into fashion , that the young viper thrusts its dam out of the world to bring it selfe into it , and that the swan sings its owne dirige at his dying , all which be sufficiently confuted by after experiences , famous varieties of this sort be daily produced to view , those are curious enquiries into common errors by doctor browne . it was said of one contort in body , but of a fine spirit , animus galbae malè habitat , it was a bad house for so good an inhabitant ; many thought so and worse of richard the third , king of england , till those late endeavours to rectifie him and his readers . that geographia sacra is an exact and accurate worke , in respect of the subject and materials , the scattering of nations at the building of babel , and it may puzzle some mens thoughts , that hee should know so well the places of their dispersion so long since , and yet wee continue ignorant what is become of gods owne first people , which shall be recovered to him againe , and have not been missing so many yeeres . the trojans , though now no nation , live yet in the ambitious desire of other people , clayming from them their descent : the iewes , once the lords owne peculiar people , are now the scomme and scorne of the world ▪ florus calls their glory the temple , impiae gentis arcanum ; democritus another historian said they worshipped an asses head , every third yeere sacrificed a man , &c. others speake spightfull things of them , and their pe●…tigree ; only the lacedemonian king , in that letter whereof you have a copy , 1 macab . 12. 20. &c. tells onias the high priest. it is found in writing that the spartaens and iewes are brethren , and come out of the generation of abraham . the originall indeed of the iewes is assuredly knowne to themselves and all christians ; wee have no such evidence for any other people that have now a being ; there is nothing more in the darke to the inhabitants of the severall parts of this earth , then their owne beginnings , and t is thus in countries of along time knowne to each other , and yet in such disquisition they cannot affoord one another almost any light or help ; no wonder therefore that the originall of the americans is in such uncertaine obscurity , for their very name hath not been heard of much more than one hundred and fifty yeares , t is a wonder rather that so great a part of the world should be till then terra incognita , not withstanding the ambition , curiosity , and avarice of mankind carried him into a greedy inquisition after all places and corners where men and beasts abode , or any commodity was to be found : hieronimus benzo in his nova novi orbis historia , so often hereafter mentioned , professeth , that above all things concerning the americans , his great designe was to finde out what thoughts they had of christians ; touching the countrey it selfe in the topography and other particulars , besides divers mentioned in the following discourse ; some have of late done excellently that way : that t is no part of my businesse , which , next to the desire of their conversion to christ , was , and is , to aske whence they came ; and that they be iudaicall , i have laid together severall conjectures as they occurred in reading and observing , to stirre up and awaken more able inquisitors , to looke after the beginning , nature , civilizing , and gospellizing those people , and to cast in my poore mite towards the encouragement of our countreymen in such their pious undertaking ; and though some men have spoken meane things of them in reference to their labours that way , as if they had been negligent therein , such men consider not i feare , how long their countreymen have been wrastling with divers difficulties , and busily employing their minds and time in providing outward accommodations for themselves in a strange land , they remember not the naturall perversenesse of all mankind to spirituall things , nor with what counterworkes satan doth oppose the underminers of his principalities , nor how he hath broken the language of the natives into severall tongues and dialects to impede their conversion , nor how the novangles have themselves been broken into divers ruptures , lest they should be at leasure to further the enlargement of christs kingdome upon the spoiles and dimination of his ; this was in the purpose of their hearts at first , and now to their comfort they do abundantly see that the natives are a docible people , who for their contempt of gold & silver , and for some other reasons , have been deemed bruitish , and almost irrationall ; but to what is after written it may be mentioned in this place , that in mexico they were observed to be wise and politique in government , to the admiration of christians , yea they were not ignorant in those parts of letters and writing , though in a different fashion from others : acosta did observe , the iewes write from the right hand to the left , others from the left to the right , the chinois or east-indians write from the top to the bottom , & the mexicans from the bottome to the top , the reformed dominican in his new survey of the west-indies , tells of a town as he travelled , called amat titlan , a towne of letters , and of very curious artifices of their citizens , of goldsmiths worke and otherwise , their ingenuity , cunning and courage is marvelously manifest in their leading a whale as big as a mountaine , with a cord , and vanquishing him in this manner ; by the helpe of their canoes or little boats , they come neare to the broad side of that huge creature , ●…and with great dexterity leape upon his necke , there they ride as on horsebacke , and thrust a sharpe stake into his nosthrill , so they call the hole or vent by which they breathe , he beats it in with another stake as forcibly as hee can , the furious whale in the meane time raiseth mountaines of waters , and runnes into the deep with great violence and paine , the indian still sits firme , driving in another stake in o that other passage , so stopping his breath , then hee goes againe to his canoe , which with a cord hee had tied to the whales side , and so he passeth to land ; the whale running away with the cord , leaps from place to place in much paine till hee gets to shoare , and being on ground , hee cannot move his huge body , then a great number of indians come to the conquerer , they kill the whale , cut his flesh in pieces , they dry it ▪ and make use of it for food , which lasts them long , thus plainely verifying that expression , psal. 74. 14. thou breakest the heads of leviathan in pieces , and gavest him to be meat to the people inhabiting the wildernesse : when , or where , or by whom is this thus done , but by these ? who will not now desire , and willingly lend his helpe to cover their naked bodies , and cloath their more naked soules with the gospel , who , and who alone have so litterally fulfilled that scripture of our god ? but let me commend three other things to thy consideration , that thy affections may bee warmed towards thy countreymen , and they receive encouragement in the planting of themselves , and the gospel among the natives . first , they may be preparing an hiding place for thy selfe , whoover , whatever now thou art , thou mayst be overtaken by a tempest , and stand in need of a shelter , and where canst thou be better for sweetnesse of aire and water , with the fertility of the soile , giving two wheate harvests in one yeare in severall places , yea in some , three , saith p. martyr , and books generally speake of that land as of a second canaan : and for new-england you may believe the relation of a very friend there to his like here , who mutually agreed upon a private character , that the truth might be discovered without deceit or glozing , and thus he wrote to him whom he entirely loved . the aire of this countrey is very sweet and healthfull , the daies two houres shorter in summer , and two houres longer in winter then they be with you , the summer is a little hotter , and the winter , a little colder , our grounds are very good and fruitfull for all kind of corne , both english and indian , our cattell thrive much better here then in old england , fowle encrease with us exceedingly , wee have many sweet and excellent springs ▪ and fresh rivers , with abundance of good fish in them ; of a very truth , i ▪ believe verily , it will be within a few yeares the plentifullest place in the whole world , &c. i might proclaime , saith lerius , the inhabitants of that land happy , meaning the natives , if they had knowledge of the creator ; so that as parents intending to marry their daughters well , extend themselves in what they may to encrease their portion , and make way for their preferment , our heavenly father hath dealt thus with these americans , enriching them with gold , silver , good aire , good water , and all other accommodations for use and delight , that they might be the more earnestly wooed and sought after . and yet further , as he commended his house offered to sale , that it had good neighbours , if thou beest driven thither , goe chearefully , for thou goest to thine owne countreymen , from one england to another , new england indeed , witnesse that experimented asseveration of him worthy of credit , who having lived in a colony there of many thousand english almost twelve yeares , and was held a very sociable man , speaketh considerately , i never heard but one oath sworne , never saw one man drunke , nor ever heard of three women adulteresses , if these sinnes be among us privily , the lord heale us , i would not be understood to boast of our innocency , there is no cause i should , our hearts may be bad enough , and our lives much better . and yet they have more abundantly testified their pious integrity in serious endeavours to propogate gospel-holinesse , even to those that be without , their godly labours christianizing the natives must be remembred to their praise , they have had long and longing preparative thoughts and purposes that way , and as saint paul once to his corinthians , 2. 6. 11. they have seemed to say o americans , our mouth is opened unto you , our heart is enlarged , you are not straightned in us , be not straightned in your owne bowels , and now for a recompence of all our endeavours to preach christ unto you , we aske no more , but be ye also enlarged with gladnesse to receive the lord iesus christ : their active industry in this kind with the successe is now famously visible in severall discourses , which whosoever shall read will be sufficiently contented in his spirituall and outward well-wishings to his friends , both of this nation and the natives , for the gospel runs there and is glorified : and here i crave leave to speake a word or two to the military reader , the late english american traveller , dedicating his observations upon his journeys of three thousand three hundred miles within the maine land of america , to the lord fairefax , speakes knowingly to his excellency , that with the same paines and charge that the english have been at in planting one of the petty islands , they might have conquered so many great cities , and large territories on the continent as might very well merit the title of a kingdom ; he shewes further , that the natives have not onely just right to the land , and may transferre it to whom they please , but that it may easily be wonne from the spaniards , and that for these three reasons among the rest . 1. the spaniards themselves are but few and thinne . 2. the indians and blackamoores will turne against them , and so will 3. the criolians , that is , the spaniards borne in america , whom they will not suffer to boare office in church or state ; looke westward then yee men of warre , thence you may behold a rising sunne of glory , with riches and much honour , and not onely for your selves , but for christ , whom you say you desire above all , and are delighted to honour : in youder countries , that the following leaves speake of , non cedunt arma togae , the pen yeelds to the pike , the first place of honour is given to the profession of armes , and therefore in mexico the noblemen were the chiefe souldiers ; thus you may enlarge not onely your owne renowne , but the borders of the nation , yea the kingdome of the king of saints . we have all made covenants and professions of reformation at home , with promises to propagate the gospell of our deare lord among those that remaine in great and miserable blindnesse , how happy were it for them and us , if this england were in such a posture of holinesse and tranquility , that all opportunities might be imbraced to advance its territories abroad ; in the interim i could wish with the most passionate , and compassionate of all the holy prophets , oh that my head were waters , and mine eyes a fountaine of teares , that i might weep day and night for the sinnes , and for the slaine of the daughter of my people , oh that i had in the wildernesse , &c. ier. 9. 1. 2. our countrey is justly called our mother , whose heavy gr●…anes under multiplied miseries be heard from all places , whose bowels doe not sympathizs with her , and yerne over her , who is not unwilling or ashamed to gather riches or honour from her rents and ruine ; the heathen orator spake affectionately , our parents are dear to us , and so be our children , alliances and familiars , but the love of our countrey , comprehends in it and with it all other dearnesses whatsoever ; and in another place , omnes qui patriam conserverunt , adjuverunt , auxerunt , certum est esse in caelo , t is certaine they are all in heaven that have been lovers and conservators of their countrey ; and when heathenish babylon was the place of israels exile , they are commanded by god himselfe , to seeke the peace of the city whether they were carried , and pray unto the lord for it , ier. 29. 7. it is recorded to the honour of mordecai , that he sought the wealth of his people , esth. 10. 3. the contrary to this entailes ignominy to men and their posterity , by the book of gods own heraldry , esa. 14. 20. thou shalt not be joyned with them in buriall , because thou hast destroyed thy land , and slaine thy people , the seed of evill doers shall never be renowned ; for that iudge judged righteously : in a civill warre there is no true victory , in asmuch as he that prevaileth is also a loser . but i returne , and reinvite to peruse these probabilities , and if they like not , because they are no more but guesses and conjectures , yet the requests i hope shall be listened unto , for they aime at gods glory and mans salvation , and nothing else ; and surely the poore natives will not be a little encouraged to looke after the glorious gospel of christ , when they shall understand that not onely the english among them , but wee all here are daily sutors for them at the throne of grace , so that we may say as paul to the romans , 1. 9. god is our witnesse , whom wee serve with our spirit in the gospel of his sonne , that without ceasing wee make mention of them alwaies in our prayers ; mr. elliot whose praise is now through all our churches , 2 cor. 8. 18. deserves publique encouragement from hence , besides those sprinklings of an apostal●…eall spirit received from heaven , by which in an high and holy ambition he preacheth the gospell where christ had not been named . rom. 15. 20. such another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , like-minded soule-lover is not readily to be found , that naturally careth for their matters , phil. 2. ●…0 . regarding the indians as if they were his owne charge and children , and as god hath furnished him with ministeriall and spirituall abilities for the worke . i wish that he and his com-presbyters and companions in that labour , might be supplyed with all externall accommodations , to further the civilizing , and gospellizing of the americans . and now me thinks i heare thee say also , oh that the day-breaking of the gospel there , might be the way of saints , even the path of the just , as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day , pro. 4. 18. and oh that all our nation here and there , would forbeare all other strivings , being ashamed and afraid lest their woefull quarrels be told in gath , and published in the streets of askalon , to the prejudice of the gospels progresse here and there and every where ; erasmus felt what he said of the differences in his time , tragaediae lutheranae mihi ipsi etiam calculo molestiores , and who laments not the wofull tearings of our nation ? who bewailes not to see the breakings of the sheepfold ? who mournes not to heare the strange bleeting of the flocks ? and what soule is not grieved for the great divisions of england ? and let me wish once more , oh that all who love the lord jesus in sincerity , would study to speake the same things , and that all would be perfectly joyned together in the same minde , and in the same judgement , 1 cor. 1. 10. converting all their tongue-combats , and pen-contentions into an earnest contending , that the faith once delivered to the saints ( iud. 3. ) might be preserved whole ▪ holy , and entire ▪ among themselves , and be with like holinesse and integrity communicated to the indians , that doe now so much hunger and thirst after that righteousnesse of our most deare lord and master christ ; let us all with our tongues , purses , pens , counsels , and prayers , promote this worke of god with one shoulder and consent : there be among us here that have had this in their daily devotions more then twenty yeares , which is mentioned to no other end but from desire to call in thy helpe also ; i will take leave by comm●…nding to thy practice the imitation of learned and holy theod. beza in his daily prayer for the iewes , lord iesus thou dost justly avenge the contempt of thy selfe , and that ingratefull people is worthy of thy most severe indignation ; but , lord , remember thy covenant , and for thy names sake ●…e favourable to those miserable wretches , and to us the most unworthy of all men , unto whom thou hast vouchsafed thy mercy , bestow this goodnesse also , that we may grow in thy grace , that we be not instruments of thy wrath against them , but rather , both by the knowledg of thy word , and by the examples of holy life , we may , by the assistance and vertue of thy holy spirit , reduce them into the right way , that thou maist once be glorified of all nations and people for ever , amen . iewes in america , or probabilities that the americans be iewes : from part. 1. generall introduction . chap. 1. six severall conjectures . 1. conjecture . their own acknowledgement . ch. 2. 2. rites and customes in both alike , common ceremonies such , chap. 3. and solemn . ch. 4. 3. their words and manner of speech , as the iewes . chap. 5. 4. their man-devouring . ch. 6. 5. they have not yet been gospellized . ch. 7. 6. their calamities , as 28. deut. ch. 8. part 2. some contrary reasonings removed . 1. in the generall . ch. 1. 2. particularly , how , 1. the jewes should get into america . chap. 1. 2. so few empeople that great part of the world . ch. 3. 3. become so prodigiously barbarous . chap. 4. part. 3. earnest desires for hearty endeavours to make them christian. 1. to the planters . 1. cause of their removall . chap. 1. 2. hope of the natives conversion . chap. 2. 3. directions to it . chap. 3. 4. cautions about it . chap. 4. 2. to the english there . 1. in behalfe of the planters , aspersions wiped off . chap. 5. & 6. 2. towards the natives conversion . 1. motives . chap. 7. 2. help●… . chap. 8. 3. encouragements from our countrymens plous endeavours there . ch. 9. 4. and the success●… thereof upon the indians . ch. 10. an epistolicall discourse of mr. iohn dury , to mr. thorowgood . concerning his conjecture that the americans are descended from the israelites . with the history of a portugall iew , antonie monterinos , attested by manasseh ben israel , to the same effect . sir , i am bound to thank you for the communication of your booke , which i have read with a great deale of delight and satisfaction ; for the rarity of the subject , and the variety of your observations thereupon , which you have deduced with as much probability to make out your theme , as history can afford matter : i did shew it to another friend of great judgement and ingenuity , who was so taken with it , that he said he would have it to be coppied out at his cost , if you would not publish it to the world , which hee and i have resolved to imp●…rtune you to doe : for although at first blush , the thing which you offer to be believed , will seeme to most men incredible , and extravigant ; yet when all things are laid rationally and without prejudice together , there will be nothing of improbability found therein , which will not be swallowed up with the appearance of contrary likelyhoods , of things possible and la●…ely attested by some to be truths : whereof to confirme your probable conjectures , i shall give you that information which is come to my hands at severall times in these late yeares , which you , ( if you shall thinke fit ) may publish to the world , as i have received them ▪ which to the probability of your conjectures adde so much light , that if the things which i shall relate be not meere fictions ( which i assure you are none of mine , for you shall have them without any addition , as i have received them ) none can make any further scruple of the truth of your assertion ; but before i come to particulars , i shall tell you of some thoughts which are come upon this occasion into my minde , concerning gods way of dealing with mens spirits for the manifestation of his truth and wisdome to those that seeke after it ; and concerning the wonderfull contrivances by which he brings his counsell to passe beyond all mens thoughts : i have observed ▪ and every one that will take notice must needs perceive , that the spirits of men in reference to spiritual matters , whether divine or humane ( by humane , i meane all matters of science and industry depending upon judgement and sagacity ) are distinguishable into two kinds , the one are stedfast to some principles , and the other are unstable ; this distinction in divine matters is clear , from 2 pet. 3. 17. iude , ver . 3 , 4 , 6 , 12 , 13 , 17 , 18 , 20 , 21. and in humane matters wee need none other proofe but daily experience . againe , these that are stedfast to their principles , will be found of two sorts ; some are led in an ordinary common way and rest therein , admitting of nothing further then what they have attained unto ; some ( though they doe not undervalue the ordinary waies which in their owne kinds are usefull and necessary , yet they ) aspire to something more then ordinary and rest not where they are , they believe that both in humane and divine matters , there is , as long as we are in this life , a plus ultra , and that we never ought to rest in seeking after the advancement of learning and the increase of knowledge , till wee shall come to see the father of lights face ro face ; the different inclinations of these three sorts of men in the world , leading them to different courses and straines in their proceedings , and these begetting divers encounters amongst them wherein they disagree , and know not how to right matters towards one another for mutuall content and edification , are the causes of all our strife and confusion in all affaires , as well of religious as of civill concernment ; nor is it possible to be free from the disorders and distempers , which make the life of mankinde uncomfortable in this kind , and full of vexation , till god hath removed those that fall away from their owne stedfastnesse out of the earth , which will not come to passe till hee hath filled the earth with the knowledge of the lord as the waters cover the sea ; till hee hath brought us all that are stedfast unto true principles , and that walke by rules , unto the unity of the faith and knowledge of the sonne of god , unto a perfect man unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of christ : which things because they are clearely promised , wee may expect shall come to passe , but till then we shall be carried differently about with severall winds of doctrine , and ensnared in our owne ignorance by the cunning craftinesse of men who lie in waite to deceive ; for the unstable are either wickedly set to worke changes upon those that are setled for ends of their owne , or weakely carried up and downe through the uncertaine apprehensions of things differently represented unto them , sometimes one way and sometimes another ; so that between the motions of mens spirits subtilly unstable tending to unsettle others , and weakely stable susceptible of any unsettlement from others , all our changes and disorderly carriages , both in divine and humane affaires doe arise ; when either those that have no principles of truth to walke by , study lies to puzzle those that pretend to walke by rules , or those that have true principles vary from one another in their degrees of understanding , and in their manner of applying the same to advance knowledge , and to make discoveries of gods manifestation of himselfe ; for as these motions meet with one another in opposite courses , and men led thereby , stand by one another in disproportionat frames , or justle one another out of their places for contrary ends ; so all our confusions and revolutions of churches , and states , and therein of scientificall straines , and of practicall undertakings , arise differently in the world : here then is a threefold diversity in acting , the changeable and moveable disposition of the one sort , is made to try the stability of the other two , and those that are setled in an ordinary way , are tryers to those that are led forth to something that is extraordinary ; and those that upon allowed principles do rationally bring forth something more then ordinary , try the ingenuity of the other two , how farre they love truth for it selfe ; so that each of these puts his neighbour to the triall of his property , and constraines him to manifest the nature of his way , how farre it is , or is not from god : and although every thing which is beyond the ordinary straine , is liable to be censured and contradicted by men of ordinary apprehensions . who condemne for the most part as extravagant and ridiculous whatsoever is not levell with their capacities ; yet i am inclined to believe , that there is alwaies something of god in all men , that are led forth by extraordinary motions , namely when their spirits doe not reject the common true principles , and yet are raised above them , to apprehend conclusions and inferences which are not common ; and when their affections are regularly constant to their workes , and their undertakings pursued with sobriety in the feare of god , then i conceive that god hath put upon them a speciall stampe and character of his vertue , by which he doth fit them for some designe and service whereunto he hath raised them . i have observed this in very many men of publike spirits , most commonly they have bin laught at by others for going out of the common road-way of acting ; whether to make good some opinions , which others never dreamt of , or to doe some businesse which others have thought impossibilities to be effected ; ( i say ) i have observed , that when they have been led forth with modesty , without selfe conceitednesse and vanity , and when they have prosecuted their enterprises with remarkable perseverance , that god hath made them one way or other remarkably instrumentall and usefull towards their generation for the advancement of his worke , which is the reformation of this world , and the restauration of all things by the kingdom of iesus christ , whereunto all extraordinary gifts , and the unusuall leadings forth of mens spirits are preparatives . i could instance in severall men which i have known , and doe know abroad and at home , of severall professions , whose studies and endeavours have been lookt upon as whimsies and extravagancies by the road-way-men of that profession ; and yet i am perswaded that they are led and acted by that spirit which leadeth the children of god in all truth ; and because other men otherwise rationall and observant , ( who though not altogether destitute of the spirit , yet are not raised above the ordinary pitch ) do not know the drift of the spirit of these ; therefore these are lookt upon by them as men of odde conceits : i have seen some of the great rabbies of our times , heretofore much scandalized at the proposals and undertakings of mr comenius ; but it hath pleased god to assist him so with grace , and support him with constancy in his way , notwithstanding many trialls and temptations ; that he hath been able during his owne life , to see the usefulnesse of some of his endeavours , whereof a more full account will be given to the world very shortly . i could speake of others , whose attempts , though not so apparantly successefull during their life , yet no lesse usefull in their kind , and which in due time , will prove the grounds of great advantages and discoveries unto posterity , although in the generation where their lot is fallen to live , they have not been believed nor received . gods way to dispence grace is not according to outward appearances , and for this cause , the multitude doth not entertaine the instruments thereof with due esteem , nor the meanes by which it is offered to the world with respect , because they come in a homely dresse , and without the affectation of any shew ; neverthelesse wisdom at all times is justified by her children , and there take notice of her paths , and trace the counsell of god therein , for they can see that gods waies and counsels reach from end to end , and that he comprehends in his aime both that which is past , and that which is present , and that which is to come in future ages ; so that in the conclusion of all , he will make it appeare , that the unusuall motions of his servants , which the world have disesteemed and counted foolishnesse , have been the extraordinary worke of his spirit in them , whereby he doth convince the world of sinne , of righteousnesse , of judgement : of sinne , because the testimony which they bore to the truth was not received ; of righteousnesse , because they who served their generation faithfully with the righteous use of their talent in the midst of scorners , are justly taken away from an unthankfull generation and the evill day , to rest from their labours , that their workes may follow them ; and of judgement , because the selfe conceited pride and partiality of the wise and prudent of this world , shall be judged and condemned by the worke of his spirit , when he shall bring all the effects thereof together to make out his compleate designe against the world , and by the conjunction of the seemingly scattered parts which his servants have acted upon their stages , produce the new frame of a perfect scene , the catastrophe whereof shall make up a building fit for the kingdom of his son. i am fallen upon these thoughts , and acquaint you thus with them , partly to support mine owne spirit against the contradictions which i meet withall in the way wherein god hath set me , for the constant prosecution of peace and truth without partiality amongst my brethren ; partly to apologize for the drift of your spirit , whereby i perceive you have been led these many yeares in some of your studies ; for it is very evident to me , that you have sought after a matter , which to most men will seem incredible , rediculous and extravagant ; and to tell you the truth , before i had read your discourse and seriously weighed matters , when i thought upon your theme , that the americans should be of the seed of israell , it seemed to me some what strange and unlikely to have any truth in it ; but afterward when i had weighed your deduction of the matter , and lookt seriously upon gods hand in bringing into those parts of the world where the americans are , so many religious professors , zealous for the advancement of his glory , and who are possessed with a beliefe from the scriptures , that all the tribes of israell shall be called to the knowledge of jesus christ , before the the end of the world : and when i had recollected and laid together some other scattered and confused thoughts which at several times i have received , partly from the places of scripture , which foretell the calling of the jewes , and their restitution to their owne land , together with the bringing back of the ten tribes from all the ends and corners of the earth , partly from some relations which i had heard a few yeeres agoe concerning the ten tribes , which the jewes here in europe had given out ; and partly from the observations of gods way , which he seemes to make by all these changes ▪ and the dissolution of the states and empires of the world , towards some great worke , and extraordinary revolution which may shortly come to passe : all which things when i had called to mind and represented unto my selfe , i was so far from derogating any thing from that which you have conjectured concerning the american indians ; that i beganne to stand amazed at the appearances of the probabilities which so many waies offered themselves unto me , to make out and confirme the effect of that which you have said : and then i begun also upon another account , to wonder at the strangenesse of gods conduct over your spirit , that he should have set you a worke twelve or more yeeres agoe , after the search of such a matter , by historicall observations , whereof then so few , and almost no footsteps at all were extant to be traced , and whereof now , of a suddaine , the world is like to be filled with such evidences , that it wil be an astonishment to all that shall heare of it , and lay it to heart ; and that all who have any ingenuity will be constrained to confesse , that indeed there is a god who ruleth in the earth , and that he hath ordered the affaires of the nations by an universal providence , to bring to passe his own counsels , and that the things which hee hath revealed by his word , should in the latter times be accomplished ; for to my apprehension , this will be the great benefit of these discoveries ; namely , that the mouths of atheists will be stopped , and convicted of irrationality and foolishnesse : for when it shall appear to all men undeniably , that the transmigration of nations , and the affaires of this world , have not been carried hitherto by meere chance , or by the craftinesse of humane counsels , or by force ; but by the wisdome of a supreame conduct , who hath ordered all things from the beginning towards an end which hath been foreknown , and to a designe foretold . ( i say ) when this shall appeare , and that in the midst of all these changes and confusions , there is a conduct over-ruling the force of man , and disappointing the councels of the crafty ; then the eyes of all men will be upon the lord , and god alone will bee exalted in righteousnesse , and the holy one of israell in judgement : for seeing it is evident that the ten tribes of israell have been as it were lost in the world neare about the space of two thuusand yeeres , if now they should againe appeare upon the stage , first as it were in another world by themselves , and then afterward speedily come from thence hither to the land of their ancient inheritance , where they shall be joyned to their brethren the jews ( which is clearly foretold by the prophets shall come to passe ) if ( i say ) those things should now begin to come to passe , what can all the world say otherwise , but that the lords counsell doth stand , and that he hath fulfilled the words spoken by his servants the prophets concerning israel ; that although all the sinfull kingdoms of the nations shall be destroyed from off the face of the earth , yet that the house of iacob shall not be utterly destroyed , but shall be corrected in measure , for loe i will command ( saith god by the prophet ) and i will sift the house of israell among all nations , like as corne is sifted in the sieve , yet shall not the least graine fall upon the earth . these prophecies must needs be fulfilled , if there be a god in heaven who hath foretold them , and when he shall make this his word good unto israell , he will thereby make it undeniably apparent , that it was he himselfe and none other who did foretell it : and that it is also none but hee who brings the worke about beyond all humane appearances , according as he did foretell it : and by all this he will shew to all the world , that which he oft-times repeates by the prophet isaiah , that he alone is the saviour , and that there is none besides him , isa. 45. 5 , 6 , 15. till the end . the destruction then of the spirituall babylon by the restauration of israel , shall make out this to all the earth , that god alone is the lord over all , and the saviour of the people that put their trust in his name . now the appearances which offer themselves unto me , that these prophecies are towards their accomplishment , are many , which now i shall not insist upon , ( perhaps god will direct me to declare them in due season more fully then now i can intend ) but i shall onely mention that which i find to be a confirmation of your conjecture , leaving it to your owne discretion , what use you will make of it . first then i shall impart unto you some stories which i heard five or six yeeres agoe , when i was in the low countries , concerning the ten tribes ; and then i shall adde some information concerning the state of the iewes in our europaean and asiaatique worlds , which i have learned at other times by some providences which god hath offered unto mee ; and upon the whole matter i shall leave you to your further conjectures , by that which i shall guesse at . the first story which i heard was at the hague , a person of chief quality about the queen of bohemia , and one of her counsell , and a discerning godly man , and my speciall friend told me , that the jew ( a jeweller residing ordinarily at the hague ) whom i knew , had been there at court , and with great joy had told , that they of his nation had received from constantinople letters , bringing to them glad tidings of two speciall matters fallen out there ; the one was , that the grand seignior had remitted the great taxes which formerly had been laid upon the jewes of those parts , so that now they were in a manner free from all burthens , paying but a small and inconsiderable matter to that empire ; the other was , that a messenger was come unto the jewes who reside neere about the holy land , from the ten tribes , to make enquiry concerning the state of the land ; and what was become of the two tribes and the half which was left in it ; when they were transported from thence by salmanasser . this messenger was described to be a grave man , having some attendance in good equipage about him . he told them that the people from which hee was sent were the tribes of israel , which in the daies of hosea the king , were carried captives out of their owne land by the king of assyria , who transported them from samaria into assyria and the cities of the medes ; but they being grieved for the tronsgressions which caused god to be angry with them , they tooke a resolution to separate themselves from all idolaters , and so went from the heathen where they were placed by salmanassar , with a resolution to live by themselves , and observe the commandements of god , which in the●… owne land they had not observed : in prosecuting this resolution , after a long journey of a yeere and six moneths , they came to a countrey wholly destitute of inhabitants , where now they have increased into a great nation , and are to come from thence into their owne land by the direction of god ; and to shew them that hee was a true israelite , hee had brought with him a scroule of the law of moses , written according to their custome . the gentleman who told me this story , as from the mouth of the jew , said that it brought to his mind fully ( by reason of the agreement of circumstances almost in all things ) the story which is recorded in the second booke of esdras , which is called apocrypha , chap. 13. ver . 40. till 50. which will be found a truth if that messenger came and made this narrative . this was the first story ; and not long after viz. within the space of five or six moneths , a little before i came from the low countries , i was told of a jew who came from america to amsterdam , and brought to the jewes residing there , newes concerning the ten tribes ; that hee had been with them upon the border of their land , and had conversed with some of them for a short space , and seen and heard remarkable things whiles he stayed with them , whereof then i could not learn the true particulars ; but i heard that a narrative was made in writing of that which he had related , which before i went from holland last , i had no time to seeke after , but since the reading of your booke , and some discourse i have had with you about these matters , i have procured it from the low countries , and received a copie thereof in french , attested under manasseh ben israel his hand , that it doth exactly agree with the originall , as it was sent me , the translation thereof i have truly made without adding or taking away any thing ; and because i was not satisfied in some things , and desired to know how farre the whole matter was believed among the jewes at amsterdam , i wrote to manasseh ben israel , their chiefe rabbi , about it , and his answer i have gotten in two letters , telling me that by the occasion of the questions which i proposed unto him concerning this adjoyned narrative of mr. antonie monterinos , hee to give me satisfaction , had written insteed of a letter , a treatise , which hee shortly would publish , and whereof i should receive so many copies as i should desire : in his first letter dated novem. last , 25. he saies that in his treatise he handles of the first inhabitants of america , which he believes were of the ten tribes ; moreover , that they are scattered also in other countries , which he names , and that they keepe their true religion , as hoping to returne againe into the holy land in due time . in his second letter , dated the twenty three of december , he saies more distinctly thus : i declare how that our israelites were the first finders out of america ; not regarding the opinions of other men , which i thought good to refute in few words onely : and i thinke that the ten tribes live not onely there , but also in other lands scattered every where ; these never did come backe to the second temple , and they keep till this day still the jewish religion , seeing all the prophecies which speake of their bringing backe unto their native soile must be fulfilled : so then at their appointed time , all the tribes shall meet from all the parts of the world into two provinces , namely assyria and egypt , nor shall their kingdome be any more divided , but they shall have one prince the messiah the sonne of david . i do also set forth the inquisition of spaine , and rehearse divers of our nation , and also of christians , martyrs , who in our times have suffered severall sorts of torments , and then having shewed with what great honours our jewes have been graced also by severall princes who professe christianity . i prove at large , that the day of the promised messiah unto us doth draw neer , upon which occasion i explaine many prophecies , &c. by all which you see his full agreement with your conjecture concerning the americans , that they are descended of the hebrewes : when his booke comes to my hand , you shall have it god willing . in the meane time i shall adde some of my conjectures concerning the jewes which live on this side of the world with us in europe and asia ; these are of two sorts or sects , the one is of pharisees , the other of caraits , the pharisees in europe and asia are in number farre beyond the caraits , they differ from one another wheresoever they are , as protestants doe from papists ; for the pharisees , as the papists , attribute more to the authoritie and traditions of their rabbies and fathers , then to the word of god ; but the caraits will receive nothing for a rule of faith and obedience but what is delivered from the word of god immediately : and their name imports their profession , that they are readers of the text , or textuaries , for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you know when it relates to bookes and writings , is to be rendred . these two sects are irreconcilably opposite to each other , and as the papists deale with protestants , so do the pharisees with the caraits , they persecute and suppres them and their profession by all the meanes they can possibly make use of : nay as mr ritangle ( of whom i have all the informations which i know concerning the caraits ) tels me , the hatred of the pharisees is so fierce against their opposites the caraits , that they have anathematized them so ; as never to be reconciled unto them ; insomuch , that it is counted unlawfull so much as to speake to any of them , or to any that belongeth unto them , but at the distance of foure cubits at least ; their bookes and all things belonging to them , are avoided as things abominable and to be abhorred ; nor will the pharisees , although the caraits should become penitent , and desire to be joyned to their congregations , and renounce their owne way , admit of them as a caraite reconciled unto them : but the caraite must first become a christian , a mahumetan , or an idolater , before he can be admitted to joyne with them , that it may never bee said that a pharisee was reconciled to a caraite , or that a caraite is become a pharisee . as their principles and affections are thus different , so are their opinions , and the course of their life extremely opposite ; the pharisees are full of superstitious imaginary foolish conceits , and thalmudicall questions and nicities in their sermons and bookes ; the caraits are rationall men that take up no doctrines but what the scriptures teach , by comparing one text with another : the pharisees have wild and extravagant fancies concerning the messiah and his reigne ; but the caraits have true grounds of spirituall and raised thoughts concerning the messiah and his kingdome , little different from that which the better sort of christians truly believe , and professe of these misteries . the pharisees in their sermons insist upon nothing but their traditions and ceremonies , and foolish curiosities ; but the caraits insist onely upon necessary and profitable duties , teaching the way of godlinesse and honesty , to bring men from the outward forme to the inward power and spirituall performance of divine worship . as concerning their course of life , the pharisees live every where by a way of trading & usury , which is destructive to those with whom they have commerce ; but the caraits abhor that way , as pestilent unto humane societies , and betake themselves to trades , and manufactures , to become husbandmen , and servants in the places where they live , and to serve as souldiers under the magistrate , who doth protect them . this being the state and difference of these two sects , ( as he who in asia and some part of europe hath been above twenty yeers conversant with them , and a doctor in their synagogues , hath informed me ) i shall acquaint you with my conjectures concerning the event of our present troubles in the world over all , and the revolution of the jewish state , which are these ; that it is not unlikely to me that the issue and effect of these changes which now are wrought , and afoot to bee wrought in the world , ( wherein the highest powers are shaken , and a generall distresse is brought upon all the nations of the earth ) will be a breaking of the yokes of tyranny and oppression , under which not onely the jewes every where groan , but with them most of the gentiles , or rather all of them that are under an arbitrary power of absolute potentates , and superstitious selfe-seeking teachers ; that the breaking of these yokes is already a great way advanced . first , in the easterne china empire by the invasion of the tartarians . secondly , in the northerne and easterne mahometane empire , by the changes brought upon , and likely to fall out in the ottoman house and line ; and by the liberty which of late hath been granted to the jewes , not onely from taxes , but of repairing to ierusalem , and having synagogues there , which heretofore was utterly prohibited . thirdly , in the westerne , which is called the roman or german empire , by these late troubles , and the assistance which the king of the north the swede , hath given to protestants to maintaine their liberty : all the power of these yokes must yet further be broken in the supreame and subordinate ministers thereof ▪ in respect of the whole bodies of these empires , and of the particular kingdomes and states which resort under the same ; for all nations by the light of naturall reason , but chiefely those , whom the gospel hath enlightned , and prepared in a measure , to apprehend the hope of the glorious liberty of the sonnes of god , will more and more every where resent their priviledge and right to a freedome , from which they have been restrained , by the mistery of iniquity in spirituall and corporall matters ; and when the grounds of righteous order , of impartiall love to mankinde , and of common preservation , shall breake forth at last , and be taken notice of in the midst of these confusions and great troubles which fall upon all sorts of men ; then the jewes will come and appeare in their owne ranke , and for their own interest , they will by others be respected ; for their interest will be upon the dissolution of the mahometan , to resist and oppose the spanish monarchy , that it may not propagate it selfe eastward , and southward , beyond the mediterranean sea ; and that the inquisition by which they have been so cruelly persecuted , may be every where abolished ; but above all things , kept out of the holy land and their beloved city ierusalem : if then there should be any transactions ( as it is said there is like to be ) between the ottoman house and the house of spaine about the holy land , the jewes who are now at some liberty there , and begin from all parts of the earth to lift up their eyes to looke thitherward , will quickely resent it , and finde their interest to be the enjoyment of their owne inheritance ; and to helpe them to it , they will finde assistance from all christians that are not slaves to superstition and tyranny , and that assistance and favour which by such christians will be given them , may in gods hand be a meanes to open the pharisee his eyes , to see somewhat in christianity , from which he hath been hitherto blinded , by reason of the prejudice which the idolatry of the papall sea , and the spanish inquisition hath begotten in him . as for the caraits , god hath so ordered it , that the greatest bodies of them are in the northerne parts of the world , by which the ten tribes , if ever they come to the holy land , are like to come ; there be some few in russia , some in constantinople , some in alcair , some in persia , and some in other places of asia and of africa ; but mr ritangle told me that their chiefe bodie is amongst the asiatique and european tartarians , who now appeare upon the stage as beginning to be conquerers . for besides that which they doe fully possesse in china , they have tasted somewhat of a victorious progresse of late in poland , and they are the next pretenders to the ottoman crowne , if the line faile , which is like to be : their rising and dissipation abroad from their owne centers to their circumferences towards neighbour nations , will weaken them at home ; and if then , when they are not strong within their owne bounds , and by their invasions have weakened their neighbours southward on ; god call the ten tribes to march toward the place of their inheritance : the caraits their brethren will be leaders of them on their way , and so their march may be , as manasseh ben israel saith , to make their rendezvous in assyria ; and on the other side , the jewes that are pharisees , may make their rendezvous from arabia and other neighbouring places , and out of all europe into egypt ; that so when the shunamite shall returne ( as it is said in the canticles , chap. 6. ver . 13. ) the world may looke upon her , and may see in her the company of two armies , which both shall look towards ierusalem . then will the great battaile of harmageddon be fought , whereunto all these troubles and changes are but preparatives : then shall the sword of the spirit , the word of god , prevaile mightily over the spirits of all men ; the two edges thereof on the right hand and on the left , will cut sharpe , and pierce to the dividing asunder of soule and spirit , and of the joynts and marrow , and to the discerning of the thoughts and intentions of the heart : and when this sword shall be thus powerfull in the hands of his saints , ( the true protestants with the one troope , and the true caraits with the other ) then shall be fulfilled the prophecie of the psalmist , that vengeance shall be executed upon the heathen , and punishments upon the people ; that their kings shall be bound with chaines , and their nobles with fetters of iron ; and that the honour due to all saints shall be given them , to be made executioners of the judgement written in the word of god against them . we know not how neare these things are at hand , let us therefore be watchfull , and put on the armour of light , to be ready , when the bridegroome comes , to goe with him in our wedding garment , having our lamps burning , and provision of oile , into the wedding chamber . and to this effect , the lord teach us to be diligent , to be found of him in peace , without spot and blamelesse , that in the midst of these fightings and confusions , we may not be found as many are , smiting their fellow servants , eating and drinking largely of the spoile of those that are spoiled , and being drunken with the passions of malice , entertained for the revenge of injuries , or of covetousnesse and ambition , prosecuted for self-interests : and with this prayer i shall commend you to the grace of god , and rest , st iames , this 27 ian. 1649. 50. your faithfull friend and fellow labourer in the gospel of christ. j. dury . ievves in america , or , probabilities that the americans are iewes . chap. i. it hath been much , and many times , in severall mens thoughts , what genius devoted our countreymen so willingly to forsake their friends , and nation , exposing themselves by voyages long and perillous to so many inconveniences , as are to be encountred with by strangers in a forraigne and unchristian land ; some were hastened by their dislike of church government ; other perhaps were in hope to enrich themselves by such adventures ; and 't is like , divers of them did foresee those epidemicall calamities , now for so many years oppressing this forlorne nation , following thereupon solomons counsell , a prudent man foreseeth the evill , and hideth himselfe , &c. prov. 22. 5. or else those pious soules by a divine instinct , might happily bee stirred up to despise all hazards , that the natives for their temporall accommodations might bee spiritually enriched by the english , and though this was little seen at first in the endeavours , at least the successe of many gone thither , yet who can tell but supreme providence might then dispose mens hearts that way , themselves not discerning that influence ; even as cyrus promoted the cause of the jewes , he knew not why , nor whence , esa. 45. 4 , 5. upon confidence that the gospell of christ shall be revealed in the midst of that yet most barbarous nation , the next desire was , if possible , to learne the originall of the americans , and by observations from printed books , and written letters , and by discourse with some that had travelled to , and abode in those parts severall years , the probability of that opinion as yet praeponderates , that the westerne indians be of jewish race . a r. verstegan proves the saxons to be germans , because their speech is alike , the names of persons and things sometimes agree , and the idols of them both are not different ; bo●…ine b mentioneth 3. arguments b , by which the beginnings of people are discoverable , the faire and true dealing of historians , the comparing of language , with the description of the countrey , such helps have assisted also in this enquiry : grotius c conceiveth these americans to have come out of europe , passing from norway into iseland , thence by friesland into greenland , and so into estotiland , which is part of that western continent , hee is induced to that opinion from the names and words of places and things in both sounding alike : but io. de l●…et d abundantly disproves this conjecture , which yet the governor of the dutch plantation e there told mr. williams was his judgement : some others take them f to be a remnant of those canaanites that fled out of that land when the feare of israel approaching thither fell upon them , iosh. 2. 9. others thinke g it most probable , that they are tartars , passing out of asia into america by the straights of anian . emanuel de moraes h willingly believes them to be derived from the carthaginians and jewes ; from which latter that they be descended , these following conjectures are propounded to consideration . chap. ii. the first conjecture that the americans are iewes . the indians doe themselves relate things of their ancestors , a suteable to what we read of the jewes in the bible , and elsewhere , which they also mentioned to the spaniards at their first accesse thither ; and here the speech of my●…silus b occurred as observable : if we would know , saith hee , the antiquity and originall of a nation , there is more credit to be given to the natives and their neighbors , than to strangers , and caesar c concluded the britons to be gaules , because that was the affirmation of them both . p. martyr d tells at large , how muteczuma the great king of mexico in an oration made to his nobles and people , perswading subjection to the king of spaine , minds his countrey-men , that they heard from their fore-fathers , how they were strangers in that land , and by a great prince very long agoe brought thither in a fleet , they boast their pedigree from men preserved in the sea by god himselfe , that god made one man , and one woman , bidding them live together and multiply , and how in a famine hee rained bread for them from heaven , who in a time of drought also gave them water out of a rock : many other things , themselves say were done for them , such as the scriptures relate concerning the israelites at their comming out of aegypt , as , their peregrination many ye●…res , the oracles they received , their arke of bulrush , wherein vitzi-liputzli was included , of the tabernacle the ark e carried by foure priests , and how they pitched their tents according to its direction , and who seeth not saith malvenda f much probability that the mexicans are iewes , how could they else report the manner of their comming into the promised land ; they affirme there is one chiefe god , who hath been from all eternity , by whom the lesser gods were made , who became assistants in the fabrick and government of the world , as some of the g rabbins also called the angells con-creators with god , to whom the lord did say , let us make man in our image , &c. gen. 1. 26. the indians judge the sunne , moone and starres to be living creatures , a thing a so avowed in the jewish talmud h , shewing it to be a thing easie enough for the heavens to declare the glory of god , psalme 19. 1. seeing they have understanding soules as well as men and angels ; they i say of themselves , that they be strangers , and came from another countrey . moraes k before named doth not onely averre that many learned men in brasile take the natives to be jewes , but that they themselves , taught by a most ancient tradition , acknowledge their fore-fathers to be of that linage ; and peter martyr l hath from them also such a kinde of assertion : and now whereas some conceive the ten tribes to be either shut up beyond the m caspian mountaines , whence they could not get out , though they begged leave of alexander the great , yet the way was made miraculously unpassable against them , as the same comester relateth : others suppose n them to be utterly lost , and if once so , 't is probable in the opinion of some that they are to be found in america ; o acosta acknowledgeth this to be the judgemen●… of divers , to which he is not onely adverse himselfe , but endeavours to answer their arguments , as will be shewd hereafter ; to these conjectures of the natives , let this chapter bee concluded with the judgements of two others , that have reason for what they say , the first is p emanuel de moraes , forespoken of , affirming those of brasile to be judaicall : first , because those brasilians marrie into their owne tribe and kindred . secondly , their manner is also to call their uncles and ants , fathers and mothers . thirdly , they are given much to mourning and teares in their funerall solemnities : and last of all , they both have garments much alike . the next is master q r. williams , one of the first , if not the first of our nation in new england that learned the language , and so prepared towards the conversion of the natives , which purpose of his being knowne , hee was desired to observe if hee found any thing judaicall among them , &c. he kindly answers to those letters from salem in new england , 20th of the 10th moneth , more than ten yeers since , in haec verba . three things make me yet suspect that the poore natives came from the southward , and are jewes or jewish quodammod●… , and not from the northern barbarous as some imagine . 1. themselves constantly affirme that their ancestors came from the southwest , and thither they all goe dying . 2. they constantly and strictly separate their women in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons . 3. and beside their god kuttand to the south-west , they hold that nanawitnawit ( a god over head ) made the heavens and the earth , and some tast of affinity with the hebrew i have found . chap. iii. second conjecture ▪ the rites , fashions , ceremonies , and opinions of the americans are in many things agreeable to the custome of the jewes , not onely prophane and common usages , but such as be called solemn and sacred . common and prophane customes in both alike . 1 the indians a weare garments fashioned as the jewes , a single coate , a square little cloake , they goe barefoot : if you should aske a man of brasile what vestment would please him best , he would answer presently , b a long cloake the habit of the jewes , and this may seem no light consideration to such as minde seneca's c confidence , that the spaniards planted themselves in italy , for they have the same kind of covering on their heads , and shooes for their feet . 2 ▪ they constantly d annoint their heads , as did the jewes also , luk. 7. 46. 3. they doe not onely pride themselves with eare-rings e but their noses are bored also , and have jewells hanging on them , which they call caricori , like that is read , esa. 3. 20 , 21. 4. in all india f they wash themselves often , twice or thrice in the day , and the women in brasile ten times saith lerius g and the jewes were frequent in this , mar. 7. 3 , 4. io. 2. 6. 5. they delight exceedingly in dancing , h men and women , yea and women apart by themselves ; and so they did in israell . exod. 13. 20. 1 sam. 21. 11 , 12. and thus especially after victories i and overthrows , of enemies , which is found also , iud. 11. 34. iud. 21. 21. 23. & 1 sam. 18. 6 ▪ 7. 6. as the jewes were wont to call them fathers and mothers , that were not their naturall parents , so k the indians give the same appellation to unkle and aunts ▪ 7. in america they eate no swines flesh l t is hatefull to them , as it was among the jewes , levit. 11. 7. esa. 66. 15. 8. they wash m strangers feet , and are very hospitall to them , and this was the known commendation of old israell . 9. the indians compute their times by nights n an use which laet o confesseth they had from the hebrews ; they reckon by lunary rules , giving the same name to their moneths they do to the moon , to●…a . 10. virginity is not a state praise-worthy among the americanes p and it was a bewaileable condition in iury , iud. 11. 37. 11. the natives q marry within their owne kindred and family , this was gods command to his people , num. 36. 7. 12. the indian women r are easily delivered of their children , without midwives , as those in exod. 1. 19. 13. they wash their infants newly born s and this you finde also , e●…k . 16. 9. 14. in faeminine seasons they put their women in a wigwam by themselves , t for which they plead nature and tradition ; another writes expresly such kind u of purification they have as had the jewes . 15. the widdow marrieth w the brother of the deceased husband , which was also moses law , mat. 22. 24. 16. dowries for wives are given x by the indians , as s●…l enjoyned david , 1 sam. 18. 25. 17. the husband hath power y over the adulterous wife , to turne her away with disgrace , they haue also other causes of divorce , as was in israel , mat. 8. 19. 18. they nurse their owne children , z even the queenes in per●… , and so did the mothers in israel . 19. the husbands come not at their wives till their children be weaned , a such an use is read hos. 1. 8. and at pe●… if they be forced to weane them before their time , they call such children ain●…o , i. ●… bastards . 20. among the indians b they punish by beating , and whipping , and the sachims if they please , put offendors to death with their owne hands , and secretly sometimes send out an executioner , as mark 6. 27. 2 cor. 11. 25. 21. if a brasilian wound another , c he must be punisht in the same part of his body , and with death , if the other die , for they also answer an eye for an eye , &c. as the law was . deut. 24. 19. 22. when the master of the family dieth , he is buried in the middle of the house , d with his jewells , and other things he delighted in ; the spaniards were often made rich by such sepulchars , and iosephus e tells of much treasure laid up even in davids grave . 23. the indians are given much to weeping , f their women especially , and at burialls ; this was in fashion among the jewes . ier. 19. 17. famous for this they were among the old heathen . 24. balsam●…m g was peculiar to the jewish countrey , and thought to be lost long agoe saith pliny ; h if it were , t is now found againe in america . 25. their princes and governours whom they generally call sachims , sachmos , sagamos , i are no other but heads of families , as it was of old in israel . num. 7. 2. 26. the indians have their posts k and messengers that were swift of foot , whom they dispatcht upon their affaires , and they ran with speed , and such were among the jewes . 2 sam. 18. 24 , 26 , 27. chap. iv. sacred and solemne rites and customes alike . acosta a affirmes the americans to have ceremonies and customes resembling the mosaicall . 1. circumcision b is frequent among the indians , which some not observing , have thereupon denyed them to be judaicall , and io. de laet c is forced to acknowledge such venereous people have somewhat like to circumcision occasioned by their lasciviousnesse ; but daily d experience declareth that they have indeed upon them this judaicall badge . her●…dotus e averreth the colchi for this to be of the aegyptian race , and that the phenicians and syrians of palaestina learned from them that rite ; and though some have judged the tartars to be jewes , because circumcised , others f yeeld not to this , because they were mahometans by religion , and from them received that custome ; but these people have cut off their foreskinne time out of minde , and it cannot be conceived whence they had this ceremony , but that it is nationall . and though the fore mentioned g writer endeavours much to prove , that there is no circumcision among them , and that some other people be so handled , whom none yet ever imagined to be judaicall , but that of ier. 9. 26. is not so fitly i thinke cited for his purpose ; and grotius tells him h confidently , we have so many witnesses that the americans be circumcised , as it becomes not a modest man to deny it ; and among the rarities brought from those quarters , pancirollus i speakes of stony knives , very sharpe and cutting , and his illustrator k h. salmuth , shewes that the jewes of old did use such in their circumcisings , knifes of stone , which sacrament omitted fourty yeeres in their travell , is revived by gods command to ioshua 5. 2. make thee sharp knives , cultros petrinos ; arias montanus reads , cultros lapideos in the vulgar latine , but the septuagint doth not only mention those rocky knives , but adds , taken from a sharpe rocke , as if the allusion also were to christ , the rocke , that doth circumcise our hearts ; lerius l affirmes he saw some of those cutting stones or knives at brasil . 2. the indians worship that god m they say , who created the sun , moon , and all invisible things , who gives them also all that is good . 3. they knew of that floud which drowned n the world , and that it was sent for the sin of man , especially for unlawfull lust , and that there shall never be such a deluge againe . 4. it is affirmed by them o neverthelesse that after many yeers , fire shall come down from above and consume all . 5. they beleeve the immortality of the soule , and that there is a place of joy , p another of torment after death , whither they shall goe that kill , lie , or steale , which place they call popogusso , a great pit , like the expression , num. 16. 33. and rev. 19. 1 , &c. but they which do no harme shall be received into a good place , and enjoy all manner of pleasure . 6. the americans have in some parts an exact form of king , priest , q and prophet , as was aforetime in canaan . 7. priests are in some things among them , as with the hebrewes , r physitians , and not habited as other men , and in tamazulapa there be vestments kept like those aaroniticall robes of the high-priest . 8. the temples wherein they worship , s sing , pray , and make their offerings , are fashioned and used as with the jewes ; at mexico they were built foure square , and sumptuous , as ezek. 40. 47. 9. the priests have their chambers t in the temple , as the manner was in israel . 1 reg. 6. 7. 10. they had places also therein u , which none might enter into but their priests . heb. 9. 6 , 7. 11. in their worship of viracoche w , and the sun , &c. they open their hands , and make a kissing sound with their mouthes , as iob 31. 27. 12. they had almost continuall fire before their idols , and took great care lest the x fire before the altar should dye , they call that the divine harth , where there is fire continually , like that in leviticus 6. 9. 13. none may intermeddle with their sacrifices but the priests , y who were also in high estimation among them as they were among the jewes . 14. every noble-man in mexico z had his priest , as israel had the levites within their gates . 15. in their necessities a they always sacrificed , which done , they grew hopefull and confident . 16. they burnt incense , b had their censars , and cake oblations , as ier. 7. 18. 17. the first fruits of their corne c they offered , and what they gat by hunting and fishing . 18. at mexico and some other places d they immolate the bodies of men , and as the jewes of old , saith p. martyr , did eate of their beasts so sacrificed , they feed on mans flesh so offered . 19. in all peru they had but one temple , e which was most sumptuous , consecrated to the maker of the world ; yet they had foure other places also for devotion , as the jews had severall synagogues , beside that their glorious temple . 20. the idols of america f were mitred , in a manner , much as aaron was . 21. a yeare of jubile g did they observe , as did israel also . 22. lerius tells a story of them , h much like that of apocryphall bel , and the dragon , and his priests . 23. in their idoll services they i dance and sing , men and women , almost as miriam , with timbrells , exod. 15. 20. and then they offer bread , as it is in malac. 1. 7. 24. they have hope of their bodies k resurrection , and for that cause are carefull in burying their dead ; and when they saw the spaniards digging into sepulchers for gold and silver , the natives entreated them not to scatter the bones , that so they might with more ease be raised againe . 25. the indians make account the world shall have an end , but not till a great drought come l , and as it were a burning of the aire , when the sunne and moone shall faile , and lose their shining ; thence it is , that in the eclipses of those two greater lights , they make such yellings and out-cries , as if the end of all things were upon them . chap. v. the third conjecture . the americans words and manners of speech , bee in many things consonant to those of the jewes , a seneca hath that other reason , perswading that the spaniards planted in italy , because they both speake alike ; and as volaterrane b for his countreymen , so some suppose the greeks long since mingled with the brittans , because we still have divers words of graecian idiome . for this reason c caesar judged the british to bee gauls , in that the cities of both the nations were called by the same names . giraldus cambrensis derives his countreymens originall from troy , because they have so many trojan names and words amongst them ; oenus , resus , aeneas , hector , ajax , evander , eliza , &c. and grotius d therefore imagines that the americans came from norway , because they have many words the same with the norwegians . it is then considerable to our purpose , how in this the jewes and indians be alike . 1. the aspirations of the americans have e the force of consonants , and are pronounced by them not as the latines and some other nations , but after the manner of the hebrewes . 2. the name of that great city mexico f is observed in sound and writing to come very neare unto that name of our deare lord , psalme 2. 2. meschico , and mexico in their language is a g spring , as of our master and messiah ; the day spring that from on high hath visited us . luk. 1. 78. 3. the ziims mentioned esa. 13. 21. and 34. 14. are h supposed to bee wicked spirits , deluding mankinde , as hobgoblins , fairies , &c. such are the zemes among the indians so often spoken of by i peter martyr , these they call the messengers of the great god ; every king among them hath such a ziim or zeme , and from them came those predictions constantly current among them , of a cover'd nation that should spoyle their rites . 4. acosta marvailes much k at the indians , that having some knowledge that there is a god , yet they call him not by any proper name , as not having any peculiar for him , a relique it may be of that judaicall conceit of the non-pronuntiable tetragrammaton . 5. t is very remarkable that escarbotus l tells , how he heard the indians often perfectly use the wvrd hallelujah ; at which hee marvailed the more , because hee could not at all perceive that they had learned it from any christian ; and this is with like admiration recorded m by the describer of nova francia . 6. in the island of st. michael or azores , which belongs to america , saith n malvenda , certaine sepulchers , or grave-stones are digged up by the spaniards , with very ancient hebrew letters upon them , above and below , thus above , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why is god gone away ; and beneath this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hee is dead , know god , which words seem to have a woefull enquiry of gods departure from them , with a comfortable declaration of his dying for them , together with an incitation to know him . 7. very many of their words are like the hebrew , which our novangles o have observed , and in the general attested : a more serious disquisition into their language would conduce much to finde out their descent , and helpe exceedingly towards their conversion ; and if it be said , the jewes were ever tenacious of their language , which p elias levita saith , they changed not in aegypt , but if they be now in america , all in a manner is lost . 't is fit then to consider , that in all nations , in two or three ages there is a great alteration in their tongues ; the words of the league between the carthaginians and romans in fifty yeares space , sayth q polybius , were so uncouth , and little knowne , that they could scarce bee understood ; and r keckerman sheweth , r that the german language in almost as short a time received the like mutation , and our saxon ancestors translated the bible into english as the tongue then was , but of such antique words and writing , that few men now can read and understand it , which waxing old , and hard , it was againe translated into newer words , saith arch-bishop s cranmer , and many even of those words are now strange andneasie to us ; in such suddaine change of language universally , wee need not wonder , that so little impression of the hebrew tongue remaines among them , if the indians be jewish ; but wee may marvaile rather , that after so many yeares of most grosse and cursed blindnesse , and having no commerce , nor converse with other nations , that any the least similitude thereof should be left . chap. vi ▪ the sixth conjecture . this which followeth next , at first sight , will appeare a paradox rather than a probability , that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 americanorum , the man-devouring that is in america ; for what an inference may this seem to bee ; there bee carybes , caniballs , and man-eaters among them , therefore they be jewish ? but let it be considered , among the curses threatned to israel upon their disobedience , wee read levit. 26. 29. yee shall eate the flesh of your sonnes and of your daughters , &c. so deut. 28 53. which predictions , according to common supposalls , seeme to be fully verified in the famine mentioned , 2 kings 6. 28. and lament . 4. 10. and those words are spoken of things then done and past ; but the prophet ezekiel , that lived about the same time , speakes in the future tense of some new , and till then unheard ▪ of calamity , but such as should bee common afterward ; i will doe in thee that i never did before , for in the midst of thee the fathers shall ea●… their sons , and the sons their fathers , &c. ezek. 5. 9 , 10. before indeed , and at the romans beleaguering ierusalem , women did eate their children , but there is no relation of fathers and sonnes devouring one another , though this be foretold , and as a thing easily to bee taken notice of , a iosephus in that last siege tells but of one woman eating her childe , and 't is like there was no other , because the whole city was astonish'd at the newes , and the seditious themselves did abhorre it ; yea and when the romans heard thereof in their campe , it exceeded credit at first , and their generall comforted himselfe against that most inhumane and hideous fact , by remembring he had often proffered them peace , and they had as often wilfully refused it ; but that prophet foretells an infelicity without parallel , both de praeterito , and de futuro ; i will doe in thee that i never did before , neither will i ever doe the like , verse 9. and it should be a publick and notorious calamity , for in the midst of thee the fathers should eate their sonnes , and their sons their fathers , ver. 10. words implying , yea expressing more than wee can read was done , either when the chaldees or romans begirt their city : and the glosse of st. ierome b strengthens this conjecture ; when the fathers , saith he , did eate the sonnes , or the sonnes their fathers , is not related in any history , and yet it was to be done openly in the midst of them , and as it were in the sight of the sunne . but if the jewes bee planted in that westerne world , we shall soone find the accomplishment of that prophecie from heaven , for c there be caniballs and man-eaters in great multitudes ; some whose trade is homo cupium , & homo capium , hungring and hunting after mans flesh , and devouring it , whose greedy bellies have buried millions of them , these carybes are scattered all the countrey over , the ma●…hacks are such , and so neare they are , or were to some of our d planters , that finding an englishman , they eate one part of him after another , before his face , while he was yet alive . if it be said , they eate none but strangers , or enemies , not fathers their sonnes , & à contra , f peter martyr removes that scruple , by affirming , if they want the flesh of foes and forraigners , they eate then one another , even their owne g kinred & allies , as he writes that added the centons to h solinus . if it be objected , those caniballs are of a different nature and nation from the rest , peter martyr answers that also , supposing all the inhabitants to bee of one stock , because they use all one and the same kind of bread , every where called maiiz , and their cymbae uni-ligneae , their canoes and boats are in all places alike , and as i those western nations generally call their boats canoes , and their bread maiiz , so their common word for wine is chichia , for swords macanas for kings caciques . and if the americans bee jewish , the spaniards have yet in another sense fulfilled that prediction of ezekiel , for their owne bishop k bartholomeus de las casas writes , how they tooke indians 10000 , sometimes 20000 abroad with them in their forragings , and gave them no manner of food to sustaine them , but the flesh of other indians taken in warre , and so christian-spaniards set up a shambles of mans flesh in their army ; children were slaine and roasted , men were killed for their hands and feet sakes , for those they esteemed the onely delicate parts : this was most hideous and most barbarous inhumanity , the tidings whereof was soone carryed through the land , and overwhelmed the inhabitants with horror and astonishment . chap vii . fifth conjecture . the people that have not yet received the gospell of jesus christ are jewes , but the americans have not yet been gospelized ; and here three things come to consideration . 1. all other nations at first received the gospell . 2. the jewes before the end of the world shall be converted . 3. these indians have not yet heard of christ. 1. as the scripture foreseeing that god would justifie the gentiles through faith , preached before the gospell unto abraham , saying , in thee shall all the gentiles be blessed , gal. 3. 8. gen. 12. 2 , 3. 18. 8. in like manner the glorious gospell was soon conveyed to them , soon after the comming of christ , even before the death of the apostles ; holy david spake of this promulgation , when he said , psal. 19. 1. the heavens , i. e. the apostles did declare the glory of god , &c. for the fourth , their line is gone out into all lands , and their words into the end of the world , is applied by saint paul to this very purpose , rom. 10. 18. it was the command of their master , goe teach all nations , &c. mat. 28. 19. and preach the gospell to every creature , mar. 16. 15. and they gave hereto most willing obedience , which we must have believed , though it had not bin so exactly recorded in undoubted ecclesiasticall histories . there we read often a that they divided the world into 12 parts , every apostle accepting that which fell to his lot ; but first they compiled the creed , called therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or collation , saith cassian , b who was chrysostomes scholar ; because that which was at large expressed in the severall volumes of the bible , was by them briefly contracted into that forme ; and to this he applieth that of the apostle , rom. 9. 28. a short worke we read it now , but of old it was rendred , verbum abbreviatum a short word , a short rule , to which all of them were to conforme their doctrine , and the fifteenth of iuly was afterwards , and is still celebrated by c some christians , in memory of their thus going to gospellize the world ; and it is called festum divisionis apostolorum : yea and the place is yet shewed to travellers at this day , d where they are said to assemble upon this occasion . very e many ancient writers , historicall and others , f agreeing with vigilius in this , authenticum symbolum quod apostoli tradiderunt ; and a little before he blameth some for venting such doctrines , as were neither g delivered by the prophets , nor had the authentique authority of the apostles creed , and yet suppose it dubious whether that symboll be indeed of apostolicall constitution ; and that they did not so divide the world to further their worke , which is so confidently avouched by the ancient , together with the countries where each of them had their portion ▪ yet we are sufficiently assured such was their commission , which they pursued with exactnesse and successe ; so that in their life time by their diligence the whole earth was enlightned : thus saint paul tell his romans , 1. 8. their faith was published through the whole world ; the same is said to the collossians also , 1. 6. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in neither place , lest curiosity should restraine it to the roman world , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the former expression , and the latter is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the whole and every part of the world ; and is it not considerable , as the injunction was , preach the gospell to every creature , as was before remembred from saint marke , 16. 5. so saint paul avoweth that in his time it was preached to every creature , col. 1. 23. such was then the use of that word ; the name creature was especially given to man , the chiefe of all creatures below . and this is unanimously acknowledged by the next writers , ignatius h thought to be that little child called by christ mat. 18. 1. hath this expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ there i is one church which the apostles setled from one end of the earth to another in the bloud of christ , by their sweat and labour . tertullian k in the following century affirmes that the gospel in those very first times went beyond the roman monarchy , even to us britons ; and l eusebius sheweth how the doctrine of salvation by divine power and cooperation , was carried into all the world : and iulius firmicus maturnus m professeth that in his time 1300 yeeres since , there was no nation under heaven , east , west , north , or south , unto whom the sunne of the gospel had not shined ; and not onely in all the continent , but in every island saith greg. nissene ; thus n bernard also , and others ▪ for when the jewish fleece was dried up , all the world saith ierome o was sprinkled with that heavenly dew . 2. the jewes before the end of the world shall be converted to christianity ; this truth is to be found in the old and new testament , and hath bin the constant beliefe of the faithfull in every age . the children of israell shall remaine many daies without a king , and without a prince , &c. hos. 3. 4. yet ver. 5. afterward they shall convert , and seeke the lord their god , and david their king , i. e. christ the sonne of david the king of his church , thus zephan . 3. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. zach. 12. 10 , 11 , &c. and some predictions in that evangelicall prophet esay . saint paul applies to this very purpose , rom. 11. 26 , 27. from esa. 59. 20. & 27. 9. yea and our common master christ telleth us , ierusalem shall be trodden under foot of the gentiles , untill the time of the gentiles shall be fulfilled , luke 21. 24. so saint paul , when the fulnesse of the gentiles is come in , all israell shall be saved , rom. 11. 25. some by israell here would understand , israell according to the spirit , that is , the elect from all the nations : but all along the jewes and gentiles are spoken of as distinct people according to the flesh , so all israell shall be saved , that is , p a very great and numerous company , or many from every tribe , as we use to say genera singulorum , not singuli generum , or all the elect of them ; for when their heart shall be turned to the lord , the veile shall be taken away , 2 cor. 3. 16. ancient christians have subscribed to this ; in the end of the world saith ierome q the jewes receiving the gospel , shall be enlightned , thus augustine ( r ) , gregory s , bernard t , primasius u , this was , this is the common opinion of christians . coepit ab his , defertur ad hos , referetur ad illos w nostra fides , & erunt sub mundi fine fideles . from the jewes our faith began , to the gentiles then it ran , to the jewes returne it shall , before the dreadfull end of all . 3. the third consideration hath a twofold branch . 1. the americans have not , but 2. shall be acquainted with christianity : and to the first all are not of this mind that the indians have not heard of the gospell : for x osiander speaking of vilagagno , and his planting there in brasil , writes confidently , without doubt those people received the gospel of christ by the preaching of the apostles 1500 yeeres since , but they lost it againe by their unthankfulnesse ; and malvenda y allegeth some conjectures that christianity might have been among them , but these are so few , and so forced , that himselfe supposeth them rather satanicall suggestions , illusions , and imitations , than remembrances indeed of the gospell . there be z some records where every one of the apostles planted the faith of christ , in what nations and kingdomes , but they are all silent touching this part of the world , which indeed was not knowne till of late ; yea some a conceive , they had no being at all in former ages , and that there was not so much as land or earth in those places ; however questionlesse they be but of late discovery ; for though some b will have america to be those atlantique islands mentioned by plato , others that the phaenicians arived thither more than 2000 yeeres since , and some further improbable conjectures there be , 't is concluded neverthelesse by many judicious and observant men , that it was never heard of in this world , till c christopher columbus of genoa brought newes thereof about 1590. when then , or by whom should they be made christians ? is it credible there should be no records thereof in the annalls of any nation ? could so great a part of the world become christians , without any whispering thereof to any other ; is it likely that all gospel impressions should be utterly obliterate among them ? all the light thereof quite extinguished ? and not so much as the least glimpse thereof remaine ? as is also acknowledged by him d that hath written and observed so much of these nations . 2. seeing they were never yet enlightned , without question they shall be , for the gospell of the kingdome must be preached every where for a witnesse to all nations , mat. 24. 14. surely so large a part of the world shall not alwaies be forgotten : is it imaginable that the god of mercy , who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a lover of soules , wisd. 11. 23. should suffer so great a portion of mankind ever to remaine in darknesse , and in the shadow of death ? is it credible or fit to be believed , that the wisdome of the father who taketh his solace in the habitable parts of the earth , and his delight is to be with the children of men , prov. 8. 31. should have no compassion of such an innumerable multitude of soules ? the earth was inhabited e by degrees , from the place where noahs ark rested they went as the sunne , from the east , and so planted themselves forward ; and the progresse of the gospell saith f eusebius , was in the same manner , and for this there is more than allusion in psal. 19. 5. compared with rom. 10. 18. that westerne part of the world was last inhabited , and it shall heare of christ also in due time , as certainely as there be people to receive him , for he shall be salvation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the last end of the earth , act. 13. 47. and the americans have a tradition among themselves , g that white and bearded nations shall subdue their countries , abolish all their rites and ceremonies , and introduce a new religion . chap. viii . the sixth conjecture . the americans calamities are suitable to those plagues threatned unto the jewes , deut. 28. such a comment upon that terrible scripture is not any where to be found , as among the indians , by this also it will appear probable that they be jews : and here three things shall be touched upon . 1. the jewes were a very sinfull people . 2. the indians were and are transcendent sufferers . 3. in that way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 litterally , as was threatned to the jewes . 1. the jewes were grand offenders ; a galatinus mentions fon●…e of their enormous transgressions , with their ensuing vengeances . 1. the selling of ioseph into egypt , where themselves were kept afterwa●…d in an iron furnace , and dwelt a long time in an house of bondage . 2. their first rejection of the messiah , typified in david , 2 sam. 20. 1. which was punished by the assyrians . 3. the sacrificing of their owne children to idols , and murthering the prophets that deterred them from such abominations , he calls their third great offence , for which the babylonian captivity fell upon them . 4. their fatall and most grievous crime was the denyall of the holy one , and the just , with desire that a murtherer should be given them , act. 3. 14. and this brought upon them , first the tyranny of the roman conquest , and then all those hideous and horrid tribulations that presse and oppresse them to this day . 2. the natives of america have endured the extremities of most unspeakable miseries : they are a nation saith lerius b cursed and forsaken of god , and the men of spaine to their other cruelties added that most abominable reproach , these barbarians are c dogs , unworthy of christendome ; t is too true they were so used by them , as if they had bin such or worse , they did so weare them up with labour , that they became weary of their lives , the poore creatures chusing rather to die any kind of death , than to live under such bloody masters and monsters ; they scared the indians into woods , where the men and women hanged themselves together , and wanting instruments sometimes for such selfe execution , they helped one another to knit their long locks about the branches of trees , and so cast themselves downe headlong , their owne haires being their halters ; and thus many thousands of them ended their daies with most lamentable yellings and out-cries ; their intestine violences and injuries among themselves were woefull by rapine , warre , and sacrificings of one another , many d thousands of them have been immolated in one day at mexico ; but their sufferings by the spaniards exceed not onely all relation , but beliefe , and surely the savages could not have outstripped the spaniards in barbarous savagenesses , if those infidells had gotten the upper hand of these christians ; a very prudent cacique saith benzo e , that was neere an hundred yeeres old , reported freely , that when he was young , a very strange disease invaded those countrys , the sick commonly vomited many filthy wormes , such a wasting plague he said followed this calamity , that we feared none of us could survive it : and a little before your comming we of iucatana had two cruell battailes with the mexicans , in which above one hundred and fifty thousand were slaine , but these were all light and easie vexations , in respect of those terrible examples of intollerable insolence , avarice , and cruelty , exercised by your selves upon us ; thus he : we read , when the prophet of god soretold hazael , the evill hee should bring upon israel hazael said , is thy servant a dog that he should doe this ? 2 king. 8. 13. but the spaniards did more evill things to the indians , and shewed themselves with shame to be worse than dogs , witnesse that bloody bezerill , though not so bloody as his master didacus salasar f , who set that his mastiffe upon an old woman , employed by himselfe , as hē feigned with letters to the governour , who seeing the cruell curre , by his more cruell masters setting on , with open mouth comming upon her , falls to the ground , bespeaking him in her language , sir dog , sir dog , i carry these letters to the governour , holding up to his view the seale , be not angry with me , sir dog , the mastiffe as becalmed by that begging posture and language , abates his fiercenesse , liftes up his leg , and besprinkles the woman , as dogs use to doe at the wall : the spaniards ▪ that knew well his curstnesse at other times , saw this with astonishment , and were ashamed ▪ to hurt the woman , that so cruell a dog had spared . 3. the indian sufferings have runne so parallel with those threats , deut. 28. as if they had been principally intended therein also . was israel offending to be calamitous , in all places , towne and field , at home and abroad , &c. the poore indians g for their gold and labour , were by the spaniards hunted out of all places , corners and islands , as if the end of their discovery had been indeed to make a full end , and a totall devastation of the american nations . against the sinning jewes it was said , cursed shall be the fruit of thy body , &c. vers . 18. the pestilence shall cleave unto thee , &c. the lord shall smite thee with a consumption , &c. ver . 21 , 22 , 35 , 29. strange diseases have destroyed the natives , as the histories of those countries doe relate ; their cruell task-masters the spaniards , did so much overburthen them with load and labour , that the h cohabitation of man and wife did cease : seven thousand infants of cuba did perish in three moneths space , their mothers worne out with toyling had no milk to give them . the lord said , he would smite israel with blindnesse , madnesse , and astonishment of heart , and thou shalt grope at noone day , as the blind gropeth in darknesse , &c. ver . 28 , 29. and woefull indeed is the veile of ignorance that is come over the natives i ; they imagined the island hispaniola to be a living creature , eating and digesting like a monster : that vast sea den or hollow place which they call guacca-jarima , is the voider of its excrements , a fancy like that antique fable of the demogorgon lying in the wombe of the world , whose breath causeth the flux and reflux of the sea : the darke part of the moone k they take to be a man throwne thither , and tormented for incest with his owne sister , whose eclipse they guesse to be caused by the sunnes anger ; those responsalls of the aires reverberation , which we call eccho , they suppose to be soules , wandring thereabouts . how were those poore creatures astonish'd , when they saw themselves torne by l spanish dogs , whose masters would borrow quarters of indians , men and women , for their hounds , and as commonly expose them to such a kind of death and buriall , as if men and women had bin made for dogs meate ? how were they affrighted when the feare of spanish cruelties provoked fathers , mothers , children , to hang themselves together ? that bishop knew of two hundred and more so perishing by the tyranny of one spaniard . no m marvaile therefore if when the fryer told hathuey , the cacique , of heavens happinesse , and the torments of hell , and hee understanding upon enquiry that the spaniards dying went to heaven , because they were christians , let my lot saith he fall in hell rather than with that most cruell people . god said of the jewes , they should be oppressed and spoyled evermore , ver . 29. thou shalt betroth a wife , and another shall lie with her , ver . 30. you shall be left few in number , though yee were as starres for multitude , &c. ver . 62. and these americans were made by the spaniards every where and every way miserable , without any helpe or reliefe : barthol ▪ las casas upon fourty two yeeres sight of their suffering , sympathized so much with them , that he represented the same to king philip , in hope to obtaine for them some favour and mercy , but he little prevailed . one of them boasted of his care to leave as many indian women as he could with child , that in their sale he might put them off to his better profit : from n lucaios to hispaniola , about seventy miles , dead carkases were cast so abundantly into the sea , that they needed no other direction thither ; and wee know it for truth , saith hee , that countreys longer than all europe and a great part of asia , by horrid cruelties were destroyed , and more than twenty millions of the natives o yea in hispaniola alone , scarce one hundred and fifty , of two millions were left alive . in another place hee professeth their tyranny was so cruell and detestable , that in fourty six yeeres space they caused , he verily believed , more than fifty millions of them to pay their last debt to nature ; for i speak , saith hee , the truth , and what i saw : they dealt with the poore indians , not as with beasts , hoc enim peroptarem , but as if they had bin the most abject dung of the earth : and is this the way saith benzo to convert infidels ? such kindnesse they shewed to other places also , cuba , iamaica , portu ricco , &c. it was said against israell , cursed shall thy basket be , and thy store , ver . 17. the fruit of thy land , the encrease of thy cattle . ver . 18. all shall be devoured by enemies and other nations , &c. ver . 30 , &c. for very much is said of their suffering in riches and honour &c. and the spanish christians that brake into america shewed themselves so covetous of their treasure , that the natives with wonder said p surely gold is the spaniards god ; they broiled noble indians on gridirons , to extort from them their hidden wealth , giving no respect at all to their caciques or kings . memorable in q many respects is the history of attabaliba the great king of peru , who being conquered and captivated by francis pizarro , redeemed his liberty by the promise of so many golden and silver vessels , as should fill the roome where they were so high as one could reach with his hand , and they were to take none away till he had brought in the whole summe ; expecting thereupon according to covenant his freedome and honour , he dispatched his officers and servants with great care and diligence , and did faithfully performe his bargaine , in bringing that vast heape of treasure together ; but they resolve neverthelesse most impiously to murder him , though with many arguments and tears he pleaded for his life , desiring sometime to be sent unto caesar , then expostulating with them for their perfidiousnesse and falsehood , but neither words nor weeping , nor their owne inward guilt could mollifie those hard hearts , they sentence him to death by a rope , and the cruell execution followed ; but r benzo observed a miraculous hand of vengeance from heaven upon all that gave consent thereto : so that as suetonius s records of caesars stobbers , nullus eorum suamorte defunctus est , every one of them found that consultation and contrivance fatall ; almager is hanged , didacus his sonne is slaine by vacca de castro , the indians kill iohn pizarro at c●…sco , who fell upon fryar vincent also of the green valley , and slew him with clubs in the isle puna , ferdinandus pizarro was sent into spain , where he consumed his daies in a prison , gonsallus pizarro was taken by gasca and hewen in pieces , and francis pizarro that was the president , and gave judgement , died an evill death also , being slaine by his owne countrey men in that strange land ; so just was god in avenging so perfidious a regicide and king-murder , so ominous was their presumption against the honourable , vile swine-herds sentencing so great a king to so foule a death : those are his words , in whom , and his interpreter t , he that please may read further , those murderers were base in birth and life , and they instance in despicable particulars . it were endlesse to mention all the parallels that the spaniards have drawne upon the poore indians , according to the threats of god upon the sinning jewes , deut. 28. 43 , the stranger that is within the●… shall get up above thee very high , and thox shalt come downe very low . 48. thou shalt serve thine enemy in hunger , and thirst , and nakednesse , and in want of all things , and he shall put a yoake of iron upon thy necke till he have destroyed thee . 59. the lord will make thy plagues wonderfull , &c. 61. and every plague which is not written in this law will the lord bring upon thee , untill thou be destroyed . their kings and caciques were no more regarded by them than the meanest , they enthralled all the natives in most woefull servitude and captivity ; their sufferings have bin most wonderfull , such as the book of the law hath not registred , nor any other record ; they spared no age nor sex , not women with childe ; they laid wagers who could digge deepest into the bodies of men at one blow , or with most dexterity cut off their heads ; they tooke infants from their mothers breasts and dash'd their innocent heads against the rockes ; they cast others into the rivers with scorne , making themselves merry at the manner of their falling into the water ; they set up severall gallowses , and hung upon them thirteen indians in honour they said of christ and his twelve apostles : and yet further the same bishop mervailes at the abominable blindnesse and blasphemy of his countrymen , impropriating their bloudy crimes unto god himselfe , giving him thanks in their prosperous tyrannies , like those thieves and tyrants he sayth spoken of by the prophet zachary , 11. 5. they kill , and hold themselves not guilty , and they that sell them say , blessed be the lord , for i am rich . and now if all these parallels will not amount to a probability , one thing more shall be added , which is the dispersion of the jewes , t is said , the lord shall scatter thee among all people , from one end of the earth , even to the other , &c. deut. 28. 64. the whole remnant of thee i will scatter into all winds , ezek. 5. 10 , 12 , 14. & zach. 2. 6. i have spread you as the foure winds of heaven . now if it be considered how punctuall and faithfull god is in performing his promises and threats mentioned in the scripture of truth , wee shall have cause to looke for the jewes in america , one great , very great part of the earth ; esay had said , 1. 8. the daughter of syon shall be left as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers , and as helena u found it in her time , pomorum custodium an apple-yard ; so ( w ) cyrill assirmeth in his daies it was a place full of cucumbers ; ieremies prophecies of babylons destruction , even in the circumstances thereof , are particularly acknowledged and related by xenophon x , the lord had threatned to bring a nation upon israell swift as the eagle flieth , deut. 28. 49. iosephus y saith this was verified in vespatians ensigne , and the banner of cyrus was an eagle z also , as the same xenophon relateth ; and if the jewes bee not now , never were in america , how have they been dispersed into all parts of the earth ? this being indeed so large a portion of it ; how have they bin scattered into all the four windes , if one of the foure did never blow upon them ? much more might be said of their sufferings from the spaniards , whom the barbarous indians thereupon counted so barbarous and inhumane , that they supposed them not to come into the world like other people , as if it were impossible , that any borne of man and woman should be so monstruously savage and cruell ; they derived therefore their pedigree from the wide and wild ocean , and call'd them a viracocheie , i. e. the foame of the sea , as beeng borne of the one , and nourished by the other , and poured upon the earth for its destruction . b acosta indeed gives another interpretation of that word in honour of his nation , but other c writers unanimously accord in this ; and d benzo confidently averreth , that the conceit and judgement of the indians touching the originall of the spaniards , is so setled in them , that none but god himselfe can alter their minds herein ; for thus saith hee they reason among themselves , the winds tumble downe houses , and teare trees in peeces , the fire burnes both trees and houses , but these same viracocheies devoure all , they turn over the earth , offer violence to the rivers , are perpetually unquiet , wandering every way to finde gold , and when they have found it , they throw it away at dice , they steale , and sweare , and kill , yea and kill one another , and deny god : yea these indians in detestation of the spaniards , he saith , doe execrate and curse the sea it selfe for sending such an intractable , fierce , and cruell a generation into the earth : but thus have wicked sinnes drawne woefull punishments , threatned to the jewes , and suffered also by these americans , wherein the more hath bin spoken , not onely to deter all christians from such inhumane barbarities , but to provoke the readers every way to compassionate such transcendent sufferers , the rather because as canaan of old was emanuels land , hos. 9. 3. the holy land , zach. 2. 12. and the jewes were gods peculiar people , so these surely are either a remnant of israell after the flesh , or else god will in his good time incorporate them into that common-wealth , and then they also shall become the israel of god. part second . some contrary reasonings removed , and first in the generall . chap. i. there be some that by irrefragable arguments , they suppose , evince and overthrow all conjectures that the americans be jewes : apocryphall esdras in historicalls may be of some credit , and that sentence of his by many is applyed to this very purpose ; and these very people , the ten tribes led away captive by salmanasar , tooke this counsell among themselves , that they would leave the multitude of the heathen , and goe forth into a farther countrey , where never man dwelt , that they might there keepe their statutes , which they never kept in their owne land , and they entred into euphrates , by the narrow passages of the river , for through that countrey there was a great way to goe , namely of a yeere and an halfe , and the same region is called arsareth , &c. 2 esdr. 13. 40. &c. a acosta is of opinion that these words thus produced by many , make in truth against this conjecture , and that for two reasons . 1. the ten tribes went so farre to keepe their statutes and ceremonies , but these indians observe none of them , being given up to all idolatries : and is this at all consequent , such was their purpose , therefore the successe must be answerable ? is it likely they should be so tenacious in a farre and forraigne land , that never kept them in their owne , as the next words expresse ? his second argument is of like force , for t is not said , that euphrates and america be contiguous , or places so neere one the other , muchlesse that the entries of that river should stretch to the indies ; but hee tells of a very long journey taken by them , suitable to the places of their removall , and approach , which was to a countrey where never man dwelt , and what countrey could this be but america ? all other parts of the world being then knowne and inhabited : besides there hath bin a common tradition among the jews , and in the world , that those ten tribes are utterly lost ; in what place are they then like to be found if not in america ? for they shall be found againe . some conjectures that they came from norway , and be of that nation , have bin mentioned , with the improbability also thereof ; and now lately t. gage sets forth his new survey of the west indies , his long abode there , and diligent observation of many , very many remarkable passages in his travells ; there i hoped to read somewhat of their originalls , and finde him b affirming that the indians seeme to be of the tartars progeny , his reasons are , 1. quivira and all the west side of the countrey towards asia is farre more populons than the east next europe , which sheweth these parts to be first inhabited ; but if the meaning be , the nearer tartary the more populous , therefore they came from thence , its falls in with the third reason . 2. their barbarous properties are most like the tartats of any ; this argument militates with more force for their judaisme , to which many of their rites be so consonant , both sacred and common , as hath been said . and thirdly the west side of america , if it be not continent with tartary , is yet disjoyned by a small straite ; but the like may be said of some other parts , that they be or may have been neer some other maine lands , and so by that reason of some other race and extract . 4. the people of quivira neerest to tartary , are said to follow the seasons and pasturing of their cattell like the tartarians ; this particular , a species of the generall , delivered in the second reason , is there glanced upon , but all he saith of this nature , and others with him , are so farre from weakening our conjecture , that they may be embraced rather as friendly supports thereunto , if others have guessed right that conceive the tartars also themselves to be jewes . mathew paris c , no meane man in his time , was of that opinion ; in his famous history he mentions it as the judgement of learned men in that age , it is thought the tartars , quorum memoriaest detestabilis , are of the ten tribes , &c. yea and of latter times dr fletcher d a neere neighbour to them while he lived among the russes as agent for queen elizabeth , supposeth the same , and giveth divers probable arguments inducing him thereto : the names of many townes in tartary the same with those in israell , tabor , ierico , chorasin , &c. they are circumcised , distinguished into tribes , and have many hebrew words among them , &c. for hee addeth other probabilities ; yea and the same m. paris e shewes that the jewes themselves were of that mind , and called them their brethren of the seed of abraham , &c. there was another transmigration of them when vespatian destroyed ierusalem ; their owne , and other histories speake little thereof : it might be well worthy the endeavours of some serious houres to enquire after the condition of that nation since ou●… most deare saviours ascension ; a strange thing is reported by themselves , and of themselves , and with such confidence f that t is in their devotion . it saith when vespatian wan ierusalem , he gave order that three ships laden with that people might be put to sea , but without pilot , oares , or tackling , these by windes and tempests were woefully shattered , and so dispersed , that they were cast upon severall coasts ; one of them in a countrey called lovanda , the second in another region named arlado , the third at a place called bardeli , all unknown in these time , the last courteously entertained these strangers , freely giving them grounds and vineyards to dresse , but that lord being dead , another arose that was to them , as pharaoh to old israell , and he said to them , he would try by nabuchedonosors experiment upon the three young men , if these also came from the fire unscorch'd , he would believe them to be jewes , they say adoni-melech , most noble emperour , let us have also three daies to invoke the majesty of our god for our deliverance , which being granted , ioseph and benjamin two brothers , and their cosin samuell , consider what is meet to be done , and agree to fast and pray three daies together , and meditate every one of them a prayer , which they did , and out of them all they compiled one which they used all those three daies and three nights ; on the morning of the third day one of them had a vision upon esa. 43. 2. which marvelously encouraged them all : soone after a very great fire was kindled , and an ininnumerable company of people came to see the burning , into which they cast themselves unbidden without feare , singing , and praying till all the combustible matter was consumed , and the fire went out ; the jewes every where published this miracle , and commanded that this prayer should be said every monday and thursday morning in their synagogues , which is observed by them to this day saith buxtorfius : in this narration if there be any truth wee may looke for some confirmation thereof from america . but that there be no jewes in those parts , io. de laet endeavours otherwise to evince ; as 1. they are not circumcised , therefore not jewes ; but their circumcision hath been made so manifest , that this reason may well be retorted ; they are circumcised , therefore they be jewes . againe the indians are not covetous , nor learned , nor carefull of their antiquities , therefore they are not judaicall ; in which allegations if there be any strength , it will be answered in the examination of those three following scrupulous and difficult questions . 1. whence and how the iewes should get into america . 2. how multiply , and enpeople so great a continent , so vast a land . 3. how grow so prodigiously rude and barbarous . chap ii. answer to the first quere , how the iewes should get into america . the jewes did not come into america , as is feigned of ganimed a , riding on eagles wings , neither was there another arke made to convey them thither , the angels did not carry them by the haires of the heads , b as apocryphall habakuk was conducted into babylon , these were not caught by the spirit of the lord and setled there , as saint philip was from ierusalem to asotus , act. 8. 5. they were c not guided by an hart , as t is written of the hunns , when they brake in upon the nearer parts of europe d , procopius reports of the maurisii , an african nation , that they were of those gergesites or jebusites spoken of in the scriptures , for he had read a very ancient writing in phaenician characters thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. we are they that fled from the face of the destroyer iesus the sonne of nave ; and so the septuagint names him , whom wee call the sonne of nun , and as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 formerly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was not in those daies of such odious signification : it may be said these might passe from the parts of asia into lybia by land , but the jewes could not so get into america , which is thought by some to be very farre distant on every side from the continent ; e acosta therefore supposeth the natives might come at first by sea into that maine land , alledging some experiments to that purpose , but in the next chapter he judgeth it more probable , whosoever the inhabitants be , that they travelled thither by land ; for though some few men happily by tempests , might be cast on those shores , yet it is unlike , so large a part of the earth by such mishaps should be replenished . f. cotton ( f ) , it seemes was puzled with this scruple , therefore in his memorialls he propounded to the daemoniaque that interrogatory , quomodo animalia in insulas , &c. quomodo homines , how got men and other creatures into those islands and countries . acosta g subscribes at length to the sentence of st. austin h for the entrance of beares , lions , and wolves , that they arrived thither , either by their owne swimming , or by the importation of curious men , or by the miraculous command of god , and ministration of the angels , yet his i finall determination is , and he lived seventeen yeeres in that countrey , america joyneth somewhere with some other part of the world , or else is but by a very little distance separated from it . and it may yet be further considered , the scituation of countries is much altered by tract of time , many places that were formerly sea , are now dry land saith strabo k , a great part af asia and africa hath bin gained from the atlantique ocean , the sea of corinth was drunk up by an earthquake , lucania by the force of the water was broken off from italy , and got a new name ; sicily saith l tertullian , the sea gave unto the m earth the island rhodes ; pliny n mentions divers places , islands long since , but in his time adjoyned to the continent , and the sea hath devoured many townes and cities , that were anciently inhabited ; that vallis silvestris as the latin translation renders , gen. 14. 3. or of siddim , i. e. laboured fields , as t is in hebrew , was certainely a vaile of slime-pits in the daies of abraham and lot , ver . 10. which very place about foure hundred yeeres after , was a sea , the salt sea , ver . 3. between thera and therasia an island suddenly appeared , saith o eusebius , and the sea perhaps hath broken into some places , and of one made a double island ; all ages and nations tell of the water and the earth , how they gain one from the other : and thus some p have conjectured , that our brittaine since the floud , was one continent with france , for the distance between them , at callis and dover is but small , about twenty foure miles , and the cliffes on both sides are like each other , for length and matter , equally chalk and flinty , as if art , or suddaine violence had made an even separation . thence hollinshead writes confidently , because lions and wild bulls were formerly in this island , that it was not cut from the maine by the great deluge of noah , but long after ; for none would replenish a countrey with such creatures for pastime and delight . and if these be no more but conjectures that america was once united to the other world , or but a little divided from it , time and the sea two insatiable devourers have made the gap wider : but the question is not in what age , before , or since the incarnation of our lord the jewes tooke their long journey , and planted there ; but how the way was passable for them : malvenda q speakes confidently that they might come into tartary , and by the deserts into grotland , on which side america is open ; and mr brerewood r assures us that the north part of asia is possessed by tartars , and if it be not one continent with america , as some suppose ▪ yet doubtlesse they are divided by a very narrow channell , because there be abundance of beares , lions , tigers , and wolves in the land , which surely men would not transport to their owne danger and detriment , those greater s beasts indeed are of strength to swimme over sea many miles , and this is generally observed of beares : and t herrera saith , the inhabitants of the west indies came thither by land , for those provinces touch upon the continent of asia , africa , and europe , though it be not yet fully discovered , how , and where the two worlds be conjoyned , or if any sea doe passe between them , they are straites so narrow , that beasts might easily swimme , and men get over even with small vessells ; our countrey-man nich. fuller u gives in his suitable verdit for the facile passing into columbina , so he calls it from the famous first discoverer , saying , from other places they might find severall islands not farre distant each from other , and a narrow cut at last through which passengers might easily be conveyed ; and acosta w tells that about florida the land runs out very large towards the north , and as they say joynes with the scythique or german sea ; and after some other such mentionings , he concludes confidently , there is no reason or experience that doth contradict my conceit , that all the parts of the earth be united and joyned in some place or other , o●… at least , approach very neere together , and that is his conclusive sentence . it is an indubitable thing , that the one world is continued , and joyned with the other . chap. iii : answer to question 2. how such a remnant should enpeople so great a part of the world . the whole countrey of jewry , whence wee would have it probable that the americans came , is not above one hundred and sixty miles long , from a dan to beersheba , and the breadth is but sixty miles , from ioppa to iordan , in st. ieromes account , who knew it so well ; and how some few colonies , as it were removing from thence should multiply into such numbers , that so large a countrey should be filled by them , is a scruple that hath troubled some considering men . america in the latitude of it is b is foure thousand miles ; and bishop casa's c hath said already , that the spaniards in his time had forraged and spoyled countries longer then all europe , and a great part of asia ; it seemes incredible therefore that the incommers , who were but few in comparison , as a little flocke of kids , should so marvelously spread into all the westerne world ; for the americans before that spanish devastation , filled all the countrey . but this will not seeme so difficult , if former examples be taken into consideration ; d some have made speciall observation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as had many children ; t is much that acosta e writes of one of the inguas or kings of peru , that hee had above three hundred sonnes and grandchildren ; t is more that philo iud●…us f tells of noah the patriarke , who lived , hee saith , to see twenty foure thousand proceeding from him , all males , for women were not numbred . we use to say , rome was not built in one day ; and indeed eutropius g speaking of the empire of that city , saith , at first none was lesse , but in its increment it exceeded all others by many degrees , so that he who reades the story thereof , reads not the acts of one people , but of all nations saith florus h ; yea and seneca i looking on rome in its minority , and her immense magnitude afterward , is amazed thereat ; this one people saith he , how many colonies did it send into all provinces , he writes of numerous encreases from other cities also , as athens and miletus , but it will be nearer to our purpose to observe , how small the number of israell was at his first discent into egypt , how short a time they tarried there , what cruell waies were taken to stop their encrease , and yet how much , and how marvelously they multiplied , and then it will not be strange , that a farre greater number , in a longer time should or might grow into such vast multitudes . and for the first t is most certaine , all the soules of the house of iacob which came into egypt were seventy . gen. 46. 27. t is true also , though not to all so manifest , that the time of their abode in egypt was about two hundred and fifteen yeers , and not more ; at first appearance indeed it seems to be otherwise , because wee read , exod. 12. 40. the sojourning of the children of israell who dwelt in egypt , was foure hundred and thirty yeeres , but the septuagints addition is here remarkable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they dwelt in egypt and in the land of canaan , they and their fathers , foure hundred and thirty yeeres , and this is one of those thirteen mutations that the seventy interpreters made ; when at king ptolomes appointment they translated the scripture into greeke , which they said was done rightly by them , for israell was indeed in egypt but two hundred and ten yeeres , which collection they make from k the numerall letters of that speech of iacob . gen. 42. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and there be many impressions in the scripture , evidencing that their abode in egypt was according to this computation . saint paul first taught this high point of chronology , where and how the account must begin , namely at the time when the promise was made to abraham , for the law was foure hundred and thirty yeeres after , gal. 3. 16 , 17. god bidding abraham get out of his owne countrey , &c. gen. 12. 1. makes a covenant with him , ver . 2. 3. and abraham was then seventy five yeeres old , ver . 4. isaac is borne twenty five yeeres after , gen. 21. 5. iacobs birth is sixty yeeres after that , gen. 25. 26. iacob was one hundred and thirty yeeres old when hee went downe into egypt , gen. 47. 28. which together make two hundred and fifteen yeeres , and two hundred and fifteen yeeres after they came all out of egypt ; for when the foure hundred and thirty yeeres were expired , even the selfe same day departed all the hosts of the lord out of the land of egypt , exod. 12. 41. the computation of suidas l l in the margent is consonant hereunto ; and how these seventy in the space of two hundred & fifteen yeers did encrease , is next to be declared , which is also plainly expressed , ver . 37. they tooke their journey from rameses to succoth , about six hundred thousand men on foot , beside children , so great a multiplication of so few in so short a time , may easily convince the possibility of a far greater augmentation from a beginning so vastly different , and the continuance so much surmounting . the spaniards first comming into america was about the yeere one thousand foure hundred and ninety : the great dispersion of the jewes immediately after our saviours death at the destruction of ierusalem , was more then fourteen hundred yeeres before , and their former importation into the city of the medes was seven hundred and fourty yeeres before that ; if therefore upon either of the scatterings of that nation , two thousand or fourteen hundred yeeres , or lesse then either number be allowed for the encrease of those that were very many before , such multitudes will not be miraculous : besides , in all that time no forraign power did breake in among them ; there were thence no transplantations of colonies , no warres did eate up the inhabitants , but such light battailes as they were able to manage among themselves , in all that long time they did encrease and multiply without any extraordinary diminution , till that incredible havocke which was made by the spanish invasions and cruelties . chap. iv. answer to the third quaere , about their becomming so barbarous . if such a passage through tartary , or some other countrey for them were granted , and the probability of so numerous multiplication acknowledged , the perswasion will not yet be easie , that jewes should ever become so barbarous , horrid and inhumane , as bookes generally relate of these americans . villagagno a writing of the brasilians to master calvin , speakes as if he had bin uncertaine at first whether he were come among beasts in an humane shape , so stupid he found them and sottish beyond imagination : but here every reader may take occasion to bemoane the woefull condition of mankinde , and into what rude , grosse , and unmanlike barbarities we runne headlong , if the goodnesse of god prevent us not . wee marvaile at the americans for their nakednesse , and man-devouring , we cannot believe the jewes should be given over to such barbarity : but in our own nation the inhabitants were anciently as rude and horrid , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith herodian , the britons knew not the use of apparell , lest their cloathing should hide the severall formes and figures of beasts and other creatures which they paint , and imprint upon their bodies ; and hierome saith , when he was a young man , he saw the scots , gentem britannicam humanis vesci carnibus , and that even here of old were anthropophagi , is averred by diodorus siculus , and strabo . and to what hath bin said of the jewes formerly , shall here be added . it seemes strange to us if they be jewes , they should forget their religion , and be so odiously idolatrous , although after so many yeeres ; but , if the scripture had not spoken it , could it have bin believed of this very people , that they should fall so often into such foule offences , as , if circumstances be considered , have no parallell . israel , when but newly delivered out of egypt , by many signes and wonders , with severall evident and miraculous impressions of gods majesty and power ; yet in six moneths space all is forgotten , they make unto themselves a god of their owne , attributing unto it all their deliverance , and say , these be thy gods o israrael which brought thee out of the land of egypt . exod. 32. 4. which base idoll of theirs had not it s nothing , till they were all come out safe thence ; who can sufficiently wonder that those very people who saw and heard those terrible things mentioned , exod. 19 , & 20. which forced them to say but a while before to moses , talke thou with us , and wee will heare , but let not god talke with us , least wee die , exod. 20. 19. yea god himselfe seems to admire at this , and for this to disowne them , telling moses , thy people which thou hast brought out of the land of egypt , they are soon turned out of the way , &c. exod. 32. 8. it may seeme past beliefe any of iacobs race should be so unnaturall as to devoure one another , as is frequent among these indians ; and would it not bee as much beyond credit , if the scripture of truth , dan. 10. 21. had not asserted it , that these sonnes of iacob in former times when they had priests and prophets among them , and the remembrance of gods justice and mercy was fresh in their minds , that they should then offer their sonnes and daughters unto devills , psal. 106. 36. as they did in the valley of hinnom , 2 king 23. 10. smiting b on the tabrets while their children were burning , that their cry could not be heard ; t is not impossible therefore that the jews should be againe overwhelmed with such savagenesses and inhumanity ; nor improbable neither , if to what hath bin said three other things be added . 1. the threats of god against them upon their disobedience , deut. 28. where be words and curses sufficient to portend the greatest calamity that can be conceived to fall upon the nature of man , as hath already bin in severall things declared ; and m. paris c so answers the objection , that the tartars are not jewish , because they know nothing of moses law , nor righteousnesse , &c. if when moses was alive , saith he , they were so stubborne and rebellious , and went after other gods , they may be now much more prodigiously wicked , even as these americans , being unknowne to other people , confounded also in their language and life , and god so revenging their abominations . 2. the ten tribes in their owne land were become extreamely barbarous , renouncing all almost they had received from moses , ezek. 36. 17. & 2 king. 17. their captivity is mentioned , and the sinfull cause thereof , more then abominable idolatries ; and they were not onely guilty of wicked , but even of witlesse impieties : god forbad them to walke after the customes of the nations , deut. 4. 8. and yet , as the heathen in all their cities , they built high places , making images and groves upon every high hill , and under every green tree , and made their sonnes and daughters to passe through the fire , using witchcraft and enchantment , &c. 2 king. 17. 8 , 9. this was their religion and wisdome while they were in their own countrey , and they were no better in the land of their captivity ; for it may be , they had not there the books of the law , nor any prophets among them , because t is said againe and againe , they left the commandments of their god. and if it seeme unlikely , that the jewes being in america should lose the bible , the law , and ceremonies , then let the prophesie of hosea be remembred , where t is foretold , that the children of israel shall remaine many daies without a king , and without a prince , and without a sacrifice , and without an ephod , and without a teraphim , hose . 3. 4. yea and before that time there was a lamentable defection of religion in israell . while they were in their owne land , for a long season they were without the true god , and without a reading priest , and without law , 2 chron. 15. 3. yea and as chrysostome d affirmes that the book of deuteronomy had been lost along time among christians , and was lately recovered from dust and rubbish a little before his daies ; so t is most certaine that in iosiahs reigne , hilkiah the priest found the booke of the law in the house of the lord , which when the king heard read unto him , hee was astonisht , as at a new and strange thing , and rent his clothes , 2 king , 22. 8. &c. and this was the booke of the law of the lord given by moses , 2 chro. 34. 14. which was then little knowne or regarded among them , ver . 24 , 25. &c. but thirdly , the stupor and dulnesse of israell was even admirable , when our saviour came into the world , for they give no credit to their owne prophets read in their synagogues every sabbath , the shepherds publish what they received from the angells concerning christ , luk. 2. 17. simeon proclaimes glorious things of jesus , and they will not heare , ver . 25. wise men came from the east to ierusalem enquiring and discoursing , but still they apprehend not ; yea they shut their eyes against all the marvailes that christ performed among them , such as would have convinced not onely tyre and sidon , but even sodome and gomorrha : the heavenly sermons of the sonne of god wrought upon stones , harlots , publicans and sinners , but those jewes remaine inflexible against all , and at his death they still continue feared and stupified ; the veile of the temple is rent , the earth did quake , the stones were cloven asu nder , and the graves did open , but their hearts are shut up still ; yea and at his resurrection there was a great earthquake , the angel of the lord comes downe from heaven , his countenance is like lightning , for fear of him the keepers become as dead men , christ riseth againe in glory , and the watch shew the high priests all these things , they are hereupon convinced , but they will not be convinced ; for they take counsell together , and with mony hire the souldiers to say , the disciples stole away his body while they slept ; if it be therefore well considered of what dark & darkned condition the israelites were in these times , how many yeeres have passed since , what meanes they have had to increase their rudenesse and incivility , and irreligion ; no way , commerce , or means left to reclaime them , it will not seem so strange if they be wholly barbarous , seeing also the vengeance of god lies hard and heavy upon them for their injustice done to his sonne , nam crucifixerunt e salvatorem suum & fecerunt damnatorem suum , saith st. austin , they crucified their saviour , and made him their enemy and avenger . it is no marvaile then , supposing the americans to be jewes , that there be so few mentionings of judaicall rites and righteousnesse among them ; it may be , and is , a wonderfull thing rather , that any footstep or similitude of judaisme should remaine after so many ages of great iniquity , with most just divine displeasure therupon , and no possibility yet discerned how they should recover , but manifest necessities almost of praecipitation into further ignorance , grossenesse and impiety ; the losse of which their customes and ceremonies , in so great a measure , in time may prove advantagious towards their conversion , seeing they cannot be obstinate maintainers of mosaicall ordinances , the love and liking whereof and adhesion to them , was ever a prevailing obstacle to the knowing jewes , and that is a consideration tending directly to the last part , and particular , and will helpe , i trust , to encourage us who are already desirous , not to civilize onely the americanes , but even to gospellize and make them christian. part third . humble desires to all , for hearty endeavours in all , to acquaint the natives with christianity . chap. i. to the planters , and touching the cause of their removall hence . this discourse will be directed to the english planted there , and our selves at home ; concerning the former , three or foure things may be minded . 1. cause of their removall . 2. hope of the natives conversion . 3. directions to it . 4. cautions , and some other additions . deep considerations , without doubt , and mature , were in those that hence transplanted themselves into that other part of the world , but quo jure , by what right and title they could settle in a forraigne land was surely none of their last enquiries . io. bodin a reckons five reasons why colonies may be planted in other regions . 1. expulsion from their own native countrey . 2. increase of inhabitants upon a land . 3. want of necessaries at home , and unseasonable times . 4. desire to preserve and enlarge their owne territories . 5. favour to prisoners and captives . the ampliation of the kingdome of christ was expected here as a motive in vaine ; but i finde it elsewhere among our novangles , and it shall be mentioned in due place : for those are causes why men goe out of their owne land , but for the jus and right of setling in another they say nothing . when the bishop de las casas had set forth his tract of the spanish cruelties committed in the indies , some guilty persons he supposeth suborned doctor sepulveda , the emperours historian , to undertake their patronage , which he did in an elegant and rhetoricall discourse , endeavouring to prove , that the spanish wars against the indians were just and lawfull , and that they were bound to submit unto the spaniards , as ideots to the more prudent ; but he could not obtaine leave to print a booke so irrationall and unchristian . their more plausible plea is , that columbus was first employed by them to discover some of those parts ; but the same offer was before tendred to this our nation , and the king thereof ; yea and the english were as early in that very designe as the portingales , for our b chronicles shew that sebastian gabat or cabot , borne at bristol , was employed by king henry the seventh , and he with some london merchants , adventured three or foure ships into those new-found lands , anno one thousand foure hundred ninety eight ; and it cannot be doubted , but they had made some former sufficient experiments , before that their so confident engagement : thence t is affirmed by others c , that the english were there before columbus , and about the yeere d one thousand five hundred and two , three of those natives were brought unto the king , they were cloathed in beasts skinnes , did eate raw flesh , spake a language none could understand , two of those men were seen at the court at westminster two yeeres after , cloathed like englishmen . but wee of this nation have yet a more ancient claime , three hundred yeeres before columbus , in the time of henry the second , anno dom. one thousand one hundred and seventy ; when madoc ap owen gwineth did not onely discover the countrey , but ●…lanted in some part of mexico , and left monuments of the brittish language , and other usages , taken notice of by the spaniands , since their arrivall thither . mr. herbert e in his travailes doth not onely remember this , but sheweth it to have bin mentioned by many worthy men of late , and ancient times , as cynwic ap greut , meredith ap rhice , gul. owen , lloyd , powell , hackluit , davis , broughton . and purchas . l. 4. c. 13. p. 807. but yet more particularly , dr donne f allowes that as a justifiable reason of mens removall from one place to another , publique benefit ; interest reipublicae ut re sua quis bene utatur , every one must use his private for the common good : and if a state may take order that every man improve what he hath for the benefit of the nation where he lives , then , interest mundo , all mankinde may every where , as farre as it is able , advance the good of mankinde in generall , which not being done by the natives there , others are bound , at least have liberty to interpose their endeavours , especially , when by divine providence one land swells with inhabitants , and another is disempeopled by mutuall broiles , infectious diseases , or the cruelty of invaders , all which have helped to sweepe away the americans , while the english in the meane time did multiply in such manner and measure , as they could scarcely dwell one by another ; and because man is commanded more than once to bring forth , multiply , and fill the earth , gen. 1. 28. 9. 1. he may well therefore , and justly looke abroad , and if he finde convenient and quiet habitation , he may call the name of that land rehoboth , because the lord hath made him roome , gen. 22. 26. that is also a lawfull cause of setling in other lands , when a right therein is acquired by purchase , as abraham bought of ephron the field of machpelah , gen. 22. 17. and thus paspehai h one of the indian kings sold unto the english in virginia land to inhabit and inherit ; and when mr williams of late i called upon our planters in new england to be humbled for making use of the kings patents , for removing hence , and residing there , he is well answered among other things , that they had those lands from the natives by way of purchase and free consent . againe , the territories of strangers may be possessed upon the donation and fore-gift of the naturall inhabitants , as abimelech said to abraham , behold the land is before thee , dwell where it pleaseth thee , gen. 20. 15. and pharaoh said to ioseph , in the land of goshen let thy father and brethren dwell , gen. 47. 5 , 6. so in virginia king k powhatan desired the english to come from iames town , a place unwholsome , and take possession of another whole kingdome , which he gave them ; thus the surviving l indians were glad of the comming of the english to preserve them from the oppression of the next borderers ; and surely divine providence making way , the care of emprovement , the purchase from the natives , their invitation and gift , some , or all these , may satisfie the most scrupulous in their undertaking , or else what will such our inquisitors say to maintaine the right of their owne inheritances ? the english invaded the britons the ancient inhabitants of this island , and crowded them into the nooke of wales , themselves in the meane time taking possession of the fat of this land ; by what right , or by what wrong i dispute not , saith m crantzius ; but such in those daies were the frequent emigrations of people to seeke out new habitations . to these that other expression of the eloquent deane n may be added , accepistis potestatem , you have your commissions , your patents , your charters , your seale from that soveraigne power upon whose acts any private subject in civill matters may rely ; and though our forenamed country-man seemeth to slight the pattent of new-england , as containing matter of falsehood and injustice , that o imputation also is sufficiently removed by mr cotton in that his answer before mentioned . and yet further , the desire and endeavour to plant christianity there , will fortifie the former reasons , and sufficiently vindicate the transplantation of people , this p seales the great seale saith that doctor , authorizeth authority , and justifies justice it selfe , and christians may have learned this from our deare master christ , who coasted the countrey , and crossed the seas q saith chrysologus , not to satisfie humane curiosity , but to promote mans salvation ; not to see diversities of ●…ces , but to seeke , and finde , and save lost mankinde . and if such be the aime of our nation there , we may with more comfort expect and enjoy the externalls of the indians , when wee pay them our spiritualls , for their temporalls , an easie and yet most glorious exchange , the salvation of the salvages , to the hope of the one , the like sound of the other may give encouragement ; but that is the next consideration . chap. ii. hope of the natives conversion . saint paul enforced himselfe to preach the gospell where christ was not yet named , rom. 15. 20. such is the condition of that forlorne nation , a good subject to worke upon , and if so good an end be propounded , the successe by divine blessing will be answerable : and though the countrey hath been knowne more than a century of yeeres to christians , yet those that came first among them , minded nothing lesse than to make them such . benzo a relates abundantly how the spaniards laid the foundation of their endeavours in bloud , their fryers and religious persons at first instigating them thereto . that christian king indeed gave them leave to subdue the caniballs , but they destinate all the nations to bitter bondage , proceeding therein with so much rigour and severity , that the dominicans are constrained at length to complaine thereof to the pope paul the third , imploring from him a bull for the reinfranchisement of the indians , which they obtained , and brought into ●…aine , and presented it to charles the fifth , who made them free to the griefe and losse of some of the grandees , whose wealth and grandour consisted most in slaves ; they were most prodigiously libidinous b also , contracting upon themselves most foule and pernicious diseases , that loathsome lust first brought into this world , the filthy and infectious contagion , now so much spoken of . their covetousnesse was notorious also , the indians scorned them for it , and for their sakes abominated the name of christianity ; and when they tooke any c of the spaniards , they would bind their hands , cast them upon their backs , and poure gold into their mouths , saying , eate , o christians , eate this gold : yea their lives were generally so odious , and opposite to godlinesse , that the same writer professeth , their scandalous conversation deterred the americans from the gospell ; they did indeed teach some children of their kings and nobles , to read , and write , and understand the principles of christianity , which they acknowledged to be good , and wondered that the christians themselves so little practised them ; and thus one of them bespake a d spaniard , o christian thy god forbids thee to take his name in vaine , and yet thou swearest upon every light occasion , and forswearest ; your god saith , you shall not beare false witnesse , and you doe nothing else almost but slander , and curse one another ; your god commands you to love your neighbour as your selfe , but how are the poore injured by you ? how doe you cast them into prison , and fetters , that are not able to pay their debts ? and you are so farre from relieving needy christians , that you send them to our cottages for almes , spending your meanes and time in dice , thefts , contentions , and adulteries : he tells also of an indian prince , that was very apt and ingenious , he attained to a very good measure of learning and knowledge in religion , and was hopefull above others in both ; but about the thirtieth yeere of his age , he deceived the expectation of friends , and became extremely debauched and impious , and being blamed for his bad change , his excuse was , since i became a christian i have learned all this , to sweare by the name of god , to blaspheme the holy gospell , to lie , to play at dice ; i have gotten a sword also to quarrell , and that i may be a right christian indeed , i want nothing but a concubine , which i intend also shortly to bring home to my house ; and benzo further addes , when himselfe reprehended an indian for dicing and blaspemy e , hee was presently answered , i learned this of you christians , &c. and if it be said , benzo was an italian , and laies the more load upon the spaniards , as no friend to that nation , bartholomeus de las casas f one of their owne , and a bishop also , is as liberall in telling their faults , as hath been in part mentioned already ; the natives indeed are capable and docible , but these other tooke no care to lead them unto godlinesse , either by word or example ; but this , saith that spanish bishop , was the manner of their gospelizing them ; in the night they published their edict , saying , o yee caciques and indians of this place , which they named , wee let you all know , that there is one god , one pope , one king of castile , who is the lord of these lands , come forth therefore presently and doe your homage , and shew your obedience to him ; so in the fourth watch of the night the poore indians dreaming of no such matter , men women and children were burnt in their houses together : he affirmeth againe , they regarded no more to preach the gospell of christ to the americans , than if they had bin dogs , and their soules to perish with their bodies ; he tells further of one colmenero , who had the soule-care of a great city , being asked what he taught the indians committed to his charge , his answer was , he cursed them to the devill ; and it was sufficient if he said to them , per signin santin cruces , by the signe of the holy crosse . the spanish instruction then , it is evident , was the natives destruction , and not so much a plantation as a supplantation , not a consciencious teaching , but a lion-like rather devouring of soules ; their errors may warne and rectifie us , yea and sharpen our edge , seeing these poore indians be not indocible , and shall be converted ; and be they jewes or gentiles , as there is much rudenesse and incivility among them , so many hopefull things have bin observed of them ; and as aristotle said of the humane soule at its first immission , it was a new planed table , the americans in like manner saith p. martyr g , are capable , and docible , mindelesse of their owne ancient rites , readily believing and rehearsing what they be taught concerning our faith ; acosta h declares them not onely to be teachable , but in many things excelling many other men , and that they have among them some politique principles admired by our wisest statists ; their naturall parts and abilities were visible in that their whale-catching and conquest mentioned i already , yea they are saith benzo k , very apt to imitate the fashion of the christians ; if wee kneele at our devotion , they will kneele also ; if wee reverently lift up our hands or eyes at prayer , they will do the like : lerius l writeth severall observable things , of their aptnesse and capacity , that they be quickely sensible of their owne blindnesse , easily deterred from lying and stealing ; they told us , m saith he , that very long agoe , they could not tell how many moones since , one came among them cloathed and bearded like unto us , endeavouring to perswade us unto another kinde of religion , but our ancestors would not then heare ; and if wee should now forsake our old usages , all our neighbours would scorne and deride us ; hee found them of tenacious memories , if they heare but once one of our names , they forget them no more : and as hee walked in the woods upon a time with three of those brasilians , his heart was stirred up to praise god for his workes , it was in the spring of the yeere , and hee sang the hundred and fourth psalme , one of them desired to know the reason of his joy , which when he had mentioned , with the meaning also of the prophet , the indian replyed , oh mayr , so they call the french , how happy are you that understand so many secret things , that are hidden from us ! and when the natives of virginia o heard mr harriot speake of the glory of the great god , shewing them his booke , the bible , many of them touched it with gladnesse , kissed , and embraced it , held it to their breasts , and heads , and stroaked their bodies all over with it , and in p guiens they desired captaine leigh to send into england for instructors , and one of them was so well taught , that he professed at his death , he died a christian , a christian of england . but the q sunne-rising of the gospel with the indians in new england , with the breaking forth of further light among them , and their enquiry after the knowledge of the worlds saviour , &c. hath been abundantly discovered by our brethren there of late , to our very great rejoycing , and for the encouragement of them and others . to what hath been said , let me adde what some r suppose they read foretold concerning the americans accesse to christ , out of philip. 2. 10. at the name of iesus every knee shall bow , of things in heaven , things on earth , and things under the earth , i. e. heavenly things , saints already converted , earthly , such of the knowne world as the apostles were then labouring to gospellize , under the earth , that is , the americans which are as under us , and as antipodes to us , and live as it were under , beneath , in the lower parts of the world ; for it is not like hee should speake of the corporally dead , their bodies not being under , but rather in the earth , & inferi , infernus , doe not alwaies meane hell , and the place of the damned , but the regions as under us sometimes , that be opposite to us , as that epistle , said to be brought by a winde from the upper to the nether world , had those words first , superi inferis salutem , wee above the earth wish health to them under it ; and thus the captive indians s told the english planters : wee therefore seeke your destruction , because wee heare you are a people come under the world to take our world from us . others finde their conversion praefigured in that threat , mat. 25. 30. cast the unprofitable servant into utter darknesse , those tenebrae exteriores , outward darknesses t are regiones exterae , the outer and forraigne nations in the judgement of remigiu●… ; and some conceive the same to be fore-signified by the prophet obadiah , ver . 20. the captivity of ierusalem shall possesse the cities of the south . i. e. of america , so situate , or , the dry cities , that countrey being much under the torrid zone ; acosta u confidently applyeth thus this text , as some others doe that of esa. 66. 19. fredericus lumnius w in his booke de vicinitate extremi judicii , findes or makes divers other scriptures look this way , upon that ground , three sorts of people should be in the church of christ at severall times , jewes formerly , christians now , and these indians afterwards ; he citeth hilary thus understanding that parable of the talents , the possessor of five is the jew , hee that had two talents is the gentile , then knowne , hee that received one , a people all carnall and stupid ; and according to this triple time of the church , and order of believers , hee expoundeth other scriptures , zach. 13. 8. mat. 13. 3. and the three watches , luk. 12. 38. and craving pardon of his rashnesse , or rather fidei nescientis mensuram suam , of his faith not knowing its owne measure , hee further allegorizeth the former parable , the jewes had one talent , the ancient and present christians two , law and gospell , and the servant to whom five talents were given , by which hee gained other five , is the indian and american nation , last in time converted , and called after others into the vineyard ; but it shall be more abundant in obeying the gospell , more fervent in charity , more zealous of good workes , and therefore malvenda x will have those to be the dry cities before mentioned out of obad. ver . 20. because they shall so much thirst after the gospell ; for that younger sister of the foure , saith y one of her friends in this england , is now growne marriageable , and daily hopes to get christ to her husband by the preaching of the gospel . comines z said of the english that they were much addicted to , and taken with prophecies and predictions , i believe that is incident to all nations , some even among these have foretold of the mutation of their rites , and religion , as hath bin mentioned , and in reference to their gospelizing a a divine and propheticall poet hath printed his thoughts hereof in severall particulars . religion stands on tiptoe in our land , ready to passe to the american strand ; when height of malice , and prodigious lusts , impudent sinning , witchcrafts , and distrusts , the markes of future bane , shall fill our cup vnto the brim , and make our measure up ; when sein shall swallow tiber , and the thames by letting in them both pollute her streames ; when italy of us shall have her will , and all her calendar of sins fulfill , whereby one may foretell what sins next yeer shall both in france and england domineer , then shall religion to america flee , they have their times of gospell even as wee : my god , thou dost prepare for them a way , by carrying first from them their gold away , for gold and grace did never yet agree , religion alwaies sides with poverty ; wee thinke wee rob them , but we thinke amisse , wee are more poore , and they more rich by this ; thou wilt revenge their quarrell , making grace to pay our debts , and leave our ancient place , to goe to them , while that , which now their nation but lends to us , shall be our desolation , &c. here is a sad prognosticke for this england , but a joyfull calculation for america , longing , thirsting america ; and if such be their ripenesse and desire , wee should also make haste to satisfie them , the harvest there is great , and the regions are already white thereto ; the laborours indeed are few , t is more then time that the lord of the harvest were more earnestly intreated to send , to thrust forth labourers into this harvest : they that have gone into those parts have not all had a care of this , the harvest of soules . it was indeed the profession of villagagno , and the purpose surely of peter richiers , and will. charter pastors , and others from geneva , anno , one thousand five hundred fifty six , to publish the gospel there , and they were very serious therein , yea and lerius , b one of them , believes they had bin successefull also , if that apostate governour had not become a most cruell persecutor of the reformed religion in that strange land , where he most barbarously mutthered three of those his owne countrey men , and the aforesaid lerius piously took care that their martyrdom should be commemorated by io. crispin in his history ; and though these were not so happy in that holy attempt , others have not been , will not be discouraged in such a worke ; a worke worthy of the choicest diligence of those that professe the glorious gospel in sincerity , who have had also many and manifold experiments of divine favour in their severall preservations , directions , and accommodations ; and because their friends ( with praise to god , and thanks to them for what is done and declared already ) desire to know more of those their pious and blessed endeavours , let me adde a third consideration , wishes of furtherance and direction in such great and gracious employments , which shall be , i hope , and pray , as a spurre to more able advisers to bring in every one somewhat or other towards the erecting of a tabernacle for our god in america . chap. iii. directions towards the conversion of the natives . some give violent counsell here , presuming they find it in that parable , luk. 14. 23. compell them to come in ; but judicious a austin calls this amoris , non timoris tractum , not a force of feare , but of love , producing the example of a sheepe following the shepherd holding a green bough in his hand ; and t is the sentence of a serious historian b among the gentiles , such are worthy of pitty not hatred , that erre from the truth , for they doe it not willingly , but being mistaken in judgement , they adhere to their first received opinions ; and the saints in the first times never thought outward compulsion a fit meane to draw on inward assent . the evangelicall prophet foretold this , they shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountaine saith the lord , esa. 65 last . and our most deare lord himselfe saith , the sonne of man is not come to destroy mens lives , but to save them , luk. 9. 56. saint iames derives the pedigree of that wisdome which hath bitter envying and strife , though it be but in heart , though it may rejoyce and thinke highly of it selfe , yet its parentage is from that cerberus of iniquity , the world , the flesh , and the devill , jam. 3. 15. but regenerated saints delight surely in that wisdome which is from above , and that is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy , &c. jam. 3. 17. full of mercy , no roome therfore for violence and cruelty ; and the holy men of the next ages were children of this wisdome . 't is not religion , saith tertullian c , to compell religion , which ought to be introduced by perswasion , not force ; for even sacrifices of old were expostulated from willing mindes ; our church hath nothing to doe with murther , and bonds . d athanasius never committed any man to a goaler , saith hee himselfe in his apology ; and againe , the truth is not to be preached with swords , and darts , and armies , but by reason and arguments , which finde no place among them whose contradiction is requited with suffering , banishment , and death : the ancient christians abound with mentionings of this kind ; it is said indeed of e charles the great , that conquering the saxons , he commanded them to embrace christianity , and that he dealt in such a manner with the hungarians , and some others ; yea and though there be that speake the like of constantine , yet eusebius f writeth confidently , he wished all , commanded no man to be a christian , and for this orosius g commends him , that he shut up the pagan temples , but offer'd no violence to mens persons . the devill indeed , because he is no friend to truth , comes with axes and hatchets , but our saviour is gentle , and with a sweet voice saith , open unto me my sister , my love , &c. cant. 5. 2 , 5. and if they open , he enters , if not , he departeth , saith athanasius in the fore-cited place . foure things did especially assist in the first coverting of people to christ , besides those miraculous helps ; and if they be now conscienciously practised , god will shew himselfe mervellous in his blessing . 1. language , the necessity thereof was visible in those cloven tongues as of fire , the history whereof wee read act. 2. 1. &c. men must learne the speech of the natives , that dealing by interpreters must needs be difficult , tedious , and not so successefull ; meinardus h of old first gained the tongue of the livonians , and then became an happy instrument of their conversion ; and i chrysostome did the like with the scythians ; and the french colony k propounded and promised the same course at their first planting in america , as they certified mr calvin in their letters ; and the english in l virginia labouring to bring the natives to christianity , were woefully impeded therein by the ignorance of their language , which defect in themselves they did both acknowledge and bewaile . 2. labouring in the word was required and practised , mat. 28. act. 20. 18. and passim preachers should be appointed with all diligence to instruct the indians ; for men are begotten to christ by the word of truth , jam. 1. 18. the iberians m received the first inckling of the gospell by a christian maid-servant that was a captive among them ; and they sent afterwards unto constantine the emperour for preachers ; the old indian told the spanish priest n complaining of their aversenesse to the gospell , the lawes of christ wee confesse are better than ours , but wee cannot learne them for want of teachers , wherein he spake the truth , the very truth saith acosta , to our very shame and confusion . 3. the piety and holinesse of those apostolicall christians was exceeding and exemplary , by which as well as by their preaching they woo'd and wonne kingdomes and people to christianity ; their enemies could find no other fault in them , but that that they were christians : our deare masters generall command was universally practised , the light of their holy lives did shine to gods glory , and the benefit of others ; thus victor vticensts o sheweth that caprapicta was converted as well by the piety and godlinesse , as by the preaching of the africans ; as on the other side the impiety of the spaniards deterred the americans from the gospell . 4. blessing was fetched downe from heaven by prayer , this was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their only worke in a manner , prayer and ministration of the word , act. 6. 4. thus p socrates reporteth , that after seven daies fasting and supplication the burgundians were christianized ; so crantzius q tells of those northern nations that by prayer and preaching they prevailed to bring many other people to christ : if men doe now worke with these tooles , the building will goe up a pace , the foundation being laid in the honour of god by the conversion of those that yet remaine in the shadow of death ; in all which some furtherance might be found , by knowing and observing the dispositions , fashions , and customes of the natives , which would also in a good measure be understood by serious converses with them , and by severall bookes that from severall places upon severall occasions have been written of them ; and to all let be added studious industry , that some indian children be taught christianity , and trained up to such abilities that they may have skill to instruct their own countrey men . it was gregories counsell to further the conversion of our countreymen here , they should buy english children and youths of seventeen or eighteen yeeres , that might be educated in gods service , and helpful this way . the franciscan that had been so many yeeres among them , and learned two of their languages , and used much diligence in this worke in his way , told benzo r , that of necessity such a course must be taken to gospellize them , all other endeavours would be fruitlesse and labour in vaine ; and that writer s sheweth how those of peru were well contented to deliver their young ones to be taught in christianity ; and surely their fathers and countrey-men would sooner listen unto them than unto strangers . and in all these the good counsell of the holy apostle must be remembred , walke wisely toward them which are without , colos. 4. 5. not onely in watchfulnesse and care to prevent all dangers from them , but in the most pious wisdome of winning soules , prov. 11. 30. by setting before them in practise also the examples of every grace and vertue , with the perfect hatred of all vice and ungodlinesse ; and let me have favour here to commend 3 or 4 cautions . chap. iv. cautions . 1. take heed and beware of cruelty , the god of mercy hates nothing so much , saith a theophilact as unmercifulnesse ; the badge of christ is clemency , his livery love ; by this it shall be knowne that you are my disciples , saith our deare master himselfe , if yee love one another , io●… . 13. 35. other mens followers were known by their garments and colours , but charity and love made the first christians famous over all the old heathen world , but in the new world the spaniards die was not so black as bloudy , and the indians called them b yares , i. e. devills , so little humanity , as they conceived , was visible among them . the same bishop , when he made an whole book of the spanish cruelties which he saw executed by them on the indians , protesteth it was his opinion , that hee scarce mentioned one of a thousand of their tyrannies ; and more than once or twice he averreth , that they allwaies grew from bad to worse , and exceeded themselves in their diabolicall doings . nothing is more odious to this day than their name in those countries ; for where ever the spanish christians displayed their banners saith benzo c , they imprinted upon the natives by their horrid cruelties , eternall monuments of implacable hatred towards them ; but the faire , civill , and gentle deportment of our nation to the natives , hath already wonne much upon them , as is acknowledged by a d forraigne pen. 2. take heed and beware of covetousnesse , t is our sweet saviours own ingeminated command , luk. 12. 15. happy shall the natives be , and we also , if they find our conversation without covetousnesse , heb. 13. 5. that they may see and say , the englishmen seeke not ours , but us , and us , not to make us slaves to themselves , but fellow servants to christ our common master ; they saw the spaniards so guilty of this e evill , that they conceived them to adore no other god but gold , the observation of which fetched from f benzo that pious exoptation , i wish to god , saith hee , wee were no more addicted to earthly things than they , the name of christian would be glorious were it not for our covetousnes ; the spaniards indeed tell faire stories , some of them , as if their sole desire had been to christianize the natives , when indeed all their endeavour was to satisfie their lust and avarice ; and acosta g himselfe cannot deny but that his countreymen did commit many great outrages for gold and silver ; but where those metalls were not to be found , they made no stay , continued not in such places ; and ▪ benzo h is large in producing their frequent and suddaine removes upon this occasion , and he tells that the bracamorians are unsubdued by the spaniards to this day , not so much because they are a warlike people in their kind , but especially by reason of their poverty and indigence . 3. take heed and beware of complying with them in any of their rites and ceremonies , if we intend they should indeed come out of egypt , let not an hoofe be left , as exod. 10. 25. let them have christian religion purely , without blinding or blending ; the wisdome of the flesh must not here be heard ▪ wee must listen to no other but the counsell of the spirit . it was l good advice the godly bishop and martyr hooper gave to king edward the sixth and his honourable privy councellors , as yee have taken away the masse from the people , so take from them her feathers also , the altar , vestments , and such like as apparell'd her : there hath not doubtlesse , been any one thing so powerfull in begetting and maintaining doctrinall quarrells in christendome , as the unhappy complication with nations and people in some of their supposed tollerable rites at their first approaching to christianity ; the pagans of old , saith rhenanus m , were relieved by the mutation of some things in their religion , whose universall abolition had irritated , if not totally scared them from us ; and acosta n concurres with him in this matter , even in reference to the indians : how this policy prevailed at first in the church was long ago observed , and it became the lamentation of latter times , when men were more tenacious of humane superstructures , than of the fundamentalls laid by jesus christ , the shell and shadow of gentile ceremony is yet more carefully hunted after by the man of rome , than the most solid and substantiall truths of the gospel ; pitty it is , that sense and eyedazlelings should prevaile more than divine verities , that abundance of good things should breed surfets , and yet it will ever be thus , where there is want of care and spirituall exercise at home , and but cold endeavours to promote piety and godlinesse abroad . 4. take heed and beware of all and every ungodlinesse , not onely for your owne sakes , but that the sweet name of our god be not blasphemed among the nations , rom. 2. 24. holy examples are a nearer way to righteousnesse than verball precepts and instructions ; the indians may , even without the word , be won to the truth by a godly conversation , as st. peter speaketh in the like case , 1 pet. 3. 1. a corrupt life is a violent argument perswading to evill ; the americans were scared from christianity by the scandalous iniquities of the spaniards . the evil example of one ungodly christian did more hinder the indians conversion , than an hundred of their religious could further it , * he saith it , who saw what he spake , for they are verily perswaded that of all the gods in the world , the spaniards god is the worst , because hee hath such abominable and wicked servants . benzo i tells of a confabulation himselfe had with an old indian , who in serious discourse said unto him , o christian ! what kind of things be christians , they exact mayz , honey , silke , an indian woman for a concubine , they require gold and silver , christians will not worke , they dice , blaspheme , &c. when i replyed , evil christians onely doe such things , not such as be good , his answer was ready , but where are those good christians ? i could never yet see one of them ; and not this american onely , but a franciscan fryer publickly affirmed , that not a priest , nor monke , not bishop in all india , was worthy of the name of a good man ; didacus lopez k in his epistle to the bishop of guattimala , saith , the christians were so prodigiously wicked , that they were odious not onely to heaven and angells , but even to the earth , and devills ; doe you believe saith hee , the indians will become christians , when your selves are not so but in name onely , and in title ? surely those silly nations will sooner be perswaded to good by the example of one daies conversation , than by an whole yeers preaching ; for to what purpose doe wee strew among the people odoriferous roses with ou●… tongues and language , if we sting and vex them in the meane time with the thornes of our wicked doings . but our countrey men take care to follow the aforementioned injunction of the holy apostle , col. 4. 5. they walke righteously , or as in our old english it was , in right wisenesse , so they called righteousnesse , towards them without ; and so their charter on earth , as well as those letters patents from heaven , wills that the english be so religiously , peaceably , and civilly governed , as their good life and orderly conversation may winne and inci●…e the natives of the countrey to the knowledg and obedience of the onely true god and saviour of mankinde , and the christian faith , which in our regall intention and the adventurers free profession , is the principall end of this plantation . and let these words be understood , as awakenings to those of our nation there , and our selves also , that wee all labour mutually , and from our hearts , to propagate the gospell there , because wee , who eate every man of his owne vine , and of his owne figtree , and drinke every man water out of his own ●…isterne , esa. 36. 16. should witnesse our thankfulnesse unto god , for these favours , by sympathizing affections towards our brethren there , and the natives . chap. v. to the english here , and first in behalfe of the planters there . they should have our hearts and love for many seasons , how many felicities did they forsake , both of the right hand , and of the left , in respect of estate , friends , and the comfort of their owne native soile ? it was said by the prophet , weepe for him that goeth ou●… , for hee shall returne no more to see his owne countrey , jer. 22. 20. besides , that dulcis amor patriae , how many hazards did they runne into by dangerous and tedious sea-voyages ? they were exposed to divers certaine inconveniences , not only in regard of externalls , change of aire , diet , &c. but change of men especially , having little security , because they were in daily dread of indian trechery , which might then fall upon them , when they supposed it most remote ; they have also left more roome at home , of which wee were wont to have more need than company , which encreased so fast , that wee were ready to extrude one another ; and by them we have more strength abroad , because transplanted colonies a be domestique fortifications , though they have been invented sometimes , and used to abate popular undertakings , but i meane it in the roman interpretation , the nations where they fix , are reduced by degrees to their fashions , lawes , and commands : yet some have unnaturally followed those our countrey men with reproaches , accounting them so base , as not worthy to be set with the dogs of their flocke , as one to them applyed that of job 30. 1. to the westerne plantation indeed , at first men of meane condition generally resorted , but soon after people of better ranke followed ; divers of good families , and competent estates went into virginia , and setled in some islands thereabouts , but because those of new-england pretended more to religion than the rest , they are more loaden with uncivill language , but most injuriously ; for the transplanting novangles were many of them severally eminent , some of noble extract , divers gentlemen descended from good families ; their first charter mentions three knights , among other men of worth ; and it seemes their example , or somewhat else was like to prevaile with many others of no meane condition , so that eleven of the then privy counsell directed their letters in december , one thousand six hundred thirty foure , to the warden of the cinque ports , taking notice that severall persons went over with their families , and whole estates , forbidding subsidy men , or of the value of subsidy men to be imbarqued without speciall licence and attestation of their taking the oaths of supremacy and allegiance , submission also to the orders and discipline of the church of england : and three yeeres after , viz. one thousand six hundred thirty seven , a proclamation issued from the king to the same purpose , and in the same words . others instead of affections and hearts , sling darts after them , and say , they are gone out from us indeed , but they were not of us , 1 joh. 2. 19. neither liking our doctrine nor governement . yet surely they differ not at all from us in religion , witnesse our owne confession and their profession ; and for the first , our learned men have continually acknowledged the puritans to consent with them in doctrinalls , archbishop sands b in his sermon before queene elizabeth more than once asserteth this , we have here saith he , to praise our god , that in publique doctrine touching the substance of religion wee all agree in one truth , the greater pitty it is we should so much dissent in matters of small importance , in rites and circumstanees ; the puritanicall errors did not at all oppose any part of our religion , but it continued most sound even to the dying day of that most renowned princess , saith he that c analysed our thirty nine articles , and so printed them by authority ; and king iames d averreth the like of his scottish puritans , we all god be thanked agree in the grounds , and after his reception of this crowne , hee calls e the english puritan a sect rather than a religion ; and in his declaration against vorstius f , hee joyneth his churches of great britaine with those of france and germany , opposing them all against vorstius , bertius , and the arminians ; notwithstanding the disciplinarian quarrell saith g bishop andrewes , we have the same ●…aith , the cardinall is deceived , or deceiveth , in using the word puritans , as if they had another religion differing from that publiquely professed , and this hath been the unanimous asseveration of english bishops , and other learned divines , as were easie abundantly to declare . but themselves have spared us that labour , by their constant acknowledgement thereof ; mr. rogers h in his forecited analysis , produceth their owne writings to this purpose , and what one of them can be named that refused subscription to those 39 articles in reference to matters of doctrine ; mr. browne t is thought , went as farre astray as any here , yet i have seen his owne i hand declaring at that time his allowance of all those synodicall articles ; and left any should imagine the novangles differing from us in dogmaticall truths , besides many , very many printed bookes testifying their concurrence with us herein , beside divers private letters , that subscribed by the governour and principall assistants sufficiently manifests their judgement and affection , wherein they desire to be accounted our brethren , and implore our prayers ; adding , howsoever our charity may have met with some discouragements through the misreport of our intentions , or through disaffection , or indiscretion of some among us , for wee dreame not of perfection in this world , yet would you be pleased to take notice of the principall and body of this company , as those that are not ashamed to call the church of england our deare mother , and cannot part from her without teares in our eyes , but shall ever acknowledge that such part and hope as we have obtained in the common salvation , we received it in her bosome , and sucked it from her breasts , &c. from south-hampton . iohn winthrop ▪ governour . rich : s●…ltonstall . tho : dudly , &c. chap. vi. there is another injaculation that hath gone current among many , that the puritane of old and new-england is antimonarchicall , the former is sufficiently cleared by that bishop , who hath left this testimony , a presbyterio lis est cum episcopis , cum rege nulla est , or if that be not enough , king iames b in this is an irrefragable assertor , the puritans do not decline the oath of supremacy , but daily take it , never refused it ; and the same supremacy is defended by c calvin himselfe . and in new-england mr. williams d seemed in other things to be extravagant , yet thus he writes to this point : for the government of the common-wealth from the king , as supreme , to the inferiour and subordinate magistrates , my heart is on them , as once deborah ▪ spake : and as the governours and assistants doe themselves take the oath of allegiance , so they have power by their charter to give the same to all that shall at any time passe to them , or inhabite with them ; but , tempora mutantur , and it may be t is with them , as with us , & nos mutamur in illis . and t is further said , that their ecclesiastique government , is not onely opposite to the ancient episcopacy of the land , but to the discipline of the other reformed churches , even that which the covenant calleth for : it may be worth our consideration , that as there was a time when forraigners reformed were not so opposite to our bishops , but those divines e thought well of them , willingly gave to them titles of reverend fathers , and illustrious lords ; and in their publique convenings , f spake of that government with good respect , and the valedictory epistle of mr. cotton , to the then bishop of lincoln , full of respective expressions , is yet to be seen , so the bishops then were not such antipresbyterians , caecus sit , saith g bishop andrewes to p. moulin a presbyter , qui non videat stantes sine ea ecclesias , ferreus sit , qui salutem eis n●…get , nos non sumus illi ferrei , let him be blind that seeth not churches consistent without such an hierarchy , let him be accounted iron-hearted that shall deny them to be in a way of salvation , we are not such iron-hearted men , yea and severall reformed congregations of severall nations have not onely been tollerated , but much refreshed under the bishops of london , norwich , winchester , &c. these times have widened all differences every where , even among such as are or should be one in covenant ; how are disaffections increased , divisions heightened , which have not only wofully abated christian love , but miserably augmented iniquities of all sorts ? many being scrupulously curious about mint and annis , having little respect in the meane time to faith , righteousnesse , and the more weighty things of the law ▪ and here may be taken up the lamentation of erasmus h , bemoaning himselfe exceedingly , that he had in bookes cryed up , libertatem spiritus , liberty of the spirit , which i thinke this age would call liberty of conscience , i wished thus saith hee , a diminution of humane ceremonies , to that end , that divine truths and godlinesse might be enlarged , nunc sic excutiunt ut illae , ut pro libertate spiritus succedat effraenis carnis licentia , and he doth justly call it carnall licenciousnesse , for the spirit of our god , gal. 5. 20. names contentions , seditions , heresies , &c. workes of the flesh , which being but lately sowne , have strangely growne up and multiplyed , so that a forraigne penne hath to englands shame printed it thus to the world , i anglia his quatuor annis facta est colluvies , & lerna omnium errorum , ac sectarum , nulla à condito orbe provincia tam parvo spatio tot monstrosas haereses protulit atque haec , episcoporum tempora intra sexaginta annos non nisi quatuor sectas protulerunt , & eas plerunque in obscure latentes , &c. for i had rather bewaile than reveale the nakednesse of the nation , i had rather stirre up my owne soule and others to piety , and peace , oh , when will men lay aside all bitternesse , and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evill speaking , with all malice ; and instead thereof be kinde one to another , tender-hearted , forgiving one another , as god for christs sake forgave you , ephes. 4. 32. i wish there were a law to forbid all needlesse disputes , i wish that it and those other severall lawes were put in execution impartially , so that all men by all meanes were provoked to godlinesse , that would preserve from every error , for god is faithfull that hath promised , if any man will doe the fathers will , he shall know the doctrine whether it be of god , joh. 7. 17. hearty endeavours for holinesse in our owne persons , and those related to us , would take away the occasions of many unkind controversies , for the kingdome of god is not meate or drinke , this or that government , or any such externalls , no further then they serve to promote righteousnesse and peace , and joy in the holy ghost , rom. 14. 17. and this is the best way to shew our obedience unto christ , for hee that in these things serveth christ is acceptable to god , and approved of men . ver . 18. when our countreymen planted themselves first in america , the name of independency was not knowne ; hee indeed that lately hath wrote k of the state of the churches in england , drawes so the scheme that our novangles are thus become independents , but with the epithete of orthodox . schema sectarum recentium , puritani presbyteriani , angli . scoti . erastiani , sive colemaniani . independentes , sive congregationales . orthodoxi novo-anglici , londinenses . pseudo-independentes , sive fanatici . anabaptista , quaerentes , antinomi , & mille alii . and for our novangles it cannot be denyed , but many of them well approve the ecclesiastique government of the reformed churches , as of old , communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae regibuntur , they desire it were so now ; and some of them in new england are amazed at the manner of our gathering of churches here : thus one writeth l that had bin a long time a pastor among them ; what more ungodly sacrilege , or man-stealing can there be than to purloine from godly ministers the first borne of their fervent prayers , and saithfull preachings , the leven of their flocks , the encouragement of their soules , the crowne of their labours , their epistle to heaven ? if men will needs gather churches out of the world as they say , let them first plough the world , and sow it , and reape it with their owne hands , & the lord give them a liberall harvest . he is a very hard man that will reape where he hath not sowed , and gather where he hath not strowed , mat. 24. 25. and if i mistake not , such kind of unkind and hard dealing was practised here in england even in popish times , what meanes else that canon among the saxon councells , vt sacerdotes aliorum parochianos ad se non alliciant , how like this lookes to that i leave to the judgement of others , but these be the words of that rule , let no presbyter perswade the saithfull of the parish of another presbyter to come to his church , leaving his owne , and take to himselfe those tithes ; but let every one bee content with his owne church and people , and by no meanes doe that to another , which he would not should be done to himselfe , according to that evangelicall saying , whatsoever yee would that men shonld doe unto you , doe yee the same to them ; but whosoever shall walke contrary to this rule , let him know hee shall either lose his degree , or for a long time be detained in prison . i shall by and by speake more to this on their behalfe , now adde onely , that as many in new england approve of the discipline of the other churches reformed , and some of them sufficiently dislike the way and manner of our church-gathering here , so all of them have now seen by experience the necessity of synods : for in their great storm of late that was so like to wracke all , the meanes to settle it was as strange as the disease , so he writes that was an eye , and care witnes , they that heretofore slighted synods , and accounted of them as humane inventions , and the blemish of those reformed churches that made use of them , are now for the preservation of themselves enforced to make use of that meanes which in time of peace they did slight and contemne ; the synod , saith he , being assembled , much time was spent in ventilating and emptying of private passions , but afterwards it went on and determined with such good successe , that in token thereof , hee saith , wee keepe a solemne day of thanksgiving , as there was cause , and the two men most different in opinion , were selected for the publike exercise , wherein they behaved themselves to admiration , the acts and conclusions of the synod , &c. i would further aske , if the independent government , so farre as it is congregationall , be not as rigidly presbyterian as any ; sure i am , unkinde they are not to the other presbyterians , mr winslow is an irrefragable testis herein , who mentions some there that are in that way , and knowne to be so , yet never had the least molestation or disturbance , but have and finde as good respect from magistrates , and people , as other elders in the congregationall way ; yea divers gentlemen of scotland , that groaned under the late pressures of that nation , wrote into new england to know whether they might freely be suffered to exercise their presbyteriall government , and it was answered affirmatively they might ; and yet further none of them here or there , that continue true to their first principles , differ at all in fundamentalls and doctrine from the other presbyterians , and t is not unlike , but when god shall enlarge their borders , they will finde it needfull to approach yet neerer to the way of other reformed churches in their discipline : and there is of themselves , that upon observation of their former very great danger , have left their judgement , with which i will conclude this chapter : an excellent way they have , meaning their ecclesiastique government , if pastors and people would ever be of one opinion , but when they shall come to be divided into as many opinions , as they are bodies , what will the sequell be ? and i see little probability of subsistence , where independency yeelds matter of divisions , but no meanes to compound them . chap. vii . to our selves , in behalfe of the natives towards their conversion . it is the unfeigned desire of every pious soule , that god would please to guide and blesse some holy and happy hand , in taking up the differences that are growne up among those that are named by the sweet name of christ , that all who love the lord jesus in sincerity , would also sincerely love one another ; that mutuall forces were conjoyned to promote the glory of our common master , not onely every man in his owne person , family , place , and countrey , but by apprehending all opportunities to publish the eternall gospell of our lord even to those other ends of the earth . gregory the great a did willingly encourage himselfe in his desire to christianize our ancestors the saxons from hints of his owne observation , for seeing children of beautifull feature offered to sale in the market at rome , as then the manner was , hee sighed within himselfe , and said , when he understood they were not christians , alas that the prince of darkenesse should possesse such faire and lightsome countenances ; enquiring further after their names , angles , they have angels faces indeed said hee , and t is meet all diligence be used that they be as the angels of god in heaven ; when hee asked of what province they were , it was answered deiri , or deira , for so was then that b seventh kingdome called , northumberland , in the time of the saxons , dei ira eruti saith hee , being made christians they shall be delivered from the wrath of god ; and upon demand , hearing that their kings name was aelle , he said allelu jah , and praises to god must be sung there : in this worke if that may be any invitation , we have the like allusions , the whole countrey is called the new world in the generall , and particularly there is new spaine , new france , new netherland , new scotland , new england , why should not there be solicitous endeavours that all the natives of that new world , should be made a world of new creatures ; and if upon occasion and enquiry the inhabitants be called barbarians , such were we our selves in the common acceptation of the word , being neither jewes nor greekes ; if salvages , t is a name of hope that they are a salvable generation , and shall in due time be partakers of the common salvation ; their complexion indeed is darke and duskish , as t is made after birth , but their soules are the more to be pittied , that yet bee in a farre more unlovely hue , even in the suburbs of that darkenesse , that blacknesse of darknesse , which is so terrible to thinke of : it was gregories desire that hallelu-jahs should bee sung to and for the english , then heathen , the christian english may observe and wonder at that very word of frequent use among the indians , as hath already been mentioned ; finally there is a constellation or starre , called the crosse , peculiar to that countrey , saith acosta c , and it is so named because foure notable starres make the forme of a crosse , set equally , and with good proportion , a good omen i wish it may be , and that a starre may leade them also to their saviour , that christ may be made knowne to them , and his peace through the bloud of his crosse , col. 1. 20. to which employment wee have likewise other perswasions , besides what hath been formerly sprinkled here and there . 1. the necessity of the poore natives require this care , who stand so much in need of spirituall bread , and so few prepare to breake it to them , they yet walke in the vanity of their minde , having their understanding darkned , being alienated from the life of god through the ignorance that is in them , &c. eph. 4. 17. &c. and the lesse sensible they be of their owne forlorne condition , the more sollicitous should others be to acquaint them therewith , together with the way of their deliverance . when d austin the monke came hither among the saxons to preach the gospell , king ethelbert opposed him not , but said i cannot so easily forsake my owne religion , and embrace theirs that is new ; yet seeing these strangers are come so farre and bring that to us which they esteem most excellent , wee will use them kindly , they shall want nothing for their work : and surely were the americans but a little civiliz'd , they would by degrees understand their owne miserable estate , and themselves would then bespeake further enlightning ; yea this is already in some of their fervent desires , e as hath been intimated also formerly . 2. christians have a care of this for christ their masters sake , good subjects wish the ampliation of their soveraignes honour , and how glad should wee bee when the kingdome of darknesse is empaired , and there be continuall accresses to the kingdome of gods deare sonne , col. 1. 14. t is our daily prayer , hallowed be thy name , divulged , and made glorious all the world over , wee cannot better improve our interest and power , then by being active & industrious instruments thereof ; wee endeavouring as much as wee may that the kingdoms of this world may become the kingdomes of the lord , and of his christ , revel . 11. 15. non est zelus sicut zelus animarum f , this zeale for soules carries in the wombe thereof glory to god , and honour to the zealots themselves , dan. 12. 3. and unutterable comfort and benefit to them that are warmed thereby , iam. 5. 20. and their debtors in this verily we are , if the words of another apostle be with a little mutation applyed hither , for if wee be made partakers of their carnall things , our duty it is also to minister unto them in spirituall things , rom. 15. 17. 3. the severall patents to severall planters call for this endeavour , such was that first granted to the virginians by king iames , it intended principally the propagation of the christian faith ; the like is to be read in the patents and confirmations made by him and king charles to others . and in the beginning of this parliament , that honourable committee of lords and commons were appointed chiefely for the advancement of the true protestant religion , and further spreading of the gospell of christ among the natives in america . yea and in the charter to mary-land , the pious zeale for the spreading of the gospel is first mentioned , and what ever suggestions be made , or aimes otherwise , there is a speciall proviso against the prejudice , or diminution of gods holy and truly christian religion , and the allegiance due to the kings majesty , his heires , and successors ; it is not well then if romish designes have been mannaged there , injurious to religion , and offensive to our other plantations , but herein stands the force of this motive , the mutuall and interchangeable pact and covenant of donor and receiver is in all those charters and patents the conversion of the natives . 4. i finde another encouragement from a doctor lately lapsed into popery g , yet professing his willingnesse to returne upon protestants successes this way ; for he deemes it improbable , that ever they should convert any nation , or so much as any one single person , except some poore wretch or other , whom feare or gaine will drive , or draw to any thing ; but if ever the historicall relation of gods wonderfull workings upon sundry of the indians , both governours and common people , in bringing them to a willing and desired submission to the ordinances of the gospell , and framing their hearts to an earnest enquiry after the knowledge of god the father , and jesus christ the saviour of the world ; i say if ever those discourses come to the doctors view , hee may once againe change his minde , how ever the happy progresses of our countrey men in that worke , if they be knowne and well considered of by the papists themselves , they may be carried to admiration , expectation , and it may be further . 5. the honour of our nation may be another argument to this undertaking , that as to charlemaine of old h the saxons owe their christianity , and those of phrysia , dithmarse and holsatia , the vandalls also and hungarians : it will be glorious for the chronicles and annalls of england , that by the meanes of this nation the nansamonds were brought to the true and saving knowledge of jesus christ , and so were the sasquehannockes , wicomesses , conecktacoacks , massachuseuks , mouhacks , aberginians and others ; thus will the renowne of the english name and nation , ring over all the westerne world. gregory complaines more then once , that those angles our ancestors were willing to become christians , but the priests of france refused to give help and instruction . the britons also refused to joyne with austin here in his preaching to the saxons , not out of pride and contempt as beda i reporteth , but for that those people , invited hither as friends , became their onely enemies , driving them from their possessions , which themselves invaded as their owne , but these indians give harbour to our nation , whose faire and free accomodating of our countrey men hath fully purchased to themselves all the spirituall favour wee and they are able to afford them , of which , when they also become sensible , honour will redound to this england , not onely from ours there , who professe truly , if they prosper , we shall be the more glorious , but the natives enlightned by us will returne hither the tribute of their abundant thankfulnesse . and that every one of us may be cordiall coadjutors of our countrey men in this most glorious undertaking , let me endeavour to warme the affections of the english there , and at home , by proposing a trafficke in a threefold stock for the promotion of this designe . chap. viii . further helpes to this worke . the first of these is already going , the stocke of prayers , both hence and thence on that behalfe to heaven , and not now in a vision , as to st. paul once , there stood a man and prayed him , saying , come over into macedonia and helpe us , act. 16. 9. but the natives begin to be really sensible of their spirituall necessities , and call earnestly for that bread , and our countrey men desire the assistance of their brethren here in many respects , all their letters earnestly bespeak us in this , and o that we did heartily answer them in our constant and fervent prayers , in reference to this worke . there was indeed of late a generation of men , though extreme lovers of that lethargy , yet forgate to be in charity with all men , they were content in their letany to pray it would please god to have mercy upon all men , yet deemed it piacular to pray for the novangles ; the directory guides otherwise , even by name advising to prayers for those plantations in the remote parts of the world. 2. this worke would be much prospered by a stocke of wise and constant correspondence mutually betwixt old and new england in regard of this businesse , what progresse is made in the worke , what meet to bee done for its furtherance , &c. such communication of counsells would marvelously encourage and quicken the americans conversion . the french were spoiled of this help and intercourse from brasil , by the governour a villagagno's apostacy to popery , and t is not credible , but if the poore indians were made to understand that all the nation of england were thus solicitous with god , and among themselves , in all industrious endeavours to recover them from their sinfull and lost condition by nature , but they would looke up also , and in earnest cooperate with them , and say also it may be , as was in the precedent chapter mentioned of our saxon king , who said , those preachers should be kindly dealt with , and want nothing for their worke ; yea somewhat like to this was long since spoken of by b colonchi one of the princes of peru , when he was invited to be a christian , his answer was , sir i am old and unfit to forsake the rites and lawes of my ancestors , but take my children as you will , and teach them what you please , they are young , and can more easily apply themselves to your customes , and instructions . 3. and a stock of money must be remembred , which in some sense , is as it were the soule of this worke ; the poet said truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if wee meane the indians shall be gospellized , they must first be civilized , who are yet a very wild olive , both by nature and life , they must bee weaned from idlenesse , and hunting , and nakednesse , they must be perswaded to labour , planting , learning , arts , and manufacture , that they may get cloathing , they must be taught to build for their owne habitations , for meeting houses or churches on the lords dayes , schooles must be erected for instruction of their youth at other times , books of all kinds , tooles and instruments of all sorts must be provided , many and necessary materialls towards this structure may be easily mentioned , but are not so easily purchased : if our countrey men there have for their owne comfort and subsistance , t is little lesse then a miracle , all things considered , and a wonderfull mercy , it cannot be expected , that they should be able to adde considerable supplie towards all the forenamed particulars , and other emergent needfull occasions , though there be that can beare them record , that to their power , yea and beyond their power , they are willing of themselves as the apostle said of his macedonians , 2 cor. 8. 3. i crave leave therefore to pray every christian reader with much entreaty to take upon him the fellowship of ministring to this worke , that you may abound in this grace also , that i may use to you the same holy apostles words ; chrysostome d desirous to plant the gospel in phaenicia , stirred up many godly men , and devout women , by their liberality to contribute towards those endeavours . yea and here let it be remembred , that as gregory commends queen brunechild of france , and queen adilberga of kent , for their charitable furtherance of this worke , the gaining of soules , the first gospellizing of our saxon ancestors ; so some pious christians among us of both sexes , have shewed much bounty this way , encouraging and exampling others : the spanish bookes relate strange things of their zeale in this kinde , and one e whom wee may credit tells us , that america hath foure arch-bishops , thirty bishops , and many other houses as they call them of religion , and if it be said their lot fell into the golden part of that world , and out of their superfluities they might well spare very much , t is very much indeed , and yet t is f somewhat more that the same writer observeth how the king of spaine maintaines the lists and bonds of missionaries , priests , fryers and jesuits , that are continually transported into america , hee provides for every of them ten yeeres , and that to this day , and shall the children of this world in this also be wiser then the children of light , luk. 16. 8. shall they be enlarged for the promoting of themselves , and their abominable superstitions , and shall not wee be as forward in that which directly aimes at the glory of christ and the good of souls , as st. paul saith of his thessalonians , that they were examples to all that believed in macedonia and achaia , 1 thes. 1. 7. i trust the liberality of some will invite and open the hands of many to be very forward in this worke , for the administration of this service , will not onely supply their wants , but will be abundant also by many thanksgivings unto god , 2 cor. 9. 12. and i hope to heare once of a liberall collection and benevolence to be advanced in every parish and congregation of the land , to be put into safe hands , and such profitable employment , as may indeed further the reering up of a christian tabernacle in america . and while these papers were thus in their framing , an act , before mentioned , for propagating the gospell of iesus christ in new england , declareth much forwardnesse towards a nationall contribution in reference to this worke , and the disposall thereof to be according to the desires of those that have bin most industrious that way , and good care , i trust will be taken that the monies run into the right channel ; and for the better gale and conduct , the two universities cambridge & oxford , have affectionately expressed their christian longings that this soule-businesse may obtain all possible furtherance , in their letters to their reverend and deare brethren the ministers of the gospell in england and wales , the divines of london are desired also in their sphere cordially to act in this common cause of the gospel , that no obstruction be left in the way of this most glorious endeavour , why should any then bee straightned in their owne bowells , why should not all learne willingnesse to this worke , by reading , considering , and practising what we find the old jewes did in a like case , exod. 35. chap. ix . the novangles religious care to advance piety and learning . it hath been laid and left at the doores of those whom some call independents here in this england , that they have shewed little love to others going astray , and that their zeale hath been wanting against those blasphemies and heresies that have manifestly dishonoured the most sweet and holy name of god , father , son , and spirit . our booke tells us of a a good man in former times when hee was accused of lust , pride , &c. he said , i confesse i am a sinner , and i beseech you pray for me , but when they laid heresie to his charge , his heart was hot within him , his zeale was inflamed , and hee said , haereticus non sum , & hoc vitium nulla patientia possum aut volo dissimulare , hoeresis enim separat hominem a deo , & adsocrat diabolo : alienatus a christo non habet deum , quem oret propeccatis suis. t is not for me to judge any , every one shall stand or fall to his owne master , rom. 14. 4. but i would remember my selfe and others of his zeale , who said b fateor in causa fidei etiam vitam negligendam ; i finde this grace very warme and working in our novangles , for whom i have some few words more to mention in this particular , that my readers may be invited to thinke well of them , to doe well to them , and for them , or for the poore indians rather , or rathest for christ himselfe , who shall have honour from us all , if wee all by communication of counsells , prayers , purses , and every other way endeavour the furtherance of their conversion to our lord jesus ; and to procure our cordiall conjunction with our brethren there in this , i shall transcribe some things out of their owne late printed booke of the lawes and liberties concerning the inhabitants of massachusets , by which their love to truth , godlinesse , peace , and learning will be evident , together with their liberall and enlarged care to propagate the eternall gospell of our lord among the natives . at the title of haeresie , c this is the preface . although no humane power be lord over the faith and consciences of men , and therefore may not constraine them to believe or professe against their consciences , yet because such as bring in damnable heresies , tending to the subversion of the christian faith , and the destruction of the soules of men , ought duly to be restrained from such notorious impiety , it is therefore ordered and decreed by this court : that if any christian within this jurisdiction shall goe about to subvert and destroy the christian faith and religion , by broaching or maintaining any damnable herefie , as denying the immortality of the soule , or the resurrection of the body , or any sinne to be repented of in the regenerate , or any evill done by the outward man to be accounted sinne , or denying that christ gave himselfe a ransome for our sinnes , or shall affirme that wee are not justified by his death and righteousnesse , but by the perfection of their owne workes , or shall deny the morality of the fourth commandement , or shall endeavour to seduce others to any the heresies aforementioned , every such person continuing obstinate therein after due meanes of conviction shall be sentenced to banishment . 16●… . and before d having said , that the open contempt of gods word , and the messengers thereof is the desolating sinne of civill states , &c. it is therefore ordered , and decreed , that if any christian , so called , within this jurisdiction , shall contemptuously behave himself towards the word preached , or the messengers thereof — either by interrupting him in his preaching , or by charging him falsely with any error , which he hath not taught , or like a son of korah cast upon his true doctrine , or himselfe , any reproach — every such person or persons ( whatsoever censure the church may passe ) shall for the first scandall be convented and reproved openly by the magistrate at some lecture , and bound to their good behaviour , and if a second time they breake forth into the like contemptuous carriages , they shall either pay five pounds to the publique treasury , or stand two houres openly upon a blocke or stoole foure foot high on a lecture day with a paper fixed on his breast , written in capitall letters , an open and obstinate contemner of gods holy ordinances , that others may feare and be ashamed of breaking out into the like wickednesse . 1646. there be some in this england that account it piety and religion to speake evill of christs ministers , and cast off his ordinances ; now blessed of god from heaven and earth be our novangles , magistrates , ministers , and people that have so seasonably witnessed against these abominations . they are great lovers of peace and government , these therefore be their words in another place ; e for as much as experience hath plentifully & often proved that since the first rising of the anabaptists about an hundred yeeres past they have bin the incendiaries of common-wealths , and the infectors of persons in maine matters of religion , and the troublers of churches in most places where they have been , and that they who have held the baptizing of infants unlawfull , have usually held other errors or heresies together therewith ( though as heretiques use to doe they have concealed the same untill they espied a fit advantage and opportunity to vent them by way of question or scruple ) and whereas divers of this kinde have since our comming into new-england appeared amongst our selves , some whereof , as others before them , have denyed the ordinance of magistracy , and the lawfulnesse of making warre , others the lawfulnesse of magistrates and their inspection into any breach of the first table , which opinions , if connived at by us , are like to be increased among us , and so necessarily bring guilt upon us , infection and trouble to the churches , and hazard to the whole common-wealth : it is therefore ordered by this court and authority thereof , that if any person or persons shall either openly condemne or oppose the baptizing of infants , or goe about secretly to seduce others from the approbation , or use thereof , or shall purposely depart the congregation at the administration of that ordinance , or shall deny the ordinance of magistracy , or their lawfull right , or authority to make warre , or to punish the outward breaches of the first table , and shall appeare to the court willfully and obstinately to continue therein , after due meanes of conviction , every such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment . 1644. and that wee may discerne how worthy they are that wee should doe all the good wee can for them , for they love the nation where they inhabite , and are very serious in preparing them for one husband , to present them a pure virgin unto christ , 2 cor. 11. 2. severall therefore are their decrees in order to their conversion . f 1. every towne shall have power to restraine all indians from prophaning the lords day . 1633. 1639. 1641. 2. the english shall not destroy the indians corne ▪ but shall help them to fence in their grounds . 3. considering one end in planting these parts was to propagate the true religion unto the indians , and that divers of them are become subjects to the english , and have engaged themselves to be willing and ready to understand the law of god ; it is therefore ordered and decreed , that such necessary and wholesome lawes which are in force , and may be made from time to time , to reduce them to civility of life , shall be once in the yeer ( if the times be safe ) made knowne to them , by such fit persons as the generall court shall nominate , having the helpe of some able interpreter . 4. considering also that interpretation of tongues is appointed of god for propagating the truth ; it is therefore decreed that two ministers shall be chosen every yeer , and sent with the consent of their churches ( with whomsoever will freely offer themselves to accompany them in that service ) to make knowne the heavenly counsell of god among the indians , and that something be allowd them by the generall court to give away freely to those indians whom they shall perceive most willing and ready to be instructed by them . 5. they decree further that no indian shall at any time powaw , or performe outward worship to their false gods , or to the devill , and if any shall transgresse this law , the powawer shall pay 5 l. the procurer 5 l. &c. 1646. their love to learning also is meet to be remembred , and encouraged , wherein they have g observed a chief project of that old deluder satan to keepe men from the knowledge of the scriptures , as in former times keeping them in an unknowne tongue , so in these latter times by perswading from the use of tongues , that so at least the true sense and meaning of the originall might be clouded with false glosses of saint-seeming deceivers , and that learning may not be buried in the graves of our forefathers in church and common-wealth , the lord assisting our endeavours , it is therefore ordered by this court and authority thereof , that every township encreasing to the number of fifty housholds , shall appoint one within their towne to teach all such children as shall resort to him , to write and read , whose wages shall be paid either by the parents or masters of such children , or by the inhabitants in generall by way of supply , as the major part of those that order the prudentialls of the towne shall appoint , and where any town shall encrease to an hundred families or househoulders , they shall set up a grammer school , the masters thereof being able to instruct youth so far , as they may be fitted for the university , and if any town neglect this above a yeere , every such towne shall pay five pound per ann . to the next such schoole , till they shall performe this order . 1647. and an academy or university is not onely in their aime , but a good while since they had more than begun well , and therefore wee read these words in another h part of their lawes , whereas through the good hand of god upon us there is a college founded in cambridge in the county of middlesex , called harvard college , for incouragement whereof this court hath given the sum of four hundred pounds , and also the revenue of the ferry betwixt charles towne and boston , and that the well ordering and mannaging of the said college is of great concernment ; it is therefore ordered by this court , &c. then follow directions for the president and commissioners to establish orders and dispose gifts , &c. 1636. 1640. 1642. mr. coleman that was erastianly principled , preached publikely that except some other way be found to keepe up learning , our universities will be but uselesse places , and learning it selfe an unnecessary thing ; for under this notion of independency , weavers and tailors may become pastors , so that if some stop be not , the issue may be , that one may binde his sonne apprentice to a cobler , and at seven yeeres end he may go out a free minister , &c. but our brethren of new england wee see have other principles and practises , and notwithstanding that they went out as exiles hence , m extra anni solisque viam — yea as iacob of old with his staffe onely passed over iordan , and suddenly became two bands , gen. 32. 10. these ventured upon the wide and wild ocean with poore and small provision , and how great how many are the mercies that our god hath shewed unto his servants there , that they are not onely furnished themselves with necessaries of all sorts , and have made large steps in an academicall way , having acts , degrees , and commencements according to the commendable fashion of england , as their own words are ; the theses at their commencements disputed upon have been printed severall yeeres at cambridge in new england , and thence dispersed here ; but they have also industriously furthered by their godlinesse , gentlenesse , and good orders , the conversion of a miserable people that have lien so long in darkenesse . to warme the affections of the english here , to raise all our hearts and endeavours to joyne all possible forces here and there in this soule-worke , the next chapter is added . chap. x. the successe of the novangles in gospellizing the indians . the reader here shall have a breviate inviting him to peruse those larger discourses , printed on purpose to raise our hearts in lifting up the high praises of god , that hath given this grace unto men . first treatise . foure of the english , having sought god , went among the indians , oct●… . ●…8 . 1646. to make knowne the things of their peace , they were conducted into the principall wigwam of waaubon , their chiefe minister of justice , who like another cornelius , act. 10. 24. had called together many men , women , and children to hear and learne , they began with prayer in english , not for want of language , but to shew them the duty was sacred , and that wee might agree together in the same heart-sorrowes for them , even in that place where god was never wont to be called upon : it was an affecting spectacle , after prayer , to see a company of forlorne outcasts diligently attending upon the word of salvation , which in the space of an houre and a quarter discovered to them the grounds of religion , repeating , expounding , and applying the ten commandements , then preaching jesus christ the onely meanes of recovery from sinne and wrath , perswading them to repentance for severall sinnes which they live in . wee next asked them if they understood what was spoken , which they affirmed with many voices , and then wee desired to know if they would propound any questions to us , for their further satisfaction , and this they did , but not such curiosities as some others of them had done before , as , what was the cause of thunder , of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , of the wind : no , the wisdome of god directed them to aske , how wee may come to know iesus christ ? one of them after wee had answered , said , hee was praying in his wigwam to christ that hee would give him a new heart , but another indian interrupted him , saying , hee prayed in vaine , because christ understood not what indians speake in prayer , as not being acquainted with their language , his question therefore was , whether iesus christ did understand the prayers of indians ? another demanded , if english men were once so ignorant of christ as themselves ? and how can there be an image of god , seeing it is forbiden in the second commandement ? if the father be bad , and the child good , will god be offended with that child ? for t is said in the second commandement , hee will visit the sinnes of the fathers upon the children ? how is all the world become so full of people , being all were once drowned in the floud ? wee then asked them three questions . 1. if they did not desire to see god , and if they were not tempted to thinke there was no god , because they could not see him ? some of them replyed they did indeed desire to see him , but we had taught them that could not be , yet they believed , though their eyes could not see him , hee was to be seen with their soules within . 2. wee asked if it were not strange to them there should be but one god , yet this god should be in massachusets , conectacut , quimipenik , in old england , in this wigwam , in the next , every where ? it is strange one of them said , as all else is we hear preached ; yet they thought it might be true that god was so big every where . 3. whether they did not finde something troubling them within after the commission of sinne , as murther , adultery , theft , lying , &c. they confest the trouble , but could not tell what to say to it , he therefore that first spake to them concluded with a dolefull description ( as far as his language permitted ) of the trembling condition of every soule that dies in sinne , and shall be cast out of favour from god. having thus spent three houres , wee asked them if they were not weary , they said no , wee resolved to leave them with an appetite ; the chiefe of them seeing us conclude with prayer , desired to know when wee would come againe , wee appointed the time , gave the children some apples , and the men what was at hand , they asked more ground to build a towne together , which wee liked well , and promising our furtherance for them at the generall court , wee departed with many welcomes from them . november 11. 1646 , wee came againe to the same wigwam , there was a greater concourse , and seats provided for us , wee began againe with prayer in english , and then catechized the younger sort , wee asked them onely three questions in their own language . 1. who made you and all the world ? 2. who shall save you from sinne and hell ? 3. how many commandements hath god given you to keepe ? the preacher then proceeded , wee are come to bring you good newes from the great god , and to shew how evill men may come to be good , and be happy while they live , and goe to god when they die ; then in familiar descriptions hee set forth god to them in his glorious power , goodnesse and greatnesse , shewing what his will was , and what he required , even of the indians , in the ten commandements , and how angry god was for any sinne , yet that hee sent christ to die for their transgressions , and to pacifie god by suffering in their roome , if they did repent and believe the gospell , and that hee would love the poore indians if now they sought god , threatning wrath against all such as stood out and neglected so great salvation , &c. in hearing these things about sinne , and hell , and christ , one of them shewed much affliction , desiring to conceale his griefe ; about an houre thus spent , wee desired them to propound some questions , and the first was by an old man , if it were not to late for such an old man as hee to repent and seeke after god ? which cleared , 2. they demanded , how the english came to differ so much from the indians in knowledge , seeing at first they had all one father ? 3. being satisfied in this also , they said , how may wee come to serve god ? which being answered , their fourth question was , why the seawater was salt , and the land water fresh ? and their fifth , if the water be higher then the earth , why did it not overflow it ? a philosophicall answer was given to this , and they conferred much among themselves about these questions , but night hasting wee desired them to proceed , thereupon one of them said , if a man hath committed adultery , or stollen goods , and the sachim doth not punish him , and hee restore the goods , is not all well , will no punishment come from god , as if restitution made god amends ? this answered , wee asked two things . 1. what doe you remember of that spoken to you the last time wee were here ? after some speech among themselves , one of them said , they did much thank ▪ god for our comming , and the things they heard were wonderfull to them ; then secondly ▪ wee said , do you believe the things we tell you , and that god is musquantum , i. e. very angry for the least sinne in your thoughts , or words , or works ? they said yes , and we spake further of the terrors of god against sinners , and his mercy to the penitent , seeking after christ ; night being almost come , considering the indians desired to know how to pray , and thought that christ did not understand their language , one of us therfore prayed in their tongue above a quarter of an houre , divers of them holding up eyes and hands , and one of them hung downe his head , with his rag before his eyes , which when hee had wiped , hee held up his head againe , yet such was the power of god upon his heart , that hee hung downe his head againe , covered his eyes , wiping them and weeping abundantly , till prayer was ended , then hee turned to a corner of the wigwam , and wept more by himselfe , which one of us perceiving , spake encouraging words , hee then wept more and more ; when he came out of the wigwan , wee spake to him againe , hee then fell into more abundant weeping , like one deepely affected , so as wee could not forbeare weeping over him also ; wee departed greatly rejoycing for such sorrowing . and while i am transcribing this , i know not whether first , to pitty the poore natives in their spirituall distres , or sympathize with the english in their holy compassion , or praise god more for discovering to the indians their lost condition by n●…ture , or that hee hath made our countreymen so industrious in recovering them out of it ; however i cannot but remind my reader of the relators observations hereupon , at least some of them . 1. that none of them slept sermon , nor derided gods messengers ; woe to those english that are growne bold to doe that which indians will not , heathen dare not . 2. there is need of learning in ministers , who preach to indians , much more preaching to gracious christians , these had sundry philosophicall questions which could not have bin answered without some knowledge of the arts ; worse than indian ignorance hath blinded their eyes , that renounce learning as an enemy to gospel minister●…es . at a third meeting it did appeare that the indians notwithstanding discouragements from other indians , did encrease in their desires after the word , and propounded more questions . what is the meaning of the word humiliation , so often heard of by them in our churches ? 2. what a spirit is ? 3. whether they should believe dreames ? 4. how the english know god so much , and they so little ? being satisfied in this , they desire a place for a town . a day or two after wampas a wise indian offered his own sonne , and three more indian children , to be trained up by us , saying they would grow wicked at home , and never know god , hee with two other young lusty indians tendred their service to dwell in some of our families , they are two of those weeping indians , and they are received into two of the elders houses , where one of them confessed his former adulterous life , and feared that god would never looke upon him in love ; upon our declaring the greatnesse of that sinne , yet hope of pardon through repentance and faith in christ , hee wept bitterly ; the other then present also confessed his like guiltines , & brak out into great mourning , wherein they both continued above halfe an houre . an english youth occasionally lodging in waaubons wigwam the third night of their hearing , assured us he instructed his company in the things he heard , and prayed among them . while the generall court was considering where to lay out a towne for the indians , they consulted about lawes for themselves . 1. if a man be idle a week , at most a fortnight , hee must pay five shillings . 2. if a man unmarried lie with a woman unmarried hee shall pay twenty shillings . 3. if a man beat his wife his hands shall be tied behind him , and he severely punish'd . 4. if a womans haire hang loose , or cut as a mans , she shall pay five shillings . 5. if a woman goes with naked breasts she shall pay two shillings six pence . 6. all men that weare long locks shall pay five shillings , &c. they were desirous to know the name of their town , it was said noonanetum , i. e. rejoycing , because the english rejoyced at their desires to know god , and god did rejoyce at it ; this pleased them much . the two honest indians told us that waaubon and the rest used these expressions in prayer , take away lord my stony heart , another , o lord wash my soule , another , lord lead me when i die to heaven . december 9. the children being catechized , and that of ezechiel touching the dry bones opened , they offered their children to be instructed by us , complaining they had nothing to give us . we propounded sundry questions to them , and one of them being asked what was sinne , said , a naughty heart , another old man complained of his feares , he purposed to keepe the sabbath , yet he was afraid whether he should goe to hell or heaven , another complained of other indians ▪ reviling and calling them rogues for cutting off their lockes , for since the word hath wrought upon them , they discerne the vanity of their pride in their hair , of their owne accord therefore they cut it modestly . second treatise . the awakening of these indians raised up a noise round about , a sachim from concord side came to noonanetum to an indian lecture , where the lord spake so to his heart , that hee desired to cast off his sinnefull courses , &c. some of his men opposed him therein , he called the chiefe of them about him , and spake to this effect , that they had no reason at all to oppose the way of the english for their good ; while you lived after the indian fashion , what did the sachims for you ? onely sought their owne ends out of you , taking away your skinnes , kettles , and wampam at their pleasure , but the english care not for your goods , onely seeke your good , &c. upon this they desired mr elliot should come among them and preach , and they framed to themselves certaine lawes for their more religious and civill government . 1. abusers of themselves by wines or strong liquors shall pay for every time 20 s. 2. there shall be no more powawing , the penalty 20 s. 3. they desire to be stirred up to seeke god. 4. and understand the wiles of sathan . 5. and detest them . 6. that they may improve their time better . 7. a lyar shall pay for the first fault 5 s. for the second 10 s. for the third 20 s. 8. against stealing . 9. having more wives than one . 10. against pride . 11. for paying their debts to the english. 12. observing the lords day , prophaners of it pay 20 s. 13. vveare their haire comely as the english , offendors pay 5 s. 14. none grease themselves as formerly , penalty 5 s. 15. set up prayer in their vvig●…ams , before also , and after meate . 16. adultery punish'd with death . 17. so wilfull murther . 18. not come to an english mans house without knocking . 19. vvhosoever beates his wife shall pay 20 s. &c. most of these indians set up prayer morning and evening in their families , before and after meate , keep the lords day , cut their haire , minister what edification they can one to another , manifesting great willingnesse to conforme unto the english fashions . march , 3. 1647. at the lecture in noonanetum , wee saw some indian women well affected , and considering how unmeet it is for women to aske questions publikely , they were desired to acquaint their husbands privatly therewith , or the interpretor , the first was propounded by the wife of one vvampooas , vvhether said she doe i pray when my husband prayeth , if i speake nothing as he doth , but i like what he saith , and my heart goes with it ? the wife of one totherswampe proposed this , vvhether an husband should doe well to pray with his wife , and yet continue in his passions and be angry with her , &c. an aged indian complained of an unruly sonne , asking what should be done with him , when hee will not heare gods word , though his father command him , nor forsake his drunkennesse . an aged indian told us openly , that the very things which mr elliot taught them of god and his commandements they have heard some old men speake , &c. and many of them have now this apprehension among them , that their forefathers did know god , but after this they fell into a great sleepe , and when they did awaken they quite forgate him . another indian told his dreame , that about two yeeres before the comming over of the english , one night hee could not sleepe a good while , then he fell into a dream , thinking he saw a great many men come into those parts cloathed as the english now are , a man rose up among them all in blacke , with a thing in his hand , which hee now sees was all one englishmans booke , hee stood upon a higher place than the rest , on one side the english , and a great many indians on the other , he told all the indians that god was moosquantum or angry with them , and would kill them for their sinnes , whereupon himselfe hee said stood up , and desired to know of the blacke man what god would doe with him , and his squaw , and papooses , but hee would not answer him a first time , nor a second , till hee desired the third time , and then hee smiled on him , and said , hee and his papooses should be safe , god would give unto them mitchen , i. e. victualls , and other good things , and so he awakened . at noonanetum the indian men women and children , especially upon the lecture daies , are clad partly by the gift of the english , and partly by their owne labour . iune ▪ 9. the first day of the synods meeting at cambridge , the morning spent in a preparative sermon to that worke , in the afternoone there was a great confluence of indians from all parts , to heare ▪ mr ▪ elliot out of ephe. 2. 1. shewed them their miserable condition out of christ , dead in trespasses and sinnes , pointing unto them the lord jesus who onely could quicken them . they then propounded questions . what countreyman christ was ? how far that place from them ? where christ was now ? how they might lay hold on him ? and where being now absent from them ? the english magistrates , ministers ; and people , were much affected at what they saw and heard . an indian brake out into admiration , that god should looke upon them that had bin so long in darknesse ; me wonder saith he at god , that hee should thus deale with us . that winter many questions were propounded . why some so bad that they hate those that would teach them ? a squaw said , might she not goe and pray in the wood alone , when her husband was not at home , because she was ashamed to pray in the wigwam before company ? to what nation iesus christ came first , and when ? if a man should be inclosed in iron a foot thicke and thrown into the fire , what would become of his soul , would it come forth thence ? why did not god give all men good hearts ? how long is it before men believe that have the word of god made knowne unto them ? how they should know when their faith and prayers bee good ? why did not god having all power , kill the devill , that made all men so bad ? if we be made so weake by sinne in our hearts , how can wee come before god and sanctifie a sabbath ? they propounded three cases about the sabbath . in the exercises , besides prayer for a blessing , mr. elliot doth four things . 1. he catechizeth the children and youth , by which the aged learne . 2. he preacheth out of some scripture plainely and briefely . 3. if there be cause , admonition follows . 4. they aske us questions and we answer them . some cases and admonitions are there mentioned . 1. wampoonas upon a light occasion beat his wife , for this hee was brought before the assembly , where the quality of the sinne was opened , as against gods command , cruelty to his owne body , &c. hee turned his face to the wall and wept , hee was so penitent and melting , that all forgave him , but the indians would have his fine notwithstanding his repentance , which he paid also willingly . another case of was of cutshamaquin a sachim , who had a son fourteen or fifteen yeeres old , hee was drunk , and behaved himselfe disobediently against his father and mother , they rebuked him , but he despised their admonition , hee was brought before the assembly , stood out a long time , though his father for his example confessed his owne faults , the young man still persisted , divers of us called upon him to acknowledge his offence against his parents , and entreat their forgivenesse , yet he refused ; the indians also affectionately put him on , divers spake one after another , and some severall times , at last hee humbled himselfe , confessed his sinne , and asked forgivenesse of his father , taking him by the hand , at which his father burst into teares , he did the same to his mother , who wept also , as did divers others , and many english wept also , the house was filled with weeping , wee went to prayer , all the time thereof the sachim wept so abundantly , that the boord hee stood upon was all dropt with his teares . some questions were after this propounded . an old powoow asked , why we had not taught them to know god sooner ? another said , before he knew god he was well , but since i have knowne god and sin , i finde my heart full of sin . whether their children goe when they die , because they have not sinned ? if any of them shall goe to heaven , seeing their hearts are so full of sin , especially nanwunwudsquas , mad after women ? if they leave powawing and pray to god , what shall they doe when they are sicke , having no skill in physick ? what shall we say to such indians as oppose our praying unto god , and believing in christ , what g●…t you say they by this , you goe naked still and are as poore as we , our corne is as good as yours , and we take more pleasure then you , &c. they bring their cases to mr. elliot . a law is now among them against gaming , other indians demand their old debts , which they refuse to pay because it was a sinne to play , and they must not pay such sinnefull debts . they tooke it to heart when mr. elliot told them he was afraid they were weary and cooled in their love to religion , and enquired when they did heare and pray aright , how they might know when they were weary of them , what time it might be before the lord might come and make them know him , &c. some other cases were moved by them . a man before hee knew god had two wives , the first is barren , the second brought forth sweet children , which of these must hee put away ? if the former , they offended god , if the latter , they illegitimate their owne deare children ? and , a squaw leaves her husband , commits adultery with remote indians , heares the word ; repents , and returnes to her husband still unmarried , is not he bound to receive her ? an old widdow squaw said , if when men know god , god loves them , why then are any afflicted after they know him ? mr. elliot preaching upon ephes. 5. 11. have no fellowship , &c. they asked what englishmen thought of him , because he came among the wicked indians and taught them ? another said , suppose two men sin , one knowes it , the other doth not , will god punish both alike ? againe , if a wise indian teach good things to other indians , should not he be as a father or brother to such ? one t●…taswampe prayed at the buriall of an indian child , with such zeale , variety of gracious expressions , and abundance of tears , that the woods rang with their sighs and prayers , the englishman that heard him , said , hee was ashamed of himselfe and some others , that have had so great light , but want such good affections . third treatise . that woman that propounded the first question according to appointment by another man ( 2. treatise , p. 6. hujus p. 4. ) moved this also . when my heart prayeth with my husband praying , is this praying to god aright ? this woman kept at home , learned quickly to spinne well , held her children to labour , after she submitted to the gospel her life was exemplary , she died of a sicknesse taken in childbed ; mr. elliot visited her severall times , prayed with her , asked her about her spirituall estate , she said she still loved god though he made her sicke , and was resolved to pray unto him as long as she lived , and to refuse powawing , shee believed god would pardon all her sinnes , because jesus christ dyed for her , that god was well pleased in him , that she was willing to die , believed shee should goe to heaven , and live happy with god and christ ; of her owne accord she called her children , and said to them , i shall now die , and when i am dead , your grandfather , grandmother , and unkles , &c. will send for you to live among them , and promise you great matters , but i charge you doe not believe them , live not among them ; for they pray not to god , keepe not the sabbath ; commit all manner of sinnes , and are not punisht ; but i charge you live here , for they pray to god , his word is taught , sins are supprest , and punish'd by lawes , therefore i charge you live here all your daies , she died , and it fell out as she said . t is observed many other indians would come in , but they have neither tooles nor skill to fence in their grounds ; if the word were constantly taught , government exercised ; encouragements for the industrious , with meanes to instruct them in letters , trade and labour , as building , fishing , flax , hemp ; &c. many well-minded indians would thus be drawne together . mr. elliot stirres up the ministers to learne the language , and assist in the worke , there is nothing else to invite but the good of soules ; not so much as meate , drinke , and lodging to be had among the indians , but such as wee must carry with us , beside what wee give away to them , &c. severall questions they then propounded . doth the devill dwell in us , as we dwell in an house ? when god saith honour thy father and thy mother , doth he meane three fathers ; our father ; our sachim ; and god ? when a soule goes to heaven what doth it say ? and what saith a wicked soule when it comes to hell ? why did christ die in our steads ? why must we love our enemies , and how shall we do it ? how doth christ redeeme and deliver us from sin , when every day my heart thinkes i must die , and goe to hell for my sins ; what shall i doe in this case ? how long was adam good before he sinned ? if two families dwell in one house , one prayeth , the other-doth ▪ not , what shall they that pray do to them that pray not ? now the indians desire to go to heaven , what shall we doe that we may goe thither when we die ? how shall i bring my heart to love prayer ? doe not englishmen spoile their soules to say a thing cost them more than it did , and is it not all one as to steale ? i see why i must feare hell , and do so every day , but why must i fear god ? if i reprove a man for sin , and he answer why do you speak thus angerly , mr. elliot teacheth us to love one another , is this well ? if a wife put away her husband because he will pray to god and she will not , what must be done in this case ? may such women as pray to god , marry those that do not pray to god ? if my wife doth some worke on the night before the sabbath , and on the sabbath night also , is it a sin ? if i do that which is a sin , and know it not to be a sin , what will god say to that ? whether is faith set in my heart or in my minde ? why have not beasts a soule as well as man , seeing they have love , anger , &c. as man hath ? why doth god punish in hell for ever , man doth not so , but after a time lets out of prison againe ? what is faith ? how shall i know when god accepts my prayers ? how doth christ make peace betwixt god and man , what is the meaning of that point ? in wicked dreames doth the soule sin ? doth the soule in heaven know things done here on earth ? if my heart be full of evill thoughts , and i repent and pray , and a few houres after it be full againe , and i repent and pray againe , and after this it be full of evill thoughts again , what will god say ? what force of wicked men is lawfull , and what not ? what if a minister weare long haire , as some other men do , what will god say ? why doth god so hate them that teach others to commit sinne ? if a man will make his daughter marry one she doth not love , what will god say ? &c. there be sundry of them begin to enquire after baptisme and church ordinances , and mr. elliot with consideration speakes solemnly not suddenly , nor lightly , but before the lord , as i apprehend , saith he , in my conscience , were they but in a setled way of civility and government , cohabiting together , and i called , according to god , to live among them , i durst freely joyne into church fellowship with them , and could find out at least twenty men and women in some measure fitted of the lord for it . that indian that was mr elliots interpreter , and first taught him words , was joyning himselfe to the church of dorchester , and the very day of this writing was the day for the triall of that indian in order to his admission , and this was 2. of the 12. 1648. since which time these labourers with the lord have not been idle in this vineyard , they are digging , and fencing , and gathering out the stones thereof , and planting it with the choisest vine , &c. esa. 5. 2. and though some informations of their happy endeavours have unhappily miscarried , there be other passages that have arrived hither , to give us assurance that they wax not faint in that gospel worke , they are not indeed yet printed , but i have obtained leave to give the reader a little taste thereof , for as we here long to understand what further footsteps be made , so the discoveries thereof will in due time and better manner be recommended . mr elliot in the beginning of the last spring prepared for his journey among the indians , to a great fishing place upon merimak , and hired an indian to mark trees , and pilot him thither , which he did , with the helpe of some indians , they passed by other of the natives , who had heard of his preaching , and were very glad of his comming that way , but sicknesse prevented him at that time ; howbeit upon his recovery , he went to another place call'd pantukct , where from all parts they meet , there he asked them if those indians were desirous to pray to god , and when they said yea , he demanded how many desired it , they answered wam●…e , i. e. all . the chiefe sachim of this place had heard him before , and now shewed great affection to him , and the word of god , using many arguments to perswade him to tarry among them , saying , his comming but once a yeere did them little good , it was as if one should come and throw a fine thing among them , and they like it well , but cannot tell what is within , whether something , or nothing , but if it be opened and they see it precious , they should believe it , &c. another indian learning from mr. elliot that hee had five sonnes , asked him if they should all teach the indians to know god , as he did , which when hee affirmed , the other was well pleased , and mr. elliot himselfe much encouraged , for hee had often dedicated them in his prayers to that service of the lord , desiring no better preferment for them , than to be fitted for that worke , hee endeavours therefore with that smal meanes he hath to traine them up in learning , and god will i doubt not raise up some liberall hearts and hands to assist him therein . this summer hee was making another journey , but in regard of some quarrells among the indians , the church was doubtfull at first of his going , which when the nashaway sachim heard , he took twenty men armed after their manner , and was his guard , with many other neerer indians , so much do they hunger after instruction ; this was a long journey into the wildernesse of sixty miles , it proved very wet and tedious , so that hee was not dry three or foure daies together night nor day , but the lord upheld him and his company in strength and health . one of the indians would needs know of mr elliot the reason why they that pray to god , love the indians so doing , more than their owne brethren , and when the rest of them said they all found it so in their hearts , this gave him occasion to discourse to them of the unity of the spirit . they propounded questions . if a man know gods word , but believe it not , and yet teach others , is that good teaching , and if others believe that teaching , is that good believing ? and when mr. elliot asked them how they could tell , when a man knoweth gods word , and doth not believe it , they answered , when he doth not in his practise answerable to that he knoweth . if i teach on the sabbath that which you taught us , and forget something , is that a sin ? what should i pray for at night , what at morning , and what on the sabbath day ? what is true repentance , and how shall i know when it is true ? how must i waite on god ? when i pray for a soft heart , why is it still hard ? can one be saved by reading the booke of the creature ? when such die as never heard of christ , whither do they go ? vvhat is the meaning of the name hebrews , why doth god say he is the god of the hebrews ? if one purpose to pray , and die before that time , wither goeth his soule ? doth god know who shall repent and believe , and who not ? why then did god use so much meanes with pharaoh ? vvhat meanes that , blessed are they that mourne ? vvhat meaneth lifting up hands to god ? vvhat anger is good , and what is bad ? if a child die before he sin , whither goeth his soule ? if one that prayes to god sin , like him that prayes not , is not he worse ? and while they discoursed of this , and about hating of wicked persons , one of them said , they must love the man and doe him good , but hate his sin , &c. for i will not forestall but prepare the publication of those other remarkeable occurrences ; and now ex pede herculem , when this little of those many matters worthy of observation , is seen together , none will call it a day of small things , zach. 4. 10. shall we call this a day of small things ? shall not those poore natives in new england rise up in judgement against old england and condemne it ? they at once or twice preaching of the law and gospel , repent , and weepe , and pray , and heare , and most earnestly enquire after god ; but wee , when the sunshine of truth hath been so long cleare among us , degenerate into those very sinnes which they abandon and detest , and with indignation say , get ye hence , es. 30. 22. they willingly forsake their powawing , and inchantments ; but the devill is broke loose among us , and many desire commerce with those that have familiarity with him . the indians set a mulct upon those women that tie not up their haire , that goe with naked breasts , what would they say , what would they doe , if that sex were as immodest as some in this nation , bepainted , bedaubed , debauched , not more with spots in their faces , then stains in their glory , if christianity be to them any honour ? the indians weare their haire comely as the english , and punish those that doe otherwise ; there be among us that would account it piacular it should be said of them that in the least they looke rome-wards , yet like those locusts having the faces of men , they have haire as the hair of women , rev. 9. 8. grace is pleased to borrow that from nature , if a man have long haire , it is a shame to him , 1 cor. 11. 14. those natives surely will rise up in judgement with the men of this generation and condemne them ; they pray in their families morning and evening , and upon other occasions , they sanctifie the sabbath ; wee have those among us , that scoffe and scorne these practises of piety , and call the practisers thereof duty-mongers . the indians desire publique meetings , and delight in the places where god is worship'd and his word is taught ; but there be those in this england that make it a great piece of religion to divide and separate , though god himselfe would not have us forsake the assembling of our selves together , as the manner of some is , hebr. 10. 25. the indians asked mr. elliot , if any teach us good things should wee not love him as a father , or a brother ? but t is now among some esteemed a signe of grace , and a badge of holinesse , to despise their teachers , as if that scripture of truth were never againe to be fulfilled . they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , untill the wrath of the lord arose against his peaple , till there was no remedy , 1 chron. 36. 16. but many other be the sad symptomes of our englands defection and danger , and our god hath made himself many waies marvelous in new-england , wee cannot call it a day of small things , or if at first it was like a little cloud arising out of the sea as a mans hand , 1 king. 18. 44. certainely it carried with it a a sound of abundance of raine , ver . 41. even that raine that commeth downe from heaven and returneth not thither but watereth the earth , and maketh it bring forth and bud , that it may give seed to the sower , and bread to the eater ; gods word hath not returned unto him void , it hath accomplished that which he pleased , and it shall prosper in the thing whereto i send it , es. 55. 10 , 11. now the blessing of the god of iacob be upon them and their endeavours , even the blessing of iacob upon ioseph , the god almighty help them and blesse them with blessings of heaven above , blessings of the deep that lieth under , gen. 49. 25 , 26. that god by their meanes may say to the north give up , and to the south keepe not backe , bring my sonnes from farre , and my daughters from the ends of the earth , esa. 43. 6. so from the uttermost parts shall we hear songs , songs of praise , even glory to the righteous , 24. 16. and not onely glory to the lord our righteousnesse , but those that winne many to this righteousnesse shall shine as the starres for ever and ever , dan. 12. 3. and not onely hereafter in that heaven of heavens , but this shall bee told as englands memoriall , in present and succeeding generations , and those american nations especially shall call them blessed ( mal. 3. 12. ) yea the blessings of them that were ready to perish , will come upon them , job 29. 13. for they have done worthily in ephrata , and are famous in bethelem ( ruth 4. 11 ) and when they be indeed sensible of this great mercy , they will not onely say , thanks be unto god for this unspeakeable gift , 2 cor. 9. 15. but they will long to requite this kindnesse to the english also : and as of old almost all nations receiving from ierusalem the first meanes of their christianity , expressed their gratefull mindes by their charitable beneficence upon all occasions to those that dwelt there , this began in the apostles daies , act. 11. 19. rom 15. 26. those of macedonia and achaia distributed to the poor saints at ierusalem , so it was the use till ieromes k time , that all the churches of the gentiles sent collections to the christians at ierusalem , because they all from thence received first the glad tidings of the gospel ; where the same christ is preached , there will be the like christian affections , which likewise will be demonstrable upon every possible opportunity . gregory in severall epistles , not lesse then twenty foure , to the great personages of those times , shewes much zeale in this kind , sometimes encouraging them , afterwards commending them for their assistance afforded to that glorious worke , the first conversion of our countreymen . nothing more shall now be added but the praise and practise of n albertus the arch-bishop of hamburgh , who tooke upon him a resolution to visit in his owne person all the northerne provinces , not leaving so much as any one island unbenefitted by his preaching ; when all things were prepared , and his attendants chosen , and shipping ready , hee was diswaded by zueno king of denmarke , who told him those people would sooner be instructed by men of their owne nation , who were best acquainted with the rites , manners , and language thereof ; the arch-bishop hereupon dealt earnestly with others to that purpose , and made them most willing to the work , for there was not a man among them whom hee had not encouraged , and by his bounty hee warmed their zeale in publishing the gospell , frequently repeating that sentence of our saviour , the harvest indeed is great , but the labourers are few , pray ye therefore the lord of the harvest , that hee will send forth labourers into his harvest , mat. 9. 37. 38. finally as david to solomon in the bulding of the temple , 1 chr. 22. 16. i wish it were effectually spoken to , and by all the english here and there , vp and be doing , and the lord will bee with you . the relation of master antonie monterinos , translated out of the french copie sent by manaseh ben israel . the eighteenth day of el●…l , in the yeere five thousand foure hundred and foure from the creation of the world , came into this city of amsterdam mr aron levi , alias , antonie ▪ monterinos , and declared before me manassah ben israell , and divers other chiefe men of the portugall nation , neer to the said city that which followeth . about two yeeres and an halfe agoe , the said monterinos going from the port of honda in the west indies ▪ to go to the government of papian in the province of quito , did hire some m●…les of a certaine indian mystique , called francis du chasteau , in which company , together with other indians , went a certaine owner of mules who was also called francis , whom all the indians named cacique , to whom it fell out , passing over the mountaine cordecilla , in a day of great winde and raine , that their carriages fell to the ground , whereat the indians being grieved , as also at the evill weather , they begin to complaine of their ill fortune , saying that they deserved all that , and more also for their sinnes , which the said francis hearing answered , that they should have patience , that shortly they should have rest ; whereunto they answered that they deserved it not , having used the holy people so ill , and the most noble of all the nations in the world ; but contrariwise that all the cruelties which the spaniards had used against them did befall unto them for the expiating of that sin ; after they were gone a little while , they stopt upon the mountaine to rest , and passe the night season , at which time the foresaid monterinos did take out of a box some few biskets , some cheese and sweet-meates , and offered some to the foresaid francis , saying to him , take this though thou dost speake evill of the spaniards , whereunto hee answered , that he had not told the halfe of the hard usage which they received from that cruell and inhumane nation ; but that after a short space they should see themselves avenged upon them by a hidden nation : after these discourses between them , mr monterinos arrived at the town of cartagena in the indies , where he was taken by the inquisition and put in prison ; one day praying unto god , hee uttered these words , blessed be the name of adonay , that hee hath not made me an idolater , a barbarian , an ethiopian , nor an indian ; and pronouncing the name of indian hee reproved himselfe , saying the hebrewes are indians ; and then comming againe to himselfe said , am not i a foole , how can it bee that the hebrewes should be indians ? the same fell out the second and third day , making the same prayer and giving the same thankes unto god , whence hee gathered that that fancie did not come to him by meere chance , remembring also that which passed between him and the aforesaid indian ; so that hee tooke an oath hee would so informe himselfe of the whole matter , that hee should know the truth , and that comming out of prison hee should instantly seeke the indian , and would bring to his minde the discourse which they had together , to obtaine by that meanes the satisfaction of his desires . being then come out of prison by the goodnesse of god , he went to the forenamed port of honda , where hee had so much good lucke that hee found instantly the foresaid indian , to whom he made his application , and brought into his memory the discourse which they had upon the mountaine , whereunto he answered that he had not forgotten it , which monterinos hearing , said that he would goe a journey with him , to which hee answered that hee was ready to doe him service : so the said monterinos gave him three pataques to buy some provision ; whiles then they followed their journey and talked together , the said monterinos at last discovered himselfe unto the said indian , and told him in these words , i am an hebrew of the tribe of levi , my god is adonay , and all the rest are nothing but mistakes and deceites ; whereat the indian being somewhat surprized , did aske him the name of his predecessors , whereunto hee did answer that they were called abraham , isaac , iacob and israel , which the indian hearing , did aske of him whether hee had none other father , hee said yea , and that hee was called lodwick of monterinos ; but the indian being not well satisfied as yet , said these words unto him , on the one side i did rejoyce at that which thou hast said unto me , and on the other i am resolving to disbelieve thee , because thou canst not tell mee who were thy fathers , whereunto the said monterinos answered with an oath , that the thing which hee said was truth , having spent some time in questions and answers , and the indian being wearied at the matter said to him , art thou not the sonne of israell , to which he answered , yea , which the indian having heard said , make an end then of thy sp●…ch , for certainly thou didst put me in such a confusion that i would have been perplexed at it all my life time ; nevertheles let us rest a little and drinke , and then follow on our discourse . after a little space , the indian said unto him , if thou hast the courage and boldnesse to follow me , thou shalt know all what thou desirest , but i tell thee before hand thou must go a foot and eate roasted mayz , and do that which i shall bid thee ; the said monterinos answered , that hee would not at all transgresse his orders ; the day following which was monday , the indian came to the said monterinos , and bid him take out all that which he had in his pockets , put on his alpergatas ( these are a certaine sort of shooes which the indians weare ) and take this staffe and follow him , which the said monterinos did , leaving his cloake and his sword and all what hee had , and so they followed on their way , the indian carrying on his backe three measures of roasted mayz , two ropes , the one made with knots and an hooke with two teeth to climbe up by the mountaine , and the other untied , to be made use of in the marshes and passages of rivers , with a little axe and the alpergatas ; they went then after this manner the whole weeke till saturday on which they rested , and returned to follow their course the whole sunday and monday ; on thursday about eight of the clocke they came to a river as broad as the duero in spaine , and the indian said unto him thou shalt here see thy brethren , and making a flag of two peeces of cotten cloath which were their girdles , made a signe , after which they saw a great smoake , and in a moment afterward the same signe with another flagge ; and it was not long after that they saw in a boat comming to them three men and one woman , which being arrived to the banke of the river , the woman leapt a shoare , and the men tarried in the boate , which after a long discourse which shee had with the indian , which the said monterinos could not at all understand , went back to the boate , and told the three men all that shee had heard of the indian , which came instantly out of the boate ( having alwaies lookt with attention upon him , viz. the said monterinos ) and did embrace him , and the woman did the like ; after this one of the three men went backe againe to the boate , and the other two together with the woman did stay there ; which comming neer unto the indian hee did prostrate himselfe at their feete , and they received him with demonstrations of civility and affection , and begun to talke with him ; after a little while the indian said to mr monterinos , be not amazed , and doe not believe that these men will tell thee a second thing , before thou hast well understood the first ; the two men instantly put him between them , and told him the verse following in hebrew out of deut. chap. 6. vers . 4. semah israel adonay elohim adonay ehad , heare o israel the lord our god is one lord ; and hee informing himselfe of every thing by the indian interpreter , and learning to say it in the spanish tongue , the two men told him that which followeth , putting a little space of time between one sentence and another . 1. my fathers are called abraham , isaac , iacob and israel , and they named them all foure with three fingers , and then they added reuben , making a sign with foure fingers . 2. all such as will come and dwell with us we will give them lands . 3. ioseph dwells in the mids of the sea , making a signe with two fingers shut , and afterwards dividing the same into two parts . 4. wee shall all one day speake together , uttering with the mouth ba , ba , ba , and shall come forth as the earth had brought us forth . 5. wee shall goe out from hence shortly ( speaking hastily ) some of us to looke out , and to make water , and saying these words , they winked with their eies and thrust their feet to the ground . 6. a messenger shall go . 7. francis shall say somewhat more , making a signe with the fingers , that it would be a little . 8. give us time to make our selves ready , and shaking their hand on all sides , said with their mouth , and with their hands , stay not long . 9. send 12 men , making a signe that all shall have beards and be able to write . these discourses being all ended , which lasted all that day , they came backe and told him the same wednesday and thursday , not adding a word more thereunto . and monterinos being wearied , that they answered him nothing to that which hee asked , and that they would not permit him to passe the river , did draw neere the boate in a dissembling way , and would have cast himselfe therein to goe to the other side , but they thrust her from the shoare with a staffe , and the said monterinos falling into the water hee was in danger of being drowned , because he could not swimme ; the men cast themselves suddenly into the water , and drew him out , and shewing themselves angry , said unto him , doe not think that thou wilt bring to passe thy purpose by force ; which the indian declared unto him , and they shewed unto him by signes and words . notice is to be taken that the boat for the space of those three daies did not at all stay in one place , but four men went and foure other came , which all of them said the same nine things which we have mentioned , being all the men who during that time came to see him , about 300 more or lesse . these men are somewhat burnt with the sunne , some of them weare their haire to their knees , some others shorter , and others as wee use to weare it , faire bodies , good countenances , well made of foot and leg , with a linnen about their heads . moreover the said mr monterinos declared , that going from that place on thursday at night with a great deale of provision which they brought to him , he tooke his leave of them , having been entertained by them , during the three daies which he staied there ; and having shewed him how they enjoyed all things which the spaniards have in the indies , aswell of meates as of other things needfull for the life of man. being come the same day to the place where they had lien the night before , mr monterinos said to the indian , francis , thou dost know that my brethren said unto me that thou shouldest tell me something , therefore i pray thee tell it now to satisfie my desire , whereunto the indian said , i shall tell thee what i know , if thou wilt not anger mee , and shall relate unto thee the truth so as i have heard it from my ancestors , but if thou dost vex me ( which i apprehend , perceiving thee to be so speculatif ) thou wilt oblige me to tell thee lies ; so then i beseech thee take onely heed to what i shall say unto thee . thy brethren the sonnes of israel were by divine providence brought into these countrys , god doing many miracles for them , which thou wouldst not believe , if i should tell them to thee as i have heard them of my fathers ; wee indians went into those countries and made warre against them , and did use them worse then the spaniards doe us : afterwards by the command of our mohanes ( these are their sorcerers ) wee went as souldiers towards those parts where thou hast seen thy brethren , to wage warre with them , and of all those that entred there , not one came backe againe alive ; wee made a great armie , and entring into his lands , all fell downe dead , so that not one escaped ; at last wee raised another army , for the making of which the countrey was dispeopled wholly , so that none but old men , women and children remained therein , which came to an end as the former had done ; which those who remained alive , and were not gone to that warre perceiving , said , that the mohanes had deceived them and were the cause of the death of their fathers , for which they deserved to be put to death , having then killed many of them , those that remained alive did intreat them to hearken to them , and they would discover to them all the truth of that which they knew , which having gotten leave , declared that which followeth . the god of these sonnes of israel is the true god , all that is written in his stories is true , they shall be lords of all the world in the latter end , a people shall come hither which will bring many things to you , and when the land shall be well provided , these sonnes of israel shall goe out of their habitations , and shall become lords of all the earth as it was theirs before , if you will be happy joyne your selves to them . the indian having made an end to relate the prediction of the mohanes , followed on his discourse after this manner , my fathers were caciques , and there are yet four of them . these 5 caciques then having heard what the mohanes had foretold , as if they had been some of the sages of the hebrewes , came and tooke their habitation neere that place , to see if they could get acquaintance with some of thy brethren . they satisfied their desire after a long ▪ time by the intercession of an indian woman : because thy brethren would never speake to our fathers , and he of us that went into their lands , did fall downe dead , and none of thy brethren did passe over to us ; we therefore made a league with them , by the meanes of that woman , under these conditions . first , that five men , sonnes to five caciques or their successors , should come to visit them every seventy moones , and that none should come with them . secondly , that the man to whom the secret was to be declared , should be three hundred moones old , and that nothing of this should be revealed to him in a place inhabited , but only in the open field , and when it should be revealed , that it should be in the company of all the caciques ; thus then ( said the indian ) wee keepe this secreet amongst us , for the great reward which wee hope , for the innumerable services which wee have done to thy brethren . wee cannot go to see them , but from seventy to seventy moones , if no new thing fall out ; there hath not been any in my time except thy arrivall which they have so much desired and waited for . i finde no more but three new things according to my reckoning ; the first , the arrivall of the spaniards in these countries , the second that ships arrived in the south sea , and the third is thy arrivall . of all three they have greatly rejoyced , for they say that the prophecies do come to passe . moreover the said monterinos declared , that afterward hee came to honda , where the said indian did bring to him three indian young men , not telling him their names , till hee told him that hee might speake freely with them , seeing they were his companions , whith whom hee was in league , and that the other namely the fift was old , and for that cause was not able to come . the three indians did imbrace him affectionately , and asked him of what nation hee was ; to whom hee answered , that hee was of the hebrew nation , of the tribe of levi ; and then they imbraced him the second time , and said to him , thou shalt see us one day , and shalt not know us , wee are thy brethren by a speciall favour which god hath shewed us , and having saluted him they went away : the indian francis bid him also farewell , and that hee went to speak with his brethren in the company of the other caciques . as concerning this countrey , wee have all the indians at our command , and when wee shall have made an end of these cruell spaniards , wee shall goe and draw you out of the slavery wherein you are , if it please god ; which he will permit , because his word cannot faile . finis . laus deo. i manasseh ben israel underwritten , beare w●…tnesse , that this present paper hath been coppied with the whole truth of the originall , and that the author monterinos is a vertous man , and separate from all manner of worldly interests ; and that hee swore in my presence that all that which he declared was a truth . manasseh ben israel . j. dvry received this at london , 27 of novem. 1649. the reader is entreated with his pen to amend these mistakes of the presse . in the epistle dedicatory , remove the note at the bottome of the margin in the third page of ( b ) to the second line of the next page . page 5. line 12. read comestor . p. 16. l. 19. r. and uneasie . p. 18. l. 3. r. è contra . p. 21. r. witekind in the margent . p. 21. l. 16. r. they were . p. 22. l. 23. r. maternus . p. 24. l. 19. r. records indeed . p. 32. l. last . r. thou . p. 49. l. 28. r. israel was . p. 50. l. 8. adde , should so farre ▪ and so suddenly degenerate . p. 6. l. 32. r. converting . p. 76. l. 31. r. for our , the. p. 80. l. 20. r. your charity . p. 93. l. 13. r. leitourgy . and l. 15. r. pray that . p. 93. l. 15. r. holy spirit . our books tell us . p. 107. l. 30. r. too late . p. 118. l. 11. r. hujus . p. 113. p. 126. l. 4. r. 16 , &c. p. 136. l. 12. r. their lands . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a62471-e390 d. laert. p. 381. d. heins . in 2. io. hesych . ●… io. maj. hist. scot. l. 4. c. 9 ▪ sixt. sen. bib. s. l. 2. r. p. 97. wollet . comp. theol. p. 197. part. 1. t. 1. ep. p. 105. lib. 5. c. 8. nehem 3. 5. 2 sam. 20. 19. phil. 2. 21. 1 cor. 13. last . act. 2. 1. psa. 19. 4. revel . 6. 2. esa. 49. 6. de excid . brit. in bal ▪ cent. p. 23. hist. l. ●… . c. 8. p. 25. rev. 13. 3. ●… . 5. 123. not. in bed. hist. p. 257. part. 3. esa. 43. 19. k. theodoric . theodebert , clotharius , qu. brunechild of france , and to aldibert and aldiberga of england . concil . p. 71. holinsh. chro. part . 1. p. 15. kent , mercia , west-saxons , northumberland , east-angles , east-saxons , south-saxons . deut. 12 8. 2 pet. 1. 19. 2. cor ▪ 11. 14. psal. 46. 3. psal. 27. 3. esa. 8. 12. act. 7. 56. tertull. 2 cor. 5. 7. job . 14. 14. 1 joh. 2. 18. heb. 10. 37. mat. 3. 12. psal. 1. 5. 1 cor. 4. 5. 2 thes. a. 17. 3. 3. heb. 13. 17. 2 tim. 4. 8. act. 20. 32. notes for div a62471-e2480 de doct. chr. l. 4. longa , san●… , caelet us , apolog. ad finem . oblect . acad. c. 21. pseud. epidem . mr bucks hist. hist. rom. tacitus . idcos ab ida. l. 5. plut. symp. c. ●… . suid as in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 2. c. 18. p. 248. io ▪ de la●…t desc●…iptio americ . dedic . carolo r. britan. mr. castel , mr. cage , &c. id. p. 37. l 6. c. 9. mr gage . p. 18●… p. 50. &c. acost . l. 3. c. 15. gage survey . p. ●…5 . 1 , 5. 139. p. 153. ●…46 . letter of a. c. 1635. p. 168. plutar. themist sim. c. p. 61. mr. gage . mr gage pref . & p. 139 , & 10 acosta . hist. l. 6. c. 26. cic. de offic. somn. scip. sir io. dodt . hist of princi : of wales . p. 23. ep. p. 819. in rom. 11. 18. notes for div a62471-e4060 esa. 11. 9. eph. 4 13. eph. 4. 14. isa. 2. ezec. 34 & 37. jer. 3c . & 46. amos. 9. micha . 4. &c. jer. 30. 10 , 11. amos ▪ 9. 8 , 9. 2 king. 17. this narrative so attested and translated , is at the end of this book . psa. 149 7 , 8 , 9. notes for div a62471-e5210 a restitut . c. 2. b met. hist. c. 9. b met. hist. c. 9. c dissertat . de orig. gent. americ . d n●…t . ad ista●… dissert . e key of the language of amer. pref. f lerius hist. brasil . p. 231. g laet descr. americ . mr. gage . h apud laet in grot. diss●…rtat . part. 1. p. 216. a pet. mart. decad. aliique . b in boros●… . l. 6. c in bodin . meth. p. 493. d ib. p. 353. mort. n. canaan . p. 49. malv●…or d●… an●… . r●… . p. 155. e acosta . hist. l. 7. c. 4. f ubi supra . g aquin. in gen. 1. h arr. ag . br. p. 343. i pet. mart. p. 353. k laet. in grot. p. 219. l ibid. m comestor hist. p. 137. & 169. n g. sands . trav. p. 146. o hist. l. 1. c. 29. p apud io. de laet. part . 1. p. 217. q letter . a acosta . l. 1. c. 23. b lerius . ubi supra . c de cons●…at . ad helvid . ●… . 8. d mr will. key . preface . e benzo . p. ●… . & 50. acosta . l. 7. c. 17. f benzo . p. 193. g id. p. 94. 107 h id. p. 107. 109 i nova francia . p. 221. k io. de laet. p. 217. l mr will. key ▪ prospect of n. e ▪ p. 95. m benzo . p. 117 222. lerius . p. 256. 258. laet descr. of america . p. 545. n lerius . p. 225 p. mart. p. 314. 478. o na●… in gr●… . p. 37. p acosta . p. 570 q id. p. 569. laet. p. 317. and descrip . amer. p. 470. r capt. smith . p. 31. laet descr. amer. p. 479. s lerius . p. 236. t mr will. key pref . p. 7. & u nova fran. p. 236. w p. mart. p. 5●… . x mr will. key . y lerius . p. ●…34 acosta . l. 5. c. 27 z mr will. key . p. 46. laet des . of amer. p ▪ 479. a lerius p. 2●…6 . b mr will. key . p. ●…39 . c lerius p. 241. d benzo . p. 168. 291. 39. acost . l. 5. c. 8. e antiq. l. 7. c. 12. f lerius . p. 266. 267. benzo . 396 laet des . amer. p. 545. 642. g benzo . p. 222. acost . l. 4. c. 28. h l. 12. c. 15. i laet descr. amer. p. 75. k acost . l. 6. c. 10. 17. a hist. l 5. c. 27. b id. de procur . ind. sal. p. 6. 45 c in grot. part . 1. p. 45. d p. mart. p. 175. 290. 293. 296. 300. e l. 2. p. 143. f dr helin ge●… . p. 662. laet. ibid. 127. g id. p. 128. h in laet p. 2. p. 59. i tit. 1. de no viter repet is , cultellos lapideos quidvis ●…ecante s. k p. 135. l p. l 91. m mart. p. 524 n id. p. 444. lerius . p. 220. acost . l. 6. c. 19 o id ▪ de procur . ind. sal. p. 68. p benzo . p. 396 relation of maryland . p. 33. cap. smith . lerius . p 223. acosta . p. 345. q mr will. key . p. 100. r p. mart. p. 418. 473 521. 529 godwin of the esseni , in jewish antiqu . malvend . de antichristo . p. 153. s capt. smith p. 12●… . acosta . l. 5. c. 13. pet mart. p. 350. t id p 351. u id. p. 314. w acost . p. 339 x id. l. 5●… c. 16 ▪ 6. 24. y id. l. 5. c. 14. z ibid. l. 5 c. ●… . a pet. mart. b relat. mar. land. p. 169. acost . 5. 16. c pet , mart : p ▪ 522. 351. d ibid. e laet. descr. amer. p. 398. 434. f malvenda . p. 169. g id. ibid. & acost . hist. l. 5. c●…9 ●…9 . h id. p. ●…69 . i benzo . p. 113 , 114. ●…um ●…ympano . k cento ad solin . p. 256. benzo . p. 403. and hist. of peru. l benzo ubi sup . & solin . cent. ibid. a idem genus ca●…cementi , & verba quaedam . ubi supra . b l. 30. p. 323. c ubi ●…nte . descr. cambr. p. 2●… . d in laet. part . 1. p. 30. e pet. mart. p. 248. laet. ibid. p. 186. f malvenda p. 1●…9 . g gag . survey . p. 46. h ierem in loc , i p. 88. 93 , 94. &c. k hist. l. 5. c. 3. l laet. descr. amer. p. 53. 164 ▪ m p. 164. 172. n p. 154. o mr. will. key pref of n. e. p. 91. p pref. to chaldean diction . q bodin . meth p. 494. r syst. phys. r syst. phys. s pref. to the old english bible . a iosp●… ▪ de bello iudaico . l. 7. e ▪ 8. b in ezek c. 5. c p. mart. p. 206. i●…rius . ●…nzo . ●…ii . d prosp. of n. eng. part . 2. n●…ler . chr. p●…rt . 2. p. 519. f p. 275. g in fine . p. 188. h p. 55. i benzo . p. 120. k crudelit . hispan . p. 50. a socrat. l. 1. 15 russia . tripartit . &c. discess●… ab ●…cem apostoli 〈◊〉 praedic●…onis 〈◊〉 comm●…ne consti●…uunt . cypr. de symb. ap. c. b de incarn . l. 6 c. 3. c wit●…kiland de sphae●…a . d g. sands tra . e socrat. ubi ante . russia in symb. & hist. l. 1. c. 9. tertul. de vel . virg . l. 1. c. 1. regula quid●…m fidei una omnino est sola immobilis . & i●…reformabilis . clem. ep. ad iacob . quam latin. fecit ▪ russin . ambr. ser. 138. aug. de t. 119. f disput. p. 21. g ibid. h ep. ad philadelph . p. 4. i niceph. l. 2. c. 35. k britannorum inaccessa romanis loca christs patuerunt . ad v. ●…ud . c. 7. l hist. l. 2 c. 3. m de error . profan . relig . n de consid . l. 2. o in math. & t. 1. ep. p. 103. p ●…illet de vocat . iud. malvend de antichristo . q in mat. 24. in hos. 2. in joh. 4. mic. 2 ▪ r de civit. d. l ▪ 18. c. 28. & 20 , 21. s mor. l. 35. c. 9. t in cant. ser. 39. u in apoc. mei p ▪ 31. w sum. raymundi . p. 81 ▪ x epit. cent. 16 part . 2. y p. 169. z doroth. synop. hieron . ca●…al . socrat. l. 15. ruffin . l. 1. c 9. euseb. aliique a salmuth . in pancirol . de noviter repert ▪ c. 1. p. 7. b bocha . geo. sac. p. 716. c acost . benzo . pet. mart. lerius . &c. d io. de laet in grot. part ▪ p. 71. e bucholz chro. mei p. 136. f de vit. constant . l. 2. c. 65. g pet mart. decad. p. 95. &c. 244. malvenda . ibid. a de arcan cathol . vent . c. 24. p. 282. b lerius p. 230. c benzo p. 77. 111. 167. d surius in append . ad naucler . p. 775. e p. 222. f ovied hist. ●…nd . l. 16. c. 11. in benzo . p. 295 g casa , benzo , alij historici passim . h iidem , i pet. mart : p. 506. guacca regio , jarima podex . k id. p. 525. l casa . p. 1●… . m casa . p. 24. n id. p. 60. o benzo . p. 111. id. ib. p. 7. & 8 p casa . p. 12. 22 , 29. 54. q benzo . p. 285 ▪ r p ▪ 289 , &c. s c. 89. t benzo . 179. 311 , 315. &c. casa . p. 19. 11. id. p. 57. u tripartit . hist. l 2. c. 18. w catech. 16. p. 263. x c●…ropaid . passim . y de b. iudaica . l. 3. c. 57 z ubi supra . 7. p. 501. a lerius . p. 152 alijque cent. ad solin . p. 218. b hist. l. 7. c. 22. c lerius , alij . d p. 405 , 406. notes for div a62471-e13470 a acost . l. 1. c. 9 b gages survey . p. 71. c m. paris ad all. 1240 mei p. 732 ▪ & 756. d in m. s. e ubi supra ▪ f buxtorf . synag . iud. c. 9. mei p. 231 : in grot : a hygi●… . astron b bel , & drag . c agathias hist. m. p. 142. d in euagr. l. 4. c. 18. e l. 1. 19. tract . p. cott. g ubi supra . h de c. d. ●… . 16. c. 7 ▪ i idem . k geograp . l. 1. l a●…ol . c. 39. m aelian . var. hist. p. 455. n l. 2. c. 89 91. o chro. anno 46 p versteg . c. 4. lamb. peramb . p 18. chron. ●… . part . p. 225. q ibid. r in io. de laet. p. 126. s ibid. p. 116. t ibid ▪ & p. 25. u miscellan . s●…cr . l. 2. c. 4. w hist ▪ l. 7. c. 3 : & . l. 1. c. 20. a t. 3. ep. p. 69 b lerius . p. 169. c ante p. hujus 24. n. d versleg . p. 18●… . e hist. l. 6. c. 22 f qu. in gen. & comest . c. 37. g hist. l. 1. h prolog . ad l. 1 i de consolat ad helv. c. 7. k ben. g●…r . p ▪ l i●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l suidas thus computes the four hundred and thirty yeeres of israels being in egypt , and the land of canaan : from abrahams going into char●…an to isaacs birth , yeers 25 thence to iacobs nativity . 60 from him to levi. 87 from levi to caath . 45 from caath to amram . 63 from amram to moses . 70 from moses to their exodus , and going out . 80 summe 430 yeeres ▪ a ler. hist. pre p. 8. in sev. p. 83. t. 2. ep. p. 75. lib. 6. geor. l. 4. b hier. in loc . c ubi supra . d chrisost. in 1 cor. 2. m. p. 218. e in io. tr. 4. notes for div a62471-e16950 a meth. hist. p. 522. casas . p. 134. &c. b stow ad an. 1501 , & 1502. c purchas . l. 4. c. 13. d stow. ibid. e l. 3. p. 360. f sermon to virginia planters . an. 1622. p. 20. 26. h declara . of uirginia . p. 11. i m. cott. ans . p. 27 ▪ &c. k declara . of virgin. ubi supra . l mr cot. ibid. m metrop . 129. n ibid : o ib. mr cott. p ibid. q ser. 16. init a benzo . p. 76. 77. possimqu●… . b id. p. 11. &c. c id. p. 100. 104. 248. &c. d id. ibid. &c. e id. p. 251. f casas . p. 27. 101. 115. g p. 100. 104 ▪ h hist. l. 6. c. 1. i epist. before . k p. 32 ▪ 444. l prefat . p. 38. m id. p. 221. 225. n id. 230. 248. 301. &c. o cap smith . p. 11. p book of that planta . anno 1632. p. 12. q treatises thereof . r malvenda ubi supra . p. 150. s cap. smith . p. 63. t barradus . t. 2. l. 8. c. 4. u de nat . nov. o●…b . l. 1. c. 15. w p. 85. 93. &c. x malvenda ubi supra . p. 154. y ho. sta. p. 194. z hist. l. 1. a herberts sacr . poems , p. 1●…0 . b lerius . p. 62. 300. 33●… . a in loc . b agathias . l. 1. c ad scap. init . d apolog. 2. p. 300. 450. e crantz . l. 1. c. 7. l. 2. f de vit. const. l. 2. c. 55. g hist. p. 100. h triparti●… . t. 10. c. 5. i vit. per g. patriark . k ep. p. 439. l cap. smith . ●… p. 20. 37. &c. m sozem. l. 2. c. 6. n hist l. 6. c. 25 o p. 388. p l. 7. c. 30. q ubi supra . p. 16. lib. 5. ep. 10. r benzo . p. 256. s id. p. 390. a in math ▪ 16. b casas . p. 66. p. 35. p. 34. 99. c p. 11. d io. d●… laet. descr. amer. pref . e casas . p. 2●… . f p. 118. g hist. l. 4 ▪ c. 2. h p. 204. l ep. before s●…rm . in jona . m in tertul. p. 103. n hist. l. 6. c. 28 cas. c●…ud . hi●… ▪ p. 116. id. ibid. i l. 2. c. 16. k benzo . p. 257. charter . a clapmar arcan . reip. p. 52. 40 caroli . b serm. p. 81 , 82 ▪ &c. c rogers pref . p. 19. d pref. basil. dor. e parlia . spe . anno. 1603. f his workes . p. 358. g res. ad apol. p. 28. h rogers passim . i m. s. a resp. ad apol. p. 29. b king iames workes ▪ p. 340. c institut . l. 4. c. 20. d letter 20. of the 10 moneth . 1635. charter e calvin . beza . gualt . alii . f epit. cent. 16. p. 185. 285. & concil ▪ dordrac . g andr. posthu . p. 176. h ep. p. 749. i honor. reg. commentar . da●…tisci . 1647. k idem ibid. hieron . tit. l simp. c. p. 42 sir h. s. p panang . p. 592. a discourse of new england not printed . relat. of proceagainst sa. gort . p. 99. discourse before mentioned . a in bed. ecclesiast . hist. l. 2. c. 1. b lambard peramb . of kent . p. 5. c hist. l. 1. c. 5. d malmbs . p. 4. and beda . l. 1. c. 25. e daybreak , &c. f greg. m. g dr. vane lost sheepe . p. 186. h crantz . met. p. 405. 8. 12. lib. 5. ep. 58. 59 i hist. l. 2. c. 7. a le●…ius . hist. praef . b benzo . p. 390. c hesiod . op. & di. l. 2. d theodor. hist. l. 5. c. 29. lib. 9. ep. 56 , 57. e gage survey of america . p. 81. f id. p. 3. a agathen in doroth. doctr. & vita patrum . b erasm. ep. 6. c p. 24. d tit. ecclesiasticall . p. 19. 20 e tit. anabaptists . p. 1. f tit. indians ▪ p. 28 , 29. g tit. sch●…els . p. 47. h tit. college . p. 12. sermon at westm. in ann. 1646. iuly , 30. è iob. 11. 22 m stat. eccles. erit . praeface . day breaking if not the sun-rising of the gospel with the indians in new-england . printed for , fulk clif●…on , on new fish ▪ street hill . 1647. page . 1. & . p. 3. questions o●… the indians . p. 4. p. 5. p. 6. questions to them . p. 7. second comming . p. 8. p. 9. questions . p. 10. p. 11. p. 12. p. 13. a weeping indian . p. 14. observations . p. 17. third meeting novemb. 26. ●…3 questions ▪ p. 19. p. 20. p. 22. indian lawes . p. 23. indian prayer●… fourth meeting . p. 24. p. 25. the clear sun-shine of the gospel upon the indians , &c. by mr. shepheard . 1648. p. 3. orders made by divers sachims , at concord , 1646. p. 5. p. 6. p. 7. indian womens questions . p. 8. p. 9. p. 10. an indians dreame . p. 11. indian questions . p. 13. p. 19. p. 20. indian cases and admonitions , of one beating his wife . p. 21. o●… an unruly son recovered . p. 22. p. 23. prayer . p. 24. questions . p. 25. indian cases . p. 27. p. 33. p. 34. p. 35. p. 37. the glorious progresse of the gospel among the indians , &c. published by mr winslow , 1649. an indian woman living and dying christianly . p. 6. p. 7. p. 8. p. 10. indian questions . letter to mr winslow . 18. of the 8. 1649. day break . p. 22. cleare sun-shine . p. 5. 2 treatis . p 35 k t. 2. ep. p. 126. lib. 4. ep. 52. l. 5. 10. 152. &c. n crantz . metrop . l. 5. c. 18. notes for div a62471-e28070 el●…l is the first moneth of the jewish yeere answering to our august and to some part of september . the second part of a short demurrer to the ievves long discontinued remitter into england. containing a brief chronological collection of the most material records in the reigns of king john, henry 3. and edward 1. relating the history, affaires, state, condition, priviledges, obligations, debts, legal proceedings, justices, taxes, misdemeanors, forfeitures, restraints, transactions, of the jews in, and final banishment out of england, never formerly published in print: with some short usefull observations upon them. worthy the knowledge of all lawyers, scholars, statists, and of such jews who desire re-admission into england. / by vvilliam prynne esquire, a bencher of lincolns-inne. short demurrer to the jewes long discontinued remitter into england. part 2 prynne, william, 1600-1669. 1656 approx. 531 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 112 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a91270 wing p4073 thomason e483_2 thomason e872_1 estc r203286 99863283 99863283 164031 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91270) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 164031) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 77:e483[2] or 132:e872[1]) the second part of a short demurrer to the ievves long discontinued remitter into england. containing a brief chronological collection of the most material records in the reigns of king john, henry 3. and edward 1. relating the history, affaires, state, condition, priviledges, obligations, debts, legal proceedings, justices, taxes, misdemeanors, forfeitures, restraints, transactions, of the jews in, and final banishment out of england, never formerly published in print: with some short usefull observations upon them. worthy the knowledge of all lawyers, scholars, statists, and of such jews who desire re-admission into england. / by vvilliam prynne esquire, a bencher of lincolns-inne. short demurrer to the jewes long discontinued remitter into england. part 2 prynne, william, 1600-1669. [4], 13, [1] p., 14-52 leaves, [34], 53-116, [3], 124-144, 141-147, [1] p. printed, and sold by edward thomas in green arbor, london : 1656. in part a reply to: peters, hugh. good work for a good magistrate. the three pages following p. 116 are numbered 121, 104, 103. annotations on thomason copy e.483[2]: "may the 30 1655"; a "5" has been written after the second "6" in the imprint; on e.872[1]: "march 27". reproductions of the originals in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng peters, hugh, 1598-1660. -good work for a good magistrate -early works to 1800. jews -controversial literature -early works to 1800. jews -england -early works to 1800. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-09 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of a short demvrrer to the ievves long discontinued remitter into england . containing a brief chronological collection of the most material records in the reigns of king john , henry 3. and edward 1. relating the history , affaires , state , condition , priviledges , obligations , debts , legal proceedings , justices , taxes , misdemeanors , forfeitures , restraints , transactions , of the jews in , and final banishment out of england , never formerly published in print : with some short usefull observations upon them . worthy the knowledge of all lawyers , scholars , statists , and of such jews who desire re-admission into england . by vvilliam prynne esquire , a bencher of lincolns-inne . amos 3. 3. can two walk together , unless they be agreed ? gregorius lib. 7. registri epist . 226. surius tom. 2. concil . p. 698. cùm excellentia vestra ( reccaredus rex gothorum & suevorum ) constitutionem quandam contra judaeorum perfidiam dedisset , hi de quibus prolata fuerat , rectitudinem vestrae mentis inflectere pecuniarum summam offerendo , moliti sunt ; quam excellentia vestra contempsit , & omnipotentis dei placere judicio requirens , auro innocentiam praetulit . si igitur ab armato rege in sacrificium dei versa est aqua contempta , pensemus quale sacrificium omnipotenti deo rex obtulit , qui pro amore illius non aquam , sed aurum accipere contempsit . itaque fili excellentissime fidenter dicam , quia libasti aurum domino , quod contra eum habere noluisti . london printed , and sold by edward thomas in green arbor , 1656. to the ingenuous reader . the extraordinary coldness and shortness of the time i had , to compile , transcribe , publish my short demurrer to the jews long discontinued remitter into england , that it might come into the world in due season , before any final resolves upon the late whitehall debates , and consults concerning it ; necessitated me not only to omit three or four less pertinent passages in some of our historians concerning the english jews , ( with some few others relating to their misdemeanors in foraign parts ) which i have since supplied ; and to be more sparing in refuting reverend sir edward cooks mistakes , touching the time of the making of the statute de judaismo , and the jews voluntary banishing of themselves thereupon , without any particular act or edict of the king and parliament for their universal exile and expulsion hence ; ( which i have more fully refuted in the * second inlarged edition thereof , beyond all contradiction ) but likewise to leave out most of the unprinted records in the reigns of king john , henry the 3. and edward the 1. relating to the history , state , affairs of the iews in england under them , and to their final banishment thence ; which records , because i could not conveniently insert into the second impression , for fear of increasing it into an over-large bulke , and of over prejudicing those who had bought the first edition ; i have therefore digested into a chronological method , according to their series of time , and published apart by themselves in this second part ; that so such who have bought the first impression , may annex them thereunto ; and those who shall buy the second , may bind them up with it , if they see cause ; into which * impression i have inserted only such new records , ( not extant in the first ) as were necessary to clear some passages in our histories , and to refute our learned sir edward cooks mistakes , whose venerable authority hath misguided many , especially of the long robe , in point of the jews expulsion , and date of the statute de iudaismo . vvhat new light , information , or satisfaction this additional publication may yield to the judicious readers , consisting of unprinted , and for the most part unknowu records , never formerly published , i cannot divine : yet the great satisfaction my former demurrer hath given to , and kind acceptation it hath found with most godly and judicious persons throughout the nation , give me some good assurance , that this appendix to back and illustrate it , will not be unwelcom , but delightfull to them , especially to those of my own profession , for whose information i principally intended it . i hope both of them united , will through gods blessing prove , a perpetual barr to the antichristian iews re-admission into england , both in this new-fangled age , & all future generations ; maugre all printed pleas , and endeavors for their present introduction , the sole end of their publication by the unfeigned weak endeavor to promote his saviours honour , religions safety , with his native countries weal and prosperity by this undertaking , william prynne . lincolnes inne , feb. 1. 1655 , 6 , the second part of a short demurrer to the iews long discontinued barred remitter into england . having in my late short demurrer to the jews long discontinued barred remitter into england , presented the world with an exact chronological history of the english jews and their affairs , from their very first arival in england under king william the conqueror , till their universal final banishment and expulsion thence , in the 18 year of king edward the first , after about 260 years continuance in our island , collected out of the best printed historians , law-books , and some few records ; i conceived it not only expedient , but necessary to second , amplifie and illustrate it , with this new chronological collection of such unprinted , and generally unknown records ( remaining in the tower of london , and exchequer ) during the respective reigns of king john , king henry the 3. and edward the 1. as properly relare to the history , state , affairs , legai transactions , proceedings , contracts , government of the iews in england under these three kings , and to their final banishment hence , which for want of time and other causes i could not conveniently insert into my first demurrer . the reasons inducing me hereunto are , 1. the rarity and novelty of these records never formerly published in print . i have been informed by persons of credit , that our great learned late deceased antiquary mr. iohn selden , many years since made a particular collection of the records concerning the english iews , and gave them to mr. samuel purchas to insert into his pilgrimage , who in his 3. edit . thereof , lond. 1617. b. 2. ch . 10. sect. 17. p. 171. published a section with this title to it . of the jewes somtimes living in england , collected out of ancient records , by mr. john selden of the inner-temple : wherin there is such a poor maimed accompt given of them , out of records or histories , and so ●ifferent from that delivered him ; that upon the publication thereof mr. selden was very much offended with mr. purchas for abusing him in such a manner , and his readers likewise ; there being not above 3 records , and those maimedly cited in that whole section ; which defect i thought meet here to supply . 2ly , the rectifying and refuting of some mistakes in sir edward cook his 2 institutes , concerning the statute de iudaismo , and the jews banishment out of england , which i have more fully refelled in my second edition , and shall here further clear by several records , . 3ly , the illustration and ratification of some passages in our historians , touching the slavish condition and frequent taxes imposed on the jews by our kings . 4ly , the fuller discovery of the manner of their contracts , stars , legal proceedings , judicatories , transactions and government whilst in england , wherein our histories and lawbooks are very defective . 5ly , the manifestation of the machiavillian policy of king iohn , and henry the 3d , to draw the jews from forraign parts into england , by granting them ample liberties and protection , on purpose afterwards to ensnare , oppress , vex , squeeze & prey upon them and their estates , with far greater greedinesse and advantage . 6ly , to publish to the world the zealous , pious care of our ancestors , even in grossest times of popery , to prevent all communion of christians with , and sed●ction by the jews , to suppress their blasphemy , & convert them , by compelling them to resort to the friers sermons for their edification & providing for their converts , by sundry ordinances not mentioned in any printed english historians , but only in the records here published . 7ly , to adde a further barr to their re-admission into england ; they having been invited hither ( if menasseh ben-israel may be credited ) by divers eminent persons excelling both in piety and learning , as well as power : who from the beginning of their government of this commonwealth have professed much respect and favor towards them , & made known unto them some years since , that wished for liberty that they now are about to grant them ; as he in his late humble addresses , and declaration to the commonwealth of england hath published to the world in print ; being now inquiring after a convenient summer-house , intending to settle himself at least , if not his exiled nation , here among us : whereas a pierce gaveston , a forraigner , and the two spencers , great potent englishmen , have heretofore lost their lives and heads for returning into england , without the parliaments and nobles license , though by the kings own invitation , and license , when banished thence by parliament ; which this jewish rabbi , and his banished countrimen may do well advisely to consider , for fear of afterclaps . the first records of our former kings now extant ( except some few charters , and exemplifications of them in leiger-books , records , and histories ) are those of king iohn preserved in the tower of london , and exchequer . amongst the charter b rolls of this king iohn , i find a special charter of his in favour of the jews , made in the first year of his reign , dated at rhoan , july 31. ( anno dom. 1199. ) whereby he grants to james of london , a jewish priest , the priesthood of all the jews throughout england , to have and hold it during his life freely , quietly , honorably , and intirely , without molestation , trouble or disturbance by any jew or englishman in the exercise thereof , &c. ( such a charter as menasseh ben-israel now aspires after for himself , as his addresses intimate ) which because i find printed by c mr. samuel purchas , and d sir edward cook , and i have already published it verbatim in my short demurrer , edit . 1. p. 44. and edit . 2. p. 50. 51. ) i shall here pretermit , with this observation ; that in the close thereof there is mention made of a charter of king richard , granted to this jew , that he should not be impleaded for any thing appertaining to him , but only before the king himself or his chief justice . this is the very first charter extant on record conning the english jews . what is recorded of them in our histories before this rime , i have e elsewhere published at large . i find another charter of safe-conduct , granted by k. john to this jewish priest the self-same day and year as the former , for his safe and free passage , and of all things appertaining to him , in all places , both on this side and beyond the sea , without any injury , molestation , impediment , or grievance to be done unto him , more then to the king himself : which being never yet printed , i have here transcribed out of the record it self . f johannis dei gratia , &c. omnibus fidelibus suis , ad quos literae praesentes pervenerint , tàm ultrà mare , quàm citra . mandans vobis & praecipiens , quatenus per quascunque villas & loca jacobus presbyter judaeorum , dilectus & familiaris noster ; transierit , ipsum salvò & liberè cum omnibus ad ipsum pertinentibus transire , & conduci faciatis ; nec ipsi aliquod impedimentum , molestiam aut gravamen fieri sustineatis , plus quam nobis ipsis . et si quis ei in aliquo forisfacere praesumpserit , id ei sine dilatione emendadari faciatis . teste vvillielmo marisco , &c. dat. per manum hu. cantuar. archiepiscopi , cancellarii nostri apud rothomagum , 31. die julii , anno regni nostri primo . it is observable , that both these charters were made not in england , but at rhoan in normandy , whence king william g the conqueror first transplanted the jewes into england : and that both the charters to this high priest os the iews , were granted by the hand of hubert , archbishop of canterbury , then chancellor , primate , metropolitan and high priest of the english nation , whose successors have justified the divinity and lawfulness , of their archiepiscopal jurisdiction from the jewish high priests office , and pagan archflamins . sic mulus mulum scalpit . dignum patello operculum . king john having granted such priviledges and protection to this jewish high priest and bishop in the first year of his reign , proceeded ( by his and their monies most powerfull mediation ) to confirm and grant many ample priviledges and immunities to all the english and norman jews in his 2 year , by these two ensuing charters , not formerly printed , which i shall here transcribe verbatim as i finde them on record . the first runs thus . h johannes dei gratia , &c. sciatis nos concessisse omnibus judaeis angliae & normanniae , libere et hono●ifice habere residentiam in terra nostra , & omnia illa de nobis tenenda quae tenuerunt de rege henrico avo patris nostri ; et omnia illa quae modo rationabiliter tenent in terris et feodis , & vadiis & akatis suis : & quod habeant omnes libertates & consuetudines suas sicut eas habuerunt tempore praedicti regis h. avi patris nostri , melius & quiecius & honorabilius . et si querela orta fuerit inter christianum et judaeum , ille qui alium appellaverit ad querelam suam dirationandam habeat testes , scilicet legittimum christianum & iudaeum . et si iudaeus de querela sua breve habuerit , breve suum erit ei testis . et si christianus habuerit querelam adversus iudaeum sit judicata per pares judaei . et cum iudaeus obierit , non detineatur corpus suum super terram , sed habeant homines sui pecuniam suam & debita sua , ita quod mihi non disturbetur , si habuerit haeredem qui pro ipso respondeat & rectum faciat de debitis suis & de forisfacto suo : et liceat judaeis omnia quae eis apportata fuerint sine occasione accipere & emere , exceptis illis quae de ecclesia sunt , & panno sanguine lento . et si judaeus ab aliquo appellatus fuerit sine teste , de illo appellatu erit quietus solo sacramento suo super librum suum , et de appellatu illarum rerum quae ad coronam nostram pertinent , similiter quietus erit solo sacramento suo super rotulum suum . et si inter christianum & iudaeum fuerit dissentio de accommodatione alicujus pecuniae , judaeus probabit catallum suum , & christianus lucrum . et liceat judaeo quietè vendere vadium , postquam certum erit , eum illud unum annum & unum diem tenuisse . et judaei non intrabunt in placitum , nisi coram nobis , aut coram illis qui turres nostras custodierint , in quorum ballivis iudaei manserint . et ubicunque iudaei fuerint , liceat eis ire ubicunque voluerint , cum omnibus catallis eorum sicut res nostrae propriae , & nulli liceat eos retinere , neque hoc eis prohibere . et praecipimus quod ipsi quieti sint per totam angliam & normanniam de omnibus consuetudinibus & theoloniis & modiatione vini ficut nostrum proprium catallum . et mandamus vobis & praecipimus quod eos custodiatis , & defendatis , & manu-teneatis ; et prohibemus ne quis contra cartam istam de hiis supradictis eos in placitum ponat super forisfacturam nostram ; sicut carta regis h. patris nostri rationabiliter testatur . t. humf. filio petri com. essex , willielmo de marescal : com. de pembr . henr. de bohun com de hereford , robert de turnham , willielmo brywer , &c. dat. per manum s. well . archidiac . apud merleberg , decimo die aprilis , anno regni nostri secundo . the second patent runs in these words . i johannes dei gratia , &c. sciatis nos concessisse , & praesenti carta nostra confirmasse judaeis nostris in anglia , ut excessus qui inter eos emerserint , exceptis hiis qui ad coronam & justitiam nostram pertinent , & de morte hominis & mahemio , & de assaltu praemeditato , & de fractura domus , et de raptu , et de latrocino , & de combustione , & de thesauris , inter eos deducantur secundum legem suam , et emendentur , & justitiam suam inter se ipsos faciant . concedimus etiam eis , quod si quis eorum alium appellaverit de querela quae ad eos pertineat , nos neminem compellemus ad testimonium cuiquam eorum contra alium exhibendum , sed si appellator rationabilem & idoneum testem habere poterit , eum secum adducat . siquod verò opus sceleratum & apertum inter eos emerserit quod ad coronam nostram vel ad justitiam pertineat , sicut de praedictis placitis coronae , licet nullus eorum noster appellator fuerit , nos ipsam querelam faciemus per legales judaeos nostros angliae inquiri : sicut carta regis h. patris nostri rationabiliter testatur . teste g. filio petri com. essex , willielmo mareschallo com. de pembr . hen : de bohun com. de hereford , petro de pratell . roberto de turnham . willielmo de waren , hugo : de nevil , roberto de veteri ponte . dat. per manum s. well . archidiac . apud merleberg . x. die aprilis , anno regni nostri secundo . both these charters were dated at the same place , on the self-same day , by the self-same hand , and subscribed by the same witnesses for the most part . the first of them extends to all the jews both in england and normandy , the latter to the jews in england alone : the persons subscribing them as witnesses , were eminent both for honor and power : and it appears by the recitals in the charters , that the liberties granted and confirmed by them to these jews , were wholly , or for the most part such as king henry the first , grandfather , and k. henry the 2. father to king john had formerly granted and confirmed to them by their respective charters , and if you compare that law inserted by * hoveden and others amongst the confessors and conquerors laws . de judaeis in anglia constitutis . you will find it taken almost verbatim out of these kings charters , in whose times hoveden writ his annals , and puny to the confessors and conquerors laws , in the true original copyes whereof it is not to be found . we need not much wonder that king iohn did grant such large liberties and charters as these recited to the jewish high priests and jews throughout his dominions , since some few years after ( as k matthew paris writes ) he sent special embassadors to admirallus the great mahometan king of africk , fesse and spain , profering to surrender up his crown and kingdom to him , and hold them under him as his vassal ; and likewise to reuounce the christian religion , as vain , and faithfully to adhere to the mahometan religion . for which he was much scorned and derided by ihis mahometan prince , as the dregs both of kings and men : he will soon turn a compleat turk , who is become half a jew . these liberties thus ratified by king iohn , drew many jews into england out of forraign parts with their wealth and treasure , according to the old proverb , fistula dulce canit volucres dum decipit auceps . but when these decoyes had drawne them and their wealth into the net , you may read how he plucked off their feathers and tormented their bodies to gain their monies in our historians , and my * first demurrer . amongst the records in the treasury of the receiver of the exchequer in the 4th year of king iohn , i find one bonefand a jew indicted at bedford for gelding and cutting off the yard of one richard , whereof upon his trial he was acqitted : as the record it self will more fully manifest in its own dialect . placita capta apud bedeford a die sacti michaelis in 〈◊〉 septim : coram simon de pateshall , & rich de faukenbrig , & sociis suis , anno regni regis johannis 4to . rot. 5. in dorso . hundr . de clipton . robertus de sutton appellat bonefand judaeum de bedeford , quod ipse in pace domini regis , & nequiter fecit ementulare ricardum nepotem suum , unde ipse obiit : ita quod ipse fecit portare eum usque in terram suam de hacton ; quam ipse habet in vadio , & ibi obiit : et hoc offert probare . et tunc bonefand venit , et defendit totum , & offert domino regi 1 marc . pro habenda inquisitione , utrum sit inde culpabilis vel non : et iuratores inquisiti dicunt , quod non est culpabilis inde : et ideo bonefand sit quietus , & robertus in misericordia pro falso appello : and in the margin of the roll custodiatur is written . this is the first indictment i find upon record against a jew . not long after king iohns charters confirmed , the jews fell to their usual trade of clipping and washing the current coyn of the kingdom , as is evident by this new ordinance against this abuse , and touching the assise of moneys , in the 6 year of king iohn . l assisum est de moneta , quod vetus moneta currat unde quelibet libra sit lacta ii . s. vi . d. ad plus , & libra quae plus lactaverit , & denarii qui plus lactaverint perforentur & reddantur sicut alias provisum fuit . iudaei vero aurifabri , & mercatores forinici emant moneta ista victum et vestitum suum tantum , sed non debent prestitum vel merchandizas facere , nisi de grossa et forti moneta quae sit de lege & pondere denariorum sterlingorum . et ad cognoscendum denar : de praedicto lacco , exeat a monetaria nostra i. pempeis , & liberetur cui voluerit habere habendum usque ad pentecosten anno regni nostri 7. de lacco octavae partis denarii . item denarius qui de caetero fuerit , scilicet post natale . anno regni nostri 6. inventus intonsus in alicujus manu perstietur , et ille cujus manu captus fuerit , capiatur ut lat : item prohibitum est , quod nullus vetus denarius reblangietur , et qui eum reblangiaverit , sit in misericordia nostra de toto catallo suo , et amittat quod reblangiavit . item denarius debet omnis fabricari , ita quod sit de equa lege & pondere , habens circulum exteriorem , et quod nil sit extra illum circulum , & ubi aliter inventus fuerit , fabricator et custos ejus sint in misericordia nostra de toto catallo suo . item si quis cambiaverit denar . vel argentum alibi quam ad cambium nostrum ( salvo cambio domini cantuariensis archi episcopi apud cant. ) tam cambiens quam recipiens , cum eo quod cambiaverint , capiantur . et assisum est , quod nullus capiat ad cambium pro libra de fine et argento plus vel minus quam denar . de lege ; et quod nullus denarius exeat de cambio nostro , vel dom cantuar. nisi sit legalis de victualorum . itē inquiratur per liberos et legales homines in civitatibus , burgis & villis , quis christianus vel judaeus denarretondit , et qui inventus fuerit retonsor christianus vel judaeus , capiantur omnia catalla sua , et corpus suum mittatur in prisonam nostram , et sit in potestate nostra de justitia facienda . item si denarii qui non sint rationabiles de lege & pondere inventi fuerint in manu judaei aurifabri , vel mercatoris forinseci vel servientium eorum , pro merchandisa , vel prestito faciendo , assisum est , quod illi in quorum manu fuerint inventi , ( nisi tantum ad victum & vestitum suum emendo , ut praedictum est ) capiantur . t. me-ipso apud winton , 26. die jan. the same year king iohn granted this ensuing safe-conduct to one hamechun a jew , to come and reside in england like other jews . rex , &c. iusticiariis , &c. sciatis quod dedimus hamichuno judaeo nostro firmam pacem nostram , ita quod concessit salvò venire et ibi stare , sicut alii iudai nostri in terram nostram , pro bono servicio suo quod nobis fecit in castro audel . cum dilecto & fideli nostro r. constab . cestriae . et ideo vobis mandamus et firmiter praecipimus , quod firmam pacem nostram sicut praedictum est , habeat . teste me-ipso apud westm . 2 die novembr . the jews by m capitula de iudaeis , enacted and published by rich. the 1 recited at large in my former demurrer , were obliged to register all their contracts , morgages , obligations , debts , and to put them into a common chest with 3 locks and keyes , kept by certain christians and jewes specially designed for that purpose , as you may there read at last . this chest was called n arca cyrographica , or cyrographorum iudaeorum : and the notaries or registers of them stiled , cyrographi christiani et iudaei arcae cyrographicae london , oxon , or other such city where such chests were kept . all their deeds , obligations , and releases were usually called stars , and starra , starrum , starr : in our latin records . from the hebrew word shetar ( contracted by the omission of he ) which signifieth a deed or contract . these stars were written for the most part in hebrew alone , or else in hebrew on the one side or top of the parchment , and in latin on the other side , or bottom of the deed after the hebrew . some of these stars were sately extant amongst the evidences and writings belonging to the dean and chapter of westminster , writ in very fair hebrew characters ; and one of them i have lately seen in the treasury of the exchequer , written in hebrew without pricks , in king iohns reign , at the top ; the substance whereof is thus expressed in latin just under it , lik an english condition under a latin obligation . istud star fecit hagius filius magri de london , domino ade de strattona , de acquietantia de stanmore de omnibus debitis in quibus dominus s , de cheyndut ei tenebatur : ita quod idem iudaeus nec haeredes sui , nihil exigere possunt de praedicto ade , nec de haeredibus suis ratione terrae de stanmore de praedictis debitis . if any christian indebted and obliged to any jew by any star or writing put up & reserved in this chest payed not the same at the day appointed , tother with all the interest where any interest was reserved ; then he sued forth letters by way of proces against him , both for the debt and interest under the notaries or registers hand , to appear before the iustices specially appointed for the government and custody of the jews , to recover the same , paying to the king for a fine for such letters and licence to sue , unum basantum , or besantum ( as it is variously written ) for every pound of money he sued for , as appears by sundry instances in the fine rolls both of king iohn , henry the 3. and edward the 1. of which we have these 3 instances together in the fines of the 6 year of king iohns reign . * isaac filius joie habet literas super martinum martel de xxv marcis , cum lucro , per cirografum . elias de burgi judaeus habet literas super eundem martinum martel de xx libris , cum lucro , per cirografum . manasserus grassus habet literas super eundem martinum martell de xxiiii marcis , cum lucro , per cirografum ; dominus rex debet habere de qualibet libra unum basantum . * and in the same roll of this year there is one more such president , mosse judaeus fil . leonis habet literas super vvalterum fil . radi de huncetanosiot de xlviii marc . cum lucro per cirografum , capiatur de qualib . libra 1 besantum ad opus domini regis . in the treasury of receipts in the exchequer in the xth . year of king iohn , there is this record touching the manner of proving the validity of the jews charters , if denied , or alleaged to be counterfeit , by the testimony of two christians and two jews , &c. according to the forementioned charter of king iohn . inter placita apud vvestm . anno x regis johannis termino hilarii in octabis sancti hilarii rotulo 9 in dorso . samuel mucun & muriel judaea petunt versus herebertum filium heb. ccccl . de catallis de debito israel , per quandam cartam ; et producunt duos christianos & duos judaeos paratos ad hoc probandum prout curia consideraverit . herebertus dicit , quod carta illa falsa est , & ideo falsa , quia sigillum illud nunquam suum fuit , nec cartam illam fecit , nec pecuniam illam mutuo recepit : & producit sigillum suum eburneum & plurimas cartas , sigillo illo sigillatas , tam de abaciis , quam de confirmatione terrarum . and hereupon i find no further proceedings in this record ( printed a little out of its due place , before these ensuing proceeding it in time , could be transcribed . ) it seems every jew in that age had his proper seal to seal charters , stars and obligations therewith , which yet were good in law if really sealed by him though with any other seal than his own . in the 5 year of king iohn , the jews of london being assaulted , disturbed and misused by the people against the kings protection and peace , thereupon the king at their request , sent this sharp letter to the mayor and barons of london , committing the jews there to their protection and defence . and threatning severely to punish , and require their blood at their hands , if they should suffer any injury through their default . * rex , &c. majori & bar. london , &c. semper dileximus vos multum , & jura & libertates vestras bene observari fecimus , unde credimus vos nos specialiter diligere , & ea quae ad bonorem nostrum , & pacem & tranquilitatem terrae nostrae eduntur , libenter velle prestare . verum cum sciatis , quod judaei in speciali nostra protectione sint ; miramur , quod iudaeis in civitate london morantibus malum fieri sustinetis ; cum id manifeste sit contra pacem regni , & terrae nostrae tranquilitatem : ita quidem magis miramur et movemur , quia alii iudaei per angliam ubicunque moram fecerunt , exceptis illis qui sunt in villa vestra , in bona pace consistunt . nunc id tamen diximus pro iudaeis nostris , pro pace nostra , quia si ●uidam tantum pacem nostram dedissemus , debetur inviolabiter observari . de caetero autem iudaeos in civitate london morantes , vestrae committimus custodiae , ut si quis eis malum facere attentaverit , vos manu forti eis subsidium facientes , eos defendatis . vestris enim manibus eorum sanguinem modo requiremus , si forte per defectum vestri aliquid mali eis acciderit , quod absit . scimus enim bene quod per fatuos villae et non per discretos hujusmodi eveniunt , et debent discreti fatuorum stultitiam compescere . teste meipso apud montem fortem 29 die julii . this smart letter demonstrates the kings cordial affection to the jews , though more for his own advantage than theirs . in the fine rolls of the 6 of king iohn i find this kecord . * galfr. de salvage dat 10 mar. ut willus de hardreshal acquietet ipsum versus jacob. iudaeum northampton de plegagia debiti , unde pleg . willi. fuit versus eundem iudaeum , et unde queritur , quod pro defectu ejus distringitur : et mandat . est licent . quod si ipse willus non fuerit , et ipse galfr. ips . sect . &c. in the clause rolls of the 7 & 9 years of k. iohn i find these 3 short records manifesting the kings power both to remit their usury , due upon contracts , and to respite their debts themselves . * rex constabulario wallingford , &c. praecipimus tibi quod pacem habere facias roberto de maure de usuris debiti iudaeorum de termino quem monstrare poterit , quod fuerit in servicio nostro cum equis et armis ultra mare per praeceptum nostrum . teste meipso apud wodestoke 25 die maii , per iusticiarios . * rex w. de warren et sociis suis , &c. mandamus vobis , quod quietum esse faciatis abbatem sanct : radegunde de usuris debitorum iudaeorum , de duobus annis proxime praeteritis usque ad instans pasche anno reg . nostri 9. dum fuit in servicio nostro , per praeceptum nostrum . et summoneatis iudaeos quibus ipse debita debet , quod sint coram iusticiario nostro g. fil . petri , & eoram nobis a die pasche in 15 dies , ad recipiendum ab eo finem debitis illis . et mandetis vic●quibus necesse fuerit , quod nullam interim districtinem faciant eidem abbati pro debitis illis reddendis , t. g. fil . petri apud suth . 25 die marcii . * rex w. de warren et sociis suis custodibus iudaeorum , &c. mandamus vobis quod quietum esse faciatis rogerum wesperill de usuris debitorum quae debet simoni iudeo oxon. ab hoc inst . pasce anno reg. nostri 9. usque ad pasche prox . sequent . et interim ei respectum habere faciatis de praedict . debitis . t. aaron . norwic. apud clarenden 21 die marcii , per eundem . by these 3 presidents it is apparent , that the jews usury was condemned , and no ways favoured by king iohn and his justices in that age , long before either the statute of merton 20 h. 3. c. 5. or de iudaismo 3 e. 1. c. 1. were enacted , and that the king would by no means permit it to run against any whilst actually imployed in his service , nor others whom he favoured , to whom he released the usury at his pleasure , and his judges likewise by his command . in the roll of fines of the 9 year of king iohn i find these two cases concerning extents of lands for the debts of jews in that age . * margareta de lucy dat quinque marcas pro habenda haereditate de kerchel , et de hammes quam robertus de lucy quondam vir ejus invadiavit iudaeis in vita sua ; & quod iudaei capiant se a debito , quod idem robertus eis debuit super praedictum vadium , ad haeredem ips●us roberti , qui haereditatem suam tenet . et mandatum est vicecomiti , quod accepta ab ea securitate de praedictis 5 marcis , faciat ei habere plenariam seisinam de praedicta haereditate sua , quae capta fuit in manum domini regis occasione praedicta . et mandatum est iusticiariis iudaeorum , quod de praedicto debito capiant se ad haereditatem praedicti roberti , quam haeres ejus tenet . the husband morgaged his wives inheritance to a jew for a debt , and dies , for which the wives lands being taken by way of extent into the kings hands , upon the wives suit and fine of 5 marks , her land is discharged , & the husbands land descended to his heir charged with , and extended for it ; all the lands of the jews debtors on that age ( before the statutes of acton burnel , or de mercatoribus 13 e. 1. ) being liable to extents for their debts , as this record of the same year resolves , especially if assigned , forfeited to , or seised by the king. * mandatum est baronibus de scaccario , quod omnes terras quas jollarius de anumdevil habuit tempore quo ipse mutuo accepit debita de aaron judaeo , capiantur in manum dom. regis quicunque illas teneat , pro 200 & 72 libris , quas ipse domino regi debuit de debito aaron ; & fimiliter districtionem faciatis de omnibus aliis quae dom. regi tenentur de debito aaron de 26 lib. 8 sol . & 9 d. by this record it appears , that debts to jews in that age were in the nature of judgements and statute , binding all the debtors lands he had at the time of the money borrowed , into whose hands soever they came afterwards . the king at this time claimed such an absolute jurisdiction over the jews debts , that he used to discharge or release them absolutely , or for life , and to respite them as he pleased , as this and other presidents manifest . * rex omnibus , &c. sciatis quod quietavimus roberto silio rogori tota vita sua , de omnibus debitis judaeoorum , willi de chesney patris margaretae uxoris ejusdem roberti ; & praecipimus quod inde sit quietus , tota vita sua : & in hujus rei testimonium , has literas nostras patentes ei fieri fecimus . teste meipso apud wimo , 19 die augusti . in the 13 year of king john ( of which there are no rolls or records in the tower ) i meet with this notable record in the treasury of the exchequer , touching the jews assignment of their debts to christians and exrents upon them by judgement of the justices assigned for the custody of the jews , whom the assignee thereupon vouched to warranty in this case . placita a die sancti michaelis in 15 dies anno regni regis johannis 12. capta apud westmonasterium , inter alia sic continetur , & sequitur , rotulo secundo assisa venit recogn . si rob●rtus de kanvill injuste & sine judicio disseseivit willielmum couse & beatricem uxorem ejus in lincoln infra assisas , & robertus venit & dicit , quod assisa non debet procedere , quia ipse babet seisinam inde per preceptum domini regis , ut ille qui fecit finem cum judaeis quibus idem willielmus debuit debitum super tenementum illud : unde ipse profert cartas judaeorum , quas ipsis acquietavit per finem illum : & vocat justiciarios judaeorum ad wa●rantum , quod habuit inde seisinam per eos ut de vadio suo : quia nihil juris clamat in tenemento illo , nisi ut de vadio , & justiciarii judaeorum sic warrantizant : ideo consideratum est , quod willielmus in misericordia & robertus teneat in vadium suum . by the clause roll of the 15 of king iohn it appears , that the king then seised , granted , and sold the houses of the jews at his pleasure ( as a lord his villains ) without any other title but his absolute soveraignty over them , witnesse these writs of his compared together . * rex majori & vicecom . london , &c. sciatis quod dedimus dilecto & fideli nostro com. de ferrariis domum isaac judaei de norw . &c. in london in parochia sanctae margaretae , cum redditibus & omnibus pertinentiis suis , & cartam nostram eo modo fieri fecimus . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod secundum tenorem ejusdem cartae nostrae ei sine dilatione plenam seisinam habere faciatis . t. meipso apud craneborn 8 die julii . * rex vicecom . & praeposit . oxon. salutem . sciatis quod ad petitionem venerabilis patris nostri n. tuscul : episcopi apostol . sedis . legati , concessimus albrico fil . isaac judaeo domos suas , et domos quae fuerunt isaac patris sui in oxon. , quae non valent per annum nisi viginti sol . ut dicitur . unde vobis mandamus , quod plenam seisinam domorum illarum ejdem albrieo fine dilatione habere faciatis , nisi valeant per annum plus quam 20 s. t. w. brewer apud freemer 11 die novemb. this year the king laid an heavy tax upon the jews , at bristol , which some jews in southampton refusing and delaying to pay , the king thereupon issued this writ to the sheriff of southampton to apprehend and send them prisoners to bristol , unlesse they presently paid it . * rex vic. suthampton , &c. precipimus tibi quatenus omnes judaeos de balliva tua qui nondum peracquietaverunt se de tallagio apud bristol super eos posito , vel qui statim se nunc acquietare noluerint ad castrum de bristol per literas tuas sine dilatione remittas , et eis ibidem constabulario nostro liberari facias . significavimus autem illi quod eos recipiat cum illuc venerint , et omnes denarios quos de illis recipisti vel recepturus es , sicut reipsum diligis , habeas in scaccario nostro apud westm . in crastino assumptionis beatae mariae . t. meipso apud beneden 26 die iulii . * these jews no doubt were ordered thus to be sent to bristol castle , to meet with such a toothdrawer as one of them there found some years before . this year king iohn sent these letters to his governers and officers in rochel , oleron and zaunt , to cause the jews to surcease their exaction of usury there , which you formerly heard he discharged here at home . * rex majoribus et praepositis rupellae , de aloron , et de zante , salutem . mandamus vobis , et singulis vestrum , quod iudaeos balliva vestra cessare faciatis ab exactione usurarum quam faciunt . therefore their usury was suppressed , condemned long before the statute de iuddismo in 3. e. 1. this precept of the kings i find thu seconded by a decree of the popes legat in those parts , made in the council of burdeaux against the jewish usury , and rancked in the van of all the other decrees there enacted . * haec sunt statuta quae venerabilis pater robert : de tur. sarrosanctae romanae ecclesiae leg. sancti stephani in monte coelio presbyter cardinalis statuit authoritate legationis suae , in concilio celebrato apud burdegal , cum aliis quae in francia statuit . sicut praecepit dominus per pro. in locis suis de judaeis , ita fiat , ut scilicet barones omnes quae tenent judaeos compellant ipsos remittere usuras cruce signatis : et si hoc efficere contemnunt , compellantur omnes mercatores per censuram ecclesiasticam , ne aliquam communionem cum eis , aut in contractibus , aut in mercimoniis impendant , aut in quibuslibet ; si autem super hoc barones incorrigibiles inveniantur censura simili percellentur . in the fine rolls of the 17 of king iohn pars 1 there is this pardon of a jews debt , which this king seised to his own use . * dominus rex pardonavit nicholao de wancy 10 lib. quas ei debuit de debitis iudaeorum ; & mandatum est baronibus de scaccario , quod ipsum nich. de praedict . 10 libr. quietum esse faciant ; t. apud windsore 16 julii . in the 18 and last year of king iohn , i find his writ to the barons of the exchequer to allow upon the account of hubert de burgo , amongst other things , carnarium judaeorum & iudaearum in castro de lossins . it seems some jews of both sexes were then strictly imprisoned , either for their taxes , or some misdemeanors not mentioned in the record . these are the most material records i have found in my search relating to the jews affairs , during the not long , but unfortunate troublesome reign of king iohn : i proceed to those of henry the 3 his son and successor , which are more copious , various and delightfull both for matter and rarity . in the very first year of king henry the 3. being ( then an infant under the wardship of the earl marshal his protect , ) some iews being formerly arested & imprison'd , there issued forth these writs and mandates for their release , the cause of their imprisonment not appearing . * mandatum est w. marescai juniori , quod sine dilatione deliberari faciat cheram iudaeam de winton , quam galfred de laurton , et frnnket servientes sui ceperunt , et captam detinent , et ut permittant ipsam cheram sine impedimento venire usque winton , quia dominus rex plenam pacem suam ei concessit . t. com. ( to wit w. earl marshal then protector ) apud vvinton 22 die aprilis , anno reg . dom. regis primo . et mandatum est praedictis g. et franket , quod ipsam cheram sine dilatione deliberent , et sine impedimento permittant venire ad vvinton . t. eodem . * rex iosceo de plugenap , salutem . mandamus vobis firmiter precipientes , quod sine dilatione et occasione aliqua deliberetis , et quietum abire permittatis ioppe fil . iocei de vvilton iudaeum quem cepistis et captum tenetis . et in hujus rei testimonium , &c. t. comite apud winton 21 die aprilis an. reg . nostri primo . rex rico fil . rog. salutem . mandamus vobis sicut alias mandavimus firmiter praecipientes , quod sine dilatione et occasione aliqua deliberetis isaac fil . solomonis iudaeum quem cepistis apud winton , ipsumque mittatis quietum ad comitem vv. marescallum rectorem nostrum et regni nostri apud vvinton . in cujus rei testimonium , &c. teste com. apud vvinton 21 die april . an . reg . nostr . primo . king henry in the second year of his raign , being informed by his counsel what great advantage he might make by the jews upon all occasions , by the advice of his counsel sent forth thse special writs and le●ters parents to 24 burgesses in each town where the jews resided , to protect them and theirs from injury ; appointed special justices for their custody and affaires , and likewise confirmed all their former liberries for protection of their persons and estates from violence , and exempting them from the bishops jurisdiction , and all other courts and judicatures whatsoever , but those justices he specially appointed for their custody . and likewise commanding all the jews to wear two white tables in their breasts ▪ that thereby they might be manifestly distinguished from christians , and the better known and secured from injury and violence by those their new protectors . * rex constabulario et praepositis gloucest . salutem . mandamus vobis , quod sine dilatione liberetis jud●●os nostros gloucest . 24. burgensibus gloucestriae custodiendos ; nec permitta●is quod ipsi iudaei ab aliquibus vexentur , & maxime de cruce signatis vel aliis . nomina autem burgensium quibus illos commiteritis custodiendos imbreviari faciatis . et ipsi &c. t. com. apud glouc. x die martii . anno reg : nostri secundo . * rex . vic . lincoln salutem . praecipimus tibi quod eligas 24. de meloribus et discretionibus civibus lincoln , qui custodiant iudaeos nostros lincoln , et qui non permittant , quod aliquis eis malum vel injuriam faciat ▪ de cruce signatis vel aliis : & qui , &c. t. com. apud oxon , 30 die marcii . * rex omnibus ballivis , et fidelibus suis , salutem , sciatis , nos de communi consilio ●ostro , attornasse dilectos et fideles nostros ric : de doli , magist . alex. de dorset , & elyam de suvinges ad scaccarium iudaeorum custodiend : et ad omnia negocia nostra quae pertinent ad officium illud rectand : per totam angliam . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod praedicto ric : alex. et elye ●itis intendentes , & in omnibus quae spectant ad officium illud , sicut fieri solebat tempore will : de wartun , thom. de nevil , & galfr. de norwic. t. com. apud west : 8 ▪ die maii. not long after , the same year , there were several writs sent to the sheriff of hereford and others , to protect the jews persons and estates from violence , which the people were prone to offer to them , and to preserve them from all suits and arrests against them for contracts or other things both in the bishops ecclesiastical court , and before the sheriffs , or kings ordinary justices and judges ; but only before the justices specially designed for their custody , as in the time of king iohn , which writs were all sent them in this form . * rex vicecomiti hereford salutem : scias , quod de communi concilio nos●ro concessimus judaeis nostris , ut ipsi maneant in hereford , sicut solebant tempore domini johannis regis patris nostri , & quod talem habeant communionem qualem habere consueverant inter christianos . et ideo tibi praecipimus , quod eos custodias , manuteneas , protegas , non eis in●etens vel inferri permittens , aliquod gravamen vel molestiam , & si aliquis eis in aliquo forisfecerit , id eis sine dilatione facias emendari . et clamari facias pertotam ballivam tuam , quod eis sirmam pacem nostram dedimus , non obstante 〈◊〉 pro●i●itione inde facta , ab episcopo hereford , 〈◊〉 nihil ad ipsum pertinet de judaeis nostris . et prohibemus tibi ne manus mittas in eos , aut in catalla eorum , nec eos capias aut imprisones , nec in placitum trahas , aut a justiciariis nostris ab aliquo trahi permittas ; set si aliquid fecerint quare poni debeant per vadium & plegios , tunc illos & eorum excessus attachies , quod sint coram justiciariis nostris ad custodiam judaeorum attornatis , inde responsuri , & hoc facias per visum legalium christianorum & judaeorum ; et non permittas quod placitentur in curia christianitatis occasione alicujus debiti . et haec omnia fieri facias , sicut fieri solebant tempore johann . regis patris nostris teste com. apud turrem london 19 die junii , anno &c. secundo . eodem modo scribitur vicecomiti wigorn. vicecom . & civibus eborum . vicecomiti & constabulario lincoln , & de stanford , & constabulario bristol . pro judaeis de bristol , & vicecom . & constabul . gloucest . pro judaeis gloucestriae , & vicecom . & constab . northamton : & vicecom . suthampton , & civibus winton pro judaeis : there being jews then residing in all these places . in the 2 year of king henry the 3. i find this kings writ to several sheriffs where the jews resided , to proclaim , that all the jews where ever they did walk or ride , should on their upper garments wear 2 white tables on their breasts , made of linnen cloath or parchment , as well within the town as without , that so they might be known from christians . rex vicecomiti wigorniae salutem : praecipimus tibi , quod clamari & observari facias per totam ballivam tuam ; quod omnes judaei deferunt in superiori indumento suo , ubicunque ambulaverint aut equitaverint infra villam vel extra , quasi duas tabulas albas in pectore , factas de lineo panno , vel de parcameno : ita quod per hujusmodi signum manifestè possint iudaei à christianis discerni . teste comite ( to wit , william marshal earl of glocester the kings guardian and protector ) apud oxon. 30. die martiii . item mandatum est vicecomit . glocest . vvarwick , lincoln , oxon , northampt. majori & vicecomitibus london . * in the fine roll of 2 h. 3. there is a writ directed to the barons of the exchequer by the king ; reciting , constat nobis per inspectionem rotulorum iusticiariorum de iudaismo , &c. that king iohn his father released mirabilia the wife of ely a jew , of all debts due to him by her husband : ita quod omnes chartae quae fuerunt ipsius eliae , & debita in eis contenta ipsi patri nostro remaneant : that king iohn upon elye his death , seized and granted all his houses , except two , which mirabilia by agreement was to have , paying a fine of 15 marks to his father , which was not yet paid ; which agreement he confirmed , and thereupon orders the sheriff to levy the said fine and debts . t. com : apud gloc. 3. die ian. it appears by many rolls of 2. ( and also of 3 , 4 & 5. ) h. 3. that king iohn seized and ga●e away to other● the houses of divers jews , both in glocester , oxon , northampton , and that king henry likewise disposed of them ; as escheated to him , either by the jews deaths , or for some other causes : take these two presidents for all the rest . * rex ful● : de breant , salutem ; mandamus vobis quod sine dilatione habere fac . pho : marc. domum quae fuit isaac iudaei de eboraco in northampton , et domum quae fuit isaac judaei oxon in oxon , quas dom. jo. pr. noster dedit galf. luterel , cujus terrae et haeredis custodiam concessimus eidem pho. t. com. apud west . 17 die jan. per ipsum com. coram dom. winton . eodem modo scribitur vic. oxon. pro eodem , et ballivis iudaeorum oxon. pro eodem . rex vic. glouc. salutem ; constat nobis per inspectionem rotulorum nostrorum , quod dom. j. rex , pater noster , dedit guiberto de rue domum quae fuit elye iudaei gloc. &c. cum quadam placita quae fuit mossei judaei cum pert . suis : et ideo tibi praecipimus quod eidem guiberto de praedict . domo & placia plenariam seisinam sine dilatione habere fac . t. dom : pet. winton apud novum templum london , 23. die sept. per eundem . in the 3d. year of king henry the 3. some jews coming into england from foreign parts with their goods to reside there , the wardens of the ports of england seised upon the persons and estates of these unwelcom guests ; which occasioned these new writs to be sent unto them , for their free admission into england without impediment or seizure , upon such security and terms as are expressed in the writs , and prohibiting the transportation of any jews or their chattels out of this land into foreign parts , without the kings special letters and license being once within his power . o rex custodibus portuum angliae . praecipimus vobis quod judaeos qui venturi sunt in terram nostram angliae de transmarinis partibus ad morandum in terra nostra angliae , cum catallis suis , liberè , et sine impedimento in portu nostro ●●cedere permittatis , accepta ab eis sufficienti securitate , secundum legem judaeorum per fidem eorundem , quod quam citius poterint , veniant ad iusticiarios nostros ad custodiam judaeorum assignatos ad inrotuland : nomina eorum in rotulis nostris . et si aliquem judaeum qui de partibus transmarinis venerit , sicut praedictum est , retinueritis , ipsum et catalla sua sine dilatione deliberari faciatis . si quos autem inveneritis iudaeos de terra nostra qui ad vos venerint ad transfretandum usque ad partes transmarinas sine literis nostris de licentia transfretandi , ipsos cum catallis suis arrestari faciatis , donec a nobis , vel a iusticiariis nostris ad custodiam indaeorum assignatis inde aliud mandatum habueritis . t. petro vvinton episcopo apud vvestm . 13 die novemb. anno regni nostri tertio . divers debtors of the jews made a fine with king iohn in the 10th . year of his reign to be paid at certain terms , of which payments they failing , the jews thereupon paying the fine had these debts assigned them by king henry the 3. and a precept to extend all the lands they had in 10 of king iohn , prohibiting the taking of any use from them before the kings assignment , but allowing use afterwards , as this record demonstrates . * rex vic. lincoln et eborum salutem . quia gilb. de bercumworth , norm : de arecy ( and 5 more there named ) non servaverunt terminos suos de fine quem fecerunt cum dom. rege patre nostro de debitis iudaeorum : nos de consilio nostro die sancti . martini , an. reg . nost . 3. liberavimus helie de linc. iudaeo , debita eorundem de quibus finem fecerunt , per finem quem idem helie nobis fecit . ita quod de eisdem debitis , exigere possit totum catallum suum sine lucre quod sibi de cetero proveniet . et ideo praecipimus g. de bercumworth quod sine dilatione reddat eidem helie 316 l. 10 s. ( cum lucro quod sibi excreverit a praedicto die sancti martini ) item praecipimus norm . de arecy quod sine dilatione reddat eidem helie 23 l. 17 s. &c. ( reciting the other 5 debts at large ) cum lucris quae de praedictis debitis excreverit a praedicto termino . et nisi fecerint , tunc sine dilatione seisiatis ipsum h. ( and the rest ) de omnibus terris et redditibus quae fuerunt praedict . debitorum in balliva vestra , an. regni dom. i. regis patris nostri decimo , quae scil . terrae et redditns sunt vadia nostra pro praedict . debitis , sicut contineretur in rotulis nostris in quibus cartae & ciro●grapha omnium praedictorum irrotulentur , et ipsum in 〈◊〉 illa custodiatis , et manuteneatis ; non ei inferentes aut inferri permittentes in seisina illa aliquod gravamen vel molestiam . istud autem mandatum nostrum ita diligenter ex●quamini , ne pro defectu vestri debita nostra ad terminos eidem helie statutos remaneant insoluta , &c. t p. winton epo ▪ apud vvinton . 13 die nov. an. reg . n. tertio . after which follows this patent reciting that isaac of norwich a jew made a fine of 10000 marks to king iohn ( a vast summe in that age ) to be paid by a mark every day till it was satisfied . * rex baronibus de scac. salutem . sciaris quod recepimus per manum vener . patris nostri p. wynton , epis . in 15 dies post nativ . sancti . iohis . baptistae , an . &c. 2. usque ad festum st. martini an. &c. tertio . utraque die computata , quolibet die 1 marc . de fine quem isaac de norw . fecit nobiscum pro 1 marc . nobis singulis diebus reddend ▪ pro fine 10 mil. marcarum quem fecit cum dom. ioh. rege patre nostro , et rei hujus , &c. per ipsum com. et ipsum wynton . epis . an. &c. 3. the jews in that age and before , used to assign over debts to the king , to satisfie their taxes , and other duties : whereupon the king gave them a discharge from being sued for these debts but only before himself , his chief justice , or the justices assigned to them ; witness this prohibition . rex omnibus ballivis , &c. prohibemus quod non permittatis quod aliquis judaeus vel judaea , in balliva vestra trahat in placitum mossaeum fil . isaac de colecester judaeum , de debito w. hastings , quod ei liberavimus per finem quem modo nobiscum fecit ; quod quidem debitum idem mosseus et fratres sui , haeredes praedicti isaac , liberaverunt quietum in thesaurarium nostrum in salvatione debiti quod dictus isaac debuit domino johanni regi patri nostro , nisi coram nobis , vel capitali justiciario nostro , vel justiciariis nostris ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis : sine ●o quod inde speciale mandatum nostrum habuerint . t. h. de burgo , &c. in the 5 year of henry the 3. the king granaed the custody of a jews house in melchstreet escheated to him till his full age by this writ . * rex rico de dol. et magist . alex. de dorset , et sociis suis ad custod . judaeorum assignatis , salutem . sciatis nos concessisse dilecto nostro luce capellano , h. de burgo justiciarii nostri , custod . domus et terrae cum pertinentiis quae fuerunt solomonis de melchstreet judaei , quae sunt in manu nostra sicut escaeta nostra occasione judaeorum , usque ad aetatem nostram . et ideo vobis praecipimus quod eidem luce plenam seisinam sine dilatione habere faciatis . t. h. apud turr. london 7 die ian. an . reg . n. 5. per eundem in the 7 year of this king the archbishop of canterbury , and bishop of lincoln had issued forth precepts , that none should buy any thing of , nor sell any victuals or necessaries to the jews , nor have any communnion with thum ( being excommunicated persons for their infidelity and usury by the laws of the church : ) whereupon the king issued forth this ensuing writ to the sheriffs and maior of canterbury and lincoln , and the like writs to others upon the jews complaint , commanding all to sell them victuals and other necessaries , and apprehend and imprison those that refused , notwithstanding the bishops inhibition . * rex vicecomiti lincoln , & majori cantuariae , salutem . osten●●●nt nobis judaei nostri lincolniae , quod ratione praecepti venerab . patr . s.s. cantuariensis archiepiscopi , et episcopi lincoln . facti de judaeis , ne quis eis victualia vendant , nec communionem habeant cum eis , nec inveniant aliquem qui eis aliquid vendant : ideo vobis praecipimus quod visis literis istis , praecipi et clamari faciatis ex parte nostra in balliva vestra , quod vendantur eis victualia , et alia necessaria in civitate cantuariae et alibi illum capiatis , et corpus ejus salvo custodiatis , donec aliud mandatum praeciperimus . teste h. &c. apud westmon . 10 die novemb●is . eodem modo ●cribitur majori & praeposito oxon. de iudaeis oxon. et . ballivis de norwic. de iudaeis norwic . in the fine rolls of 7 h. 3. i find several respites of debts demanded from the jews by the kings officers by processe out of the kings exchequer for the jews , till the next account upon several grounds , take these two instances for all the rest of that nature in this roll , which i shall omit . * mandatum est vicecomiti eborum , quod demandam quam facit eustachiae de courtenay de debitis judaeorum per summonitionem scaccarii , in respectu ponat usque super proximum compotum suum ad festum sancti michaelis anno , &c. 7. ut tunc coram s. justiciar . ad custodiam judaeorum assignat . discuriatur , utrum ipsa de debitis illis respondere debeat , cum ipsa nihil teneat de tertis quae fuerunt willielmi filii anceturi quondam viri sui , qui debita illa bebuit , nisi nomine dotis . test , h. &c. apud vvestm . 7 die sept. * mandatum est vicecomiti kanciae , quod demanda 46 solidorum et 8 denariorum quam facit vvillielmo cissori nostro de debitis judaeorum , per summonirionem scaccarii nostri , in respectu ponat usque super prox . compotum suum ad festum sancti michaelis , anno reg . nostri septimo . t. ut supra per eundem . four jews committed for killing an english man , were bai●ed and delivered to 9 other jew●●heir bail , by this writ in 9 h. 3. and their goods , writings , letters rents seised in the interim . * rex vic . suthamt . salutem . praecipimus tibi quod abrahamum de cant. samaris fil lumbard , eliam fil . chierie & abrah . sil . aiare iudaeos , captos & detentos in prisone nostra per praeceptum nostrum , pro morte willi. fil . rici , fil . gervas●i , unde idem ricus eos appellat , tradas in ball. lumbardo duleberigint , ( and 5 others there named ) judaeis nostris wint. cum omnibus catallis quae sunt judaeorum de morte praedict ▪ appellatorum , quas ipsi habeant in terris , redditibus , cirographis , talliis et rebus al●is in manum nostram capiatis , et per visum hominum legalium imbrev●atis , usque ad prox . adventum nostrum apud vvinton . & praedictos lumbard . &c. qui praedictos judaeos de praedicta morte appellatos in ball . ceperunt , et corpora dictor . judaeorum appellatorum ad veritatem inde plenius attingend . et dic praedicto rico. quod tunc sit coram vobis appellum suum versus eos inde prosecuturus . et habeas ibi hoc breve . t. r. apud winton 12 die julii , an. 9. coram justic . in the 10 of h. 3. i find this record conteini●g an agreement with some jews concerning a debt which the king commands to be observed , because inrolled . * mandat . est iustic , ad custodiam iudaeorum assignatis quod finem quem vvillus de lancaster fecit coram eis pro rogero de leiburn cum bonefaunt de glou. mirabile mater ejus iudaei , ( and 6 more jews there named ) de debito quod ipse roger eis debuit , qui quidem finis irrotulatus est in rotulo scac. iudaeorum ▪ ut dicitur , sicut recordatus fuit coram ipsis iusticiariis , et irrotulatus , teneri faciant . t. r. apud gaytington 17 die julii anno r. n. 10. fines 10. h. 3. m. 9. respite is given benedicto crespen , & aliis iudaeis , to pay a great debt annually to the king at certain terms by set sums , and the justices for the jews to allow it . and ibid. dors . 4. memorandum quod dom. rex pardonavit roberto de vvolfraton 9 marc . quas debet leoni iudaeo linc. unde loquendum est ei cum eodem iudaeo ad scac. dom. reg. coram iustic . ad custod . iudaeorum assignatis , et quod charta sine dilatione ei reddatur , that so he might not sue him on it afterwards . in the 11 of h. 3. one augustine a iew turning a christian convert at canterbury , the king commanded the sheriff to restore him his house , ( which was forfeited upon his conversion ) by this precept . mandatum est vic. kant . quod habere faciat augustino converso quandam domum in iudaismo in cant. quae sua fuit antequam ad fidem converteretur , non obstante eo quod conversus est . t. rege apud red. 17. die jan. anno 14. h. 3. some iews were sent up prisoners to the tower and ordered to be speedily tried for stealing of cloth and clipping of money , as this warrant manifests . * mandatum est constab . turris london , quod iudaeos subscriptos quos rex ad eum mittit , per adam custard , & richard de donne , servientes vic. salop : viuianum : & bell : uxor : ejus , isaac & ann. uxor ▪ ejus , et aguinam judaeam , et aaron , rectatos de latrocinio panni et tonsura denariorum , recipiat , et ipsos in turre london salvo custodiat , quousque stephanus de sedgrave venerit london ; cui rex mandavit , quod in primo adventu suo usque london , ipsos judaeos coram se venire faciat : et si ipsos inde culpabiles invenerit , de ipsis fieri faciat quod secundum consuetudinem angliae fuerit faciendum . t. rege apud reading 3. die martii . et mandatum est ipsi stephano quod in primo adventu suo london loquelam illam audiat , et de illis quos inde culpabiles invenerit fac . judicium fieri secundum legem et consuetudinem regni , non expectata super hoc praesentia regis , et de aliis qui non sunt culpabiles , faciat quod viderit faciendum , &c. t. ut supra . in the 15 of h. 3. the king sent this writ to the sheriff of kent commanding him to summon 6. of the richest and potentest jews of canterbury , and so many more of rochester , to appear before him at westminster to hear his command , and to bring up with them all their own and the other jews arrerages of canterbury and rochester , of the 8000 marks , and likwise of the 6000 marks , ( not long before imposed on them ) with the arrears of the 1000. marks promised to him by the jews of england to respite their debts , witness the record it self . mandatum est vicecom ▪ kanc. quod sicut seipsum et omnia sua diligit , venire faciat coram rege apud westm . à die pasche in 15 dies , sex : de ditioribus et potentioribus iudaeis villae cantuariae , et totidem de villa roff. ad audiendum ibidem praeceptum regis . ita quod ad eundem terminum habeant ibidem omnia arreragia sua propria sine omni dilatione , similiter et arreragia omnium iudaeorum praedictarum villarū , quae dom. regi debent , tam de tallagio 8. millia marcarum , quam de tallagio 6 millia marcarum , e● preterea id quod ad iudaeos praedictarū villarum adhuc pertinet regi reddendum de mille marcis quae regi promissae fuerunt nomine omnium iudaeorum angliae pro respectu habendo debitis quae ab eis exigebantur : ea diligentia hoc praeceptum regis executur : ne pro defectu suo ad eum rex se graviter capere debeat . et habeat ibi nomina illorum sex iudaeorum , et hoc breve . t. rege apud clarendon , 26 die marcii . anno 16 h. 3. i find this grant of a jews house by the king. * rex concessit richo . de sancto johanne capell : domum illam cum pertinentiis in vico de pater noster church london , quae fuit rici le ailer , et modo est in manu jacobi iudaei london , et floriae uxoris ejus : habendum de dom . rege sibi et haeredibus suis , vel ●ni●unque ea dare , vendere , vel aliter assignare voluerit . et mandatum est justic . ad custod : iudaeorum assignatis , quod eidem rico : de domo praedicto cum pertinentiis , plenam seisinam habere faciant , sicut praedict . est . teste rege apud westmonast . xviii . die iulii . † pro quibusdam iudaeis to pay their fines and debts by certain portions at some terms . in the 17 year of h. 3. the king imposed a tax upon the jews of 10000 marks ; which they being unable to pay presently , had certain dayes assigned to pay it in , by several sums mentioned in this record , some special jews excepted . rex concessit judaeis angliae ( exceptis isaac de norwic . et ursell , et fratris sui haeredibus ham. de hereford ) quod de 10 mille marcis , quas regi debent de ultimo tallagio , solvant ad scacc. regis ad festum sancti michaelis , an : 17. 500 l. et ad pasche prox : sequent : 500 l. & si bene respondeant regi de dictis mille libris ad praedict . terminos , et de aliis arreragiis quae regi debent ; tunc solvant similiter de eisdem 10000 marcis , anno proximo sequent : 1000 l. ad eosdem terminos scil : ad festum sancti michaelis ann. 18. 500 l. et ad pasch . prox . seqaen : 500 l. et postea per annum 2000 marc . ad eosdem terminos , donec dictae 10000 marc . sic regi plene solvantur . concessit etiam rex eisdem judaeis , ( praeter dictis isaac , et fratribus ejus ) quod interim quieti sint de tallagio scil : quousque dictae 10000 marc . persolutae fuerint , sicut praedict . est . ita tamen quod illi judaei qui manuceperunt pro omnibus iudaeis angliae tallagium 8000 marc . regi plene respondeant de arreragiis ejusdem tallagii , & quilibet judaeus respondeat pro se de arreragiis tallagii 6000 marc . quia tunc talliati fuerunt per capita , & de aliis debitis et finibus quae regi debent , non obstante hoc fine interim regi respondeant . in cujus &c. t. pet. winton episc . apud westm. 2 die . martii . per eundem & justic . it is evident by this record , that there were 3 several taxes lately imposed , one by the pol●on every particular jew , who was obliged to pay his proportion : the other of 8000 marks , imposed on all the jews generally throughout england , which some of them were engaged to see paid to the king , the other of 10000 marks to be paid at certain dayes , by parcels as aforesaid . the arrears of all which , besides other debts and fines to the king lay charged all on them at once . in the pleas of the 18 year of king henry the 3. i find many things touching the jews and their affairs . as namely , that memorable plea , concerning the iews circumcising a child at norwich ; in the placita 18 h. 3. rot . 21. kept in the treasury of the exchequer ; which because i have printed at large in the 2 edition of my former short demurrer , &c. p. 19 , 20 , 21. and for that it is briefly touched in mr. samuel purchas his pilgrimage . edit . 3. lib. 2. c. 10. sect . 7. with this observation on it , out of celsus , l. 7. c. 25. that by chirurgery the skin of a circumcised child may be drawn forth again to an uncircumcision : i shall here pretermit , to avoid repetition and prolixity . the jews were such unwelcom guests to all towns and places in england where they resided , that king henry granted this ( as a special priviledg ) by his charter to the town of new-castle , and their heirs , that no iew from thenceforth should remain or reside in their town , during the reign of him and his heirs , as is evident by this record in the tower. t rex vice●●mi●i northumberland : salutem : sciatis , quod concessimus & carta nostra confirmavimus probis hominibus nostris de villa novi castri super tynam & haeredibus eorum , quod habeant hanc libertatem , quod nullus iudaeus de caetero tempore nostro , vel haeredum nostrorum maneat , vel residentiam aliquam faciat in eadem villa , sicut plenius continecur in carta regis quam eis modo fieri fecimus : & mandatum est eidem vicecomiti , quod dictam cartam in pleno●comitatu suo legi et clama●i faciat , et praedictam libertatem eis habere permittat , sicut praedictum est . teste rege apud kenit . quarto die iulii , per godfrid : de crancumb . if then it were a great priviledge , liberty , benefit , happiness to the town on new-castle and their heirs , to be thus perpetually exempted from the residence and cohabitation of any jews amongst them under this king , his heirs and successors , certainly by the self-same reason it must be so likewise to all other cities , towns , and the whole realm of england ; and a great violation of their liberties , and impeachment of their prosperity now again to introduce these blasphemous old banished jews amongst the english , against their wills and consents . in the plea-rolls of anno 18 h. 3. there are many things concerning the jws affaires , sundry complaints and inquisitions concerning the oppressions and exactions of peter de rivallis , stephen de segrave , and robert de passelew justices of the iews , & for their bribes received from the iews , against whom simon cirographarius iudaeorum petit literas ; and in rot . 17. & 20 , dorso . peter de rivallis being then under a cloud , amongst other things proffered to surrender up to the king , totam forestarium angliae et iudaismum , which the king had granted him . in the 19 h. 3. the king sent this writ to prohibite all jews hereafter to be obedient to robert de passelew , as their iustice , being discharged of his office for his bribes and misdemeanors . † mandatum est constabulario turr : london , quod scire faciat iudeis london , et aliis iudeis qui apud london venient , quod de catero in nullo sint intendentes vel respondentes roberto passelewe de ●iis quae ad custodiam iud●orum pertinent , donec dominus rex aliud inde praeceperit . t. r. apud gloc. 30 die maii. this year also the jews accused and imprisoned at norwich for circumcising a child at norwich the year before , were commannded to be removed thence to the tower of london , as this record assures us . * mandatum est vic. norf. quod iudaeos de norwic. captos et detentos in prisona regis pro transgressione quam fecerunt de quodam parvo christiano circumcidendo , ut dicitur , suis literis mitti faciat ad custos eorum , usque london ; liberandos ibidem constabulario turris london , cui rex praecepit per literas suas quas eidem vic. mittit ei mittendas , quod eos recipiat , † et eos salvo custodiat . t. r. apud west . 21 die novemb. the indictment and whole proceedings against them i have * elsewhere at large rela●ed . ●●●nd this respit of their trial for which they paid a fine . de respectu . rex iustic . suis itinerant . in com. suff. salutem . mandamus vobis quod iudicium quod faciendum est de quibusdam iudaeis de norwic. qui capti sunt et detenti in prisona nostra pro transgressione quam fecerunt de quodam puero christiano circumcidendo ponatis in respectum coram n4obis apud london usque in 15 dies a die saencti hil. an. r. n. 19. accepta prius securitate de praedictis iudaeis de centum marcis ad opus uostrum reddendis , pro hoc respectu habendo , et habeatis tunc coram nobis recordum illius loquelae . mandamus enim vic. norf. quod cum festinatione praedictos iudaeos mitti faciat usque lond. liberandos ibidem constabulario turris nostrae london . t. r. apud westm . 21 die novemb. the same year the king sent this writ to the sheriff of northfolk and suffolk to proclaim , that no iew should lend any money from thenceforth to any christian that held any demeasne lands of the king , in socage or villenage upon the lands themselves , but only upon their chattels and moveables , under pain of lofing the money lent , or falling under the kings amer●ment . * rex vicecom . norf. & suff. salutem . praecipimus tibi quod clamari facias per totos comitatus tuos , quod nullus iudaeus de caetero aliquam pecuniam credat alicui christiano , qui teneat de nobis in dominicis et maneriis nostris , per servicium scocagii uel villenagii , super terram vel tenementum aliquod quod sit de dominico nostro , set si ipsi christiani mutuam videlicet a iudaeis pecuniam recipere vellint , illam recipiant super vadium catallorum , et rerum mobilium : et si aliquis contra hoc praeceptum nostrum in posterum venire presumpserit , iudaeus pecuniam sic creditam amittat , et in misericordiam nostram incidat , et christianus similiter tenementum suum in perpetuum , videlicet illud quod tam temere contra praeceptum nostrum obligaverit . amittat . teste rege apud certes 1 die sept. the same year * mandatum est vic. buck. quod non permittat quod aliquis judaeus de caetero maneat in villa de vveycumbe sed iudaeos qui ibidem sunt manentes sine dilatione amoveri fac . et maneant in aliis villis in quibus prius manere consueverant . t. r. apud herwic , 28 die novemb. this year i find this notable proclamation . mandatum est vicecomiti norf. et suff. quod in civitate de norwic. et singulis bonis villis com. suorum , clamari faciat , quod nulla faemina christiana de caetero serviat iudaeis ad alendos puerulos suos , vel in aliquo alio officio . teste r. apud vvestm . 20 die ian. per ipsum regem . vrsilla filia hamonis de hereford judaei , pays a fine of 5000 marks , pro habendis terris , domibus , et omnibus debitis et ca●allis quae fuerunt praedict . hamonis to be paid at certain days . such fines of iews to enjoy their fathers houses and chattels , are frequent in the fine rolls . * isaac a jew was this year fined 100l . de pluribus transgressionibus de quibus convictus fuit coram justic . dom. reg. ad custod . iudaeorum assignatis . in this year also the king discharged aaron a jew of york from all tallages whatsoever during his life , paying annually into his exchequer one hundred marks yearly at two terms for his exemption . * rex omnibus ad quos presentes litterae perveniunt , salutem . sciatis quod concessimus aaron de ebor. judaeo , quod ipse toto tempore vitae suae quietus sit de ta●lagio ; reddendo per annum ad scac ▪ nostrum cent. marc . ad duos terminos , scil . 50 mar . ad fest , pasch . et 50 marc . ad festum sancti michis . ita quod de debitis quae nobis debuit de quibus finem fecit nobiscum , reddend : per annum ad scac. nostrum cent . solidos quietus erit per praedict . 100 mar . an . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud suthan 13 die feb. et mandatum est iusticiariis ad custodiam iudeorum per literas clausas , quod ita fieri et irrotulari faciant . vvhich exemption is frequently mentioned and ratified afterwards , and yet availed him very little , as i have elsewhere manifested out of mat. paris . * aaron de york to pay 100 marks per an . to the kings exchequer to be free from taxes during all his life . in 20 h. 3. i find this pardon of usury due to a jew by the king. rex pardonavit roberto de pe●tiling totam usuram debitorum quibus tenetur isaac judaeo nottingh . et benedicto judaeo warwic . salva praedictis judaeis ●orte predict . debitorum . * et mandatum est justiciariis ad custod . judaeorum assignatis , quod de usura praedicta ipsum robertum quietum esse , et ad sortem eorundem debitorum praedict . judaeis redendam eidem roberto rationabiles terminos habere faciant . t. rege apud winton 10 die iunii . this year the inhabitants of suthampton being weary of the jews company , who intruded themselves into the town , procured this grant from the king to be quit of them ( unlesse by special command ) for the future . rex concessit burgensibus suis suthampton , quod nullus iudaeus de caetero maneat apud suthampton sine speciali praecepto regis : et mandat . est . iusticiariis ad custod . iudaeorum assignatis , quod illinc nullum iudaeum mittant ad manendum ibi , nec aliquem ibi remanere permittant sine speciali praecepto regis . t. rege apud winton 21 die iunii . i conceive all corporations in england will be as unwilling to entertain any iews now to dwell amongst them , as the inhabitants of suthampton ( and those of newcastle , and wickham forementioned ) were to receive them in that age . in this year i find one iew extending the lands of another iew for a debt , by this vvrit to their iustices for that end . mandatum est iustic . ad custod . iudaeorum assignatis . quod per sacramentnm proborum et legalium hominum extendi faciant domos et terras aaronis benedicti suthampton in suthampt. et in la hull , videlicet quantum valeant per annum in dominicis , redditib●s , serviciis . villenag . et omnibus aliis exitibus : et fac . extendi praedict eidem aaroni rationabilem finem , et rationabiles terminos habere fac . ad debita in quibus tenetur david iudaeo oxon. et deuleben fil . ursel . iudaeo winton , secundum valorem praedictar . domorum et terrarum e● quantitatem praedictorum debitor●● 〈◊〉 quod i●t●rim cessent usurae ( which here one jew took of another ) t. r. apud winton 11 die jun. hen. the 3 in the 21 year of his reign granted the presbytery of all the jews of england ( which i conceive to be rather the custos rotulorum , or controlers place in the kings exchequer of the jews , than the priestly function ) as this record attests . † mandatum ●st iusticia● iis ad custodiam iudaeorum assignatis . quod rex concessit aaron iudaeo ebor. presbyteratum omnium iudaeorum angliae , cum omnibus pertinentiis suis tenendum tota vita sua : et quotiens aaron intendere non possit ad sedend . ad scaccarium regis ad officium illud ( therefore certainly it was a temporal office in the kings exchequer , not an ecclesiastical priesthood in the jewish synagogues ) ioceu fil . copin loco suo recipiat , ad ea facienda ad scaccarium regis quae ad officium illud pertinent ( therefore a temporal office only to be executed in the exchequer , and that by deputy as well as in proper person , which the jewish high priesthood could not be ) rotulos etiam qui fuerunt joc●i presbyteri praedecessoris sui ( ●his office therefore was to keep the rolls , as comptroler ) eidem aaron , vel praedicto attornato suo habere faciant . t. rege apud clarendon 29 die september . which record , together with that of claus . 27 h. 3. ●ars 2. m. 3. hereafter cited , doth most fully convince me upon second thoughts , that the presbyteratus omnium iud●orum totius angliae granted by king iohn's charter forementioned , in the 1 year of his reign to iacob the london jew , was not an ecclesiastical high priesthood epis●opacy , or priestly aaronical function , but exercised over all the english jews in their synagogues , as sir edward coook , m● . selden , mr. pur●has , * dr. fuller , and others generally assert , as a thing beyond disspute , whose venerable authorities at first induced me to that opinion , but a meer secular office in the kings exchequer of the jews to keep the rolls of comptroll , which this aaron had now granted to him in the self-same words , † as are used in king iohns charter , and his predecestors before , and successors after him enjoyned by like charters from the k. a thing now clear to me upon consideration , that the jewish priesthood in the old and new testam . latin authors , and records , is never stiled presbyteratus , but * sacerdotium , nor their priest not high priest ; presbyter omnium iudeorum ; but sacerdos , pontifex , max. summus sacerdos , &c. and upon my comparing of several records together since the 3 , 4 , and 5. pages of this second demurrer printed ( which i could not transcribe , nor compare together till afterwards ) that it is past all dispute . this year the king imposed a tax of ten-thousand marks upon the jews , from the immediate payment whereof no iew was to be excused or respited , but by the kings special writ , as these two records informe us in this very year . * mandat●m est iusticiariis ad custod . iudaeorum assignatis , quod de arreragiis tallagii iudaeorum , de 10 mille marc . quae colligi pre●ipit rex , nullos iudaeos quietos . esse permittant , nisi tallagium illud ad scac. regis pacaverint , vel literas regis de quietancia inde habuerint , vel aliud rationabile warrantum producant , quod eis de jure sufficere debeat . teste rege apud marleburge 13 die december . * rex quietum clamavit aaron iudaeum ebor. de plegiag . 10 mil. marc . de tallagio posito super iudeos . unde idem aaron fuit unus de 10 plegiis . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud westm . 18 die iunii : per archiepisc . ebor. it seems 40 rich iews were pledges to the king for the due payment of this 10 thousand marks tallage , whereof aaron being one , was now discharged by this ●oyal instrument . some iews in oxford were this year imprisoned for forcibly taking away a iewish child , converted and baptized ; who being afterwards found , they were released by this writ . * mandatum est constab . oxon : quod omnes iudaeos quos cepit et captos tenet in castro oxon : occasione cujusdam parvi conversi et baptizati , qui dicebatur per ipsos iudaeos raptus esse , et qui jam inventus est apud oxon , sine dilatione deliberet . teste rege apud westm . 4 ▪ die novem. in 22 h. 3. there was a new heavy tax imposed on the jews , which some jews in bristol to avoid , thought to flie the land , whereupon they were there imprisoned ; and at last released , upon giving security not to depart the realm and to pay the tax ; as this record attests . † mandatum est constabul . bristol , quod si lumbard et isaac iudaei bristol capti et in prisona bristol detenti , eo quod fugere volebant è terra regis , fecerint eum securum , quod moram facient in terra regis , et quod reddent in medio quadragesimae ann. &c. 22. id quod ad eos pertinet de tallagio regis , tunc eos ita deliberet è prisona . t. r. apud westm . 5 die martii . there are several records this year for extending lands for the debts of jews , take one for a president of the rest . † mandatum est jus●ieiariis ad custod . judaeorum assignatis quod extendi faciant terram roberti de ardern , quae est vadium crispini , & aliorum judeorum , et secundum valorem et quantitatem debiti , rationabiles terras eos habere faciant , t.r. apud merleburge 25 die martii . the like extent ( mutatis mutandis ) is granted this year against the lands of william marschal . in the clause rolls of 22 h. 3. & in the dorse of the fine roll of 23. i find this notable case in law , reciting and expounding the statute of merton 20 h. 3. c. 5. concerning usurie , made but two years before it . rex vic. ebor. salutem . ostendit regi ric : de watervill , quod cum in curia regis coram justiciariis suis apud westm . per considerationem ejusdem curiae recuperasset versus rogerum de colevill , custodiam terrae quae fuit odmelli de albano in dalton usque aetatem haeredis ejusdem odmelli ; aaron de ebor. judaeus cujus vadium dicta terra dicitur esse , postea per breve regis recuperavit seisinam ejusdem terrae , tanquam vadium suum . quia vero rex generaliter concessit in regno suo , * quod haeredibus infra aetatem existentibus non currant usurae super terras suas quae vadia sint judaeorum , nec hujusmodi invadationes aufer●e debent dominis feodorum custodiam t●rrarum quae de eis tenentur per servicium militare . mandatum est vic. ebor. quod praedict . nicho. de praedicta terra nomine custod : talem seis●am faciat qualem inde habuit antequam praedicto judeo per praeceptum regis seis●am inde habere fecit . t. r. apud windsore 17 die junii . if sir edw : cook had been so well seen in records as most deem him , he would certainly have remembred this in his commentary on the statute of merton , cap. 5. i meet with these four records in 23 h. demonstrating what fines releifs the jews heirs paid to the king to enjoy their estates after their decease , &c. † aaron judeus ebor. & benedictus fil . jossei haeredes samuelis fil . joscei judei , finem fecerunt cum rege pro habendis terris et catallis quae fuerunt praedicti samuelis pro centum libris , de quibus reddit xx l. per annum : scil . x l. ad pasch . an. 23. & ad festum sancti michaelis anno eodem x l. et sic de anno in annum , et de termino in terminum , donec praedict . 100 lib. plene fuerint solutae . et mandatum est justic . ad custod : judaeorum assignatis , quod ita irrotulari , & omnes terras et catalla praedicta eisdem aaron et benedicto deliberari faciant ; salvo uxori ejusdem samuelis rationabili dote sua , secundum legem et consuetudinem judeorum , quam quidem do●em idem justiciar . ei sine dilatione facient assignari . t. r. apud vvoodstock , 18 die novembris . † rex baronibus suis de scac. salutem . sciatis , quod concessimus ursello fil . hamond de hereford , et fratribus suis , quod de fine quem fecerunt nobiscum pro habendis terris 〈◊〉 catallis praedicti hamonis patris sui , habeant eosdem terminos quos eis prius concessimus , et tantundem nobis reddent per annum quantū reddere dēbent per praefatam concessionem nostram eis prius factam , ita quod primus terminus eorum incipiet ad pasch . an . r. n. 23. & sic deinceps reddant nobis de termino in terminum tantum denar . per ann . quant : reddere debuerunt per praedict . concessionem , donec totus finis nobis persolvatur , non obstante eo quod praedicti ursell : et fratres sui terminos suos quos eis concessimus non observarunt , t. r. apud westm . 18 die ian. by these two presidents ( and many others in the fine rols of this kings reign , which i pretermit ) is is apparent , 1. that all the jews goods , chattels , houses , lands , upon their decease remained in the kings hands , neither could their children enjoy them till they had made a special fine with the kings iustices for them , and thereupon had a special writ of restitution awarded to give them actuall possession of them . 2ly . that those fines were usually ordered to be paid by certain portions half yearly , till satisfied by their heirs . 3ly , that all the jews sons were equally heirs to their fathers lands , houses , chattels . 4ly . that their wives were endowed of their lands and houses , and that by special assignment of the iustices assigned for the custody of the iews . 5ly . that if they failed of paying their fines according to their first composition , they must purchase a new order for confirmation thereof , else all was null . in the clause roll of 24 h. 3. pars 1. m. 9. scedula . there is a writ to the sheriff of glocester to receive the debts and goods of one vinion a iew of glocester , in sundry abbots , his wives and others hands , to the kings use , and deliver them to the clerk of the wardrobe . it seems this year the sheriff of glocester had arrested all the iews of glocester upon some occasion , whereupon this writ to restore them issued . mandatum est vic. glouc. quod iudeis glouc. liberam administrationem de cattallis suis mobilibus & immobilibus quae arestatae fuerunt , habere faciat sicut habere debent secundum assisam regni nostri et solent , ita quod occasione nullius mandati prius habiti non impediantur . t. &c. i find this writ the same year for extending lands for a iews debt by the kings almoner . * rex vic. kant . salutem . sciatis quod elias le eveske iudaeus london concessit fratri g. elemosin . nostro . et custodi hospitalis nostri de offspringe , pro fine quem idem frater g. fecit cum eo totum debitum quem andr : kinkerel et rob. de syrycon debuerunt praedict . iudaeo . et ideo tibi precipimus quod eidem fratri g. plenam seisinam habere fac . de manerio de magna delte cum pertinentiis , quod est vadium ipsius iudaei pro dicto debito , et eundem fratrem g. in seisina praedict . manerii manutene●tis , donec a nobis aliud recipies praeceptum . t. r. apud westm . 24 die ian. in the 25 year of henry the 3. i find this writ to several sheriffs , to summon 6 of the richest iews out of all counties and towns wherein the iews resided to come to treat with the king at vvorcester , as well concerning his as their benefit , and to seise as well their bodies as chattels , if they made default herein . * rex vic. northampt. salutem . praecipimus tibi , quod sicut teipsum et omnia tua diligis , et sicut vis quod ac te gravissime non capiamus , venire facias coram nobis apud wigorn die dominica prima ante cineres , sex de ditioribus et potentioribus judae●is nostris northampt. et de singulis villis comitatus tui , in quibus judaei maneant , vel duos judaeos , secundum numerum eorum : ad tractandum nobiscum , tam de nostra quam sua utilitate . sciturus quod nisi illuc ad terminum praefatum vene●erint , ita manum nostram tam erga corpus quam catalla tua aggravabimus , quod tuo perpetuo te sentires non mediocriter praegravari . t. r. apud merleberg . 24 die jan. eodem modo scribitur vic. salop , kauc . lege , ebor. suthampt. worcest . linc. essex , canteb . bedford . herf . warwic . gloucest . buck. huntindon . heref. oxon. et vicecom . london . quod praedictis die et loco venire faciant sex de di ioribus , et potentioribus judaeis london ad tractandum , &c. t. ut supra . here we have a record of a parliament of jews summoned out of every county and town where they inhabited , to treat with the king about that which concerned both his and their profit , but the issue proved far otherwise to them , for they were there constrained to submit unto a tax of 20 thousand marks imposed on them by the king , to be paid that year , whereof these jews themselves were made both the assessors and collectors , and to levy it by most rigorous distresses from their fellow jews together with the sheriffs by the terms prescribed , under pain of forfeiti●g their goods and estates , and the greatest penalties , to the terror of all others , as appears by these memorable records concerning it , wherein most of the principal jews then in all places of england are recorded by name ( being as i conceive those summoned by the former writ to appear before the king at worcester . ) rex ursello fil . ham. leoni fil , ham. mosse sil . ham. jacobo fil . ia●obi , * mauasser leveske , iacobo de moster judeis hereford , salutem . sciatis quod constituimus vos ballivos nostros una cum vic. nostro hereford cui idem mandavimus , ad disttingend . omnes judaeos de balliva vestra ad solvend . nobis tallagium nostrum de parte quae vos et illos contingit de hoc ulrimo tallagio nostro , viginti millium marcarum . et ideo vobis firmiter precipimus , quod sicut corpora vestra , uxorum et puerorum vestrorum , et omnia catalla sua diligitis talem districtionem faciatis ad praedict . tallagium nostrum terminos statutis tam a vobis quam ab aliis de balliva vestra , per manum ejusdem vic. nostri nobis ad sca● . nostrum ▪ plenius solvatur secundum extractam quam eidem vic. nostro vobis mittimus ostende●dam . scituri quod a vobis requiremus , si quid de praedicto tallagio nostro in terminis nostris deficerit , et tam graviter contra vos manum nostram aggravabimus , quod poena vestra erit omnibus ad terrorem . t. r. apud westm . 19 die maii. rex vic. hereford salutem . sciatis quod potestatem dedimus praedictis judaeis ad distingend , omnes judaeos hereford ad solvendum nobis tallagium nostrum de parte quae universis contingit de hoc ultimo tallagio nostro viginti mill . marc . et ideo tibi praecipimus , quod sicut te et omnia catalla tua diligis , talem districtionem facias , una cum praedictis judaeis ad hoc deputatis , quod pra●dict . tallagium nostrum terminis statutis , tam ab ipsis judaeis praedict . quam ab aliis de eadem villa per manum tuam nobis ad scac. nostrum plene solvetur secundum extractam quam tibi mittimus praedictis vrsello et sociis suis ostendendam ; sciturus , quod si contigerit quod de praedicto tallagio aliquid in terminis praedict . defuerit , tam ad corpus tuum quam ad catalla tua nos graviter capiemus . t. r. apud westm . 13 die maii. eodem modo scribitur omnibus subscriptis vicecomitibus ; et judeis de tallagio regis colligendo . the names of the iews appointed to levy it in all places are thus subscribed under these writs , london . benedictus crespin , jacobus crespin , aaron fil . abraham , aaron blund , elias le eveske . leo blund . ebor. aaron fil . jocei , leo le eveske , joseus nepos aaron , joseus de kent . ursel fil . sampson , benedictus nepos aaron . linc. leo fil . solomon , abraham fil . solomon , judas de franceys , joceus de burge , abraham de solitoster , duelcusce fil . elie. cantuar. salom. fil . joce , magist . aaron benomy cop●ius , fil . mulkane , messe fil . sampson , abraham fil . leonis . winton . elias fil . chere , deidegrand lumbard senex , manasser fil . ursell , ayaye de wallingford , kendone fil . ursell . stamford . jacob gener . eman : jacob fil . elye , meyer fil . david , samuel fil . cok. dusefaut fil . cok. aaron gener pictaum . norham . elias de pontefracto , isaac pickether , sampson fil . deulesara , samps . fil . samps . deud . fil . vines , pech fil . sam de ivelcester . bedeford . manser fil . benedicti , abraham fil . benedicti , ursel fil . isaac bovenfunt . cantebrig . isaac fil . samuel , jacob fil . deusestra , aaron fil isaac blund , josce de wilton , dyaye fil . magistri levi fil . solomon . norwic. samuel fil . isaac , isaac de warewic . aaron henne jurninus fil . jacobi , deulecrese fil . dyaya de manecroft , dure de resing . warewick . benedictus de kanc. elias fil . abrah . benedictus de evesham , lion fil . duele beuere , dungeun de warwick , pettemo fil . mossi . wigorn. hake isaac senior , hake mosse fil . deulo heneye , abrah . fil . abraham , isaac gener . samu : abraham fil . jude . bristol . lumbard bonesi de bristol , salom de ivelcester , isaac fil . jacob , mile le eveske , isaac de bath . colecester , aaron de colecester , arcel de colecester , isaac fil . benedicti jacob fil . vinis . notingham . david lumbard , dendone fil . deule cresse sampson leve , benedictus pinkennye . exon. jacob de exon , benefand fil . jude , joce fil . abraham doule , cresse le eveske . dorset . solomon de dorcester , benedictus fil . vinam . wilts . solomon fil . iosse , isaac de herleb . salom de merleberg , abraham battecoke , isaac fil . iesse . oxon. david de linc. bonami fil . copin , copin fil . bonefei , mosse fil . dyaye , vinis fil . copin , samuel fil . le franceys . glouc. bonefaund fil . elye . garsie gener . belie , isaac fil . mosse de paris , elias fil . bonefant . vines fil . bonenf●nd , elias fil : isaac . one of the jews here nominated for london , excusing himself , thereupon others were substituted in his place by these writs . † rex elie blunde judeo london salutem . scias , quod l●co benedicti crespyni assignavimus te una cum vicecom . london , et jacobo crespin , aaron fil . abraham , aaron blunde , elia de eveske , et leone blunde judeis london ad districtionem faciendam circa tallagium nostrum terminis statutis nobis plenarie reddendum . et ideo tibi praecipimus , quod sicut teipsum et catalla tua diligis una cum ipsis viriliter te intromittas ad hoc quo praedict . tallagium terminis statutis nobis plene reddatur , sicut ipsis vic . & aliis iudeis sociis tuis dedi●us in mandatis . ne pro defectu tui paena omnibus tremenda tibi infligatur , t. &c. et dirigunter literae patentes praedictis 4 judeis sub hac forma . rex constabulario turris london , crespin , &c. salutem . sciatis quod loco benedicti crespini , quem prius assignavimus vobiscum ad districtionem faciendam circa tallagium judeorum london , terminis statutis nobis reddend : assignavimus vobis eliam blundum iudaeum london . et ideo vobis mandamus ▪ quod amoto praedict . b. loco ipsius ipsum e. b. admittatis . this insupportable great tax being not levyed by the time prefixed , thereupon the king issued these rigid writs , to apprehend all the●e jewish collectors , distrainers persons , together with all their wives , infants , and bring them prisoners before the king , and to seize all their goods and chattels into the kings hands , and keep them safe in their hands , as these two records demonstrate . mandatum est w. de havershall , quod scire faciat omnibus vic . qui iudeos habent in balliva sua , quod omnes iudeos de balliva sua qui manuc●perunt solvere nobis tallagium suum , una cum uxoribus et infantibus suis , habeant londini à die sancti mic. ad unum mensem : ad respondendum nobis de arreragiis tallagii sui , et quare tallagium illud non solverunt termines statutis sicut manuceperunt : et omnia catalla ipsorum capiant in manum regis , et salvo custodiant donec rex inde preceperit . t. r. apud westm . 26 die sept. another writ issued to imprison them and all those iews who had not paid the tax in the tower of london . mandatum est w. de havershal thes . regis , * quod omnes illos iudeos , qui denarios regi debent de tallagio iudaeorum de hoc termino sancti johannis baptist . prox : praeterito , et etiam illos qui deberent distrinxisse ipsos iudeos ad terminum praedict . observand . venire faciat usque turrim london , et ibidem in prisona salvo custodiri , donec rex aliud inde praeciperet . teste rege apud theokesbury 1. die august . hereupon some jewes assigned over debts to the king in satisfaction of their tallages ; whereupon the king pardoned and released so much as their debts amounted to , as appears by 3 pardons to 3 jews in one schedule , claus . 25 h. 3. m. 17. and purchased special licenses to be exempted from these severe proceedings and distresses upon promise to pay their taxes at the terms appointed , upon which their arrears were released , as this roll informs us , dors . 9. de respectu iudaeorum , &c. * rex baron : de scacc. salutem . mandamus vobis , quod si isaac fil . elye terminos suos observaverit de debito in quo nobis tenetur ad scaccarium nostrum , et quamdin dictos terminos observabit , tunc omnia bona et catalla sua ei in pace demittatis , nullam inde facientes districtionem . ita quod secundum quantitatem et valorem catallorum suorum quae irrotulata sunt in rotulo quae jere. de caxton & w. hardell de tallagio iudaeorum linc. vobis liberaverunt , tallagium super ipsum assedi faciatis . t. r. apud theokesbury , 8. die aug. the jews of london advancing part of this great tax by assignment of debts to the kings exchequer , had this writ to the barons to allow it in their first payments . * . rex baron . suis de scac. salutem . monstraverunt nobis judaei nostri london , quod quendam finem fecerunt nobis cum aliis judaeis pro 20 millia marcas pro tallagio nostro , unde debent solvere 10 millia marcarum ad quindenam nativ . sancti iohis baptist . an. r. n. 25. et 10 millia marcarum ad sancti michis anno eodem , concessimus eis quod id quod receptum est ad scac. vel in traba per manus suas , vel per manus ch●istianorum , pro tertia parte catalloram suorum eis facietis allocari in primo termino 10 mill . marcarum . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod si praedicti judaei london plene nobis persolverint quod ad eos pertinet de primo termino praedictar . 10 millia marc . usque ad summam quam per manus suas , vel christianorum ad scac. vel in garderoba praedicta tertia parte nobis reddiderunt , pro residuo illins termini non distringatis , donec aliud a nobis habueritis mandatum . t. r. the same year the king issued this writ to the mayor and sheriffs of london , to prevent the jews and other goldsmiths exchange and abasing of silver , contrary to the assize of the exchange , and seise those ▪ who were guilty of it , and their silver . rex majori & vic. london , salutem . praecipimus vobis quod in praesentia thes . nostri , et custodis cambii nostri , venire faciatis coram vobis adam de shoredich , thomam de stanes ( and four more named ) aurifabros london , et ab iis sacramentum capiatis , quod nec per se , nec per aliquem alium christianum vel judeum , cambient vel ement , vel vendent argentum aliquod vel in plata , vel in mina , vel in aliquo alio argento , contra assisam et constitutionem cambii nostri ; nec cambiri ; nec etiam procurabunt , nec permittent , nec per se , nec per alium ; et quod diligenter inquirant & inquiri faciant , si qui aurifabri christiani vel judei talia temptaverint , et ●ex quo aliquem cambientem , ementem vel vendentem invenerint contra assisam praedicti cambij , corpus ipsius , cum argento et catallis suis attachiari faciant , donec aliud inde praeceptum . t. ut supra . this year i find a writ to the justices of the jews to free one from paying usury to a jew upon the ground expressed in the record , relating the jews unconscionable dealing , usual in such cases . rex justiciar . * ad custod . judaeorum assignat . salutem . monstravit nobis magister laur. travers , quod cum die pentec . an. r. n. 24 quandam summam pecuniae mutuo recipisset a benedicto judaeo oxon. quam infra mensem a quo pecuniam illam mutuo recepit per manum ipsius magistri ad judeum solvend . transmisit ; dictus judeus eo quod tempore illo pignora ipsius magistri quae signata erant in cista judeorum signo nostro restituere non valebat , pecuniam illam non admisit , et de pecunia illa de toto tempore ejusdem non soluta , usuras exigit a predicto magistro , ac si per incuriam ipsius et defectum remaneret per tantum tempus solvend . quia vero eidem magistro non est imputandum , quod pecuniam illam tempore debito non solvit , et iniquum videtur quod inde usuras solvere debet . vobis mandamus , quod si idem magister monstr . poterit per se . vel per attornatum suum quod res ita se habeat , tunc ipsum ab usurarum prestat●one quietum esse faciatis a tempore quo dictam pecuniam paratus fuit eidem judeo solvere . t. r. apud windl . 18 die octob. the same year i find this writ to the constable of the tower to send some jews of bristol imprisoned in the tower for a murder , to bristol castle , to be there tried for it before the justices itinerant . * rex constabular . turr. london , salutem . precipimus tibi quod puentam uxorem iacobi de custantes , iacobum fil . iacobi , et bestotam uxorem ejus iudeos bristol captos et detentos in prisona nostra predict . turris , pro mo●●e alic fil . eve , cariari fac . usque bristol : ad custus burgensium nostrorum bristol : ita quod 〈◊〉 ibi a die sancti ioh. bapt. in 15 dies , ad standum inde recto coram iustic . nostr . ibid. in prox . itineraturis eosdemque iudeos liberari fac . constabulario castri nostri bristol cui praecipimus quod eos cum ibidem venerint recipiat . t. &c. et mandatum est constab . bristol quod eos recipiat . in the 26 year of h. 3. these records concerning the iews are yet extant , the first shewing they were enforced to give their wives and children for hostages . mandatum est iustic . ad custod , iudaeorum assignatis , quod si samaritanus iudeus winton invenerit eis omnem eam securitatem , quae coram w. ebor. arch de consilio regis . provisa fuit et ordinata pro qua securitate merdien . dedit uxorem suam et filios suos obsides , qui tenentur in turr. regis london , tunc praedicto saaritano praedictos uxorem et filios deliberari fac , per eundem ar●a vvimmodham 25 die iun. the king this year appointed a new keeper of the iews chest at vvinchester , not being well kept by the former , by this writ . * quia rex audivit quod archa regis iudeorum winton , mi●●s bene custodiatur tam ad opus regis quam christianorum & judeorum , mandatum est vic . suthampt. quod per consilium roberti passelewe quem rex illuc mittit , alium cust . ad hoc apponi fac . t. &c. the tax not being paid the king at the times appointed , this year he commanding the iews chests to be locked up , so that their creditors could not pay their debts to them , nor they their debts to the king ; whereupon he granted his writ to * samuel fil . isaac a iew , upon his complaint , that they should pay their debts to the king at the terms formerly appointed , at the rates there expressed at large . * rex iust . suis ad custod . iudeorum assignatis , salutem . monstravit nobis oliva quae fuit uxor rob. de fraym●to , quod cum ipsa , cum nuper essemus apud colecester probasset coram venerabil . in christo patre w. ebor arch. et aliis de consilio nostro , tam per christianos quam per judaeos , praefatum virum suum reddidisse aaron et ursello judaeis colecestr . totum debitum quod eis debuit ante inceptionem itin . sui in terram sanct . et injunctum esset eisdem judaeis quod reddent prefato , ol. cartas confect . de debito memorato , licet eidem judei quasdam cartas mem . restituerunt , adhuc tamen unam ei detinent maliriose , praetendentes cartam esse londini in depos . ut sic fraud . machinentur et laboribus frangent dictam mulierem . et ideo vobis mandamus quod praedictos judeos per terras et catalla distringatis , ad restituendam prefatae mulieri sine dilatione cartam praedictam , et vos eidem pedem illius cartaerestituatis . ita vos in hac parte gerentes , quod de cetero nullam inde audiamus querelam . t. w. ebor. arch. apud moreclac 29 die iulii . this record manifests , 1 the manner of the jewes proving their debts both by jewes and christians . 2 their jewish dealing one with another , in detaining goods after debts satisfied . 3. the usual way of recovering such bonds from them when the debts were paid . this year the king removed the jews and their chests from one place to another at his pleasure , as this record besides others informs us . * rex concessit com. pict . & cornub. quod judei regis qui manent in berchamested , transferant se usque wallingford , et ibi remaneant , secundum easdem consuetudines judeorum secundum quas apud berkhamested habere consueverunt , archamque quam fuit apud berkhamsted similiter habeant apud vvallingford , et eodem modo quo ipsam habuerunt apud berkhamsted . et mandatum est justic . ad custod . jud. assignatis , quod sic fieri permittant . t.r. how the jews heirs after their decease made fines to the king for their real and personal estates , and how their wives were indowed , this record will manifest , of the same year with the former . * rex baron . suis de scac. salutem . mandamus vobis quod distringatis mayden , quae fuit uxor jacob. crespin , ad reddend . moss . fil . praedict . iacob . et isaac fratri suo terras , domos , redditus , catalla , et omnia debita quae fuerunt praedicti jacob. patris sui , pro quibus ipse moss . et isaac . finem ●ecerunt nobiscum , sicut per alias litetas nostras vobis significavimus . et cum praedicti moss . & isaac seisinam habuerint de praedict . terris , domibus , redditibus , catal . et debitis , tunc eidem mayden rationabilem dotem suam a praedict . moss . et isaac faciatis assignari . t. r. apud merewel . 2 die maii. in the 27 year of king henry , the king issued this precept to have a convert iew instructed in the christian faith and learning in any place where he might . * mandatum est ebor. archiepiscopo et vv. de cantelup . ( then commissioners or justices for the jews affairs ) quod martino converso faciant administrari in aliqua villa ubi possit , tam de fide catholica , quam literarum scientia feliciter erudiri . t. r. apud burdegal 3 die febr. the same year the king commanded the executors of the bishop of winchester by his writ , * to pay to w. de haevenshel and edward son of odo 100l . ad terras emendas ad opus conversorum london ad sustentationem eorundem , t. r. apud burd . 12 die aprilis . et mandatum est praedictis vvillo . et edwardo quod denarios illos ab illis recipiant , etterras ad opus praedictor . conversorum emant , ita quod terrae praedict . emptae fuerint citra festum nativ . sancti iohis . baptistae . such was the care and charity of those times for the converts support . this year * the king pardoned several debts of particular englishmen owing to particular jews , respited the payment of other debts for a time to others by several writs to the iustices assigned for the iews : and * likewise assigned and granted the office of aarons presbyteratus judeorum angliae in the exchequer ( * forementioned ) to elie le eveske a jew of london , or his attorney , with all the rolls of the exchequer belonging to aaron , in as ample manner as aaron formerly had them : commanding the justices assigned for the jews custody to invest him in this office of aaron : et nullam decetero summonitionem facere de aliquo debito de quo debetur responderi coram eis , nisi per visum et testimonium predicti elye , vel illius quem ad hoc loco suo attornaverit ( which clearly proves , that the presbyteratus omnium iudaeorum totius angliae , granted to aaron , and now transferred to elye , was nothing else but the custos rotulorum , or controllership of the exchequer ) et mandatum est eisdem , quod quotiens idem elyas intendere non possit ad sedendum ad scac. joceum fil : copini loco suo recipiant ad ea facienda , ad idem scac. quae ad presbyteratum iudaeorum pertinent . rotulos etiam qui fuerant jocei , predecessoris sui eidem elye , vel attornato suo habere faciatis , t. apud westm . 21 die octob : per will. de cantil . & edward fil . odonis . quia abraham iudeus berkhamsted clamat partem in debito quod continetur in cartae johannis de brabini confect . * inter ipsum johannem et praedict . abraham , et mosseum iudeum hereford : mandatum est cirographariis & custodibus archae judaeorum hereford , quod praefata carta per praefat . mosseum , vel per alium nemini liberetur donec rex aliud inde praeciperit . which shewes that one jew could not discharge the debt due joyntly to him and another jew , but by the others consent . in the 28 of h. 3. two jews being wrongfully arrested for a debt due by another , the king sent this writ to discharge them , and imprison the jewess that owed it . rex justic . ad cust . iud. assignatis , salutem . sciatis , quod probatum fuit coram nobis apud stanford , quod gentilla vidua iudea de stanford , debet r. com. cornub. fratri nostro illas 13 lib : pro quibus coc. & samuelem judeos de stanford arrestari fecistis in villa praedict : ita quod eam cap. et in prisona detineri praecipimus , donec solverit pecuniam praedict . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod praedict . coc. & samuel . ceterosque omnes iudeos de stanford , de praedict : 13 lib. quietos esse faciatis . t. rege apud not. 10 die july . this year aaron a jew of york assigned a debt of 500 l to the king , in part of a debt which he owed the king , which the king commanded hugh bygod , who owed it in right of his wife , to pay into the exchequer . and likewise commanded all the jews to be removed out of nuberry and spenbamland by this writ . mandatum est vic. berks , quod judeos qui manent in villa de nubury , et in villa de spenhamland , remittat sine dilatione usque winton , et ibi maneant sicut prius solent , nec de caetero maneant in villis prae dictis . t. r. apud readings , 27 die decemb. a jew accused for clipping and falsifying monies fled for refuge to the king , who thus remanded him . * rex w. de ebor : prepos . beverley , & hen : de bath salutem . quia intelleximus quod vos mandaveritis vic. nostro hereford , ad capiend . cok : judeum hereford , tanquam falsarium et retuntorem denar . et idem judeus venit ad curiam nostram apud reading , quaerens subterfugium captionis suae . nos ipsum judaeum fecimus arrestari , ad vos mittentes eundem ; ut vos super eo quod ei imponitur secundum quod videritis expedire faciatis t. r. apud reading , 12 die may. after which follows this record . rex w. de havershull thesaur . suo , et constab : suo london salutem , mandamus vobis quod judeos assignatos ad custodiam catallorum & debitorum quae fuerunt david judei oxon distringatis : ita quod illi judei qui manuceperunt finem 5000 marc . quem licoric quae fuit uxor praedict . david fecit nobiscum pro habendis catallis et debitis ipsius david ut eum habeamus terminis assignatis de tallagio iudeorum nobis solvend . et ipsam licoric . a prisona deliberari faciatis : ita tamen quod nullam habeat administrationem de catallis & debitis praedictis ante instans festum nativitatis beat . mariae , donec post eundem festum vobis inde mandaverimus . et sciatis quod remissimus aaron judeo ebor. custodiam praedict . catallorum , et debitorum pro fine quem propter fecit nobis , et quae solvit in garderoba nostra , et loco ejus subrogavimus bondum judeum cant. by which record it is apparent , that no jews wife or other jew could administer or meddle with her husbands or parents chattels or debts without paying a vast fine for them ( as here 500 marks ) and that at such time as the king assigned , that the custody of their goods and debts were in the mean time committed to other iews to be responsible for them ; and that their persons were imprisoned , and their administrations suspended , if they failed in paying the fine at the termes appointed . in the 29 of hen. 3. * the king sends writs to his iustices for the custody of the iews , and to sheriffs to levy the debts due to him from the heirs of hamond the iew of hereford , and that crespin a iew should pay him 28 marks , to be laid out in silk and cloth of gold for westminster church as his alms. mandatum est baron . de scacc. et iusticiariis ad custod . iudeorum assignatis , quantum poterint apponant ut 4000 marc . quae regi debent iudei ad hoc festum sancti michaelis tunc omnibus modis solvantur , thesaur . & camerar . ad faciend . inde quod rex injunxerit : et si forte in solutione earund 4000 marc . defecerint ad terminum praedict . tunc capiant aliquos de ditioribus iudeis , ut corpora eorum mittant ad r. usque gannock non omittando illud pro aliquo custo , et rex illos faciet deliberari iustic . hyberniae , ducendos in hyberniam , et ibidem in prisona detinendos . t. rege apud gannock in castris , x. die septem . by which record it seems the iews were taxed to pay 4000 marks at michaelmas to the king ; and if they failed , then some of the richest of them were to be seised on , and sent prisoners to the king into his camp , and from thence into ireland , and there imprisoned til it was all paid : such was the rigor then used in levying their heavy taxes : another 4000 marks was then likewise to be paid by them at christs nativity the same year , and commanded by this writ to be effectually levied by the justices of the jews . * mandatum est justic. ad custod judaeorum assign : quod sicut corpora et catalla sua diligunt , et ab indempnitate et periculo maximo volunt conservari , provideant quod 4000 marc . quae regi debentur de judaismo reddendas citra festum nativitatis dom : citra festum illud reddantur , quia si in eorum solutione aliquis inveniatur defectus id solummodo negligentiae suae imputaretur . t. rege apud woodstoke 4. die dec. mandatum est thesaur . et camerar . quod de illis 4000 m. deliberent magistro militis templi in anglia , 2000 marc . deponend . in domo sua ad opus comitissae provinciae sicut alias eis mandat . est , & de resid . mille marc : quantum se extendunt satisfaciant mercatoribus vinorum et aliis de debitis in quibus rex eis tenetur . t. ut supra . ibidem . dorso 2. there is a command to the justices of the jews to respit a suit there pending against one mansel by two jews , for 40 l. and an horse . in this 29 year of henry the 3. this writ was issued to the justices of the iews to proclaim in all counties , that no iewes wife or childe should fly from , nor obscure himself in the places he or they resided , for one year then next ensuing , and that they should be there readily found by the kings officers , under pain that their husbands , as also their wives and children should be outlawed , banished , and all their lands , rents , and chattels , forthwith forfeited to the king , and presently sold to his use , and they banished never to return again into england without his special license . * mandatum est justiciariis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , quod statim visis literis , clamari faciant per omnes comitatus angliae ubi judaei regis sunt , quod si aliqua iudaea uxor alicujus iudaei , vel pueri sui diffugiant , vel fugam capiant , vel aliquo modo lateant a villa ubi fuerint manentes ad festum sancti andreae anno regni regis 29 , u●que in unum annum proximo sequentem , ita quod ad summonitionem regis vel ballivorum suorum in quorum ballivis ipsi fuerunt manentes prompti inveniri non possint ; quod vir ipsius iudeae , et etiam ipsa iudaea , et omnes pueri sui statim utlagentur , et omnes terrae , redditus , et omnia catalla sua in manum regis capiantur , et incontinenti vendantur ad opus regis : et quod de caetero non redeant in regnum angliae , sine speciali licentia regis . the king had then a design to tax all the iewes wives and children by the poll , which occasioned this strict proclamation , that they might be alwayes ready to be polled and fleeced at his pleasure , there being an heavy tax then imposed on them . in the same year and roll this precept was directed to aaron the iew of yorke , then taxed ( as it seems ) at one hundred pounds . mandatum est aaroni iudaeo de ebor. quod sicut diligit corpus suum , statim visis literis , tradat latori illarum viginti marcas regi deferendas , de arreragiis centum librarum quas regi solvisse debuit in festo nativitatis sanctae mariae , proximo praeterito . ita quod hoc quemlibet lateat praeter ipsum aaronem et latorem supradictum . teste rege apud woodstock , quinto die decembris . in the 30 of h. 3. i find these records concerning the jews . rex concessiit iacobo fratri elie le eveske judeo london pro laudabili servicio suo quod regi et reginae impendit sedendo a scac. judeorum , domos quae fuerunt iocei de colecester iudei linc. in oxon. quae devenerunt in manum regis tanquam escaeta regis ; tenendum tota vita ipsius jacobi . reddendo inde singulis annis conversis lond. 10s . viz. 5s . ad fest . st mich. et 5s . ad pasch . in cujus &c. t. r. apud vvodestoke 10 die sept. et mandat , est . vic. oxon. quod de praedict . domibus cum pertidentiis , ei plenam seisinam habere faciat . t. ut supra . pat. 30. h. 3. m. 7. the king agreed to receive a fine of 3000 l. of masse son of hamond a jew of hereford pro habenbis catallis et bonis , of his deceased father , to be paid at certain times , part whereof is there assigned . this year many jews men and women were accused and ordered to be tried for clipping of money , as appears by claus , 30 h. 3. pars 1 , m. 9. mandat est justiciariis ad custodiam iudeorum assign . quod iudeos , et iudeas rectatos de retonsura denariorum , venire faciant coram justic . de banco . ita quod sint ibi in octabis s. johis . baptistae ad iusticiam de ipsis faciendam : quia mandat . est iustic . illis quod una cum t is ad hoc intendant . also * rex pardonavit tho. de pulton 8 lib. quas idem t. debet mosseo crespin iudeo , una cum omnibus usuris quae inde proveniant , postquam eas ab eodem iudaeo mutuaverat . et mandat . est baron . de scac. quod ipsum inde quietum esse , et cartam suam pro praedicto debito impignoratam eidem iudeo deliberari fac . et mandatum est edwardo fil . odonis quod totam pecuniam suam quam rex eidem tho. donat pro domibus suis occasione praedict . debiti arrestatam , ei deliberantur . the king this year imposed a tax of sixty thousand marks upon the jews , as appears by these seisures of their debts towards the payment thereof . * mandat , est ed. fil . odonis &c. quod solvat ad scac. regis 23 l. 5 s. 8 d. quas tho. de pulton debet moss●o crespin iudeo ; in parte solutionis debitorum quae idem iudeus reddere tenebatnr ad pasche proximo preterit : de portione tallag . 60 mil. marc . eundem jud. contingent . t. r. apud wind. 4 die iunii . it seems part of this tax or another was payable the next year , by this mandate . mandatum est iusticiar . ad custodiam judeorum assignatis quod non distringant , aut distringi permittant aaron fil abraham de tallagio 10 millium marc . de termino sancti michis . an. r. n. 31 nisi pro 53 marc . et dimid . ipsi inde de eodem termino contingent . t. r. apud winds . 23. die augusti . these tallages were usually imposed on the jews in their absence , being not privy thereto , unlesse specially admitted , as appears by this record concerning the iews of canterbury , who gave the king half a mark of gold that one of them might be present at the imposing of the next tax . quia iudei cantuarii dederunt dimid . marc . auri quam regi prae manibus reddiderunt , pro eo quod concederet eis , quod unus iudeus ejusdem villae cantuar. intersit tallagio assidendo quod assideri debet apud northamp . mandatum est iusticiaris ad custod . iudeorum assignatis , quod unam ex ipsis ad hoc eligi , et dicto tallagio assidendo interesse faciant . t. r. apud feversham 20 die april . amongst the records in the treasury of receipts in the exchequer , i find this , inter placita et assis : capt . apud northampton . in crast . nativ . sancti iohan. baptistae , anno regis henrici &c. 23. coram rogero de th●rkelby , et sociis suis rot . 38. ivo fil . abraham de stanford iudeu : rectatus de retonsura denariorum venit , et dat domino regi 20s . quod possit esse sub placito respondend . ad preceptum dom. regis pl●gii sui solomon fil . sancho fil . isaac , & benioy . fil . aaron de stanford . whether he were condemned or acquitted for this his clipping of money for which he was then bailed i find not on record . in the 32 year of henry the 3. i meet with these records concerning the jews . * rex mandavit justic . ad custodiam judaeorum assign quod non distringant , vel distringi permittant aaron fil abrahami de tallagio 60 millium marc . pro duobus milibus marc . de termino sancti michis anno 32. nisi pro quinquaginta et tribus marcis et dimid . ipsum inde de eodem termino contingentibus , sicut ipse talliatus fuit ad pasch . proximo preteritum . et si sorte ipsum ad plus talliaverint , illud relaxari , et super communitatem judeorum assidi . faciant . teste rege apud farendon 29 die augugusti . by which it appears the jews were taxed at sixty thousand marks in this one year . a vast sum in those dayes . the same year the king grants respestum de quibuslibet veteribus debitis iudei , * &c. particularly . * rex dedit respectum aaron judeo . ebor. de centum libris quas regi solvisse debuit . ad scac . pasch . anno regni regis 32. usque ad quindenam paschae sancti iohannis baptistae anno eodem , et mandatum est baronibus de scaccario , quod respectum illum ei habere faciant . t. r. apud rading 17 die maii. there is this record this year concerning the jews of canterbury . iudei cantebr . * liberaverunt in garderoba regis apud sanctum edmundum die lunae prox . post cineres quinque marc. de quibus praedicti judei promiserunt regi respiciendas in adventu regis apud cantebr . et mandat . est justic . ad custodiam judeorum assignatis , quod pro predictis quinque marc . ipsos judeos non distringant . teste rege apud windesor . primo die maii. * mandar est , &c. quod distringi faciant terras quae fuerunt mathei peverel , &c. for a debt due to a jew ; and to others to answer a debt to aaron the jew in the 33 of h. 3. i find these records concerning the jews . * an extent of robert de muntenay in littlebar of a jews land , per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum extendi fac . &c. the king himself in that age appointed the jews bayliffs in the eschequer , as is evident by this record . † mandatum est justic . ad custodiam judeorum assign . quod non permittant quod aliquis judeus habeat aliquam ballivam ad scacc. judeorum , praeter jacobum episcopum , abrah . fil . vines , et jacob fil . flurye : et si elyas episcopus , qui prius fuit ad dictum scac. resideat ad idem scac. per preceptum regis , tunc rex vult , quod recipiant aaron fil . abraham , tanquam socium suum . t. r. apud westm . xi . die julii , anno &c. the king then likewise appointed the clerks of the jews exchequer , and the cirographers of their publick chests , as this record doth manifest . * rex vult , quod abraham fil . vines sit clericus regis in scac. suo iudeorum , et quod sit cyrograph . archae regis cyrograforum iudaeorum apud london , loco abrahamae fil . muriell . et ideo mandatum est justic. ad custodiam judeorum assignatis , quod acceptis ab eodem abrahamo fil . vines sufficientibus plegiis de fidelitate , ipsum ad praemissa officia admittant , et clavem archae cirographorum quam abraham fil . muriel habet , eidem liberari faciant . t. r. apud westm : xxix . die junii . † rex vult , quod aaron fil : abraham iudeus london resideat ad scaccarium regis iudeorum tanquam vines , &c. ut supra . t. r. apud winton , 26 die maii. the same year i find an extent of john of coniz of brewineston his land for a debt to a jew , per , sacram , proborum et legalium hominum extendi fac . &c. t. r. apud vvestm . 9 die maii. * the same year aaron of yorke agreed again with the king to pay a certain tax to him yearly , expressed in this patent . * rex omnibus &c. salutem . sciatis quod concessimus aaroni filio abrahami iudeo quod sicut talliatus fuit ad decem & octo libras coram nobis ad terminum sancti michaelis , anno &c. 33. sic tallietur ad quatuor annos sequentes ad triginta et sex libras singulis annis praedictorum quatuor annorum ; videlicet , ad festum paschae , anno &c. 34 to . ad 18 libras , et ad festum sancti michaelis proximo sequens , ad 18 libras , et sic de anno in annum , ad eosdem terminos ad 36 libras . ita quod post praefatum terminum praedictorum quatuor annorum ad majorem pecuniae summam modo talliatur . in cujus &c. teste rege apud vvindsore , 21 die sept. in the fine rolls of this year i find these passages relating to the jews , who all joyntly and severally made great fines to the king this year , particularized in the fine rolls , what sum every jew ( whose name is there entred at large ) was to pay to the king : whereof take this brief account of some few , as a pattern of all the rest . * mandatum est vic. kanc. quod si judei cantuar. invenerint securitatem sufficientem de 7 l. 8 s. 8 d. de novo tallagio super eos assesso , & de 11 l. 17 s. 5 d. de veteri tallagio super eos assesso , ad aurum regi inde emendum , unde alias recepit mandatum regis , ita quod pecuniam illam habeat in manu sua quod inde regi respondere possit ad scacc. regis in crastino sancti michaelis , tunc praefatos judeos permittat in pace ita quod eos non distringat pro aliquo alio tallagio donec aliud a rege acceperit in mandatis . t. r. apud merton 12 d●e sept. * mandat est vic. ebor. quod sicut seipsum diligit , habeat ad scac : regis in octabis sancti michaelis de aaron de ebor. judeo , de novo tallagio super eum assesso 16 l. 11 s. et de eodem de veteri tallagio super eum assesso unde vic. alias recepit mandatum regis , 26 l. 7 s. et de caeteris judeis civitatis ebor. de no●o tallagio 14 l. 11 s. et de eisdem de veteri tallagio , unde vic. alias recepit mandat . regis 23 l. 7 s. ad aurum reg. inde emendum . t. ut supra . eodem modo scribitur de iudaeis exon de tallag : vic. devon , de iudeis bedford , merlebr . bristoll , warw. glocest . cantebr . london , norwic. colecester , winton , wigorn , hereford , oxon , nottingh . northampton , lincoln , and other towns ; and to their respective sheriffs , to levy the particular sums both of the new and old tallage forementioned , there specified , in like manner as to the sheriff of yorke , which particulars fill up an whole roll well nigh . in the same roll the king respites jacobus le eveske a jew , and flora his daughter , a fine of 45 l. 6 s. 8 d. pro relevio , et aliis finibus : and sundry other jews there named paid the like fines pro relevio upon their parents deaths to injoy their estates ; to be paid at certain times there limited into the exchequer : et mandatum est baron . de scac. et justic . ad custod . judeorum assignatis , quod sic fieri et irrotulari faciant . t. r. apud guldeford , 13 die sept. the like fines for relief , pro terris & catallis patris eorum ratione relevii regi contingentibus ; paid by sundry iews , i meet with in * 34 h. 3. and many fine rolls else throughout his reign , and in edward the 1. which i pretermit : it being entred of some . dederunt regi 20 s. auri ( or some other sum of gold ) prae manibus . in 34 h. 3. there was a tax of ten thousand marks imposed on the jews , and this composition made between the king and salmon bishop , a jew concerning it , & future taxes , thus entred in the fine roll of that year . rex concessit salmoni episcopo judeo london , quod de tallagio 10 mil. marc . per annum sit ad 20 l. dum tallagium judeorum sit in tali statu ; et si crescat tallagium judeorum crescat ejus portio quae ipsum continget de tallagio praedicto , et si decrescatur simili modo . ita tamen , quod si tota communitas judeorum regi gravetur de tallagio praedicto , aut summa x. millium marc . debeat decrescere , eo quod idem salmon est ad talem summam , respondeat at idem iudeus ad liberatum librae suae de praedict . 20 l. sicut alii judei faciunt in tallagio suo . et reddat regi praedict . 20 lib. annuatim ad duos terminos , viz. 10 l. ad scac. s. michaelis , & 10 l. ad scac. paschae . et mandatum est iusticiariis ad custod . iud : assignatis , quod sic fieri et irrotulari faciant , et pro licentia concessionis dedit regi unam marcam auri , t. r. apud wyndes , 1. die octob. et habet inde literas patentes per eadem verba . the like compositions were made with the king by aaron of york , and many other jews in this and other years . in the 34 year of king h. 3. i find this recital in a writ , that the king by the long received custome of the realm ought to succeed the iews themselves in all houses and other lands which they should purchase within the realme , ( upon their deaths , outlary , or departure hence , ) and that he might grant them to whom he pleased , ( as well as tax them , and seise their goods at his pleasure . ) † rex vicecomiti norff. salutem . licet de consuetudine longeva dicatur obtentum in regno nostro , quod nos in domibus et aliis quas acquisiverint iudaei in regno nostro succedere debeamus ipsis iudaeis ; aures tamen nostras precibus edmundi kake de norwic. capellani misericorditer inclinantes , concessimus eidem edmundo , de gratia nostra , quod non obstante consuetudine praedicta , habeat messuagium illud in norwic : de quo nuper seisinam fieri fecimus magistro benedicto , et quod seigumet iudaeus utlagatus tenuit de praedicto edmundo in eadem villa de norwic. et ideo tibi praecipimus , quod eidem edmundo de praedicto messuagio , sine dilatione plenam seisinam habere facias . t. r. apud clarendon 13 die decembris . in the same roll i find a writ to attach both the body and goods of a jew , and to bring them both before the justices assigned for the iews . † mandatum est vicecomiti dorset , quod habeat coram iusticiariis regis ad custodiam iudeorum assignatis apud westm . in crastino sanctae mariae magdalenae corpus solomonis iudei de dorcestria , cum omnibus catallis ipsius iudaei sub sigillo suo . t. r. apud merleberge 21 die junii . in the patent roll , of this year , the king granted this license to the masters of the law of the commonalty of the jews in london to excommunicate such jews as refused to contribute that subsidy they had promised towards the sustaining of their common churchyard in london , whom they could not excommunicate without his leave . * rex iusticiariis suis ad custodiam iudaeorum assignatis , salutem . sciatis , quod concessimus iudaeis nostris london quod magistri legis eorundem iudaeorum in ciuitate london promulgare possint summam excommunicationem in omnes illos iudaeos , qui subsidium aliquod promiserunt ad cimiterium london sustinendum , et illud non solverint ; ita quod nos & non alii de judaeis excommunicatis sufficientes emendas recipiamus , t. r. 28 die julii . in the 35 of henry 3. there are these records touching the jews . * mandatum est philippo luvel , et sociis suis justiciariis judaeorum sicut alias , quod de tallagio x. milium marcarum assesso super communitatem iudaeorum angliae , faciant habere reginaldo de salinis 40 libras ad terras inde emendas ad opus suum , vel ad commodum suum alio modo faciendum prout sibi viderit expediri , etillas in eodem tallagio faciendo allocari communitati praedictae . et rex bene vult quod eadem 40 l. ricardo de salinis allocantur in debitis quod debet in judaismo pro eodem reginaldo , dum tamen idem reginaldus securus sit de protione sua . t. r. apud wherewell , 25 die maii. per ipsum regem . the wives and children of the jews oft times used to be distrained and imprisoned for their debts , as appears by this record to respite such proceedings against them for a time anno 35. h. 3. * mandatum est vic. devon. quod non distringat , nec distringi permittat uxorem boneufaunt , judei exon. vel pueros suos per corpora sua , ipsos imprisonando occasione alicujus debiti seu demandae tangentis ipsum boneufaunt de fine 100 marc . auri , quia rex vult ipsam iudeam cum predictis pueris suis esse in pace usque ad octabis sti. mich. prox . futuri . et si ipsos imprisonavit , eos interim deliberari faciat . t. r. apud windsore 2 die septemb. per ipsum regem . this year there was a tax of 10000 marks imposed on the iews , as is evident by pat 35. h. 3. pars 2. m. 4. de tallagio iudeorum assidendo , for assessing it , and this precept concerning it . * mandatum est baron . de scac. ad custodiam iudeorum assignatis , quod provideant et●ordment inter se qualiter illa 10 millia marc . quae regi debentur de tallagio iudeorum regi persolvi possint . and in the same membrana there is this command to buy gold with the jews money for the kings use . * mandat w. de hoverhull thes . reg . edward de westm . et phil. luvell quod de omnibus denariis de judaismo provenientibus aurum ad opus regis emi faciant , sicut rex eidem philippo dudum injunxit , et sicut t. espernon eis exponet ex parte regis t. r. what great sums of gold the king received of some iews this year to be exempted from taxes , paying set rates for 4 years space , will appear by this record . * mandatum est justiciariis ad custodiam judeorum assignatis quod illas 10 mil. marcas auri , quas elias judeus london regi dedit pro sic , quod a festo st. mich. an. 34. usque in quatuor annos prox . sequentes completos , non talliaretur nisi ad centum libr. per annum , dum tallagium regis duraret eidem inde , proximis terminis suis tallagii sui fac . allocari . ita quod de cetero respondeat in tallagio suo judeorum secundum facultates suas sicut rex alias eis mandavit ) non obstanre gratia regis quam ei concesserit pro donatione predicti auri . t. r. apud clarendon 10 die iuuii . consimiles literas habet aaron fil . abrah . judeus london de 25 marc . auri allocari , ut supra continetur eisdem justic . directas . t. ut supra , per ipsum regem . et quia aaron de ebor. affirmavit coram rege quod predict . aurum prefatis aaron et eliae alia vice , per mandatum regis de quo rex non recolit , fuit allocatum ; mandat . est prefatis justic . quod super hoc regem fine dilatione certificent . scituri quod dictus aaron regi promisit 200 marc . argenti , nisi predicta summa auri praedictis iudeis per regem fuit allocata in tallagio suo , t. r. &c. per ipsum regem . the king this year allows a jew to sue for the remainder of a debt which the king had pardoned , and the bond to be taken out of the chest by this writ . * rex justic . ad custod . iudeorum assign . cum nullus iudeus debeat plac . de cirograf . in archa iudeorum inventa et catal . abr. de berchanster quae capta fuerunt in manum nostram ex toto credebamus ad opus nostrum retinere , quorū residuū ad petitionem r. com. cornub. eidem remissimus , licet alias dederimus vobis in mandatis , quod in quiraretis per sacr . legal hominum , qualem summam pecuniae galfr. mansell de dicto abr. recepit et dict . g. de usuris forte solum quietum remaneret : volumus tamen cum dictus iudeus residuum catallorum suorum recuperaverit quod dict . g. distringi faciatis ad plenam solutionem totius residui dicto iudeo faciend . secundum formam cyrogr. sui . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod sic fieri et irro ulari fac . ita quod dictus iudeus totam summam in parte sua cyrogr. contentam cum debito integre possit recuperare . et licet cyrogr. alias per preceptu● nostrum ab archa sit extract . hoc facere non omittatis . t. apud harding 25. die august . the jews in that age could not ( without the kings special license ) remove themselves or goods from one city to another , and acquainting the justices assigned for the jews of his royal pleasure therein , and were enforced to give security for one another to pay their taxes to the king , as this record of 36 h. 3. will evidence . * rex concessit iacobo filio boneufaunt judeo , quod libere recedat a villa gloucestriae , et moram facere in civitate london ; et quia idem judeus fecit regi securitatem per iacobum le eveske iudeorum de tallagio suo ad quod tallietur , ad festum sancti martini regi reddendo . mandatum est vicecom . glouc. quod ad ipsum , aut ad familiam suam , aut catalla sua manum non apponat , sed ipsum cum omnibus praedictis a villa gloucestriae libere recedere permittat . teste rege apud woodstoke 19 die augusti per ipsum regem . et mandatum est iusticiariis ad custodiam judeorum assignatis , quod ipsum inter iudeos regis in civitate praedicta manere permittant , teste ut supra . * mandatum est eisdem , quod faciant habere iacobo le eveske iudeo residentiam in scaccario judeorum in servicio regis , et quod ad ipsum pertinet , secundum legem scaccarii regis , sicut et predecessores sui clerici regis ibidem habere consueverunt . teste , ut supra per r. waker . the iews could not then reside nor enjoy any office in the iews exchequer without the kings special grant and license , neither could they sue for any debt ( especially upon an obligation out of their common chest ) without the kings expresse license and grant . witnesse the president in the self same roll , and others forecited . king henry in the 36 of his reign granted by * patent to aaron of york , elye le eveske de london , and solomon le eveske , that for 4 years next ensuing they should not be taxed above set summes a year there mentioned , to be paid half yearly by them into the exchequer , and that their set sums should be allowed in the original taxes assessed upon the commonalty of the jews , and be abated proportionably as their tax was abated ; yea he granted this exemption to aaron , his wife & children , not to be distrained and imprisoned for their debts or taxes , so long as he had goods to satisfie them , and to sue for goods and debts , though out of the chest . * rex omnibus salutem . sciatis quod concessimus aaron de ebor. iudeo nostro , quod nec ipse , nec uxor ejus , nec eorum pueri distingantur per corpora sua nec imprisonentur , quamdiu catalia sua sufficiant ad districtionem faciend . pro debitis nostris . in cujus &c. duratur : per biennium . t. r. apud vvestm . 15 die marcii : et mandat . est iustic . ad custodiam iudaeorum assign . quod sic fieri et irrotulari faciant . t. ut supra per regem . rex omnibus , &c. sciatis quod concessimus aaron de ebor. iudeo nostro , quod possit placitare coram iustic . nostris ad cust . iud. assign : pro catallis et debitis suis recuperandis , et ea petere sine occasione , usque ad summam 400 lib. sine receptione usurae , licet catalla illa , et debita fuerunt extra archam cyrogr. in cujus , &c. t. ut supra . * the like license to sue for debts and chattels out of the chest to such a summe sine receptione usurae , i finde granted this year to copin a london jew , & to other jews the same year ; with a writ to deliver a jew out of prison committed upon a false complaint : and this pardon of two jews wives for flying to avoid imprisonment for their husbands taxes . † rex pardonavit floriae uxori elye blundi , et pigonae uxori aaron blundi , wayneriam quam meis justiciariis promulgarunt pro fuga quam fecerunt pro tallio super praedict . elye et aaron assesso : et mandat . est praedict . justic . quod praedict . floria et pygona propter hoc non occasionentur . t. r. apud windsore 12 die feb. per ipsum regem . there was likewise this year a precept to the iustices to give a jews wife her full and reasonable dower of her husbands chattels . * mandatum est iusticiariis ad custod : &c. quod si rosa quae fuit uxor leonis epi : iudei ebor. nondum plenè habuit dotem suam de catallis quae fuerunt ejusdem leonis , tunc eidem iudeae plenam et rationabilem dotem suam habere faciant , secundum legem et consuetudinem judaismi regis . t. r. per ipsum regem . this year the king assigned certain jews of london to tax the rest of the jews upon a common tax then imposed on them ; in this manner . † rex assignavit eliam epis : et aaron fil . abrah . iudeos london , ad assidend . tallagium super communitate iudeorum nostrorum london ; it a videlicet quod communitas illa eligat ipsis tercium idoneum ad tallagium illud una cum dictis eli & aaron assidend . et mandat . est constabul : turris london ; quod ipsum tercium sic electum eis faciat associari ; firmiter injungendo eis quod taliter ipsi provideant de tallagio illo assidendo , quod rex illud terminis statutis habeat , et quod pro defectu eorum non oporteat regi graviter se capere ad talliatores praedictos . teste per philip luvel . it seems this tax then assessed amounted to 3500 marks by this ensuing record that year . * rex iustic . ad custod . jud : &c. sciatis , quod manuel blund judeus obtulit nobis dimid . marc . auri ut de tallagio 3 mill . marc . et 500 marc . talliaretur secundum catalla sua , sicut ceteri iudei de communitate london talliantur . et ideo vobis mandamus quod si judicetis hoc esse ad commodum nostrum sic fieri faciatis . t. r. how strictly this tax was levied , appears by this writ to destrain the lands , revenues , wives , children and chattels of all the jews in york , and for the arrears of aaron too , notwithstanding his former exemption . † mandat . est vic. ebor : quod distringat aaron de ebor : iudeum , et omnes alios judeos ebor. per terras , et tenementa , catalla , uxores et filios , et omnibus aliis modis quibus melius poterit , ad reddend . regi tallagium suum de terminis sancti martini et st. hillarii , prox . preteritis , et id sicut seipsum diligit non omittat . t. r. apud notingh . 14 die ian. i find a precept of the king this year to detein a convert jew in prison , accused of a rape and other trespasses , such converts were they then . * mandatum est vic. linc. quod m. conversum commorantem apud tornie capiat , et in prisona regis salvo custodiat , donec &c. per orfanna de geterleg . apellat : de raptu , et pace regis fracta . t. r. and this year * edw. de westm . will. de bretun , & tho : espernun , assignati sunt ad inquisuionem fac . de concelamentis iudaismi , tam in london , quam alibi . anno 37 h. 3. the jews advancing 5000 marks to the king beforehand for his passage into gascoigne , he thereupon made this grant to them , to be exempted from taxes till easter , and granted them writs in form of appeal , if over-taxed ; witness this record . rex concessit omnibus iudeis angliae , * quod pro 4000 marc . quas regi praemanibus ad passagium suum in vascon : pacaverint , et pro 1000 marc . quas regi ric. com. cornub. ad dictum passagium pro eis solvit , quod sint quieti de tallagio facto ad passagium regis in vascon : pro pred . 5000 marc . et quod non tallientur citra pasche , et omnes iudei qui utlagati sunt pro dicto tall. si placare voluerint quod debeant de dicto tall. rex concedit eis quod ad pacē regis veniant . rex tamen vult quod nullū breve allocationis valeat alicui iudeo in isto tallagio , quia r. com. cornubiae 1000 marc . de dicto tallagio habere debet . rex etiam vult , quod si aliquis iudeus aggravetur de dicto tallagio , quod gravamen suum alteri imponatur qui melius ferre possit . et super hoc scribitur thes . et baron . de scac : et iustic : ad custod . iud : assign : t. r. apud portsm . 7. die july , per hen. de wengham . hereupon some iews complaining they were over-taxed in their tallages procured this writ for their ease herein . * monstravit regi manuel blundus judeus london , quod ipse superoneratus est in uitimo tallvgio suo , et solvit plus ad demidium , quam solvisse debuit , et quam alii solverint , secundum facultates suas . et mandatum est , philippo luvel , et justiciariis ad custod . jud. assign . quod si ita est , tunc super onerationem illam in praesentia ipsius judei assidi faciant , super alleviatos judeos regni nostri in tallagio predicto , et pro eadem superoneratione reddenda districtonem fieri , et praedict . man : returnari fac . sine dilatione . ita quod inde querelam rex non audiat pro defectu justiciae . consimiles literae habet solomon epis . judeus london . the same year , * rex concessit hake , fil . ioscey iudeo , quod habeat pacem regis , et salvum ire & redire , licet se substraxerit pro quibusdam plateis argenteis ei impignoratis , ut dicitur . ita quod plegios regi inveniat quod stabit recto secundum legem judaismi . et super hoc scribitur iustic . ad custod . jud. assignatis . t. r. apud harwic . 2 die iuly . also . * rex per finem quem mossi de hereford judaeus fecit cum rege , pardonavit ei transgressionem quam fecit , pro eo quod illicentiatus a rege recessit in fine scac. regis sanct. hillarii , pro qua transgressione ipsum capi jusserint justic . ad custod . judeorum assignati . et mandatum est eisdem iustic . quod ipsum propter hoc non occasionari nec capi faciant . t. r. apud harling , 7 die april . febr. 15. the * king writes to the iustices of the iews to allow a debt to two several christians and iews , ( which he had pardoned the debtors to these iews ) in their taxes they were to pay . this year a iews wife proving a convert christian , her husband was attached for her goods , by the king , as belonging to him upon her conversion ; who thereupon paid a fine to have this new case judicially determined in the jews eschequer , as this record attests . * cum abraham batekot iudeus attachiatus esset ad respondend . regi de catallis amiciae judeae , quae fuit uxor sua , quae quidem catalla post conversionem suam ad regem pertinebant , ut dicitur . idem iudeus finem fecit cum rege pro dimid . marc . auri quam regi solvit , ut secundum legem et consuetudinem iudaismi ad scaccarium iudaeorum super hoc deducatur . et mandatum est iustic . ad custod . iud. assignatis , quod citra festum s. and : ad scaccarium iudeorum , quod justum fuerit ●e catallis praedictis fieri ●aciant , sicut praedict . est t. per r. de essington . king henry in this 37 year of his reign provided and ordained these memorable laws and ordinances for the better regulation of the jews in england , restraining their jewish rites , erection of new synagogues , or schools , defection from , or disputing against the christian faith , entertaining any christians as nurses , servants , and communion with christians , to prevent their leavening of christians with their iudaisme , distinguishing them from them by wearing a white table on their breasts , in joyning paying of tithes to the christian minister where they lived , &c. * rex providit et statuit , &c. quod nullus judeus maneat in anglia , nisi servicium regis faciat . et quam cito aliquis iudeus natus fuerit sive sit masculus sive faemina serviat nobis in aliquo . et quod nullae scholae iudaeorum sint in anglia , nisi in locis illis in quibus hujusmodi * scholae fuerunt tempore domini iohannis regis patris regis . et quod universi judei in synagogis suis celebrent submissa voce , secundum ritum eorum , ita quod christiani hoc non audiant . et quod quilibet judeus respondeat rectori ecclesiae , in cujus parochia maneat , de omnibus parochialibus ad domum ipsius iudei spectantibus . et quod nulla nutrix christiana de cetero lactet aur nutriat puerum alicujus iudei , nec aliquis christianus , vel christiana serviat alicui iudeo vel iudeae , nec cum ipsis comedat , vel in domo sua commoretur . et quod nullus iudeus vel iudea comedat aut emat carnes in quadragessima . et quod nullus judeus detrahat fidei christianae , vel publice disputet de eadem . et quod nullus iudeus habeat secretam familiaritatem cum aliqua christiana , nec aliquis christianus cum iudea . et quod quiliber iudeus ferat manifestam tabulam . et quod nullus judeus ingrediatur aliquam ecclesiam vel aliquam capellam nisi transeundo , nec in eis moretur in vituperium christi . et quod nullus judeus impediat aliquo modo alium judeum volentem ad fidem christi convertere . et quod nullus judeus receptetur in aliqua villa sine speciali licentia regis , nisi in villis illis in quibus judei manere consueverunt . et mandatum est justiciariis ad custodiam judeorum assignatis , quod sic fieri , et sub incursione bonorum praedictorum iudeorum firmiter teneri faciant . teste rege apud westm . 31 die ianuarii . per regem et consilium . these are the most memorable constitutions of all others i have met with , made by the king and his counsel for restraining the insolencies , rites , and preventing the leprosie and leaven of the iews , except those of 7 e. 1. ( which i shall recite in due place ) derived from these , which none of our historians mention . in the 39 year of h. 3. i find this large record touching the assessing of a tallage upon the commonalty of the jews in london and other places , assessed , levyed , with all diligence and all sorts of new devises . * rex constab . turris suae london , salutem . precipimus tibi quod statim visis literis istis , starim in presentia tua eligi fac . tres de legalioribus et discretioribus iudeis de communitate iudeorum london , de assensu iudeorum eorundem , ad assidend . super eandem communitatem 472 marc . quae ipsam commun . contingunt de tallio mille libr. super iudeos nostros angliae assesso de termino sancti martini prox . futuri , et assidend . super eandem communitatem 50 marc quae ipsam contingunt de portione tallag . aaron de ebor. iudeo de tall. predict . cui concessimus ad instantiam dilecti fratris et fidelis nostri rici . com. cornub. quod hac vice propter * nimiam suam paupertatem de praedicto tallagio sit quietus . et distringas omnes iudeos et iudeas de com. praedicto , omnibus modis quibus modis sciveris et poteris per corpora et catalla sua infra archas cyrograph . london et extra inventa , ad reddendum regi ad opus dicti fratris nostri portionem quae eis continget de praedict . 522 marc . et si contigerit quod aliquis iudeus vel iudea defecerit in solutione porcionis quae ipsum judeum vel iudeam contingit de tall . et portione predictis , tunc accedas ad arch. praedict . et extrahi facias de melioribus et clarioribus debitis suis in atchis illis inventis , usque ad portionem quae ipsum iudeum vel iudeam continget de tallio et portione predict . ad distringendum omnes debitores eorundem debitotum , ita quod habeas omnes denarios illos albos et integros per manum tuam propriam apud wallingford in vigilia st. andr. apostoli an . r. n. 40. liberand . praedicto com. vel ipsis qui per ipsum com. ad haec fuerint deputati , et habeas ad eosdem diem et locum de arreragiis tallagii 100 l. de termino sancti trinit , praeter : de coc. fil . aaron ( and 20 other iews there named ordered to pay special sums there specified as due from each of them ) liberandos per manum tuam praedicto com. vel ipsis qui ad hoc fuerint deputati , unde alias recepisti mandatum nos●rum , quod non es exercutus habeas . etiam ad eosdem diem et locum , corpora eliae epi. aaron fil . abraham , solomon epi. et iacob epi iudeorum , plegios de tallio praedicto , una cum corporibus illorum iudeorum & iudearum quae aliqua arreragia debuerunt de tallagio praedict . et ita te habeas in hoc mandato exequendo , quod pro defectu tui ad te graviter capere non debeamus nec de terris et catallis tuis praedicta debita levari faciemus . t. me ipso apud westm . 24 die octob. an . r. n. 39. eodem modo mandatum est vic. linc. vvigorn . oxon. suthampt. linc. ebor. devon. wilteshire . gloucest . cantebr . norff. bedeford , essex , hereford , & constab . bristol . to levy other particular summes upon particular jewes there mentioned , too tedious to transcribe , conteining an whole roll , where all who please may view them at their leasure , and the jews too names being many . then follows quia com. cornub. supplicavit , regi quod mittat aliquem de suis usque wallingford in vigil . st. andr. prox futur . qui inter sit solutioni tunc faciendae ibid. de tallagio et debitis judeorum ( formerly particularized at large . ) quae ei concessit in parte solutionis debitorum in quibus ei tenetur . mandatum est tho. espernon , quod omnibus negotiis pretermissis eidem solutioni dictis die & loco inreter sit ad eam videndam et irrotula●d . & hoc non omittat . t. ut supra . eodem modo mandat . est cyrogr. arch. iudeorum winton , quod adjuvantes sint , et consulentes vic. suth . ad levand . ad opus dic . com. cornub. de 160l . 12 marc . quae communitatem judeor . winton contingunt de tallagio nulle libr. super iudeos angliae assess . de termino st. martini prox . preter : et quod permittant predict . vic. visis literis ipsis habere liberam administrationem debitorum in archis illis inventorum ad levand praedict . 160l . 12 marc . & hoc sicut se et sua diligunt non omittant . t. ut supra , eodem modo mandat . est cyrograph . archae iudaeorum colecester , wigorn , london , to levy other particular summs there specified in like manner . and dors . 4. there are the same writs in all things pro assidendo & levando upon the commonalty of the jews of london 247 mar . and of other sumsu●on all jews of england in form aforesaid . in claus . 39. h , 3. m. 7 : there is order for vines a jew to recover his debts owed by creditors , by reason of his poverty , also commands to sheriffs to seal up the iewes chests , and to others to open and view their writings . * mandat . est cyrogr. christianis & judeis hereford , quod petmittant vic. hereford . & hug. de pylardington habere accessum ad arch. cyrogr. er illam sigillis suis signare , et quod permittant will. mansell . vic. war. & praedict . hug. predict . sigilla frangere , & cyro . in praedict . archa invent . videre et irrotulare prout injunxit , t. per philip luvel . eodem modo mandat . &c. cyrogr. christ . & jud. et vic. wigorn. statim visis literis accedat ad arch. cyr. wigorn. & illum sigillo suo signet , & quod capiat corpota hake de vvigorn . iud. et aar . et samps , fil suor . et eos duci fac . lond. & ibi custod . turr. r. lond. t. ut supra , the like command is to the sheriff of hereford , to seal up the jews chest there , and for hugh p. to search it . in * claus . 39 h. 3. pa●s . 2. dors . 16 , 17. there is a large catalogue of the lands , houses , rents , morgages , real and personal estate and debts of abraham a jew in several counties , amounting to a vast sum , taking up near two membranes , which were all imbreviated and confiscated to the kings use . and a proclamation by the king , that no iew should be suffered to depart out of the realm of england . in 40 h. 3. the king by his letters patents authorized commissioners to sell the houses , and enquire after the goods and chattels of the jews , condemned for * crucifying a child at lincoln . † rex omnibus , &c. sciatis quod constituimus dilect : et fidel . nostros simon passeleiw , et will : de leighton , vic. nostri london , ad vendend : per visum et testimonium legalium hominum , domos quae fuerunt judaeo●um linc. suspensorum pro parvo crucifixo ibidem , prout commodo nostro magis viderint expedire , et ad inquirend . quo devenerunt catalla eorundem iudaeorum , et qui ea habeant , et quantum valeant . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod eidem simoni et vis. ad hoc sitis intenden●es et auxiliantes cum ab eis requisiti fueritis . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud woodest . 20 die aug. it seems some of these jews that crucified this child turned christians to save their lives for which i find this kind of pardon grated to one of them at the suit of a † frier . * rex omnibus , &c. salutem . sciatis quod ad instantiam dilecti nobis in christo fratris iohannis de dorbuton , pardonavi iohanni converso sectam pacis nostrae quae ad nos pertinet , pro morte pueri nuper crucifixi apud lincoln , dum predictus iohannis fuit iudeus ●jusdem civitatis , unde rectatus est , et firmam pacem nostram ei inde concedimus . ita tamen quod stet recto in curia nostra , si quis versus eum inde loqui voluerit . in cujus &c. t. r. apud westm . 10 die jan. the same year there issued a precept to the sheriff of lincoln , to send the chest of the iews of lincoln to london , belike for the same crucifying of this child . * mandat . est vic. linc. quod statim visis literis istis mittat usque london archam cirogr . lincoln , sub salva custodia liberand . ph. luvel thesaur . regis et justic . ad custodiam iud : assignatis , et quod venire fac . ibidem , cum eadem archa omnes cyrographarios ejusdem villae , tam christianos quam iudaeos , et hoc non omittat . this year the king ordained a new justice for the iews , who took an oath of fealty to the king , due to his office , and was formally invested in the place , as this record relates . * rex constituit adam de greenvile , iusticiarium suum iudaeorum , et ab eo recipit sacramentum fidelitatis regi debitum pretextu officii sui . et mandat . est phil. luvel thesaurar : regis , &c. quod ipsum in locum suum , tanquam iustic . regis in scac : iudaeorum sine dilatione ponant . t. r. per r. walis . * cok. fil . aaron iudeus london , cum instantia supplicavit regi , quod super fine quem nuper fecit coram philip. luvel thes . et henrico de bathon , ad opus regis pro 20 marc . auri , eidem iudeo literae patentes fieri fac . et mandatum est eisdem philip●o , et ric : quod formam literarum patent . quas pred . judeus inde habere debet ad terminos solucionis ejusdem auri sub sigillis suis significent , ut rex literas illas eidem jud●o fieri et consignari faciat . t. r. apud clarend . 3 die iulii . it seems these justices directed all the iews patents of this nature . in the 41 year of king henry the 3d. elyas bishop , the high priest of the iews , as † mat. paris stiles him , for a certain transgression against the king , and his brother king of almaine , was judicially deprived of his high-priesthood and priestly office , by the judgement of the kings justices assigned for the custody of the jews in the exchequer , and of all his other offices formerly granted him by the king ; and that he should never be capable to receive or execute these offices again : whereupon the king for a fine of 3 marks of gold paid by the commonalty of the jews , granted unto them by his charter , that from thenceforth none should be their priest , but by the common election of the said commonalty of the jews ; and that upon the death of every priest , they should have free liberty to chuse another priest , and of presenting him to the king , that he might obtain his assent and favour therein ; as this memorable record informs us , wherein the names of the justices assigned to the iews are specified . * rex omnibus , &c. cum elyas * episcopus iudaeus noster london , pro transgressione quam fecit , 〈◊〉 nobis , quam dilecto fratri nostro regi almannorum a sacerdotio communitatis ●udaeorum augliae coram dilectis & fidelibus nostris philippo ballet , philippo luvel , henrico de bathonia , simon passelew , & caeteris iusticiariis ad custodiam iudeorum assignatis , quos ad transgressionem uam convincendam iusticiarios nostros assignavimus , per iudicium eorundem ad scaccarium nostrum fuerit abjudicatus , et de ejusdem sacerdotii officio , et e●iam de omni 〈…〉 officiis et ballivis quas a nobis prius ob●inuit sit depositus ; nos de consilio erundem iusticiariorum concessimus praedictae communitati iudeorum nostrorum angliae , per finem trium marcarum auri quem cresse et haginus fratres ejusdem iudaei , nobis pro eadem communicate fecerunt , quod praedictus elyas sacerdotium illud nunquam in posterum habeat et recuperet : et quod nullus de communitate illa de caetero sit sacerdos nisi per communem electionem communitatis ejusdem . quod illa communitas post decessum cujuslibet sacerdotis sic electi , alium eligendi quemcunque voluerint sacerdotem liberam habeat facultatem , ac ipsum nobis praesentandi , ut nostrum super hoc assensum optineat et favorem . in cujus , &c. teste rege apud wodstoke , 20 die iulii . i observe in this record , that elyas , is stiled , only , sacerdos , not presbyter judeorum his only priestly office ; called , sacerdotium communitatis angliae . & sacerdotii officium ; not presbyteratus omnium judeorum totius angliae , as * jacobs and aarons forementiontioned offices are . and he that should succeed him by common election , is still here stiled sacerdos , sacerdotis , sacerdotem , thrice together , not presbyter at all : therefore certainly these offices were distinct , the one ecclesiastical , the other temporal in the exchequer only as i formerly manifested . what elias his offence was , for which he was thus deprived of his priesthood , is not expressed in the record , but most probably it was his stout & bold speech to the king , earl richard and the lords , in behalf of the jews ●he year before , when they exacted an intollerable tax from them under pain of a most loathsom prison , hangiug , and an ignominious death , recorded at large by * matthew paris and in the first part of my * demurrer , which i shall not repeat , what power the king and his justices then had over their iewish bishop , & priests themselves is sufficiently evident by this record . in the rolls of 41 h. 3. i find the king * at the intercession of his brother king of romans , acquitting cresse , and two other iews of london for 5 compleat years then next ensuing , ab omnibus tallagiis & auxiliis ad nos pertinentibus , pro una marca auri et dimid ▪ to be paid by each of them yearly into the wardrobe , and at the instance of the queen he granted this exemption iacobo le eveske judeo , and to his son benedict after his death . quod toto tempore vitae suae quietus esset de omnibus tallagiis , auxiliis , et aliis demandis ad nos pertinentibus , pro 5 marc . argenti nobis annuatim reddend . ad scac. nostrum , salvo tamen nobis & haeredibus nostris misericordias in quas inciderit pro forisfacto aliquo personam suam tangente . likewise he granted by patent to cok. a jew licence to sue for his fathers debts , for which he paid a fine to the king , and to extend his debtors lands for the debts , sine aliqua usura . yea i find this pardon of an outlawry to a jewesse the same year . † rex omnibus , &c. sciatis quod per finem quem roesia crespin iudea london fecit nobiscum , remissimus ei vtlagariam in ipsam promuigatam , et malas occasiones pro eo quod ipsa non venit ad mandatum nostrum . et ideo vobis mandamus quod ipsam contra hanc concessionem nostram non vexatis . in cujus , &c. teste r. apud winton 4 die novembris . this strange precept was sent the constable of the tower , not to bail the jews upon any justices precept . * m●ndat est constab . turris london , quod nec vic. nec judeum , vel judeam arrest . pro debitis ri. rom. r. deliberet admandatum justiciariorum , vel alterius cujuscunque , sine assensu et voluntate cresse & abrah . judeorum attornat . praedict . r. alemanniae . t. r. apud . winds . 17 die jan. in cl. 41. h. 3. m. 7. there is respite of a debt granted to kok a jew , and writs to the justices of the jewes , for some jews * quod non ponantur in tallagio , quamdiu terminos suos tenuerint of their annual compositions to be exempted from taxes : with this prohibition to the kings justices itinerant , not to hold psea of any matter belonging to the jews . quia rex non vult quod judei sui placitent vel implacitentur alibi quam coram justic . regis ad custod . jud. assignatis . mandatum est rogero de thurks et sociis suis justiciariis itiner . in com. linc. quod omnia placita tangentia hagium jud. linc. coram eis , ponant coram justic . praedict . ut ipsi eidem judeo et aliis de eo contingentibus justiciam exhibeant , secundum legem & consuetudinem judaismi . t. r. apud westm . 7 die ian. per phil. lovel , & simonem passelewe iustic . iudeorum , who had power to grant prohibitions to the iustices in such cases . if the iewes were sued before their iustices ▪ and made default , and could not be found to be distreined , the iustices thereupon used to seise their charters and debts in the chests , yea houses into the kings hands , as till they appeared , as this record of 42 h. 3. attests . * quia rex accepit per inquisitionem quam per rog. de marcio , simon passelewe , & will. de haslebech fieri fecit , quod duae cartae quae fuerunt manuel fil . elie iudei linc. inventae in archa cyrograph . regis ebor. captae fuerunt in manum regis pro defalt is quas fecit vers . will. de kined al. personam ecclesiae de martin lingeslet in curia regis coram iusticiariis nostr . ad custod . iudeorum assign . apud westm . eo quod non potuit alio modo distringi & attachiari , & quod idem iudeus propter timorem defaltarum illarum , & pro paupertate sua substraxit se a villa linc. & non ob aliam causam . rex ad instantiam alfonsi reg. castile & legionum illust . remisit quantum ad regem pertinet , eidem iudeo substractionem praedict . & ei praedict . cartas reddidit , ita quod in dicta villa linc. vel alibi inter iudeos regis libere & in bona pace morari possit , & stare juri quando et ubi debuerit , secundum legem & consuetudinem iudaismi regis . et mandat . est thesaur . & baron . scac. et iustic . quod sic fieri & teneri , & dicto iudeo praedict . cartas suas restitui fac . & de domibus ad ipsum iudeum spectantibus in praedict . villa linc. plaenam et celer●m iusticiam exbibeant eidem , secundum legem & consuetud . judaismi praedict . t. r. apud merton 10 die junii . per instic . mansell , & alios de concilio , it appears by this and former records , that the jews gold could procure kings , queens , and other grandees to be their intercessors upon all occasions . it is plain by this record , that the jews claimed an exemption from suits for their tallages before the barons of the exchequer . * rex de consilio suo provide concessit , quod de 500 marc . assesso super communitatem judeorum regi de tallagio suo arentata de termino st. michis de an . 44. de quibus barones de scac. summonitionem fieri ●ecerunt vic. r. per angliam ad responde● . ●nde coram praedict . baron . ad praedict . scac. eidem vic. respondeant ad scac. r. judeorum coram hugone le bygod . justic . angl. & justic . r. ad custod . judeorum assignat . et mandat . est praedict . baron . quod sic fieri et teneri faciant . t. r. apud woodst . 15 die august . per ipsum regem et consilium . this year divers jews being imprisoned , the king and his council gave order for their release till further provision made concerning them . * quia rex intendit ordinare de judaismo suo per consilium suum die dom. prox . post fest . s. mar. magdal . provisum est per consilium regis , et mandatum est ballivo de wallingford , constab . castri winton , & turris lond. quod omnes prisones judeos in custodia sua detentos deliberent quousque provisiopraedicta facta fuerit . et mandat est hugoni de cresse jude is lincoln , quod nullam interim districtionem faciant super praedict . judeos sed deliberationem illam ipsam ipsi permittant . ( anno 43. h. 3. a jews wife being banished out of england , the husband paid a fine in gold to have licence for her to return and dwell there . * ex parte judeae uxor abrahae russel quondam judeus de wilton , factus est finis cum rege pro 20 ralent . auri pro habenda licentia regis revertendi in angliam , & ibidem vivendi in pace , in rot . claus . t. rege . after this the iews giving the king 500 marks towards his passage into france , there issued this patent for the speedy and violent assessing and levying of it . * rex constab . turris london . salutem . cum iudei nostri angliae dederunt nobis 500 marc . sterling . ad passagium nostrum in franc. quod erit , deo voleute 1 die sept. instantis , tibi precipimus , & in fide qua nobis tener . firmiter injungimus , quatenus sicut honorem nostrum diligis , et indignationem et grave dampnum tuum volueris evitare ; statim visis literis absque omni dilatione facias assidi per coc : fil . aaron , man : blundum , et leon. preciosae 100l . super commun : judaeorum london , quae eis contingunt de praed . 500 mar . quibus festinanter assessis statim distringas tres praedictos assessores , quam omnes alios judaeos praed . villae per terras , catalla , et corpora eorum , uxorum & puerorum suorum , et omnibus modis aliis quibus melius scieris et poteris , ad reddendum hoc ad opus nostrum , portionem quemlibet ●orum contingentem de praed . 100 lib. ita quod eas habeas plenarie penes te per praedict . assessores judeos apud turrim london , die decol , sancti iohannis baptist . prox . instanti : et ita quod praedict . passag : nostrum ad praedict . diem pro defectu praedict . denariorium nullatenus impediatur . sciturus certissime , quod nos in omnibus mandatum nostrum adimplendis tam graviter ad te capiemus quod plus ex hoc senties te gravatum , quam si de tuo proprio solveres pecuniam memoratam . quia tuum gravamen dabit aliis timorem delinquendi . et habeas ibi tunc hoc breve . t. r. archidiac bed. thes . nostro apud westm . 6 die augusti . * mandat . est constabul . turris london , ( and three more there named ) quod omnes archas iudaeorum in pred . turri existentes aperiri , et omnia catalla et debita in eisdem inventa distrahi et aperte irrotulari faciant ; et ea quae ibid. invenient regi constare faciant . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud westm : 5. die nov. anno 44 h. 3. cok and his brother , two jews , having four years before made a fine of 2000 marks in silver , for the goods of their father , except the chattels the queen would take for her gold , &c. the king granted them for a fine to pay the arears of the 2000 mark at certain times , and in the mean time to be freed from all taxes , unless only for their own proper goods , as appears by a special patent ; part of which monyes they were to pay , and paid in gold into the wardrobe . this year there issued a precept to seize and levy all the jews debts . † mandatum est justic . ad custod . iud. assignatis , quod omnia debita , tam ea quae sunt in thesaur . judaismi regis , quā ea quae manent in summonitione contenta , in rotulis scacc. iudeorum quae scil . debita excedunt 20 mar . liberent sine dilatione the saurario et baronibus de scac. ponend . in summonitionem ibidem , retentis tamen penes ipsis iustic . transcriptis eorundem . t. r. apud s. paulum london 9. die maii per h. le bygod . anno 45 h. 3. * the king at the queens petition granted solomon eveske of london to be free from all taxes for two years ; he also issued forth these letters patents to search , inroll and inqui●e after all jews debts , pawns , estates , &c. † rex vic. constabular . castrorum , majoribus , ballivis , cirographr . et omnibus ministris suis de wilton , merleberge , glouc. bristol , & exon , et omnibus aliis presentes literas inspecturis , salutem . sciatis , quod assignavimus magist . robert : de meleel , et radul : de hocest . ad archas citogr . judaeorum aperiendas et scrutandas , et ad omnia debita in eisdem inventa irrotulanda ; et ad inquirend omnibus modis quibus melius viderint expedire , de bonis et catallis praed . judeorum , mobilibus et immobilibus extra archas : viz. quantum singuli habeant in auro et argento , vadiis , jocalibus , terris , redditibus , et omnibus rebus aliis , & in quorum manibus vel custodiis fuerint et devenerint , tam in civitatibus , villis , domibus religiosis , quam ab omnibus locis aliis ; ut de predict . debitis et catallis , et eorum quantitate certificari possumus . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod ad omnia praedicta exequenda et expedienda predicto roberto , et radul . sit is intendentes , consulentes et auxiliantes in omni forma quam vobis dicent et injungent ex parte nostra . in cujus &c. t. r. apud turr. london , 16 die iulii . consimiles literas pat. habet simon passelewe archis winton , oxon. bed. & northam . georgius de dover , willielmus hamselbech apud cant. essex , norff : suff. et canteb . roger de la lye , apud stanford , lincoln , not : et ebor. de hereford , warwicke , wigorn. this year the king granted this patent of safe conduct for a time to solomon a jew , who had abjured the realm , to return for a season for his special service . † rex omnibus &c. salutem . licet solomon le eveske judeus abj●ravit regnum nostrum , tamen quia inter homines terrae pro quibusdam negotiis nos specialiter tangentibus in angl : revertat , concessimus ei quod salvo et secure venire possit in regnum nostrum . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod eidem judeo in veniendo , morando , ceu recedendo malum non inferatis , vel inferri permittatis , impedimentum , dampnum vel gravamen . et si quid , &c. in cujus , &c. duratatur : usque ad festum sancti trin. prox : futur . t. r. apud turrim london 16 die april . this year the wardens and constable of the tower of london claimed this priviledge by prescription , that they ought to have the atachment & imprisonment of all jews , jewesses of london , and other places , and of all christians and jews that were to be attached or imprisoned by the judgement of the justices and exchequer of the iews , for any matters concerning judaisme ; and likewise to hold plea in the tower of all debts of iews under 40 s. which priviledge the king allowed , and commanded to be observed by this writ . * rex justic . suis ad custod iud. assign . salutem . quia custodes et constab . turris nostrae london semper habere consueverunt omnia attachiamenta tam iudeorum quam iudearum l●ndon ; quam aliorum iud : nostrorum forinsecorum ; et etiam imprisonamentum tam christianorum quam iudeorum , quos occasione iudaismi prisonae nostrae contigerit adjudicari , vel per preceptum nostrum , vel per considerationem scac. nostri judeorum . quia etiam predicti custodes et constab . tenere consueverunt placita inter christianos et iudeos , de vadiis usque ad summam 40 s. providimus & volumus , quod de cetero sic fiet in omnibus . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod omnes tam christianos , quam judeos ; quos contigerit per preceptum nostrum , vel considerationem praedicti scac. nostri iudeorum ca●cerali custodia ratione judaismi quoquo modo committi , eos liberari faciatis constab . turris nostrae , et per ipsos et ministros suos praedict . faciatis attachiamenta de judeis , et placita vadiorum teneri sicut praedict . est . ita quod nullus , nisi constabularius predict . turris nostrae de caetero se intromittat de hujusmodi attachiamentis vel imprisonamentis , vel placitis vadiorum praedict . et hoc faciatis firmiter teneri et observari . t. r. apud sanctum paulum london , 26 die maii. which record fully sets forth the iurisdiction of the keepers and constable of the tower of london , over the jews persons and affairs in that age . * rex iustic . ad custod : &c. monstravit nobis cresse iudeus de wilton , qui decimo anno preterito finem vobiscum fecisset per aurum ad opus nostrum , ut sine occasione implacitare posset coram vobis galf. de winelesford de debitis quae ei debet extra archam judaeorū ; quod idem galf. recognovisset coram vobis se debere praefato iudeo x. libr : attamen quidam prefat . iudeo invidentes ipsum super dicto debito fraudulenter et maliciose inquietare et molestare nituntur . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod si scrutatis rotulis scac. nostri judeorum inveneritis ipsum judeum finem predict . fecisse , tunc finem illum secundum irrotulat . praedict , et consuetudinem judaismi nostri remanere fac . sine occasione . t. r. apud windes . 5. die febr. the king wanting present moneys this year , sent forth this writ . quia rex plurimum indiget ad praesens pecunia . mandat . est justic . ad custod . iudeorum assignat . quod omnes denarios de judaismo regis quos reservant ad aurum inde emend . ad opus regis , sine dilatione liberent in garderoba regis aberico de fischamp , & petro de winton cler. et faciend . inde quod rex eis injunxit . * anno 46 h. 3. i find 18 several jews paying several fines to the king fot patents , and that they might abide within certain towns : as likewise a precept to the constable of the castle of glocester , to seise all the chattels houses , lands , and tenements of caupon a jew of glocester , and keep them safe till the king gave farther order ; with this further command to the barons . * mandatum est baron de scac. quod omnes cartas , tallias , et instrumenta inventa in archis regis cyrographariis de debitis judeorum per angliam , regi relictis seu concessis post ultimum scrutinium et proventum fact : de debitis predictis , per illos quos rex ad hoc deputavit , coram eis venire faciant , ad praedicta debita ad usus regis levanda secundum quod rex eis injunxit . t. &c. he likewise made several grants to jews , not to release , pardon , respite , or extend their debts , in this form . * rex omnibus , &c. sciatis , quod per finem quem benedictus de lincoln judeus fecit nobiscum , et de quo nobis satisfecit in garderoba nostra , concessimus eidem iudeo quod de nullis debitis suis , quae eidem debentur , aliquam extentam , aut terminorum prorogationem , quietantiam , seu donationem aliquam faciemus infra quinquennium , à tempore confectionis praesentium literatum . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud windsore 15. die maii. the like patents were then granted to 4 other jews , and to 8. jews more on the 19th of february . the jews of canterbury complaining to the king of violence offered to them by the people in canterbury , who broke open their doores , beat them , and intended to burn their houses with fire , in the night , issued this commission to inquire out the malefactors , that they might be punished . * cum rex ex parte judaeorum cant. gravem accepit querimoniam ; quod quidem malefactores et pacis regis perturbatores , tam clerici , quam laici ejusdem civitatis nuper venerunt noctanter ad domos eorundem judeorum in eadem villa , et ostia et fenestra eorundem domorum securibus exciderunt et fregerunt , et ad domus illas comburendas ignem ibidem detulerunt , & postmodum quo●dam ex judeis praedictis enormiter verberaverunt , & maletractaverunt contra pacem regis . rex assignavit walt. de bersted ad inquirend ▪ per sacram : &c. qui transgressionem praedict . fecerunt : & quid per eandem inquisitionem invenerit regi in propria persona sua sine dilatione scire fac . ut ad insolentiam predict . malesactorum reprimendam et correctionem debitam de transgressionibus predict . faciendam de consilio suo faciat , quod super fuerit faciendum . et mandat . est vic. kanc. &c. the justices of assize this year proceeding notwithstanding a prohibition from the justices of the jews to stay the proceedings in a suit for a jews house in colchester , which was recovered by his default , notwithstanding the prohibition , thereupon there issued this writ of restitution for the jew . † rex vic. essex salutem , cum willielmus de ponte nuper arraniavit per breve nostrum quandam assisam novae disseisinae coram nich. de true et sociis suis justic . nostris ultimo itin. in com. essex , vers . hanekun de flemeg . et ursellum judeum de colecester , de ten : in colecester : ac per iohannem de weston , et tho. de pynkesden , iustic . ad custod . iud. assign . eidem ursello sit inhibitum , ne alibi quam coram eis super aliquo respondere praesumeret ; per quod idem ursell : coram praefato nicho. et sociis suis iustic . nostris comparere non audebat praefato willielmo inde respondere . cumque assisa illa per defaltum praefati urselli tunc capta fuisset , ac idem willus . seisinam de tenem . predicto per ret . assisae praedict . ●ecuperavit . attendentes absentiam praefati iudaei occasione inhibitionis praedict . sibi factae ei non debere imputari ; tibi praecipimus , quod praefato iudeo tenem . praedict . cum pertinentiis rehabere fac . tenendum absque destructione vel absque alienatione , aliqua inde facienda , vizt . usque in crastinum epiphaniae dom : prox : futur . ita quod tunc vel citra , per praedict . mich. johan . & tho. quos iustic . nostros ad hoc assignavimus , exhibeant in praemissis utraque parte iusticiae complementum . et tu ipse provideas , quod per judicium supradictum de tenemento illo nulla fiat alienatio seu domorum deterioratio , nec aliquo modo inde fiat destructio , per quod tenementum illus interim deteriorari contingat . t. apud westm . 20 die octob. this year the king committed all the jews to his son edward , granting him the use of the seales of his exchequer , to seal his writs , and a new prison , as this record informs us . * rex thesaur . et baron . suis de scac. salutem . sciatis , quod concessimus edwardo fil . nostro . cui judaismum nostrum commissimus , quod justic . sui ad custod . judeorum assignat . habeant sigillum scac. nostri judeorum penes se , & quod omnia brevia et mandata ad iudaismum illum spectantia subsigillo scac. nostri judeorum mittant , ad sigilla nostra de cancellaria , vel de scaccario nostro . ita quod brevia et mandata praedict . ibi sine difficultate consignantur . et mandamus magistro i. de chishal cancellario scac. nostri , quod brevia et mandata illa sine difficultate consignari fac . et attornatos ejusdem filii nostri omnes denar . inde provenient . percipere permittat ad opus ejusdem fil . nostri , volumus etiam quod idem fil . noster habeat prisonam ad judeos et alios distringendos et justiciandos , prout secundum legem et consuetudinem regni nostri fieri debet et consue vit . et ideo sic fieri faciatis . t. r. 12 die iulii . mandatum est i. de chishal . cancellar scac. reg . quod omnia brevia & mandata quae justic . ad custod . jud. assign . sibi mittant sub ▪ sigillo scac. reg . judeorum , sine difficultate consignari fac . et attornatos edwardi fil . reg . cui rex iudaismum suum commisit ; et omnes denarios de praedictis brevibus et mandatis provenientes percipere permittat ad opus ejusdem fil . regis . t. ut supra . this year the king issued out this writ to extract quoddam feodum out of the chests of the iews of malle * a iew of canterbury , which the king granted to another , directed cyropraph . justiciariis & iudeis cant. & illum habeatis coram justic . nostr . ad custod iudeorum assign . at a set day , per unum ex vobis sub sigillis vestris , praedict iusticiariis nostris liberand . ad faciend . inde praeceptum nostrum , et habeas ibi hoc breve . t. w. bagod . apud westm . 4 die iun. there are 3 more the like writs this year . * the king by his charters this year granted sundry fees and annuities of several iews by their assents ( specified in their charters , in which several persons were obliged by their charters to these iews and their heirs ) unto robert walerand . habend . & tenend . eidem roberto , & haeredibus suis libere & quiete , integre & in pace , sine reclamatione nostri & haeredum nostrorum , & iudeorum praedictorum in perpetuum , secundum tenorem praedict . cartarum , &c. dat. per manum nostram apud westm . 2 die febr. king henry in the 47 year of his reign confirmed prince edwards grant of the iews ( to whom he formerly assigned them ) unto the caturcensian merchants ( to whome the iews and judaisme were morgaged for moneys advanced on them ) by this patent . * rex universis ad quos , &c. salutem . cum edwardus noster dilectus primogenitus , ex praecepto , assessu et voluntate nostra concesserit & tradiderit insolutum petro ceraudo & willo bernand . frarribus , pro seipsis , & eorum sociis civibus et mercatoribus caturcens . pro mutuo per dom. edwardum ab eisdem mercatoribus habito & recepto london , pro negotiis ipsius edwardi & regn . nostri gravibus & arduis , totum iudaismum nostrum ipsius regni nostri cum scac. ejusdem iudaismi , et omnibus et singulis aliis proventibus et exitibus ceterisque ad idem iudaismum spenctantibus . habend . et tenend . a die confectionis instrumenti interdict . edwardum et prefatos mercatores super dicto mutuo confecto usque ad quindenam sancti iohis baptistae . anno dom. 1265. prout in instrumento praedicto patente seu literis dicti edwar. quod seu quas eidem mercatores penes se habent plenius continetur . nos praedict . concessionem et traditionem ratas habentes et gratas , eisdem praedict . mercatoribus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris inviolabiter concedimus , ac etiam in omnibus confirmamus . promittentes nos praedict . concessionem et traditionem , prout in praenominato instrumento , seu literis sunt contentae , warrantizare , protegere , seu defendere contra omnes , pro nobis et heredibus nostris . in cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras eisdem mercatoribus fieri fecimus patentes . dat apud london 11 die iunii . an. r. n. 47. his testibus dom. rico. rege aleman . fratre nostro . humfred . de bohun . com. heresord et essex , tho. basset justic . nostr . angl. hugh le bygod . iohn mansel thes . ebor. rob. waller , ebulone de montibus , petro de essevel , et aliis . this year some iews were indicted before the justices itinerant , and imprisoned and outlawed for receiving stollen goods , as this record informs us to stop the utlawry . * rex vic. sussex salutem . cum manuel de maford et jacob fil . benedict . iudei nuper indictati coram iustic . nostris ultimo itinerantibus in com . tuo de receptamento latrocinium se reddiderunt ad prisonam nostram , parati inde secundum legem & consuetudinem regni nostri stare juri , & tibi preceptum fuit ab eisdem iustic . nostris ipsos de comitatu in comit . propter contumaciam suam exigi , & praeter modum utlagari . tibi praecipimu● , quod ab utlagaria in ipsos promulgata desistas , & bona eorundem iudeorum ad opus nostrum reservari , & salvo custodiri fac . donec aliud inde tibi praecipimus . teste rege apud westm . 14 die febr. king henry , anno 48. made this proclamation to prevent all violence against the jews in vvinton , and other places , and preserve them & theirs under his peace and protection , as well as his other subjects , threatning losse of life and member to all such as should hurt or molest them , as this patent manifests , committing them to the protection of 26 of the chief citizens of winchester by this patent . rex willo . fromund ( and to 25 more there named ) civibus suis winton , salutem . cum divina cooperante gratia , pax in regno nostro ordinata sit , firmata , et ubique per ipsum regnum proclamata ; ac de consilio baronum nostrorum provisum sit , et ex parte nostra , et ipsorum publice sit inhibitum , ne quis sub poena exhaeredationis et periculo vitae et membrorum super aliquem currat , nec homicidia vel incendia , de predationes vel roberias , seu alia hujusmodi faciat enormia , nec cuiquam damnum inferat contra pacem nostram . cumque judeos nostros winton in nostram defensionem et protectionemspecialem suscepimus , una cnm familiis , rebus , et omnibus possessionibus suis , et ad tuitionem , et majotem securitatem eorum , vos de consilio baronum nostrorum ad custodiam ipsorum judeorum assignavimus . vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes , quatenus per totam civitatem praedict . ex parte nostra , et baronum nostrorum praedict . publice proclamari , et firmiter inhiberi faciatis , ne quis sub periculo vitae et membrorum praedictis judeis vel suis familiis in personis vel rebus suis inferat dampnum , molestiam vel gravamen . et vos ipsi judeos ipsos , familias suas , res , terras , et omnes possessiones eorum infra praedictam civitatem , et extra , quantum in vobis est manuteneatis , protegatis , et defendatis , talem ad hoc diligentiam apponentes , quod vos inde merito commendare possumus . teste rege apud st. paulum , london 14 die iunii . the king by the like letters patents committed the jews of nothampton to 26 burgesses of the town , to be garded and protected by them , whose names are specified in the patent , which recites : cum propter turbationem nuper habitam in regno nostro , et maxime propter conflictum nuper habitum apud northampt. judei northampt. ad cast . fugerunt , & ibidem pro timore moram hactenus fecerunt castrum illud exire non audentes , de quo jacturam non modicam jam incurrimus , ac sedata turbatione praedicta , et inspirante gratia divina , pax inter nos et barones nostros ordinata sit ac firmata , ac in regno nostro publice proclamata ; propter quod de consilio nostro providimus , quod eidem judei redeant in villam prxdict . ibidem moraturi , sicut prius morari consueverunt . ac etiam ad tuitionem et majorem securitatem eorundem , vos ad custodiam eorum assignavimus . vobis mandamus , quod judeos illos , et omnes possessiones suas manuteneatis , &c. ( as in the former . ) cyrographariis autem , et custodibus archae judeorum in villa praedicta cum opus fuerit consulentes sitis et auxiliantes ad ea facienda et exequenda quae ad officium suum pertinent in eadem villa , pro quo diligentiam vestram merito commendare debeamus . t. r. apud st. paulum 2 die iun. the like patents were sent majori & vicecomitibus london , reciting the publike peace proclaimed , as the first patent doth , then adding . cumque iudeos nostros london , pro timore turbationis supradict . adhuc existentes apud turrim nostram london , in nostram defensionem et protectionem suscipimus specialem , una cum familiis , rebus , et omnibus possessionibus eorundem , ac ipsis judeis concessimus , quod ad domos suas infra civitatem praedict . libere redire , & eas secure et absque aliquo impedimento inhabitare possint , sicut prius ante turbationem praedict . fieri consueverunt . vobis de consilio baronum praedict . mandamus firmiter injungentes , quatenus per totam civitatem praedict . ex parte nostra , et baronum ipsorum publice proclamari et firmiter inhiberi faciatis , ne quis sub periculo vitae et membrorum praed . judeis et familis suis in personis vel rebus eorum inferat dampnum , molestiam , vel gravamen . vos autem eos de caetero infra civitatem praed . ●quam extra quantum in vobis est , manuteneatis , protegatis , et defendatis , pro quo vos specialiter recommendare debeamus . t. r. apud st. paulum london , 11 die iunii . the like patents were granted to most other towns where the jews resided , who by reason of the late troubles fled into castles to preserve their lives and goods from plunder during the civil wars between the king * and barons , wherein many of them were pillaged of all their estates , and some killed . in the fine roll of 48 h. 3. i find sundry releases made by the king to diverse english men of the fees and debts belonging unto jews , running in this unusuall form . * rex justic . ad custod . judeorum assign . salutem . sciatis nos de gratia nostra speciali remisisse di●ilectis et fidelibus nostris rogero bertram ( and sundry others there named ) ut nobis devotiores , et ad obsequium nostrum promptiores efficiantur , omnia feoda , in quibus ipsi aut eorum antecessor . teneb . quibuscunque judeis nostris angliae . pardonavimus etiam prefatis r. &c. fidelibus nostris praedict . omnes usuras et poenas in quibus ipsi vel sui antecessores eisdem iudeis per cartas suas teneantur . ita videlicet quod in pecunia quam praedict . r. &c. a prefatis judeis mutuo ceperunt , eisdem judeis reddere teneantur , super qua quidem pecunia prefat . r. &c. sacramento suo coram vobis prestito , et aliorum fide dignorum ad hoc juratorum credantur . et ideo vobis mandamus quod omnes iudeos qui in regno nostr . existunt presentes , vel haetedes eorum qui mortui sunt , quibus iidem fideles nostri in aliquo debito tenebantur certis diebus et locis coram vobis venite , et omnes cartas , per quas omnibus judeis angliae tenebantur in aliquibus debitis vel feodis , ab archis cyrograph . judeorum extrahi , et eisdem liberari , et ipsos de predict . feodis de poenis et usu●is quietos es●e , et sic fieri et irrotulari faciatis . ita tamen , quod dict . pecunia sic a iudeis praefat . mutuo accepta , praedicti r. &c. eisdem iudeis ad rationabiles terminos , quos eis assignabitis satisfaciant , ita quod dicta pecunia sic mutuata non usuret , et si praefa●i judei , ve● aliqui ex ipsis fuerint mortui , ita quod catalla sua sunt nostra escaeta , tunc praedicti r. &c. nobis inde satisfaciant ad scac. nostrum . t. r. apud vvestm . 28 die octob. the like i find to this in fines 49 h. 3. m. 6 anno 49 h. 3. 〈◊〉 meet with this record about a charter supposed to be forged by a jew . * rex majori northam : salutem . cum ad suggestionem tuam . johannem fil : eustach . &c. isaac de burd , &c. iudeos pro quadam carta falsa confecta per te arrestari , et salvum custodiri praecipimus , et th ▪ de brampton , &c. manuceperunt coram nobis , ad habendum praefat . johan . &c. coram iustic : nostris ad custod : iud assignat . a die &c. ad standum recto si quis versus eos inde lonqui voluerit . tibi praecipimus , quod praefat . iudeos in propria persona tua habeas coram praefat . justi● . die praedict . ad standum recto de crimine supradicto . et hoc sicut te et omnia tua diligis , nullatenus omittas , et habeas ibi cartam praedictam , et hoc breve . t. r. apud hereford , 12 die maii. there is the like writ for others in the same case . the same year this writ issued to seise all the jews and judaism into the kings hand , formerly granted to pr. edward , because he had joyned with some rebels against the king , allowing some , displacing other of his officers , and commanding them not to obey the prince . * rex thesaur . et camer ariis suis salutem . quia edwardus fil . ● . cui judaismum nostrum sicut nostis , ad tempus commissimus , nostro prorsus ac magnatum et fidelium nostrorum spreto consilio , subito et ex inopinato jam recessit ad quosdam rebelles nostros se transferendo , qui nos gravare , et pacem regni nostri perturbare proponunt , dictum iudaismū capimus in manum nostram . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod assumpto vobiscum magistro thom. de cantelupo cancellario nostro si adhuc londini existat , tallagium nuper assessum super iudaismum predict . per tho. de irpergue ad hoc assignat . per praedict . fil . nostr . videri , et illud ad opus nostrum colligi , et salvo custodiri fac . donec aliud inde praeciperimus . adam vero de winton socium roberti de crep : ab officio suo amoveatis , et loco ejus will. de hachelbeche substituatis . ita , quod idem vvillielmus et robertus officio iusticiariae iudeorum amodo intendant , donec aliter inde duxerimus ordinand . et eisdem iustic . firmi er injungatis ex parte nostra , ne praefato fil . nostro , vel suis , in aliquo intendant , et quod ab omnibus iudeis angliae hoc idem scire faciant . et hoc non omittatis . t. r. apud hereford ; 30 die maii. in the fine rolls of ann. 49. the king pardons rich : de la hyde his debts , &c. whose lands and tenements were not sufficient to satisfie the debts for which they were obliged to sundry jews there named . * omnia debita , usuras , poenas et feoda , in quibus tenetur iudeis praedictis in aliquibus debitis , usuris , poenis vel feodis ab archis cyrograph : iudeorum extrahi , et praef . rico. liberari , et ipsum de predict . debitis , usuris , poenis et feodis quietum esse , et sic fieri et irrot . faciant . t. r. apud hereford 19. die iunii . per regem et justic . the like to this and the former in fines 48. i find frequent in this * fine roll : to above 20 other several persons , after the battel of lewes therein specified . in 50 h. 3. * mandatum est th. bacun , quod rotulos et brevia iudaismum tangentia , quae sunt in custodia sua , liberet iustic . ad custod . iudeor . assign . custodiend . quamdiu rex aliud inde praeceperit . this year the king writing to hagi●o a jew of london , to deliver monyes of the merchants of flanders there arrested and left in his custody , * begins thus . rex hagino fil . mossei iudeo london , statum vitae melioris , cum per literas nostras , &c. the same year the king granted to aaron le blund , † a jew , liberty to sue for his debts , which he formerly pardoned his debtors , non obstante pardonatione nostra de debitis dicti rogeri praefato judaeo facto . the jews sustaining much loss by the barons and kings enemies , i find this recitall thereof by the king , who granted them other jews debts for their relief , as this and other presidents manifest . † rex iustic . suis ad custod , &c. soiatis quod pro dampnis et jacturis quae haginus fil . mossei iudeus london , pro nobis sustinuit in turbatione habita in regno nostro , nos in auxilium relevationis suae status , dedimus ei 50 lib. in quibus willielmus de dyve defunctus per cartam suam tenebatur jacobo fil . ladonis iudeo london , nuper defuncto , cujus debita et catalla devenerunt ad manum nostram ratione mortis ejusdem . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod praedict 50 lib. secundum consuetud . judaismi nostri leuari , et eidem hagino , una cum carta supradicta liberari faciatis de dono nostri . t. r. apud westm . 1 die april . the like grant of another jews debt upon the same account , was this year made to elyas , sonne of mosse a jew , to be allowed in his tallages and other debts to the king. ibid. m. 10. the king pardons peter de novel and andrew de winton the debts they owed to jews . the iews in london both before and after the battel of lewes , being spoiled of their houses and goods there during the civil wars , by the kings enemies and the barons then in arms against them ; he thereupon in the 50 year of his reign , enabled them to sue for , and recover their goods and houses again , ( except such as himself had sold and disposed of ) and restored them to the self-same condition they were in before the battle of lewes , by this ensuing writ and grant . * rex hugoni filio ottonis custodi civitatis suae , london , salutem . cum pro variis dampnis et inju●is iudeis nostris angliae in turbatione regni nostri ab inimicis nostris illatis , de consilio magnatum nostrorum qui sunt de consilio nostro , concessimus omnibus et singulis iudeis praedictis , quod ipsi quoad bona et possessiones suas recuperanda sint in eodem statu quo fuerunt die conflictus de lewes ; ac quidem inimici nostri in turbatione in regno nostro habita domos iudaeorum nostrorum london in eadem civitate tàm ante bellum praedictum quàm post occupaverint : ac etiam quidam deorum praedictorum pro timore turbationis praedictae domos suas in eadem civitate reliquerunt , et ad alias partes se transtulerunt : nos eisdem fudaeis gratiam uberi●rem facere volentes , concessimus et reddidimus singulis iudaeis nostris london , omnes domos suas praedictas ante bellum praedictum , et post bellum illud occasione turbationis praedictae occupatas & detentas ; exceptis domibus quorundam judaeorum praedictorum london , quas in eadem civitate quibuscunque prius concessimus . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod praefatis iudaeis de domibus suis praedictis in quorumcunque , manibus exist●nt , plenam seis●nam habere facias , sicut praedictum est . t. r. apud vvestm . 14 dii novembris . in the * patent rolls of this year , the king grants the houses and debts of several jews escheated to him by their deaths or othewise , to several jews , impoverished dampnis et gravaminibus sibi ad inimicis nostris illatis tempore turbationis habita in regno nostro , &c. volens eis gratiam facere specialem . besides , upon this account i find this general patent and proclamation of protection for the jewes of london . * rex rich. de ceual ( and 45 more there named ) civibus london salutem . quia iudei nostri london tempore turbationis in regno nostro jacturas quamplurimas et enormia sustinuerunt , nos dispendiis et ●acturis eorum compatientes ipsos , terras , res , domos , redditus , et omnes eorum possessiones , in defensionem et protectionem nostram suscepimus● specialem . nos ad eorum majorem tuitionem et securitatem custodiam et protectionem vos assignantes . et ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quatenus per totam civitatem praedict . london publice proclamari fac . ne quis sub periculo vitae et membrorum praedict . iudaeis in personis vel rebus suis dampnum inferat molestiam aut gravamen , et vos ipsi iudeos illos , familias suas , terras , vel redditus ▪ domos , et omnes possessiones suas , et eorum bona infra civitatem 〈◊〉 et extra quantum in vobis est man●teneatis ▪ protegatis et defendatis , non inferentes , &c. ( as in the former ) et si quid &c. talem diligentiam apponentes ut vobis , &c. donatur per vicecomitem t. r. consimiles literae habent iudei cantebr . ballivis et probis hominibus cant. directae durant , ut supra . * this year the king granted the custody of the iews rolls , and a salary for it by this patent . † rex omnibus , &c. sciatis quod commissimus dilecto clerico nostro tho. wabrun . rotulos et brevia nostra iudaismi nostri custodiend . quamdiu nobis placuerit , ita quod capiat per annum ad scac. nostr . 10 lib. vid. 100 s. ab scac. nostr . st. michis . et 100s . ad scac. nostr . pasche ad se sustentandum in officio praedicto quamdiu frerit in eodem . the same year the king by * patent granted leave to sundry jews , presently to sue for , and levy their debts upon their creditors , and distrain them for them , and likewise that he will not release , pardon nor respite the debts due to them from sundry particular persons expressed in the patents , in form like those already cited elsewhere . yea i find this writ for electing a new cyrographer in the place of one that was dead , issued this year . † rex constab . castri winton et ballivis ejusdem villae , sa●utem . quia petrus westman christianus unus cyrogr. arch. iud. winton diem clausit extremum , ut rex accepit . vobis mandamus , quod per sacramentum 12. tam christianorum quam iudeorum villae praedict . eligi fac . loco praedict . pet. unum alium coffrarium , qui praestito sacramento sicut moris est . officio illo de caetero intendat , et nomen ejus regi scire fac . t. r. apud cant. 26 die oct. and this recital of the kings grant of his iudaisme to the prince , and a confirmation of his grant to a jew . † rex omnibus , &c. sciatis quod cum dudum commiss●rimus dilect . primog . nostro judaismum nostrum angliae , habendum ad certum terminum ▪ cum omnibus ad judaismum illum pertinentibus ; item quod idem fil . noster omnia inde medio tempore illo perciperet judeorum , tam ratione mortis iudeorum , aliunde quam eodem modo-quo nos percipere debuissemus , si iudaismum praedict , in manu nostra ●e●uissemus , et dictus fil . noster tertiam partem omnium catal , et debitorum quae fuerunt deulecres filius aaron qui tunc in fata concess●● , ad ipsum filium nostr . ratione mortis e●usdem deulecres , sicut moris est in iudaismo pertinentem occasione ●os●rae concessionis antedict . dederit et concesserit hagio fil . mosse iudeo london , una cum custodia catal . et debitorum pertinent . ad pueros & haeredes ejusdem deulacres de catallis et debitis supradictis . nos praedict . donationem & concessionem ratam habemus & acceptam . volentes etiam eidem hagino gratiam facere specialem , concedimus eidem quod de debitis 〈◊〉 extentam ; vel etiam prorogationem seu quietantiam , aliquam vel donum nou faciemus infra quinquen●ium a tempore confect . presentium . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud westm . 26 die novemb. in 51 h. 3. i find this grant to divers plundered jews of lincoln , and other parts to recover their pawns which they could prove though their charters were lost or not extant on record . rex dilectis et fidelibus suis custodibus pacis in com. linc. north. ebor. & vic. eorundem com. et vic. norf. suff. et rutland , et omnibus ballivis et fidelibus nostris quos , &c. salutem . volentes manfro ( and to sundry other iews there named ) iudeis linc. et aliis iudeis nostris ejusdem civit. pro dampniset gravaminibus eis ab inimicis nostris illatis in insultu habito apud linc : nec non et in turbatione regni nostri gratiam facere ad praesens . concessimus quod vadia sua nominata in cyrogr. inter ipsos et debit . suos confect . de debitis quae sibi rationabiliter monstrari poterint , in quorumcunque manibus existent vadia illa in manus suas secundum legem et consuetudinem iudaismi nostri seisientur , donec debita illa levantur et persolventur eisdem sicut praedict . est ; nisi debitores illi rationabiliter monstrare poterint , quod de debitis illis debent esse quieti . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud windsore . * the like patent he made to aaron the son of lion le blund a jew of london this year upon the same grounds , being plundered by the king enemies in london and elsewhere . * in 52 h. 3. the king confirmed the grant of s●m . a jew of york to hagino a jew of london , of certain houses in york , and grants to him further : pro nobis et haeredibus nostris sibi et haeredibus suis , quod supra domos praedict . nulla fiat districtio pro aliquibus debitis in quibus aaron ( the father of samuel ) nobis tenebatur die quo in fata concessit . t. r. 30 die aug. he likewise * ratified the grant of a jew of wilton of a debt due to him to tho. de irpeign , with the grants of several houses in winton by sundry christians and jews to benedict a jew of winton , pardons a fee to a jew , and grants some jews that had suffered for him leave to levy their debts on their debtors lands . there is likewise * mention of what moneys were delivered into the kings vvardrobe this year out of the profits of his judaisme , and an acquittance thereof to his iustices . this year the † king granted to hagino fil . mossei and some other jews , † that they should be exempted & quieti de omnibus auxiliis et tallagiis super ipsis assidendis , et de quibuscunque debitis in quibus nobis t●nentur , from the feast of st. andrew usque in terminum proximo sequent . t. r. apud clarendo● 27 die novemb. † in the clause rolls this year i find fines made by the jews to the king , to enjoy the goods and debt ▪ of other iews ; † prohibition● to the iustices i●inerant no● to suffer any iews to be vexed or prosecuted before them ; cum sicut nostis iudei angliae , coram aliquibus . iustic . nostr . de aliquibus judaismum nostr . tang●●●ibus non deb●ant placitare vel respondere , nisi coram iustic . nostri● ad custod . iud. assignatis . a grant to some iews not to pardon , acquit prorogue , or ●extend their debts for 5 years , with a confirmation thereof , and repeal of all subsequent grants to the contrary . * and a grant of one jews debt to another , and power to levy it , notwithstanding any former pardons and releases thereof . in the plea rolls of hilary term , anno 52 h. 3. in the treasury of the exchequer , theie are several legal suits and proceedings before the justices of the jews in the exchequer , some whereof i shall transcribe . † decanus et capitulus linc. per suum attornatum opt . se 4 die versus mosseum de warwic . de placito , quod injustè ab eis exigit debitum per quandam cartam falsam , et contra assisam iudaismi confectam , ut dicunt ; et ipse non venit . et praeceptum fuit constabulario , quod ipsum attachiari faciat , ita quod haberet corpus ejus coram justiciariis , &c. upon which the constable returned , quod dictus mosseus non est inventus , &c. et similiter praeceptum est vicecomiti linc. quod attachiari faciat , & ● . in this roll there are divers actions against jews , de placito acquietationis debiti , &c. to discharge them of debts , and to deliver up their charters , pawnes and morgages , pretended to be discharged , released , pardoned , or satisfied . * done de walingford petit versus henricum cobbe , custodem haeredis et terrarum nicholai cuppins medietatem unius messuagii in parochia sancti petri in winton , quae quondam fuit dyay viri sui ; unde ipse dyay vir ipsius ipsam secundum legem et consuetudinem iudaismi ▪ dotavit , &c. in the 7th roll there is a confirmation of the kings of certain debts and annuities assigned by hagino son of moses , a jew , to adam of stratton , and this ensuing writ to the sheriff of essex and elswhere , to discharge one peter fitz-roger of all debts due to the jews , after proclamation made in the schools and synagogues of the iews two or three sabbaths , and not suing for them within a prefixed time , after such proclamations returned . praeceptum fuit vicecomiti essex , quod clamari faciat per scolas judeorum colecester , per duo vel tria sabbata , si aliquis judeus vel judea aliquod debitum exigere poterit de rogero filio petri , filii gilberti , de debito suo proprio , vel , &c. tunc essent ad compotum . et vicecomiti mandatur tam litera latina quam hebraica , quod nullus judeus vel judea aliquod debitum exiget de predicto rogero , &c. eodem modo praeceptum fuit constabulario castri norwic. and others , by writs both in latin and hebrew ; and the certificate returned upon these writs was made both in latine and hebrew ; the usual form in that age in such cases . in like manner , praeceptum fuit constabulario turris london , quod clamari faciat per scolas judaeorum london , per duo vel tria sabbata , si aliquis iudeus vel iudea aliquod debitum exigere poterit , &c. that then they should come in ad computandum , &c. and the returns of them are in hebrew and latin. in the same roll there is a recital of a charter made by the king , dilecto fratri et fideli nostro willielmo de valence , et haeredibus vel assignatis , of an annuity of 50 marks yearly , wherein peter fitz matthew was bound to aaron ben abraham a iew of london , usque in finem saeculi , ( the usual form of the iews charters , in cases of fee simple ) which annuity the iew had given to the king. in the end of the charter the king warrants the gift , secundam assisam iudaismi . in the dorse of the same * roll , there is a confirmation by the king of an assignment of annuities & debts , to william charls , by sampson son of le mestre a jew ; and a vvrit iusticiariis ad custodiam iudaeorum assignatis , to inroll the patent , dated ad clarendon : with divers other writs of that nature . in the 8 roll * of the pleas that year , there is this writ to the sheriff . * henricus dei gratia , &c. vicecomiti essex salutem . constat justiciariis nostris ad custodiam judeorum assignatis per inspectionem rotulorum de scaccario nostro , scilicet , quod aaron filius duessad vendidit et demisit dilecto et fideli nostro g. de clare , com. glouc. et hereford , unum debitum de 20 l. de feodo , sub nomine willielmi de bernham , et magistri elye iudei , together with other debts , &c. et quod praedictus aaron habuit seisinam per praeceptum nostrum de terris & tenementis quae fuerunt praedictorum vvillielmi et roberti ( another of the debtors ) in borham , pro debitis praedictis , quam quidam seisinam praefatus comes habuit per praeceptum nostrum , occasione venditionis praedictae de terris et tenementis praedictis . ac postmodum iohanna quae fuit uxor will. de berneham , et iohannes anger in curia nostra coram nobis recuperaverunt seisinam de praedictis terris & tenementis per judicium curiae nostrae praedictae . et quia eadem seisina sic prefatis iohannae et iohanni adjudicata , &c. nihil debet praejudicare predicto comiti , quin secundum assisam et consuetudinem judaismi nostri habeat talem seisinam de terris et tenetis praedictis qualem prius habuit occasione dictorum debitorum ut predictum est , tibi praecipimus quod seisinam quam praefatus comes prius habuit de terris et tenementis predictis , eidem rehabere facias , &c. in the same roll there is this inquisition made upon the murder of a jew slain at oxford . * praeceptum fuit constabulario castri oxoniae et cyrographo christiano et judeo archae cyrograph ▪ ejusdem ; quod per sacramentum 12 iudeorum inquirant , quae bona et catalla iacobus baseni de oxon : judeus oxon interfectus , habuit die quo interfectus fuit . eodem modo preceptum est ballivis oxon : quod per sacramentum 12 christianorum inquirant quae catalla dictus iacobus habuit die quo interfectus fuit , &c. which will well explain the articles in the ancient eyres , and the manner of inquiry and proceedings thereon , * de catallis iudaeorum occisorum , &c. in the plea rolls of the same year and term there is this record , manifesting , that all debts and stars of converted jews belonged to the king. * iospin fil . solomon de merlebridge shews to the court that iocette his sister was married to salom filius lumbard . of kirkland : et quod ipsa habuit in archa cyrogr. merlebridge , unum cyrographum de 32 marcis sub nomine suo et hugonis lovel rectoris ecclesiae de rudburn ; that iocette became a convert christian , and then did solomon alter the deed in his own name ; quae quidem carta fuit domini regis , per conversionem praedictae jocettae , et quod hoc totum sit verum , obligat omnia bona &c. ( out of spight to his sister for that she was turned christian to make her forfeit this debt ) et preceptum est vicecomiti , quod venire faciat praedictum hugonem et cyrographum christianum archae cyrographorum merlebrige , et 6. christianos de merlebrig &c. et postea ipse iospinus non est prosecutus . ideo omnia catalla dicti iospini capiantur in manum domini regis , prout ipse obligavit , &c. a just requital of his malice . * praeceptum fuit cyrograph . christianis et iudaeis archae cyrogr. norwic. quod ad archam accedant , &c. and there take out 20 l : debt . for edward the prince due unto him , &c. * praeceptum est cyrograph : christian . & judeis archae cyrogr. norwic. quod ad archam praedictam accedant , and there take out all the charters , pawns , and rolls belonging to abraham a few of norwich for the kings use , because he had not paid his tallage of ten pounds to the king. rot. 10 , 11 , and 12. of the pleas of hil. 52 h. 3. consist for the most part of sta●rs of the jews : some whereof are assignments of debts , and sales of annuities by jews to adam de stratton , simon de zouch , and other christians , ratified by the kings confirmation : others of them , releases of debts by way of acquittance . these stars usually began thus : solomon de london judaeus , cegnovit per starrum suum , &c. in the 53 year of king henry the 3. a certain jew abetted by the other jews , in high contempt of christ crucified , in the solemn procession at oxford on ascention day , threw down and brake in peeces the crosse that was carried before the university in procession , and then fled . wherupon by the kings special command all the in oxford were apprehended , and their goods secured , till they out of their own goods and chattels erected a new standing beautifull high crosse , adorned with guilt pictures of christ and our lady , in the place where this wickednesse was perpetrated , and made another rich portable silver guilded crosse , to be carried before the university of the masters and scholars of oxford in their processions , which were to be made by a time prefixed , for the publike manifestation of the honour of god in this behalf , as these ▪ records at large inform us , though not mentioned by any of our historians . * rex vic. oxon. salutem . cum judaei nostri oxon. nobis adhuc non responderint de corpore illius judei qui in vituperium crucifixi crucem in solempni processione die ascentionis domini prostravit et fregit , per quod tibi pluries praecipimus , quod omnes judeos praedictos si ne dilatione caperes , et salvo custodires , et quod non permitteres eos aliquam administrationem habere de bonis et catallis eorum donec sufficientem tibi prestarent securitatem , quod sumptibus suis quandam crucem marmoream pulchram et altam , bene et decenter incisam et pollitam cum imagine crucifixi in capite ex parte una , et cum imagine beatae virginis cum filio suo ex parte altera , convenienter sitis , et auro depictis , una cum causa predicta manifeste superscripta , in loco ubi scelus praedictum extitit perpetratum . et quandam aliam cru●em portatilem argenteam bene et subtiliter et decenter fabricatam , et deauratam , cum hasta sine baculo , ejusdem magnitudinls cum crucibus honorificis quas archiepiscopi coram se faciunt deportari , deferend . ante universitatem magistrorum et scolarium oxon. deferenda in processionibus suis facerent , et quod provid . quod pecunia ad praemissa facienda , cito levaretur , et quod omnia praemissa cum omni festinatione qua fieri posset expleres , et praedict . crucem portatilem procuratoribus universitatis praedictae ●●s●odiendam liberares ; ita quod praemissa fierent citra festum sancti edwardi ▪ quod erit in vigilia epiphan . dom. proximo futur . ac tu quosdam de judeis praedict . juxta mandatum nostrum praedict . ceperis , qui ante captionem suam bona et catalla sua diversis hominibus civitatis praedictae liberaverunt , per quod tu mandatum nostrum praedict . minus plene exequi potes nos volentes ▪ quod praemissa modis omnibus fiant in forma praedicta , tibi praecipimus , quod assumptis tecum majore villae praedict . et coffrariis judeorum nostrorum ejusdem villae in praesentia proborum et legalium hominum de villa praedicta per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit , diligenter inquiras ad quorum manus bona et catalla praedictorum judeorum devenerunt , et qui ea tenent , et de bonis et catallis praedictis in quorumcunque manibus existant omnia praemissa fieri facias per visum et testimonium hominum praedictorum , prout melius et citius videris expedire , et si necesse fuerit , bona et catalla praed . ad hoc vendas , et taliter te habeas in hoc mandato nostr . exequendo , quod id quod ad honorem dei intendimus , in hac parte manifestetur publice per effectum , et quod praemissa fiant sine mora , t. r. apud winton , 27 die december . the money hereupon being levied on the jews to make these crosses , and the king being informed that the marble crosse could not be erected in the place prescribed , without damage and prejudice to some burgesses of oxford , whereupon they purposed to erect it just over against the jews synagogue there . the king and his counsel conceiving that place inconvenient , ordered it to be set up within the place of merton colledge near the church ▪ and the other portable cross to be delivered to the schollars thereof , to be kept in their said house , by this writ . * rex vic. majori ballivis & coffrariis suis oxon. salutem . cum judei nostri oxon. quandam crucem quae in solempni processione die ascentiones dom. per villam nostram oxon. deferebatur , in vituperium crucifixi prostraverint ec fregerint , per quod vobis alias praecipimus , quod sumptibus judeorum praedict . fac . quandam crucem marmoream pulchram et altam , bene incisam et politam cum imagine crucifixi in capite ex parte una , et cum imagine beatae virginis cum filio suo ex parre altero convenienter sitis , et auro depictis . una cum causa praedicta manifeste superscripta , in loco ubi scelus praedictum extitit perpetratum , et quandam aliam crucem portatilem argenteam bene subtiliter et decenter fabricatam et deauratam , cum hasta sine baculo , ejusdem magnitudinis quam habent cruces quas archiepiscopi faciunt coram se deportari , ante universitatem magistrorum et scolarium oxon. deferendam in processionibus suis . et postmodum intellexerimus , quod crux praedicta marmorea in placea ubi scelus praedictum extitit perpetrarum sine dampno et nocumento quorundam . burgensium ejusdem villae erigi non posset , per quod vobis alias praecepimus , quod crucem praedictam in alia placea , ubi sine dampno et nocumento ejusdem villae fieri possit , erigi face●etis , quod ex opposito synagogae iud. ejusdem villae facere provid . ut accepimus nos perpendientes , quod hoc indecens et inhonest . esset ▪ de confilio edwardi primogeniti nostri , et aliorum fidelium nostrorum , qui sunt de concilio nostro , volumus , quod praedicta crux marmorea erigatur in placea scholarium de merton , juxta ecclesiam suam st. joh. baptistae in villa praed . et ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes , quod crucem praedictam marmoream modo praedicto factam in placea praedictorum scholarium erigi , et praedictam crucem portatilem praedictis scholaribus liberari faciatis , custodiend . in domo sua ibidem ; ita quod eam deferri facian● an in solempni processione coram magistris et scolaribus praedictis sicut praedictum est . et hoc nullatenus omittatis . t. r. apud westm . 3 die febr. i have transcribed these two records at large , for these reasons : 1. because they are not remembred by any of our chronicles . 2ly . because they fully manifest the bold and desperate enmity of the jews in that age against our crucified saviour , in throwing down and breaking his image , and representation of his passion and crosse , even in the solemn procession of all the university and scholars of oxford on ascention day . a very bold attempt in that popish age , which might have endangered all their lives . 3ly . because they evidence the kings and his councils zeal to punish this their malicious wickednesse , and to perpetuate the memory of it to all posterity , at the jews own costs , by the making of these two crosses , on which their wickednesse was to be ingraven in marble , that it might be had in perpetual memory . 4ly . because it discovers the malice of the jews in hiding their goods , and conveying them to others hands , to prevent the making and erecting of these crosses . 5ly . because they make mention of the jews synagogue at oxf. by name , which no other records remember . 6ly . because they fully discover the form of the popish crosses and crucifixes used in that age , which though made at the jews cost , yet they held it both undecent and dishonest to erect the standing crosse ove● against the jews synagogue , who were such inveterate enemies to christs crosse and passion . 7ly . because they make much for the honor and antiquity of the university of oxford my nursing mother , and step-mother to though superiours unjust commands . this year the king for the fine of 1000 pound per annum paid to him by the commonalty of the iews , granted them this exemption from taxes for 3 years . * rex thes . et baron . suis de scac. et justic . suis ad custod : iudeorum assign . salutem . sciatis , quod per finem mille librarum quam communitas judeorum nostrorum angliae nobiscum fecit , concessimus eisdem judeis , quod a tempore confectionis praesentium per triennium sequens respectum habeant de tallagio super ipsos assidendo , nisi nos , aut filii nostri juxta votum nostrum interim proficiscuntur ad terram sanctam , ad quod necesse habeamus super communitatem predict . tallagium assidendi . ita quod de fine predict . reddant nobis die martis prox . post octabis sanctae trin. 500 marcas , et in festo nativ . prox : 500 marc . & in festo sancti michaelis prox . sequenti residuas 500 marc . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod concessionem predict . in forma predict . coram vobis irrotulari , et pecuniam predict . ad terminos illos de communitate predicta ad opus nostrum levari fac . et quia pauperes judei commun . predict . ratione finis praedicti ultra quam facultates suae suppetant nimis exonerari possint , nisi finis ille circumspecte et fideliter super eos assideatur , vobis mandamus quod divitibus ▪ iudeis nostris in contributione facienda ad finem predict . non parcatur , et quod panperes iudei ultra facultates suas non graventur . t. r. apud winds . 26 die maii. yet notwithstanding at the same time he granted this writ to search their chests and charters . * rex dilectis et fideli suis iohan. de westm . et vvaltero de croce assignatis ad archas iudeorum angl : scrutandas salutem . sciatis ▪ &c. ( relating the agreement and fine aforesaid . ) et ideo vobis mandamus , quod omnia debita in cartis , et aliis munimentis infra archas predict . contenta irrotulari faciatis , prout vobis injunximus viva voce . et cum praemissa feceritis coffrariis archarum predict . archas illas liberetis cariandas et reponendas locis quibus prius repositae extiterunt . ita quod tam christiani quam iudei archarum illarum administrationem habeant , sicut alias habere consueverunt . t. r. ut supra . this year the king called the iustices of the jews to give an account of the profits of his judaism , as this record informs us . * rex thes . et baron . suis de scac. salutem . mandamus vobis , quod ad certum diem quam duxeritis assignand . audiatis compotum iustic . nostr . ad custod iudeorum assignat . de exitibus ejusdem iudaismi , à tempore quo dictis iustic . cust . ejusdem iudaismi commissimus custodiend usque ad festum sancti martini , an . reg . n. 53. et cum compotum predict . vobis reddiderint sicut predict : est , nobis significatis qualiter nobis responderint , et in quibus finibus stetit compotus eorundem . mandavimus enim eisdem iustic . quod ad diem quem eis sciri fac . coram vobis accedant cum rotulis , talliis , et aliis compotum suum contingentibus , ad compotum suum predict . reddendum in forma praedict . t. r. apud west . 8 die nov. per regem et totum consilium . et mandatum est prefatis iusticiariis , quod coram prefat . iusticiariis accedant in forma predicta . per regem et totū concilium . this year the jews without license stragling abroad and setling themselves in divers places where they had no chest , nor former residence , whereby they did many mischiefs , and seduced and dishinherited many , thereupon the king issued this writ to reduce them , and rectifie these abuses . * rex vic. oxon et berks salutem . quia pro certo intelleximus , quod per judeos in diversis regni nostri partibus extra civitates , burgos et villas , ubi nulla ▪ est communitas iudeorum , nec cyrograph . archa , sparsim habitantes in contumeliam redemptionis nostri , et periculum animarum , necnon et multorum exhaeredationem malificia plurima committuntur . nos hujusmodi periculis ne ulterius invalescerent volentes salubriter providere , tibi praecipimus firmiter injungentes , quod per omnes civitates , burgos , & villas in balliva tua , ubi expediens fuerit , ex parte nostra publice proclamari , & firmiter inhiberi facias ; ne quis judeus vel judea per se alibi quam in civitatibus , burgis & villis ubi sit communitas iudeorum , vel cyrograph . archa , super gravem forisfacturam nostram de cetero presumat habitare . et hoc sicut te et tua diligis non omittas . t. r. apud winds . 23 die aprilis . one of the principal things of note concerning the iews , this year , is the ordinance concerning the iews , made by the king , by the advice and counsel of prince edward his sonne , and other honest men , for the relief of the christians , touching the grievances they sustained in their debts and fees morgaged to the jews , and against the iews assigning of their debts to others , without the kings special license first obtained . which i find enrolled in french in a very fair hand , in the dorse of the clause and patent rolls of 53 h. 3. and in the red booke of the exchequer in the remembrancers office , fol. 242. with this title there prefixed to it . provisiones de iudaismo liberatae ad scaccarium , per dominum walterum de merton . * a la feste de seint hillayre del an du regne le roy henry fiz le roy iohan. cinquante tierz , purvieu est per memes le roy , et per le conseil sire edward son fiz eyne , et de ses autres prodes hommes , a lamendement de la tere , et reliever les crestiens des grevances que il ont eu par la iuerye de angletere , ●e totes les dettes a gyvues que sont ●oez , et qe aparmenes sunt as meines de gyvus , et ne sont done a crestien , ne vendu issint qe avaunt ceo jur. seent confirme par le roy , vel arroule al eschekker , soent quites a crestiens qe les deyvent et a lour eyres a tuz jurs. ensement les arrerages et les chartres par la ou eles serrunt trouees des avant dites dettes de foez , seent renduz a crestiens de ke les dettes sont dues ou a lour eyres . et si par aventure acune chatre fust mise en huche ou troue des ore , mes nul lu ne tyene . et qe nul gyvu de ceo jur en avant tel manere de dette de foe ne ne preigne , ne ne face . et ensement qe nul gyvu ceo feo a crestien ne venda de cest jur . en avant sur forfeiture de vie et de chatel , ne crestien ne lachate sur forfeiture de son chatel et de son heritage . et ensement est purveu par lavant dit roy , et par le consell sire edward , et des avant dit prodes homes , qe nul gyvu des ore mes ne puse vendre sa dette a crestien si il ne eyt primes le conge le roy. et si crestien la chate par le conge le roy rien ne pusse plus aver ke le roy ne averoit si la dette eust en sa mein , ceo est a saver , le chatel qe est troue en chartre saunz usure . this ordinance within few months after , anno 54 h. 3. was commanded to be put in execution by this writ to the barons of the exchequer , which thus recites it . * rex baron . de scac. salutem . quia provisum est per. nos , et edwardum primogenitum nostrum , et alios fideles de consilio nostro ad meliorationem status terrae nostrae , et ad relevationem christianorum a gravaminibus , quae hactenus habuerunt per judeos et judaismum nostrum angliae ; quod omnia debita judeorum quae sunt feoda , et quae die sancti hillarii an. r. n. 53. fuerunt in manibus judeorum , et quae non fuerunt data et vendita christianis , ita quod ante diem illum essent confirmata per nos , vel irrotulata in rotulis nostris ad scac. nostrum judeorum , quieta sint christianis qui ea debent et eorum heredibus imperpetuum , una cum arreragiis eorundem debitorum : et quod chartae de hujusmodi feodis ubicunque erunt inventae sint liberatae christianis qui talia feoda debent , vel eorum heredibus : et quod si forte aliqua hujusmodi carta sit inventa in archa cyrogr. vel . extra amodo nullius sit valoris . et quod nullus judeus a predicto die inantea , talia debita de feodo recipiat vel faciat . et similiter quod nullus judeus talia feoda christianis vendat a predicto tempore , super forisfacturam vitae suae , et catallorum ipsius , nec christianus ea emat super forisfacturam catallorum ipsius et suae haereditatis . vobis mandamus , quod omnia cyrographa super hujusmodi feodis per quoscunque confecta , coram vobis ad scac. nostrum venire faciatis , et ea quae ante praedict . diem sancti hillarii non fuerunt per nos confirmata , nec in rotulis nostris ad scac. nostrum judeorum irrotulata , prout superius est expressum , cancellari faciatis , et creditoribus , vel eorum haeredibus quieta reddatis . t. r. apud westm . 14 die maii. the later part of this ordinance ( here omitted ) against selling debts without license , is frequently recited in special licenses granted by the king to jews to sell their debts , the very next year after its making , and proved very gainfull to the king and his officers . † rex omnibus &c. salutem . cum nuper de consilio edwardi primogeniti nostri , et aliorum fidelium regni nostri in praesentia nostra provisum esset , quod nullus judeus debitum aliquod , quod sibi a cristiano debetur alicui vendere possit ni si prius a nobis optenta super hoc licentia speciali : et si christianus aliquis debitum hujusmodi de licentia nostra emat , nihil plus inde habeat , quam nos haberemus si debitum illud esset in manu nostra , viz. catallum quod inventum est in carta inde confecta sine usura . nos jacobo fil . mosse iudeo oxon , dedimus licentiam vendendi galf. de lukenore debitum illud in quo laur. de cheleston eidem iudeo tenetur per cartam suam : et etiam idem galfredo dedimus licentiam emendi idem debitum à praefat . judaeo in forma provisionis supradictae . in cujus &c. t. r. apud westm . 7. die maii. claus . 54 h. 3. m. 10. in sc ed. there is a writ , to discharge some debts of the king out of the estate of a deceased iew , directed to the iustices assigned for their custody . in the patent rolls of this year , i find this recital of the kings grant of aaron a jew to his sonne edmond , and of edmonds grant and infranchisement of aaron , and the kings confirmation thereof . * omnibus , &c. salutem . inspeximus cartam quam edmundus fil . noster fecit aaron fil . vynes in haec verba . omnibus praesentem cartam visuris vel audituris , edmundus illustris regis angliae filius , salutem . cum dom. rex pater noster dederit et concesserit nobis aaron fil . vynes iudeum , cum omnibus bonis , debitis , & catallis suis liberam et quietam de omnibus tallagiis , auxiliis , prestitis et demanmandis quibuscunque , ita quod eum , cum omnibus bonis & catallis suis habeamus , et teneamus , cum omnibus libertatibus , legibus , et consuetudinibus iudaismi angliae , prout hujusmodi concessio in praedicti patris nostri carta super hoc confecta plenius continetur . nos eidem aaron iudeo specialem gratiam facere volentes , ipsum cum omnibus bonis debitis et catallis suis tenore praesentium donavimus libertati , concedentes eidem quod ipse toto tempore vitae suae liber sit de nobis ab omnibus tallagiis , auxiliis , prestitis & demandis , reddend . nobis quamdiu vixerit quolibet anno ad festum pentecost unum par caelcarium deaurator . pro omnibus exactionibus & demandis . in cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum fecimus apponi . dat. winton . 11 die augusti anno reg. dom. patr . nostr . praedicti . 54. nos autem praedictas donationem & concessionem , &c. pro nobis & haeredibus nostris , quantum in nobis est , concedimus et confirmamus sicut carta praedicta rationabiliter testatur . t. ut supra . here the king grants a jews person , with all his goods , debts , and chattels to his son , like an absolute villain , and his son , thus infranchiseth him afterwards by this charter , which the king confirms , and is mentioned in 18 e. 1. * hereafter cited . this grant of aaron by his son , is recited in this patent roll , with this addition . * volumus etiam quod idem aaron habeat archam ad reponend cyrogr. sua loco quo in terris ipsius filii nostri moraturus fuerit , secundum legem et consuetudinem judaismi nostri , et quod ministri nostri levari faciant eidem iudeo debita sua quae ei debentur vel debebuntur de debitoribus suis in regno nostro , prout rationabiter monstrare poterit per cyrogr. sua vel per literas patentes quod ei in debitis illis teneantur , & prout de jure , & secundum legem et consuetudinem judaismi praedict . fuit faciendum . i find this patent of the kings this year , contradicting his title to a jews house , as escheated to him by his death , and ratifying the jews demise thereof by his last will. rex omnibus , * &c. quia accepimus per inquisitionem quam per constab . turris nostrae london , et majorem & vicecomites nostros london fieri fecimus , quod domus illa cum pertinentiis in vico de melchstreet in civit nostra london quae fuerunt cress . fil . mag. mossei quondam iudei london , non sunt nec esse possunt eschaeta nostra per mortem illius cress . & quod nunquam in vitae sua in aliquo deliquit contra nos , sed tanquam bonus et fidelis iudeus bene et fidelitermore judeorum vixit , et testamentum suum , secundum consuetudinem judaismi nostri fecit , et domos praedict . cum omnibus pertinentiis suis cok. fil . suo legavit in testamento praedicto . nos eidem cok. domos praedict . cum pertinentiis , quantum ad nos pertinet concessimus et reddidimus ; tenend . et habend . in forma testamenti supradicti , salvo jure cujuslibet . in cujus , &c. t. r , apud winds . 29 die sept. this year some jews of winchester fearing an assault upon them , by reason of some differences between them and the citizens , the king granted this new special protection , and committed them to the custody of sundry citizens thereof , to protect them from violence and damage . * rex dilecto sibi in christo simoni le draper , ( and to 25 others there named ) salutem , quia per quandam contentionis materiam inter quosdam de civibus nostris ejusdem villae , et benedictum fil . abrah . iudeum nostrum illius villae nuper habitam , multi homines de dicta villa praedicto benedicto , & aliis judeis nostris in eadem villa commorantibus , de corporibus suis manifeste minati , sunt ut accepimus ; nos volentes dictorum nostrorum judeorum indempnitati prospicere , ipsos homines , terras , domos , res , redditus , et omnes possessiones eorundem in nostram protectionem et defensionem suscepimus specialem , vos ad corum majorem tuitionem et securitatem custodes et protectores suos assignantes . et ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes , quod per totam civitatem nostram praedict . publice clamari faciatis , ne quis sub periculo vitae & membrorum praedict . judeis in personis vel rebus suis dampnum inferet , vel gravamen . et vos ipsi praedict . judeos , familias suas , terras , domos , res , redditus , et omnes possessiones eorum tam infra dictam civitatem quam extra , quantum in vobis est , manuteneatis , protegatis , et defendatis . non inferentes eis vel inferri permittentes injuriam , molestiam , dampnum , vel gravame● . et si quid eis forisfactum fuerit id ●is sine dilatione faciatis emendari . volentes etiam quod praetextu istius mandati in nullo vos intromittatis de placitis quaerilis aut aliis ipsos iudeos tangentibus , quae ad constab . castri nostri winton pertinent , & hactenus pertinere consueverunt . in cujus t. r. apud westm , 26 die decemb. patents 54. h. 3. m. 24. the king grants to benedict , a iew , that he will not prorogue , release , pardon or extend any debts due unto him for 5 years space , and by his charter confitms a grant of an annuity in see made by two jews alardo de hermigsham et haeredibus suis . in the 55 year of h. 3. i find * two prohibitions to the iustices itinerant in sussex and kent , to hold pleas of the jews in sussex or kent , or concerning iudaismum nostrum , contra legem & consuetudinem iudaismi suprapraedicti . t. r. apud winds . 28 die sept. also * a pardon of all usury and penalties due to jewes by some poore debtors . a grant of 30 l. to one martin out of the debts of jews . a writ of respite of fines not paid by some jews out of meer poverty at the times appointed them , to the justices of the jews * quatenus termiuos suos praedictos taliter admensuretis , quod salvo contenemento suo possint nobis de eo quod aretro est de fine praedicto satisfacere , & etiam tallagio nostro , simul cum aliis iudeis contribuere , & ne per defectum mendicare . t. r. apud westm . 26 die april . some other particulars concerning the fines of iews are in this roll. in the patent rolls of this year , there * are divers releases of the king of the debts , usuries , and penalties due to jews , and confirmations of grants of houses and debts assigned by jews to others , licenses for sundry jews to sell their debts , according to the forementioned ordinance of 53 h. 3. all running in the fame fotm with that already cited ; and a grant to some jews not to pardon respite nor extend their debts . but the more special things therein are these two . first , this license to a jew to dwell where he pleased , amongst any jews , in what burrough of england he listed . * rex omnibus , &c. salutem . sciatis quod ad instantiam edwardi fil . nostri carissimi concedimus aaroni fil . vynes iudeo ; quod in quocunque burgo regni nostri voluerit , ubi alii judei habitant , morari possit pro voluntate sua sine contradictione nostra , vel ballivorum nostrorum quorumcunque . dum tamen tanquam bonus et fidelis judeus se gerat et habeat in eodem . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud winds . 30 die octob. an. 55. next , this morgage of judaisme for payment of 2000 marks to richard king of almain . * rex omnibus , &c. salutem . cum ante recessum cariss . fil . edwardi primogeniti nostri , versus terram sanctam dederimus eidem edw. 6000 marc . de judaismo nosto in subsidium peregrinationis sux , de quibus 6000 marc . 4000 marc . exceptis quibusdam arreragiis solvuntur eidem ; ita quod 2000 marc . et eadem arreragia adhuc sibi reddenda supersunt ; & ipse filius noster moram saciens in terra sancta non mediocriter pecunia indigeat ad expensas suas , propter quod car . fr. & fid . n. ricus . rex alemani : illustris illa 2000 mar . quae aretro . sunt , &c. fil . nostro credidit ad partes nostras . nos eidem rico. pro praedicta curialitate dict . fil . n. facta concessimus , quod ipse vel executores vel assign . sui habeant et teneant judaismum nostrum , et judaeos nostros angliae , a festo sancti michis an. 1271. usque ad festum sancti michis prox . sequent . per unum an. completum pro praed . 2000. marc . dicto fil . n. creditis . ita scil. quod iudei nostri angl. illa 2000 marc . dict . fratri nostro terminis subscriptis solvant infra praedict . an. then. he limits the time for she iews to pay it by several summes . et si pretextu nostro , vel mandatorum nostrorum huic concessioni nostrae contradictorum dictus frater noster fuerit impeditus , quo minus dictam pecuniam dictis terminis levare possit , tunc liceat ei tam diu judaismum nostrum in manu sua tenere , donec super principale debito , et paena praedict . fuerit sibi satisfactum . hanc autem concess . dicto fratri nostro fecimus , salvis nobis & haeredibus nostris placitis , perquisitis , & eschaetis dicti judaismi nostri ad nos pertinentibus de toto tempore praedict . &c. nec volumus quod praedict . frat . n. infra terminum praedict . aliquam faciat pardonationem , quietantiam , vel alienationem de debitis judaismi nostri memorati , nec tempore praedict . aliquod aliud recipiat de judaismo nostro nisi debitum praed . 2000 marc . &c. in cujus , &c t. r. apud westm . 15 die iun. anno 56. h. 3. in the clause roll i find * many licenses to jews to sell their debts , wherein the ordinance of 53 h. 3. is recited , a release and grant of some debts of jewes , and to take the charters of them out of the chest . respites of other debts due to them , pardon of usury to others , and an extent of creditors lands at reasonable rates . but the most material things in this roll are . the * kings assignation of 1000 lib. to prince edward out of the tallage of the jews this year , de quibusdam certis personis praedict . iudeorum percipiendas , some of which having paid their proportion to the prince are thereupon discharged of former sequestrations on them and their estates . and this gift of the jews synagogue in london to the friers penitents in london , whom the jewes with their howlings in it disturbed at their masses , and divine services ; yet licensing them , if they pleased , to build another synagogue in any convenient place that should be elsewhere allotted them . * rex majori & vic. suis london . quia dilecti nobis in christo fratres de paenitentia jesu christi london commorantes per strepitum judeorum confluentium ad ecclesiam suam quae contigua est oratorio dictorum fratrum ibidem , et etiam pro ipsorum judeorum continuam ululatum in eadem schola , juxta ritum suum , impediantur quo minus ea quae ad officium spirituale pertinent exercere possint , circa celebrationem divinorum , et praecipue hora confectionis corporis jesu christi , sicut per testimonium fidelium accepimus . nos ad divina inibi quietius celebranda , volentes predict . impedimentum modis omnibus amoveri , ob salutem animae nostrae , et animarum predecessorum , et haeredum nostrorum , de gratia nostra speciali dedimus et concessimus predictisfratribus & successoribus suis in augmentum mansi sui ibidem , predict . scholam , una cum fundo ejusdem : habend . & tenend . eisdem fratribus & successoribus suis imperpetuum . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod eisdem fratribus de scola illa sicut praedict . est , plenam seisinam sine dilatione habere faciatis . sustinentes quod predicti judei sibi aliam scholam alibi , ubi ad minus nocumentum dictorum fratrum , et ecclesiae suae , et ecclesiarum alirum fieri poterit facere , vel construere possint si voluerint , et sibi viderint expedire . t. r. apud st. edmundum . 6. die sept. there being some few poor jews converted this same yeare , and the revenues of the house of the converts being swallowed up by rich jews not living in it , and the poor converts there like to starve for want of relief , and enforced to begg from door to door ; thereupon the king assigned to a convert jew and his wife , a certain annual pension out of some houses in london belonging to the house of the converts , and issued a commission to inquire of and regulate the abused revenues of the house of converts which he had founded , and to bestow them on the poor jews , &c. as these records at large relate . * rex omnibus , &c. salutem : sciatis quod cum de propriis bonis et elemosinis nostris fundaverimus quandam domum in honore sanctae trin. infra suburbium civitatis nostrae london , ad usus conversorum ab errore judaico usque ad fidem christianam , quosdam redditus nostros ad sustentationem eorundē assignando , concessimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris , quantum in nobis est , nich. aurifabro london , et matildae uxori ejus conversis , quod ipse nich. singulis septimanis decem denar . et ipsa matilda singulis septimanis octo denar . habeant . et percipiant per manus suas ad sustentationem suam quoad vixerint , de redditibus predictis dictae domus , a nobis assignatis infra civitatem predictam : videlicet , de domibus walteri de vallibus in parochia sanctae wyburge duas marcas : de quatuor shopis ejusdem walteri in parochia sancti matth. de fridaistreet , viginti solidos : de domibus hugonis mothon in parochia de aldermanchirche , viginti solidos , et de tenementis will : bokerell viginti solidos , et quatuor denarios debitis terminis quibus ii●em redditus reddi debent et consueverunt . ita etiam quod quandocunque alter praedict . nich : et matild . diem suum clauserit extremum , porcio predicta ipsum nicholaum seu ipsam matildam contingens ad predictam domum integre revertatur imperpetuum . in cujus &c. teste rege apud westmonasterium 28 die aprilis . * rex dilectis sibi majori london , et magistro johanni de sancto dionisio clerico suo , custodi domus conversorum london , salutem . ex parte pauperum conversorum nostrorum london , nobis et consilio nostro est ostensum , quod tum nihil habeant unde sustentari possint , nec sit , qui eis in aliquo subveniat hostiatim mendicare coguntur , et quasi fame moriuntur ; et cum certos redditus ad sustentationem ipsorum in civitate london et alibi assignari fecerimus , ipsi ex hiis nihil percipiunt , set quidam alii conversi divites alios redditus et possessiones habentes qui etiam non morantur , nec conversantur in domo nostra predicta , redditus ipsos pro magna parte percipiunt , et ad usus suos pro voluntate sua convertunt , quod ulterius sustinere nolumus , nec debemus , maxime cum predictos redditus dictae domui , non pro divitibus set pauperibus et egenis , et ex causa necessitatis fecerimus assignari . volentes igitur premissa in melius reformari : vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes , quod per sacramentum proborum & legalium hominum de civitate & suburbio london diligenter inquiratis , qui sunt redditus et bona predicta ? & quantum valeant per annum ? & quis vel qui ea percipiunt ? & a quibus et qualiter hactenus distributa et dispensata fuerunt ? & quae super premissis corrigenda et reformanda videritis , sine dilatione corrigatis . proviso quod bona et redditus domus predictae prefatis conversis qui magis indigent juxta merita necessitatis ipsorum , decetero assignentur : de aliis etiam quae ad servicium & debitum statum capellae nostrae ibidem , ac domus praedictae in melius reformandum pertinere noscuntur , provideatis in omnibus prout melius et honestius videritis expedire . volumus etiam , quod sicut predicti redditus dictae domui ad sustentationem commorancium in eadem specialiter assignati sunt ; ita etiam ad domum deferantur et distribuantur ibidem , sicut predictum est ; et si quos vobis aut ordinationi vestrae resistentes aut contradicentes inveneritis , eos per sequestrationes porciorum suarum et aliter , prout opus esse vider is , compescatis . t. r. apud wesm . 26 die febr. this year the king granted this ensuing pardon to a jew for selling a pretended debt for which he had no charter , to another ; for which he was committed prisoner to the tower , and for making an escape from thence , without license ; for which pardon he paid a fine to the king. † rex omnibus &c. salutem . sciatis quod cum abraham filius jocei judeus ebor. pro quater viginti et undecim libris argenti , quas thomas de basing civis noster london , versus eum disrationaverat in curia nostra coram iusticiariis nostris ad custodiam judeorum assignatis , eccasione cujusdam debiti in quo idem abraham dixerat will. de dyve , sibi teneri , quod quidem debitum ipse judeus dicto thomae vendidit ; unde nulla carta inter ipsum judeum et predictum wil. in archa nostra potuit inveniri ; per praeceptum justic , eorundem caperetur et infra turrim nostram london detineretur , et eidem abrahamo à quibusdam emulis suis sit impositum , quod ab eadem turri sine licentia custodis sui sive warranto temere recessit ; licet per literas nostras fecissemus eum deliberari , nos per finem duodecim bisanciarum quas predictus abrahamus nobis solvit praemanibus , pardonavimus eidem abrahamo transgressionem quam fecisse dicitur vendendo debitum praedictum sine carta , et etiam transgressionem quam fecisse dicitur recedendo a turri praedicta tempore detentionis suae praedictae . et ideo vobis mandamus quod praedictum abraham occasione transgressionum praedictarum non occasionetis in aliquo vel gravetis . t. r. apud westm . 26 die martii . * this year i find a special licence for a jew to assign his debt , according to the provisions in 53. h. 3. therein mentioned in form above rehearsed . this year the king appointed this special form of manucaption , body for body for the jews then imprisoned in the tower for their tallages , and petitioning to be bailed ; discovering how strictly the king dealt with them in levying their heavy taxes . * rex thes . & baronibus suis de scaccario , salutem . sciatis nos de consilio nostro talem formam manucapt onis iudaeorum incarceratorum apud turrim london providisse , videlicet , quod manucaptores manucapiant ipsos iudeos quos manucapere volunt , habendo corpora praedictorum iudaeorum quos manuceperunt à die sancti johan . baptistae , in 15 dies corpus pro corpore , liberand . constabular : turr. praedictae carceri mancipanda ad voluntatem nostram , donec nobis satisfecerint de tallagiis suis super ipsos assessis , nisi praedicta tallagia solvere velint ad terminos subscriptos ; videlicet medietatem ad quindenam sancti johan . baptist . prox : futur . et aliam medietatem ad festum sancti jacobi apostoli prox . sequent . ita quod si praedecti manucapti praedictam solutionem fecerint ad praedictos terminos , quieti sint praedicti manucaptores . et si in solutione praedicta in toto vel in parte defecerint ad eosdem terminos , et praedicti manucaptores habeant corpora manucapta ad praedictum terminum in forma praedicta . tunc similiter quod sint de manucaptione sua . ita tamen quod praedicti manucapti quicquid prae manibus solverint de praedicto tallagio , vel etiam ad aliquem terminorum praedictorum , nisi totum solverint illud penitus amittant , et nihilominus corpora sua , una cum omnibus catallis et debitis suis nobis incurrantur ad voluntatem nostram inde faciendam ; et si manucaptores corpora manucaepta ad praedictum terminum non liberaverint , nec manucapti tallagium suum solverint , sicut praedictum est ; tunc corpora manucapientium , una cum omnibus catallis et debitis suis incurrantur ad voluntatem nostram inde faciendam sicut praedictum est . in cujus &c. t. r. apud westm . 21 die iunii . in the 57 and last year of king henry the 3. i find * only a special license for a jew to sell his debt to a christian , wherein the ordinance of 53. h. 3. is recited . i have now run through all the most material records of king henry the 3 his long and tedious reign , relating to the jews and their affairs , pretermitting some few only of lesse moment and private concerment in some of the fine , clause , and patent rolls , where those who are not fully satisfied with these already recited may glean them at their leasures . i now proceed to the records in the reigne of king edward the first , omitting all passages of the jewes in the fine rolls of his reign , as of lesse moment , seeing the patent and clause rolls afford us much plenty and variety of matter concerning our english jews affairs , their final banishment out of england , and sale of their houses eascheated by their exile , which records were never yet published to the world in print and are unknown to most men . king henry the 3 deceasing , and his son edward the 1 succeeding him , anno 1272. thereupon he constituted hamon hattayn and robert de ludham justices for the custody of his jews , commanding the treasurer and the barons of the exchequer to deliver to them the keys of the jews chests , together with the rolls , writs , and other things belonging to the jews , as they had formerly done to other justices , by this writ . [a] quia rex constituit hamonem haittayn et robernum de ludham justiciarios suos ad custodiam judaeorum suorum ; mandatum est thesaurario et baronibus de scaccario , quod eisdem hamoni & roberto claves archarum judaismi , una cum rotulis , brevibus , et omnibus aliis judaismum illud contingentibus liberent , prout aliis justiciariis ibidem prius consuevit . dat. per manum w. de merton cancellar . apud westm . 27 die ianuarii . these new justices were constituted not above 5 weeks after kings henries death , and they were , as all their predecessors in that office ( first instituted by king b rich. the 1 anno 1194. ) iusticiarii sui ad custodiam iudaeorum suorum , to shew that the jews were nothing else but the kings own vvards and villaines , and under his custody and protection only as such , to tax and plunder them at his pleasure , as his father and grandfather had done before him . it appears by the liberate of 1 e. 1. m. 1. & 2. that the king allowed 20 marks a year to these justices of the jews for their salary ; and the custody of the rolls and writs of the jews were committed this year to william middleton , as is evident by this record . * cum rex commiserit willielm . de middleton rotulos & brevia iudaismi sui quae sunt in custodia thesaur : & baronum scaccarii , custodiend : quamdiu domino regi placuerit . mandatum est eisdem thesaurario et baronibus , quod eidem will. rotulos & brevia liberent sicut praedictum est . the same year this king in the beginning of his reign caused his peace and protection to be publikely proclaimed , as well to all the jews as others within england , and other his dominions , as this record recites for the jews in bruges in flanders . * rex vicecomiti mall . salutem . cum nuper pacem nostram per totum regnum nostrum publicè proclama●i fecimus , et eam omnibus et singulis de regno nostro tam iudaeis , quam christianis observari praecepimus , & praecipimus quod iudaei nostri de bruges in balliva tua manuteneas , & defendas , ita quod eis pax nostra , prout ejus per totum regnum nostrum proclamari fecimus , inviolabiliter observetur . et non exigas vel exigi permittas ab eisdem redemptiones vel alias extorsiones ad opus nostrum , vel alicujus alterius , nisi quatenus ad debita nostra , seu domini henrici regis patris nostri , seu tallagia , aut alia ad quae de jure tenentur ab eis levanda , ade nostro , aut ejusdem domini henr. patris nostri mandato warrantum habueris . datum &c. apud westm . 15 die iunii . yet notwithstanding this protection and peace granted them by the king , the very same year , the king grants out this writ to search all their chests , to enroll and certifie him of all their debts and estates , that he might tax them all proportionably at his pleasure , as he did soon after . rex dilecto & fideli suo thomae de espernon , * salutem , quia de debitis in archa cirogtafforum winton . oxon. marleberg . & wilton contentis volumus certiorari , vobis mandamus quod ad certum diem quem ad ho● provideritis , ad archas praedictas accedatis , & easdem per visum cirograf . archarum praedictarum , tam christianorum quam judaeorum aperiatis , et omnia debita in eisdem contenta diligenter scrutari et inrotulari faciatis . mandamus enim cirograffariis nostris archarum praedictar : quod ad certum diem quem eis scire faciatis ad hoc faciendum vobis assistant et intendant . in cujus , &c. dat , &c. apud westm . 20 die . feb. consimiles literae diriguntur hamoni hatayn de debitis in archa cirograf . northampt. nottingh . ebor. lincol. stainf . conrents . item consimiles literae diriguntur ade de winton , de debitis in arca cirograf . judaeorum bristoll , oxon , gloucest . wigorn. hereford et warw. contentis . item consimiles literae diriguntur roberto de ludham super hujusmodi debitis contentis in archis cirograff . judaeorum bedef : cantebr . colecester , et sudbury . in all which cities and towns the jews then inhabited , and had common chests , wherein their debts and morgages were reserved . also according to the former custome of the jews in england , not to remove into any town where they did not anciently inhabit , he sent this writ to the barons and bailiffs of winchelse , to remove some jews thence who had taken up their habitation there , without his special license . * rex baronibus & ballivis suis de winchelse salutem . quia secundum consuetudinem iudaismi nostri angliae , in aliis civitatibus burgis aut villis habitare , vel morari non debent , quam in illis in quibus antiquitus habitare consueverunt & morari , & quidem iudaei , ut intelleximus , villam nostram de winchelse sunt ingressi , & eam inhabitent , in quam nullus iudaeus aliquibus retroactis temporibus habitare consuevit , vel morari ; vobis mandamus , quod si verum est , tunc iudaeos ab eadem villa , absque damno de corporibus seu rebus suis eis faciend . sine damno faciatis amoveri . dat. apud westm , 18 die iunii . this king that he might not seem altogether unjust , granted forth a writ to the sheriff of oxford in behalf of one lumbard a jew of oxford taken and imprisoned for a fine of fifty marks imposed on one lumbard a jew of bristol for a trespasse against the kings exchange , ordering him to be bailed , and the mistake examined . * rex vicecom . oxon. salutem . ostensum est nobis ex parte lumbardi de krikelad . judaei nostri oxoniae , quod quum quidam lumbardns judaeus bristol amerciatus esset coram justiciariis domini henr. regis patris nostri ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis ad quinquaginta marcas pro transgressione excambii ejusdem patris nostri , et ipse lumbardus judaeus oxon. de eadem transgressione nunquam calumpniatus , nec de praedicta pecunia oneratus extiterit , tu easdem 50 marcas ab eodem lumb . de oxon. judaeo exigis , et omnia bona sua in balliva tua ea occasione cepisti in manum nostram , et insuper ipsum cepisti , et in prisona nostra oxoniae detines . et quia non est juri consonum , nec est voluntaris nostrae quod ipse lumbardus de oxonia sit in poena pro debitis alterius , unde ipse lumbardus de oxonia penitus est immunis , ut dicitur . tibi praecipimus , quod si ipse lumbardus de oxonia invenerit tibi sufficientem manucaptionem perconsuetudinem judaismi nostri , de veniendo coram justiciariis nostris ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , a die pascha in 15 dies , ad satisfaciendum nobis de praedictis 50 marcis , nisi ibidem rationabiliter ostenderit , quod non ipse sed alii de dicta pecunia debent onerari , tunc ipsum lumbardum per eandem manucaptionem a prisona qua detinetur , deliberari facias , & omnia bona sua ea occasione capta in manum nostram interim sine distractione , & sine dampno dicti judaei reservari facias . et habeas ibi nomina manucaptorum suorum & hoc breve . datum , &c. apud sanctum paulum london 4 die aprilis , & dat 20 s. pro hoc breve habendo . no sooner had he provided the foresaid justices and guardians for the jews , but he presently imposed new heavy annual taxes and tallages on them , appointing special collectors to levy them and their arrerages upon all their goods , chattels , debts , and to banish and abjure the realm all such jews , together with their wives and children , as were rebellious and refused to pay them , as these ensuing patents of his , in the 2 year of his reign demonstrate . rex dilectis , & sidelibus suis fratri stephano de foleburn , c ade de stratten & willielmo de middleton salutem . sciatis quod assignavimus vos ad omnia arreragia tallagii super judaeos nostros angliae ultimo assessi ad opus nostrum levanda , prout citius & commodius videritis expedire . dante 's vobis potestatem arreragia illa de bonis , catallis , & debitis judaeorum quos dictorum arreragiorum inveneritis detentores , levandi , & nostro nomine adnuandi , nec non & dictos judaeos qui in hac parte rebelles fuerint vel contradictores per exilium & abjurationem regui nostri , si necesse fuerit compellendi , ad dicta arreragia pro porcionibus ipsis inde contingentibus nobis sine difficultate qualibet solvenda . et ideo vobis mandamus quod premissa faciatis in forma praedicta . et si forte vos tres ad hoc intendere non poteritis , duo vestrum praemissa ficut praedictum est , nihilominus exequantur . in cujus , &c. t. rege apud westm . 20 die octobris . [d] rex dilectis et fidelibus suis fratri stephano de foleburn electo waterford , fratri luce de hemmington et willielmo de middleton salutem . sciatis quod assignavimus vos ad omnia arreragia tallagii super iudaeos nostros angliae ultimo assessi ad opus nostrum levanda , prout citius et commodius videritis expedire , dante 's vobis potestatem arreragia illa de bonis , catallis , et debitis judaeorum , quos dictotum arreragiorum inveneritis detentores levandi , et nostro nomine adnuandi ; nec non et dictos judaeos qui in hac parte rebelles fuerint vel contradictores per exilium et abjurationem regni nostri , si necesse fuerit compellendi ad dicta arreragia nobis pro porcionibus ipsis contingentibus , sine difficultate qualibet solvenda . et ideo vobis mandamus quod praemissa faciatis in forma praedicta . et fi aliquis judaeorum illorum ad diem per nos sibi prefixum in solutione porcionis suae defecerit , faciatis ipsum , cum uxore , et pueris suis exceptis puerisillis qui sunt in tallagio , et solverint , exire regnum nostrum angliae , et assignetis ei portum douorum , quod infra tertium diem post diem solutionis suae sibi per nos praefixum , sit ibi exiturus sicut praedictum est , et nunquam rediturus . salvis tamen nobis terris domibus , reddiribus , et omnibus catallis suis et suorum . et si aliquis judaeus post tertium diem sibi assignatum , sicut praedictum est inventus fuerit alibi in regno nostro quam apud douorum , faciatis de eo judicium tanquam de illo qui furtive & propria catalla nostra asportaverit . et si forte vos tres ad hoc intendere non poteritis , duo vestrum praemissa nihilominus exeqauntur . in cujus &c. teste rege apud luton , primo die novembris . by this imposed penal banishment and abjuration of the realm , prescribed by the king in these two pateuts to such rebellious contradictory jews , their wives , & children , as refused to pay the arrears of this last imposed tax , it is more than probable , that their total e and final general banishment and expulsion out of england by the king and his whole parliament in the 18 year of his reign ( 16 years after ) was as compulsory and penal to them as this , and no ways voluntary of themselves , as sir edward cook hath fansied it , against all our records and histories . in the clause roll of this year i find this writ to two of these collectors , for the present levying part of these arrears upon elias a jew of london , and paying it into the wardrobe . [f] rex dilectis & fidelibus suis fratri stephano de foleburn electo de waterford & willrelmo de middleton , ad arrerag . tallag . judaeor . ultimo super eosdem judaeos assesso levanda assignatis , salutem . mandamus vobis quod illas septies viginti marcas quos richardus de tany debet magistro eliae filio magistri mosseo iudaeo london , sine dilatione liberari facias in garderoba nostra , & eas eidem judaeo in dicto tallagio suo allocari facias . teste rege apud westm . 20 die octobris . it is observable , that the first person named as a collector of the arrears of this tax of the jews in all these 3. records , was a frier , and bishop elect of waterford in ireland . how the jews who neglected , refused , or were unable to satisfie their taxes , were handled by these collectors , and imprisoned in the tower of london till they either paid or secured them to the king out of their best debts , these records of the ensuing year will discover . g rex thesaurario et baronibus suis de scaccario salutem . mandamus vobis quod sampsonem filium magistri miles de stanford ; samuelem fil : maneser de lincoln ; vnim . fil . garflye , abrahamum fil . droye de holms , elyam fil . vrssellae de lincoln , et abrahamum fil . samuelis , captos et detentos in prisona nostra turris london pro tallagio suo , deliberari faciatis . ipsos etiam de corporibus suis pacem habere permittatis usque ad quindenam sancti michaelis prox : futur : et praedictorum judaeorum tallagium super eos assessum de clarioribus debitis suis interim levari faciatis . ita quod nisi in quindena praedicta de praedicto tallagio suo ad plenam satisfecerint , ad prisonam nostram praedictam revertantur ; ibidem gratiam nostram expectand : teste rege apud kenynton x. die julii , h mandatum est justiciariis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , et willielmo de middleton quod executionem brevium regis quae pro diversis judaeis receperunt super allocationem vel respectum de tallagio super ipsis ultimo assesso habend : per ipsos faciend : supersedeant omnino , nisi aliud eis inde duxerit demandandum . t. r. apud westm . x. die iunii . i rex justiciariis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , et willielmo de middleton salutem : monstravit nobis hakus fil : roes de ebor. iudaeus , quod cum ipse nobis de tallagio super ipsum ultimo assesso satisfecerit ad plenū , vos occasione quorundam catallorum sub nomine solomonis fil : isaac dudum defuncti in manu nostra existent : quandam pecuniae summam occasione dicti tallagii exigitis minus juste . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod si nobis constiterit quod catalla praedicta fuerunt in manu nostra die quo dictum tallagium assessum fuerat , et quod dictam pecuniam à praefato hako occasione catallorum illorum et non alia exigatis , et quod nobis de toto tallagio suo praedicto satisfecerit ut praedictum est ; tunc corpus suum ea occasione detentum prout justum fuerit deliberari faciatis . t. r. apud westm . x. die iunii . k rex eisdem et willielmo de middleton , ad tallagium super eosdem iudaeos angliae nuper assessum colligendum deputatis , salutem . mittimus vobis petitionem aaronis crespyn judaei nostri london praesentibus interclusam . vobis mandantes quatenus retentis in manu nostra de clariobus debitis ipsius iudaei in thesaur : nostra existentibus usque ad summam arreragiarum tallagii super eundem iudaeum ultimo assessi , et aliis debitis suis secundum tenorem petitionis praedictae ; tunc debita illa ad opus nostrum levari , et ipsum de dictis arreragiis quietum esse , et residuum catallorum suorum occasione dicti tallagii in thesauraria existentim , sibi liberari faciatis , & corpus suum ea occasione in pace esse permittatis . t. r. apud westm . v. die iunii . l rex justiciariis suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , & will. middleton salutem . quia constat nobis per recordum vestrum quod tertia pars unius debiti triginta librarum sub nominibus ricardi pauncefoot et aaronis le bland iudaei , est debitum urselli fil : isaac iudaei , et quod unum debitum duodecim librarū sub nominibus eorundem ricardi et aaronis , est debitum belye de g●oucest . iudeae , per quod nos pro arreragiis tallagii super praedict . ursellam et belyam ultimo assessi , tertiam partem praedicti debiti triginta librarum , et dictum debitum duodecim librarum cepimus in manum nostram : vobis mandamus quod debita pro arreragiis tallagii praedicti ad opus nostrum levari , et dictos iudaeos de arreragiis dicti tallagii , qua●enus debita illa sufficerent , extunc in pace permittatis . t. r. apud westm . 20 die maii. m rex hammoni hautyn , et roberto ludham justiciariis suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , salutem . quia quibusdam de causis , volumus quod vos de caetero intendatis ad tallagium super iudaeos nostros angliae assessum et arreragia ejusdem levand . vobis mandamus , quod omnes rotulos , cartas , tallias , brevia , starra , et omnia alia praedict : tallagium contingentia quae in custodia dilectorum & fidelium nostrorum fratris luce de hemington & will : de middleton hucusque remanserunt , ab eisdem admittatis , et tallagium illud una cum arreragiis ejusdem , prout magis ad commodum nostrum videritis expedire , una cum praedicto willielmo : quem ad hoc una vobiscum assignavimus , levari faciatis . t. rege apud westmonast . xv. die maii. u rex justiciariis suis ad custodiam iudaeorum assignatis , et fratri luce de hemington , & willielmo de middleton , collectoribus tallagii super quosdam judaeos angliae nuper assessi salutem . compatientes paupertati will. fil . roberti de middleton , qui jospino fil . solomon : de merleberge iudaeo tenetur in diversis debitis , ad quorum solutionem bona sua et catalla non sufficiant , ut accepimus : dedimus eidem willielmo respectum de debitis illis praefato iudaeo rendend : usque ad quindena paschae prox : fut : ita quod penae et vsurae inde cessant usque ad terminum supradictum . et ideo vobis mandamus , quo ●eidem willielmo respectum illum interim habere faciatis in forma praedicta : et terras et tenementa in manum praedicti iudaei occasione debitorum praedictorum capt : replegiari faciatis . t. r. apud windsore 6. die martii . o rex thesaurario et baronibus suis de scaccario , salutem . sciatis quod cum magist●r . elyas fil . mo●aei judaeus noster london nobis in trecentis et quinquaginta marcis pro tallagio ipsum conting ●nte , de tallio super communitatem judaeorum nostrorum anno regni nostri secundo per praeceptum nostrum assesso ●eneatur . et cum mater nostra a. regina angliae eidem elye in tanta pecunia teneatur , ut asserit , et concesserit quod praedict : 350 marcas nobis pro praedicto iudaeo solvit ad scaccarium nostrum praedict . in crastino sancti michaelis prox : futur . vobis ad instantiam ejusdem matris nostrae mandamus , quod praedictum iudaeum de praedictis 350 marcis quietum esse faciatis . t. r. apud windsore 10 die feb. i have recited all these records at large : partly to inform the world , how strict , rigorous , and earnest this king and his officers were in levying their heavy taxes upon the jews , by imprisonment and banishment of their persons , and seising all their charters , debts , obligations , which they were enforced to assign over to the king , for want of ready monies to help discharge their tallages , for which they had some respite given them where they had assigned real debts for to pay them . and partly to acquaint those of the long robe , how little confidence they ought to repose in reverend sir edward cooke his citations of records in his institutes and reports : who from these very * records of rot. pat. 3. e. 1. m. 14 , 17 , 20. ( which he mistakes for claus . 3. e. 1. ) william middleton reddit compotum , ( when as william middleton is not so much as named in these patent rolls , but only in the clause , where he renders no account at all but what you have read ) makes this confident conclusion : ( in his 2 institutes p. 506. upon statutum de iudaismo ) what benefit the crown made before the making of this act appeareth by former records , take * one for many , from the 17 of december in the 50 year of h. 3. until the tuesday in shrovetide the 2. year of edw. 1. which was about 7. years , the crown had four hundred and twenty thousand pounds fifteen shillings and 4 pence , de exitibus iudaismi : at which time the ounce of silver was 20d . and now it is more than treble so much : vvhen as there is not one syllable of this to be found in the patent rolls of 3 , e. 1. he cites in his margin ( which are only licenses to jews to assign their debts ) nor any thing more in the clause rolls of this year that i can find , than what you have already heard , and no such account of middletons de exitibus iudaismi for any set time , much lesse from 50 h. 3. till tuesday in shrovetide , 2 e. 1. as he here fancieth . that which i conceive led sir edward cooke into this mistake , was this note in one of the kalenders in the tower : rex recepit iiij c. iiij millia libr. de exitibus judaismi , ab an 50 h. 3. usque an. 2 e. 1. pat. 4. e. 1. m 12. citing pat. 3. e. 1. m. 14. 17. just before it , with reference only to quod nullus iudaeus vendere debitū possit , nisi regis licentia , which sir edw. misapplied to the following clause ( a grosse oversight : ) when the kalender refers only to pat. 4. e. 1. m. 12. to prove this vast sum levied of the jews from the 50 year of h. the 3. to 2 e. 1. in which membrane and whole roll there is no such thing at all appearing , nor ought relating to the jews taxes or middletons account , as i dare affirm upon my double diligent perusal of that whole roll , neither is there any such acount that i can find in any other record that i have met with in my search . doubtlesse this reverend judge , and great ornament of the law , took many , if not most of his records upon trust , without examination , and so frequently miscites , wrests , or misapplies those he quotes , especially in brief , ( and some he cites at large too ) that those judges , lawyers , and young students , who rely upon him and his quotations as infallible oracles , and deem it a disparagement once to question them , will but deceive both themselves and others , as i have undeniably manifested in his grosse mistakes concerning the statute de iudaismo , and jews banishment out of england in my former demurrer , and in his mistake in this very roll. wherefore i shall advise them all still to try his records and quotations before they trust them , and to practise that rule himself so frequently urgeth , but yet overmuch forgot . tutius est petere fontes quam sectari rivulos , having never met with so many grosse misquotations and mistakes of records in any mans writings , as i have found in his , though otherwise a man of rare abilities in points of law , but no such antiquary , record-man , or historian as the world esteem him ; which i no ways publish to disparage his honourable memory or usefull publications , but to caution all of his profession for whose benefit and information i have published these records ) to take heed they be not ●educed by his venerable authority to imbrace or relyupon his frequent mistakes , misquotations of records and antiquities for undoubted verities . but to return from this necessary digression to my former text. in these patents rolls of 3 e. 1. i find frequent mention of the forcited ordinance of 23 h. 3. ( recorded in the red book of the exchequer ) prohibiting any jews to grant or assign their debts of christians to any christians , without the kings special license first obtained , &c. together with sundry special licenses granted by the king to assign and grant their debts to christians , and ro them to receive such assignments of them . take these few presidents of this kind instead of many other . rex omnibus ad quos , &c. salutem . p cum tempore domini henrici regis patris nostri provisum esset ; quod nullus iud●eus debitum aliquod quod sibi a christiano debebatur vendere posset alicui , nisi prius super hoc ab eodem patre nostro obtentis gratia & licentia . et si quis debitum hujusmodi ex licentia sua ab aliquo judaeo emeret , non plus haberet in eodem quâm ipse pater noster , vel nos haberemus , si debitum illud esset in manu nostra , vel in manu ejusdem patris nostri , vid●licet 〈◊〉 contentam , in carta super hoc confecta , sine vsura . nos mosseo filio jac. de oxon. josceo filio benedic●i & jacobo sablyn de eboraco iudaeis , gratiam facere volentes specialem , dedimus eisdem licentiam vendendi dilecto clerico nostro thomae de gunes quoddam debitum quadraginta & septem librarum in quo thomas de tausterne de eyton et walterus de rodistan eisdem mosseo , josceo et jacobo tenentur per cartas suas . dedimus etiam licentiam eidem thomae emendi debitum illud a judaeis in forma provisionis supra-dictae . in cujus , &c. teste rege apud thame 24 die julii . the like licences were granted the same year in these ifsame form to isaac de prouyns a jew of lincoln , q and to aaron de la rye a jew of london , to sell their respective debts specified in the licences , to r. bishop of bath and vvells ; and to him to buy them , reciting the foresaid ordinance of henry the 3. and in the patent rolls of 4 e. 1. m. 12. and 22. and in diverse other patent rols afterwards in this kings reign , i find sundry licences to other jews to sell their debts therein specified , and to christians to buy them , all running in the very same form , and reciting the foresaid ordinance in the self-same words , which proved very gainfull to the king and his officers , who would not grant such licenses gratis . as the jews could not assign nor dispose of their own debts to others without the kings special license and grace , so the king on the other side could dispose of , respite , and release their debts , inquire of and search after them at his pleasure , and grant them to his own queen , or others , as these records in 3 e. 1. inform us . * rex justiciariis suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis salutem , cum nuper concessimus carissimae consorti nostrae alienorae reginae angliae , omnia debita in quibus norman de arsy tenebatur quibuscunque judaeis regni nostri , & vobis mandaverimus quod dicta debita secundum legem & consuetudinem iudaismi nostri levari & praefatae consorti nostrae habere faceretis : ac eadem consors nostra , debita de quibus dictus normannus tenebatur aaroni de la rye , et mossaeo de clare nondum habuerit , ut accepimus . vobis mandamus quod cartas praedictas ab archa cirograph . extrahi , et cum irrotulatae fuerint reponi , et debita illa secundum legem et consuetudinem judaismi praedicti levari , et praefate consorti nostrae habere , et sic fieri et irro●ulari faciatis . itaquod praefa●● consors nostra eisdem cartis commodum suum facere possit , prout magis viderit expedire . teste rege apud westm . 4 die julii . r mandantum est justiciariis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , quod scrutatis rotulis de scaccario judaismi nostri , regi sub sigillo suo ejusdem scaccarii sine dilatione constare faciant , quibus & quot debitis willielmus de appledresfeld tenetur in judaismo regis , vel judaeis suis quibuscunque per cartas suas , vel alio modo . et hoc breve remittant t. r. apud bellum locum regis 24 die ianuar. ſ praeceptum est vicecom . suthampt. quod demandam quam de dicto vvillo . de appledresfeld fac . per summonitionem scaccarii regis de judaismo pro debitis quibuscunque regis , vel aliquibus judaeis regis solvend . ponat in respectum usque in tres septimanas , post festum purificationis beatae mariae prox . furtur . teste ut supra . t rex justiciariis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis salutem . volentes dilecto & fideli nostro . vv. de appledres . gratiam facere specialem ; vobis mandamus quod demandam quam ei facitis per breve nostr . scaccarii nostri de judaismo pro debitis quibuscunque nobis , vel aliquibus judaeis nostris solvendis , ponatis in respectum usque in tres septimanas post festum purif , beatae mariae prox . furtur . ita quod ex tunc de debitis illis respondeat prout de jure & secundum legem judaismi nostri fuerit faciend . t. r. apud bellum locum regis . 25 die ian. these writs fully manifest the manner of proceedings and respects in cases of debts and obligations before the justices appointed for the custody of the jews , in the kings exchequer for the jews . in this 3 year of king edward the 1. were the statutes de iudaismo made and enacted in parliament by the king and nobles , as i u have elsewhere proved at large , not in the 18 year of his reign , as sir * edward cooke very grosly mistakes , which i shall infallibly evidence by these two records in 4 e. 1. ( the very next year after their enacting , which i have formerly touched , and shall here transcribe at large ) expresly citing these very statutes , and awarding execution according to their prescription and words . y rex justiciariis suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis salutem . ex parte gamalielis de oxon. judaeo london , nobis est ostensum , quod cum nuper saero de geregrave , per diversas cartas quandam pecuniae summam mutuasset , et idem saerus qui tunc temporis pro libero habebatur servilis conditionis nunc existens , ut dicitur , omnes terras et tenementa sua quae libere dare , vendere potuit & obligare , ad voluntatem suam , post confectionem praedictarum cartarum in tantum vendidit diversis christianis adhuc eadem tenentibus , quod nihil penes ipsum remansit praeter quandam portionem terrae quam nunc tenet in villenagio , et quam vendere nece alicui obligare potuit , per quod dictus judaeus de praedicto debito suo minus juste elongatur . volentes igitur eidem judaeo ad debitnm suum recuperandum , pro ut justum fuerit subvenire , ita quod in hac parte sibi non fiat injnria . vobis mandamus , quod licet sic fuerit , quod dictus saerus terras et ten . quae tempore confectionis praedict . cart. libere tenuit post illud tempus vendidit , & nunc servilis conditionis extiterit , propter hoc non omittatis quin per sacramentum . 12 liberorum & legalium hominum , per quod rei veritas melius sciri poterit , et qui nulla affinitate attingunt praedictum saorum , vel tenentes terras & tenementa praedicta , diligenter inquiri faciatis , quas terras redditus & tenementa dictus saerus habuit tempore confectionis praedictarum cartarum , quae tunc aut postea libere dare , vendere & obligare potuit ad voluntarem suam : & qui praedictas terras , reddit us & tenementa quae sunt vadium praedict . judaei pro praedicto debito nunc tenent , & quantum valeant per annum , & quantum quilibet inde tenet . et tunc inspectis debitis dicti judaei , ad quantum videlicet se extendunt * secundum statuta nostra iudaismi , omnes quos praedictarum terrarum , reddit : et tenementer . quae idem saerus libere 〈…〉 potui● tempore praedicto , ut praedictum est , et quae sunt vadium ipsius j●dai , per praedictam inquisitionem tenentes inveneritis in quorum manibus existant , distringi faciatis ; viz. tam praefatum saerum si aliquam liberam terram teneat , quam alios singulatim , pro portione ipsum de praedicto debito contingen●e eidem judaeo solvend . et si idem saerus aut aliquis christianus de praedictis tenentibus aliquod sta●rum acquietantiae , vel recepti de praedicto judaeo ostendere poterit , illud eidem faciatis allocari . t. r. apnd west . 6. die junii . z rex thesaurario et baronibus suis de scaccario , et vvil●ielmo de middleton salu●em . cùm secundum assisam et * statuta iudaismi nostri , judaei nostri in regno nostro habere debeant a christianis debitoribus medietatem terrarum redituum et catallorum suorum quousque debita sua perceperint , ac willielmus de lascel de oteringham qui gamalieli de oxon judaeo per plures et diversas cartas in centum et quinquaginta libris et amplius tenetur , non habeat terras aut tenementa in quibus distringi possit , nisi viginti libras , quas johannes fil . mart. de oteringham ei debet , et centum solid●s et duodecim quarteria frumenti annui redditus percipiend . à dicto johanne ad terminum vitae ipsius will. volentes praefato iudaeo ad debita sua praedicta recuperanda subvenire , vobis mandamus quod si ita est , tunc praedicto judaeo * secundum statutum praedictum , habere facias medietatem dictarum 20 librarum ; et medietatem dictorum centum solidorum , et 12. quarter : frumenti per annum quousque dictus iudaeus * iuxta statutum nostrum de iudaismo editum debitum suum perceperit antedictum . et nolumus quod praedict . willielmus possit dare , vendere , vel alienare medietatem dictarum 20 librarum , nec medietatem dicti annui redditus quousque dict . debitum praefato judaeo plenarie per solvatur , t. rege apud westm . 14 die maii. in these two memorable records anno 4 e. 1. wee have an expresse recital of the statute de iudaismo no less than 4 several times , not only in words and substance , but by name , by these various stiles . statuta nostra iudaismi , statuta iudaismi nostri ; secundum statutum praedictum ; juxta statutum nostrum de iudaismo editum . therefore beyond all contradiction this statute could not be first made in the 18 year of king edw : the 1. as a sir edw cook most confidently affirms 3. or 4. several times in his slight commentary upon it ( being 14 years after these records , which could not recite and command execution upon it , so long before its making ) but in the 3d. year of his reign , as i have fully evinced elsewhere , both by histories , reasons , and a brief touch of these records ; which mistakes with others forecited , i doubt not but himself would have publiquely retracted had he been living , upon my clear discoveries of them , which i now presume will henceforth mislead no persons since his decease , as they have done most heretofore . this stumbling block of his touching the true date of the statute de iudaismo being removed , i shall proceed to other records of the same year , pertinent to my subject . b rex iusticiariis suis ad custodiam iudaeorum assignatis , salutem . quia accepimus , quod dominus henricus rex pater noster habere solebat in scaccario suo iudaeorum quendam iudaeum intendentem officio escaetariae de tenementis et catallis quae ad ipsum patrem nostrum accidere debent per mortem vel transgressionem iudaeorum , vel quacunque alia ratione . et quod nos nullum iudaeum seu alium habemus nec habuimus post mortem ejusdem patris nostri qui officio praedicto intendat , propter quod damnum non modicum hactenus sustinuimus , ut accepimus . nos indempnitati nostrae prospici volentes in hac parte , assignavimus benedictum de winton iudaeum ad officium praedictum exequendum in forma praedicta . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod accepto ab eodem sacramento corporali , quod fideliter se habebit in officio praedicto quamdiù steterit in eodem , ipsum benedictum ad officium illud admittatis in forma praedicta , t. rege apud westm. xix die iulii . in this record we have both the office , oath and imployment of the kings escheator of the jews expressed to the full , which no histories or law-books mention . in the same roll and membrana there is this ensuing record , reciting the kings authority to release or assign the jews debts at his pleasure , and the tallages imposed on them which were some times satisfied by bills . c rex justiciariis suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis salutem . cum celebris memoriae dominus hen : pater noster dudum in recompensationem arreragiorum quae restabant reddenda philippo de arcy de annuo feodo viginti librarum quod à dicto patre nostro dudum recipere consuevit , et quae idem philipp●s dicto patri nostro ex toto remisit , pardonavit eidem philippo quoddam debitum centum librarum quod debuit magistro elye fil . magist . mossei et gamelino judaeis london , et quoddam debitum viginti librar : quod debuit eisdem iudaeis de annuo feodo : et idem pater noster vobis mandavit , quod eundem philippum de praedict : debitis quietum esse et cartas per quas dictis iud●is tenebatur in debitis praedictis ei restitui , et eisdem judaeis in tallagiis suis vel aliis debitis quae dom. patri nostro debuerunt praedicta debita allocari faceretis , sicut per inspectionem rotulorum cancellariae praedict . patris nostri nobis constat , & quaedam pecuniae summa de praedict . feodo vigint . librarum praedict . iudaeis adhuc restat allocanda : vobis mandamus , sicut alias mandavimus , quod eisdem iudaeis id quod adhuc restat allocand : in hac parte in tallagio suo super ipsos assesso tempore nostro , vel in debitis si quae nobis debent , allocatis . t. r. apud estwode 13 die julii . william middleton one of the chief collectors of the jews taxes and arrears in this kings reign , was so imployed in keping the records of the common-pleas this year , that he could not well attend his collectors office , which occasioned these iusuing writs to discharge him from this office , and for others to execute it , and for him to deliver up the keys , writs , and rolls of them and the jews to others imployed therein . d rex dilecto clerico suo wil : de middleton salutem . advertentes quod vos officio custodiae rotulorum nostrorum coram justiciariis nostris de banco taliter estis onerati , quod levationem arreragiorum tallagii judaismi nostri , vel vicessimae nobis concessae commode vacare non potestis , et volentes breve exhonerationis in hac parte providere , vos ab officio levationis arreragiorum praedictorum tenore praesentium duximus absolvend : in cujus , &c. t. r. apud westm : 23 die julii . e rex dilecto clerico suo wil : de middleton salutem . advertentes quod vos ex custodia rotulorum et breuium nostrorum , ac aliorum instrumentorum placit : banci nostri westmon . tangentium , quae vobis custodiend : commissimus taliter estis onerati , quod examinat : collectionis vicessimae nostrae cum dilecto clerico nostro nicolao de castro vel collect : et levat : tallagii nostri judaeorum justiciariis nostris ad custod : judaeorum assignatis , diutius absque dampno vacare non potestis . nos vestri exonerationi volentes in hac parte provideri , vobis mandamus , quod claves quas de praedicta vicessima , et de praedicto tallagio penes vos habetis , liberetis baronibus nostris de scaccario , ut ipsi claves illas aliis , qui de praedictis officiis fideliter se intromittant committere possint , prout ad opus nostrum viderint expedire . in cujus &c. t. rege apud vvestmon . 23 die julii . f manndatum est , vvil : de middleton , quod rotulos & brevia judaismi regis liberet ade de wynton : custodiend : quamdiu regi placuerit . et hoc nuslatenus omittat : in cujus , &c. t. rege apud vvestm . 9 die junii . you have frequently heard before of the publick chests of the jews vvritings and charters , wherein they were all reserved , for the searching of which for several ends either to ascertain the king of their estates , or to deliver up stars and obligations in them that were really satisfied to the parties bound in them , or to search for and take out their particular writings and debts upon every occasion , we have several presidents in sundry rolls , especially in this 4 year of king edward the 1. three whereof i shall only recite . g rex dilectis & fideliibus suis gregorio de rokesly , barthol . de castello , & radulpho de broghton salutem . sciatis quod assignavimus vos ad archas cirograf , judaeorum nostrorum london scrutandas , & ad cartas quas quietas inveneritis & de hoc vobis veraciter constiterit ab eisdem archis extrahendas , & in quadam alia cista per se , & ad alias cartas nomine christianorum bellicatas , & nondum quietatas in alia cista per se , & ad alias cartas in quibus debita clara consistunt , in tertia cista per se reponendas . ita quod cistae illae sigillis vestris sigillentur , et salvo custodiantur donec aliud inde praeciperimus . et ideo vobis mandamus quod praedista faciatis in forma praedicta . in cujus &c. t. r. apud odiham 6 die augnsti . h rex dilectis sibi in christo abbati de colcest . et walt. de essex salutem . sciatis quod assign . vos ad archas cirograf . judaismi nostri colcest . et suthbiry aperiend . et ad scrutand . & examinand cartas ad omnia debita in archis illis inventa , et ad omnia illa irrotulandae , et ad plenum scrutinium inde faciend . et ad omnia ea nobis aperte et distincte sub sigillis vestris referenda . et ideo vobis mandamus quod ad certos dies quos ad hoc provideritis , arch. praedict as aperiatis , et cartas , et omnia debita in eis inventa diligenter scrutemini , et facto scrutinio illo diligenter illa irrotuletis , et archis illis sic secure reclusis , eas sigillis vestris sigilletis , ita quod non aperiantur , donec aliud inde duxerimus ordinandum . proviso insuper , quod nullas cartas extra easdem archas existentes ponatis in easdem , nec aliquas infra easdem archas existentes , ab eisdem extrahatis , vel aliquo modo extrahi permittatis . et si quas ●artas in in anibus cirografforum nostrorum inveneritis extra archas illas , eas per se irro●ulari , et in securo loco reponi facia●is . in cujus rei , &c. t. rege apud turr. lond. 27 die novembr . eodem modo assignatur rogerus de northwode una cum aliquo alio fideli regis quem sibi associaverit ad aperiendas archas cirograf . judaismi regis cantuar. eodem modo assign . robertus de ludham et willus . gerebert . ad aperiendas archas cirograf . judaismi regis vvinton , oxon. et de devisis . eodem modo assign . nicholaus de stapleton et abbas sanctae mariae eborum , ad aperiend . archas cirograf . judaismi regis de ebor. eodem modo assign . prior sanctae katerinae extra lincoln , et robertus de blund . ad aperiendas archas cirograf . judaismi regis lincoln & stainford . eodem modo assign . abbas sancti augustini bristol , et . bartholm . le ieovene constabularius castri de bristol . ad aperiend . archas cirograf . judaismi bristol . eodem modo assignatur bartholomeus de suthleye , una cum aliquo alio fideli , ad aperiend . arch. cirograf . judaismi wigorn. in cujus , &c. teste ut supra . i rex dilecto sibi in christo priori norwici , et dilecto clerico suo vvillielm . de middleton salutem . sciatis quod assignavimus vos ad aperiend . archam cirograf . judaismi nostri norwici , et ad scrutand . et examinand cartas , et omnia debita in illa archa inventa , et omnia debita illa irrotulanda , et ad plenum scrutinium inde faciend . et ad omnia ea nobis distincte et aperte sub sigillis vestris referenda . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod ad certum diem quem ad hoc provideatis , archam illam aperiatis , et cartas , & omnia debita in eadem inventa diligenter scutemini , et facto scrutinio illo , praemissa omnia irrotuletis , et archa illa secure reclusa , eam sigillis vestris sigilletis . ita quod non aperiatur donec aliud inde duxerimus ordinandum . proviso , quod nullas cartas extra eandem archam existentes ponatis in eandem , nec aliquas ibidem inventas ab eadem extrahatis vel aliquo modo extrahi permittatis . et si quas cartas in manibus cirograf . nostrorum extra archam illam inveneritis eas per se irrotulari , et in securo loco reponi faciatis . in cujus , &c. apud turr. london . 24 die novembris . eodem modo assignatur walt. de helynn una cum aliquo alio fideli regis quem sibi assignaverit ad aperiendas archas cirograf . judaismi regis hereford et gloucester . eodem modo assignatur iohannis wigorn. et roger de evesham ad aperiend . arch. cirograf . judaismi regis exon. et ad scrutand . ut supra . eodem modo assignatur hugo de stapleford , una cum aliquo alio fideli regis , quem sibi associau . ad aperiendas archas cirograf . judaismi regis huntindon , bedford , northampt. & oxon. eodem modo assignatur prior de london et willielmus de stirkeslegh . ad aperiend . archas cirograf . judaismi regis . lincoln et stainford . in cujus , &c. tese ut supra . i have rehearsed all these patents and commissions at large , because they vary some thing from each other in form , prescribe general and universal searches of the jews common chests and writings , and manifest , how and where they were dispersed into most of the chief cities and towns of england , and where they had chests , more exactly then most other records . this year there falling out some difference between the jews and the sheriff of oxford who had the custody and regulation of the oxford jews , thereupon at the jews procurement there issued forth this patent to the mayor and bayliffs of oxford to keep the peace between the sheriff and them , and to have the protection and government of them till the next parliament . k rex majori ad ballivis suis oxon. salutem . cum ad occasionem turbationis inter vici : nostrum oxon. & judaeos nostros ejusdem villae jam exortae , sicut dicitur tollendam , et ad pacem in judaismo nostro , ibidem quietius conservandam , assignavimus vos ad custod . judaeorum nostrorum ejusdem villae usque ad parliament . nostrum post instans fest : sancti michaelis : vobis mandamus qnod sicut de vestra diligentia et fidelitate specialiter confidimus custodiae illi diligenter intendatis . ita quod pax nostra in iudaismo praedicto , et in aliis quae statum ipsorum judaeorum in eisdem partibus tangunt , vestro mediante ●nvamime et consilo bene et inviolabiter conservetur . mandavimus enim vicecomiti nostro praedicto quod ad informationem status ipsorum iudaeorum non praesumat aliquid attemptare , nec de eisdem in aliquo interim se intromittat . in cujus , &c. teste rege apud windsore 31 die julii . king edward the 1. in the 5 year of his reign appointed commissioners to impose a tax upon all the commonalty of the jews throughout england , whose names and authority are thus expressed in a commission granted to them for this end . * rex dilectis et fidelibus suis ioh. de cobham , et phil. de wileby et wil. de middl. salutem . sciatis quod dedimus vobis potestatem obligandi universos et singulos judaeos regni nostri , secundum quod vos vel duo vestrum videritis expedire . et ideo vobis mandamus quod vos omnes , vel duo vestrum , omnes predictos judaeos tallietis , secundum quod ad opus nostrum melius videritis expedire . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud windsore , 30 die maii. hereupon all the jews were summoned from all parts up to london to be taxed , and thereupon all inquisitions against them during their attendance there upon this occasion & afterwards were suspended , unless by special command of the king or his justices for the iews , or these commissioners , and those to be made both by christians and iews , as was anciently accustomed , as this writ doth evidence , issued soon after . * rex vicecomiti oxon. cum assignavimus quosdam fideles nostros london , ad tallagium super communitatem judaeorum nostrorū angliae assidend : per quod oportet iudaeos nostros oxon ibidem interesse ad mandatū fidelium nostrorū praedictorum . tibi praecipimus quod inquisitiones aliquas super dictos iudaeos dum ibidem fuerint , vel postquam inde redierint non facias , sine mandaeto nostro , vel dictorum fidelium nostrorum , seu etiam iusticiariorum nostrorum ad custod : iudaeorum assignat : & hoc per christianos & iudaeos sicut temporibus aliorum vicecom . ibidem fieri consuevit . t. rege apud beckell , 22 die iunii . these incessant heavy annual taxes arbitrarily assessed on the jews without intermission by aegyptian taxmasters so impoverished many of them , that they were unable to pay them , and thereupon all their goods and debts , were seized to satisfie them , so far as they would reach , leaving them only a bare subsistance , & the residue respited to be annually paid ; as this record informs us . * rex insticiariis suis ad custod . iudaeorum assignatis salutem . quia ex testimonio fide dignorum accepimus , quod mosseus de clare iudaeus , tam pro tallagio nostro super ipsum assesso , quam pro aliis debitis quae nobis solvit post adventum nostrum in angliam , non sufficit ad residua debita in quibus nobis adhuc tenetur , tam de tempore domini regis henrici patris nostri , quam nostro , nobis ad praesens solvend : vobis mandamus , quod scrutatis rotulis de iudaismo nostr● de debitis in quibus nobis tenetur ad scacc : judaismi nostri praedicti , de debitis suis usque ad summam praedictum debitorum ad opus nostrum in recompensationem eorundem capiati● vel sibi juxta quantitatem catallorum suorum in archa cirografforum iudaeorum exeuntem rationabiles terminos ad quos d●bita illa solvere possit ; salva sibi et familiae suae sustentatione sua assignari faciatis , et catalla sua ea occasione in manum nostram capta sibi interim restituifaciatis . test●meipso apud vvindsore 28 die maii. if the rich wealthy jews in foreign parts have a desire to be impoverished and fleeced of all their wealth by uncessant arbitrary annual taxes imposed on them at the assessors pleasures , let them now come into england for that purpose , where they shall find persons more skilfull and powerfull to tax and excise them now every moneth or two , then those who taxed these their ancestors only once a year , till they have scarce a subsistence left them . the jews usury being totally suppressed to please the christians by the statute de judaismo , the king to enable them to pay their taxes , and subsist , granted general licenses to them to exercise merchandizing according to that * statute , as this record demonstrates . * rex omnibus ad quos , &c. salutem . cum propter inhibitionem quam ad commoditatem christianorum de usuris & poenis judaismi nostri nuper fieri fecimus . concessimus , quod judaei regni nostri merchandi●as legales exercere valeant in eodem regno iuxta formam statuti inde de consilio nostro provis● . volumus & concedimus , quod magister elyas , 〈◊〉 . magistri mossei , cresseus fil . ejusdem elie , & aaron fil . vynes judaei nostri london , hujusmodi merchandisas exerceant in regno praedicto ; et quod debitores suos qui eisdem judaeis per scripta vel alio modo legitime obligati fuerint , ad mercandisas , et alia quae eis rationabiliter debuerint soluenda per jnsticiarios ad custod : judaeorum assignatos distringantur , secundum legem & consuetudinem regni nostri . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud windsore 30 die maii. by this record of 5 e. 1. it is most apparent , that the statute de iudaismo , prohibiting usury to the jews , and enabling them to exercise merchandise , was not made in 18 e. 1. as is erroniously affirmed by sir edward cook being 13 years after this patent , which twice precisely mentions it , in these words , inhibitionem quam , &c. nuper fieri fecimus ; and juxta formam statuti inde de consilio nostro prouisi : but in the 3 year of his reigne , scarce two years before it : as i have here formerly manifested by two other records in 4 e. 1. the very next year after it . and it is likewise evident by this record , that the banishment of the jews usury out of england by this statute , did not cause them voluntarily ro banish themselves out of england , as he grosly asserts , since they continued here 15 years after , notwithstanding all their usury was suppressed . in this last patent the king seemes to speak to the jews with iacobs voice , but in the very first patent concerning them the next year after he discovers his esau's hands , imposing an heavy taxe upon their decayed estates with greatest rigor in the exacting of ir , witness this memorable commission to their aegyptian task-masters , which i fear some now of late do imitate , even towards their english christian brethren . * rex dilectis & fidel : suis fratri josepho de chancy priori hospit . sancti johannis jerusalem in anglia ; waltero de helynn , johanni de cobham , & philippo de willeby salutem . sciatis quod assignavimus vos ad assidendum quoddam tallagium super communitatem iudaeorum nostrorum ad opus nostrum , quàm citius et commodius videritis expedire , et prout vobis in●unximus viva voce . dante 's vobis potestatem praedictum tallagium de bonis , catallis , et debitis praedictorum judaeorum levandi , et nomine nostro adnuandi : nec non et hujusmodi iudaeos , qui in hac parte rebelles fuerint per exilium et abjurationem regni , si necesse fuerit compellendi ad dictum tallagium , pro proportionibus ipsos contingentibus nobis fine difficultate qualibet persolven● . et ideo vobis mandamus quod praemissa faciatis informa praedicta . teste rege apud windsore 15 die iulii . et mandatum est universis et singulis iudaeis infra regnum angliae constitutis quod eisdem josepho , waltero , johanni , et philippo in praemissis intendentes sint , et respondentes in forma praedicta . in cujus , &c. teste ●t supra . we may perceive by this commission how intollerably the poor jews were taxed and fleeced by the kings tax-masters every year , and what rigorous penalties and assessments were extorted from them ; yet neither these heavy , uncessant annual tallages , nor the banishment of their usury by the forementioned statute would expel or force them hence , before a direct edict of parliament and proclamation for their exile by a set day , under pain of hanging ( some years after this enjoyned banishment and abjuration to such as refused to pay this tallage ) ferretted them all ou● of england . in the 7th year of king edward the first , i find this memorable writ , proclamation and edict of his to his justices , for the inhibiting and punishing the blasphemies of the jews ( then frequent ) against christ crucified , and the faith of christ jesus , with loss of life and member , with other strict orders for preventing their apostacyes and propagation of their jewish rites , and all communion betwixt them and christians , worthy our special observation . l rex dilectis 〈◊〉 fidelibus suis stephano de pentecester , vvaltero de helynn , & johanni de cobham iusticiariis suis ad placita transgressionum monetae audienda et terminanda assignatis , et dilecto clerico suo philippo de vvylegheby salutem . quia datum est nobis intelligi , quod quidam judaei regni nostri fidem catholicam et sacra ecclesiastica hactenus diversimode blasphemare non formidarunt , nec adhuc formidant , in divini nominis contumeliam , et totius christianae profefsionis opprobrium . nos hujusmodi blasphemias sicut principem catholicum decet reprimi cupientes ; volumus , quod nullus iudaeus taliter de caetero blasphemare praesumat : videlicet , aliquod erronenm , detestabile aut abhominabile dicendo vel faciendo in blasphemia crucifixi , fidei catholicae , seu beatissimae matris mariae virginis , seu ecclesiasticorum sacramentorum . volumus etiam , quod hoc per omnia loca regni nostri in quibus iudaei morantur publice proclamatur : et ne aliquis iudaeus sub periculo vitae et membrorum talia facere vel dicere praesumat . et si quis notorius blasphemat or inveniatur , ita quod per inquisitionem per sacramentum christianorum bonorum et graviorum inde convinci possit evidenter ; volumus quod quilibet talis puniretur secundum quod in hujusmodi casibus alias fieri consuevit . idem fiat de ipsis qui aliquando ad fidem catholicam conversi , baptisati fuerunt , et postmodum ad iudaicam pravitatem perversi , ab eadem fide apostatare praesump●erint . volumus etiam quod mulieres iudeae de caetero portant signa in superiori veste sicut iudaei mares . et quod iud●i de caetero nullos habeant servientes christianos mares aut foeminas secum in quibuscunque obsequi●s commorantes , nec in domibus propriis , nec aliis in civitatibus , aut locis allis ubi morantur , set ipsi iudaei sibi invicem in omnibus sibi serviant et ministrent : et hoc ubique precipiatur tam christianis quam iudaeis sub gravi forisfactura nostra . volumus etiam quod omnes christiani qui pignora sua inter bona iudaeorum dampnatorum inventa redimere voluerint , hujusmode pignora per testes fideles et bone famae probent esse sua , et ea per certa signa et indicia describant , & hujusmodi testibus eatenus credatur quatenus ipsis majoris vel minoris famae esse constiterit . et si fortè pignora illa sua esse per testes probare non possint , eo quod testes defuncti vel absentes sunt , ita quod eos habere non possint , vel quia secrete et absque testimonio impignorata fuerunt , tunc ad pignora illa recuperanda sufficiat tantummodo sacramentum ipsorum , quorum illa existunt , dum tamen pignora illa certis signis et indiciis describant sicut praedictum est . et hoc propter lapsum anni a tempore impignorationis hujusmodi nullatenus omi●tatur . volumus insuper , quod omnes illi qui per testes fide dignos probare possint debita sua pro snis pignoribus persolvisse , et pignora illa propter certam aliquam rationem per ipsos coram vobis ostendam , aut propter maliciam ipsorum iudaeorum ab eisdem iudaeis non recipisse , ad iteratam solutionem debitorum illorum faciendam nullatenus compellantur , & testibus illis credatur juxta famam personarum , additis testibus aliis si necesse fuerit juxta discretionem vestram . de libris autem apud oxon impignoratis volumus quod nullum fiat judicium usque ad festum omnium sanctorum prox : futurum . volumus etiam quod per civitates , burgos , villas mercatorias et alias publice proclametur , ne quis bona iudaeorum dampnatorū , seu dam●nandorū recipiat , seu jam recepta celet vel occultet , sedea nobis restituet citra fest : beati petri ad vincula prox : futur : alioquin nos versus ipsos tanquam ad caelatores et occultatores thesauri regni graviter capiemus . et ideo vobis mandamus quod omnia praedicta fieri et firmiter observari faciatis in forma praedicta . t. rege apud westmon . x. die maii. consimiles literae diriguntur . barth : de sutlegh , will : de beof , & ade de boteler , & ioh : de fauconer . consimiles literae breve diriguntur . ioh. beks , alex : de kirketon , & ranulpho de dacre , & hugoni de kendale . in this 7th year of king edw. the 1. ( as our historians m elsewhere cited record ) there was a parliament held at london , principally to inquire after the great clipping and falsifying of the kings coin , and prevent it for the future ; during this parliament most of the jews throughout england were apprehended , and hundreds of them by several inquests , found guilty before the justices ( mentioned in these vvrits ) specially appointed for that end , for clipping counterfeiting , and corrupting the kings money , whereof 294 jews in london alone were convicted and soon after executed , and multitudes more of them in other places throughout the realm ; which occasioned these vvrits and proclamations ( made most probably by advice of the parliament , and approved by it , ) to be issued forth and put in execution for the just punishment of the blasphemous jewish malefactors , and better discovery of their concealed confiscated estates for the kings greater advantage and likewise for relief of such sub●ects who had any pawns or goods in the then condemned iews possession . as those iews who were legally convicted for clipping and corrupting the kings coyne , were executed for it in all places ; so many more of them were accused , imprisoned for the same crime , much oppressed , maligned generally by the people , and inforced to make fines and ransomes to the king , and the houses and estates of those who were executed sold & strickt inquiry made after all concealments of their estates , as the last , & these ensuing records will at large inform us , far better than any of our historians . i shall begin with that which is most large . * rex dilectis , et fidelibus suis stephano de pentecester , waltero de helynn , et ioh. de cobham justiciariis ad placita transgressionis monerae audienda , salutem . quia omnes judaei nuper rectati , et per certam suspicionem indictate de retonsura monetae nostrae , & inde convicti cum ultimo supplicio puniuntur ; & quidam eorum eadem occasione , omnia bona et catalla sua satisfecerunt , et in prisona nostra liberantur , in eadem ad voluntatem nostram detinendi . et cum accepimus quod plures christiani ob odium judaeor . propter discrepantiam fidei christianae , et ritus judaeorum , et diversa gravamina per ipsos judaeos christianis hactenus illata , quosdam judaeos nondum rectatos in indictatos de transgressione monetae , per leves et voluntarias accusationes accusare et indictare de die in diem nituntur , et proponunt , impouentes eis ad terrorem ipsorum , quod de hujusmodi transgressione culpabiles existunt super ipsos judaeos faciendae et sic per minas hujusmodi accusationis , ipsis iudaeos metu incutiant , et pecuniam extorqueant ab eisdem ; ita quod ipsi judaei super hoc ad legem suam saepe ponuntur in vitae suae periculum manifestum . volumus quod omnes iudaei qui ante primum diem maii proxim . praeterir . indictati , vel per certam suspicionem rectati non fuerunt de transgressione monetae predictae , et qui facere voluerint finem juxta discretionem vestram , ad opus nostrum facere pro sic , quod non occasionentur , de hujusmodi transgressionibus factis ante primum diem maii propter novas accusationes christianorum post eundem diem inde factas non molestentur , sed pacem inde habeant in futurum . proviso , quod iudaei indictati , vel per certam suspicionem rectati de hujusmodi transgressione ante praedictum diem maii , judicium subeant coram vobis , juxta formam prius inde ordinatam & provisam . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod fines hujusmodi capiatis , et praemissa fieri , et observari faciatis in forma praedicta . teste rege apud cantuar. 8 die maii. consimiles literae diriguntur barthol . de sulley et sociis suis justiciar . ut supra . t. rege , ut supra . consimiles literae diriguntur iohan. beks et sociis suis iusticiariis , ut supra , t. rege , ut supra . * rex dilect . et fidel . suis stephano de pentecester , walt. de helynn , & ioh. de cobham justiciar . ad placita monetae audiend . et terminand . assignatis salutem , quia omnes judaei nuper rectati , et per certam suspicionem indictati , de retonsura monetae nostrae et inde convicti , cum ultimo supplicio puniuntur , et quidam eorum eadem occasione , omnia bona et catalla sua forisfecerunt , et in prisona nostra liberantur , in eadem ad voluntatem nostram detinendi . volumus quod omnes illi judaei qui bona et catalla sua forisfecerunt ut praedict . est , et qui in prisona nostra ea occasione detinentur , et qui pro deliberatione corporum suorum finem facere voluerint vobiscum ad opus nostrum , hujusmodi finem juxta vestram discretionem facere possint . et quod mulieres judeae , quae fuerunt uxores judaeorum dampnatorum , et etiam uxores judaeorum , quorum bona et catal . forisfact . sunt , et quae habent unde redimi possunt , similit , fin . facere possunt vobisc . ad opus nostr . juxta discretionem vestram , et juxta quantit . bonorum quae viri ●ui habuerunt , et quae nondum inventa , et per eosdem judaeos occulte deponantur ; et sic per hujusmodi finem a prisona , qua occasione praedict . detinentur . deliberari . ita quod judeae pauperes quae fuerunt uxores hujusmodi dampnat , judeorum , et similiter uxores judaeorum quae bona et catalla sua forisfecerunt , et quae non habent unde redimi possunt , per vos absque redemptione deliberentur a prisona . volumus insuper et mandamus , quod citra festum sancti ioh. baptistae de terris et tenementis judaeorum hujusmodi quae sunt escaeta nostra , diligenter inquiratis in quibuscunque locis existent , et pro quanto vendi possint , et quis plus dare velit pro eisdem , et nobis precium inde citius persolvere . ita quod inde infra terminum praedict . ad plenam nos cerciorare possitis . et ideo vobis mandamus quod fines hujusmodi a dictis judaeis tam masculis quam femellis , et omnia praemissa faciatis in forma praedicta . test . rege ut supra . consimiles literae diriguntur iohan. beks , et sociis suis justiciariis ut supra , t. r. ut supra . consimiles literae diriguntur . barthol . de suleye et sociis suis justiciar . ut supra . t. r. ut supra . besides these patents to the justices , the king then issued forth special patents and commissions to divers others , to sell the houses and tenements of the coudemned and hanged jews for his best advantage in this form . * rex omnibus , &c. salutem . sciatis quod dedimus potestatem dilectis et fidel . nostris thomae de sodyngton , hugoni de lendale , et majori eborum , ad domos nostras quae sunt escaeta nostra in civitate eborum et extra , per feloniam quorundam judaeorum ibid. et alibi nuper suspensorum , et tenementa quorundam aliorum judaeorum qui se in patriam ponere renuerunt vendendi , et homines inde feoffandi , prout ad opus nostrum magis viderint expedire . dedimus etiam potestatem dilecto et fideli nostro hamoni hauteyn praedict . hugoni et thomae fil . roberti ad hujusmodi domos in civitate lincoln , et extra vendendi in forma praedicta . dedimus etiam potestatem eisdem hamori , hugoni , & gilberto de cestreton ad hujusmodi domos in villa stanford , et extra vendendi in forma praedicta . dedimus etiam potestatem eisdem hamoni , hugoni , & vicecomiti warw. ad hujusmodi domos in villa warw. et extra vendendi in forma praedicta . ratum habituri et firmum quicquid praedicti fideles nostri , vel duo eorum in singulis comitatibus & villis praedictis nomine nostro duxerint faciendum . nos enim factum eorum in hac parte per literas nostras patentes ratificabimus . in cujus &c. t. rege apud westm . 17 die novemb. the like letters patents and commission were then issued forth to others , to sell the condemned and executed jews houses , lands , rents in other places . * rex dilecto & fideli suo willielmo de braybeof salutem : sciatis quod dedimus vobis potestatem vendendi omnes terras et redditus judaeorum dampnatorum pro transgressionibus sibi impositis in locis in quibus vos ad inquirendum de hujusmodi transgressionibus assignati estis , prout vobis injunximus viva voce , et prout ad opus nostrum magis videbitur vobis expedire . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod hujusmodi domos , terras , et redditus judaeorum sic dampnatorum vendatis in forma praedicta : ita quod de exitibus venditionis illius nobis respondere possetis ad mandatum nostrum . in cujus , &c. t. rege apud brehul : 1 die aug. when the jews had all made fines and ransoms for their trespasses with the kings justices and commissioners as aforesaid ; then he sent forth a proclamation that they might freely exercise their lawfull trades , merchandizes with christians and one another as formerly , and buy victuals , with other necessaries , and have such communion with christians as they were wont ; prohibiting any to lay violent hands upon or molest them , as this record ( with others of the like nature to other sheriffs ) attests . * mandatum est vicecomiti eborum , quod in pleno comitatu eborum , et in civitate praedicta publice proclamari faciat , quod judaei ibidem de rebus et mercandisis licitis cum omnibus tam christianis quam judaeis libere negociari possint , et victualia , & alia necessaria ab omnibus emere , et inter christianos conversari , prout premissa facere consueverunt temporibus retroactis . firtuiter etiam inhiberi f●cias , ne qui in eos manus violentas injiciant , vel alias eis malefaciant contra pacem regis . king ●●w●rd the 1. in the 8. year of his reign issued forth these letters pa●ents following for the sale of all the condemned jews houses lands , and tenements in london , and 14 other several counties named in them , in all which they had lands , tenements and possessions 〈…〉 small value . * 〈…〉 ad quos , &c. salutem . sciatis quod dedi●●us potesta●em pro vobis & haeredibus nostris , dilecto & 〈◊〉 nostro waltero de 〈◊〉 vendendi nomine nostro 〈◊〉 domos , terras & tenementa cum pertinentiis , quae fuerunt quo umcunque iudaeorum , quae ad manum nostram tanquam escaeta nostra per fo●isfactur am eorundem occasione transgressionum monetam nostram tangentiū devenerunt : videlicet in civitate london , & comitatibus middle . sussex , surr. kanc ' essex . hertf. norf. suff. cantuar. hunt. bucks . bedf. oxon. & berks. ita quod ipsi qui ea emerint à praefato waltero ea habeant et teneant sibi et haeredibus suis in perpetuum . in cujus , &c. t. rege apud windsore , 28 die novombris . as the king sold the houses of these condemned jews , so he likewise took into his hands the debts of the other jews to satisfie their debts due unto him for their taxes , which he levied to his own use , and then allowed them for their arrears . * rex thesaurar . & baronibus suis de scaccario , salutem , sciatis quod cum nuper capi fecerimus in manum nostram quoddam debitum quinquaginta marcarum in quo robertus de percy per cartam suam in archa cyrographar : apud ebor : existenti tenebatur bonamy de ebor : iudaeo : et quod levari precipimus ad opus nos●rum : concessimus eidem iudeo , quod si praedict . debitum ad opus nostrum levatum fuerit , vel in manum nostram captum , sicut praedict : est . idem iudaeus pro dicto debito 50 marcarum in recompensationem habeat de 40 marcis in veteribus arreragiis , tallagiis & aliis debitis quae nobis debet ad scaccarum praedictum . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod si ita est , tunc eidem iudaeo in hujusmodi veteribus arreragiis , tallagiis , & aliis debitis quae nobis debet ad idem scaccarium allocationem de praedic●is 40 marcis habere faciatis in recompensatione praedicti debiti 50 ma●carum sicut praedictum est . t. r. a●ud vvestm . 13 die novemb. by which the king got x. marks clear from this jew , over and above his pretended debt and arrear for which this debt was seized and levied . king edward in the 8. year of his reign at the supplication of the friers predican●s in england , who desired to preach unto the obstinate jews , thereby to convert them to the christian faith , and turn them from their antient errors , blindness and unbelief , procured this notable ensuing writ and patent to all his ●heriffs , bayliffs and other leige people , commanding them to induce the jews in all places to resort unto and hear their preaching , without blasphemy or disturbance , at such times and places as these friers predicants should direct , &c. u rex vicecomitibus et omnibus ballivis & fidelibus suis salutem . cum d●lecti nobis in christo fratres de ordine praedicatorum in anglia , judaeis , quorum montes vetustas erroris et perfidiae obnubulat et obcaecat , praedica●e proponunt verbum dei , quo facilius interveniente gratia spiritus sancti , ad fidei catholicae converti valeant unitatē ; & ob hoc dilectus nobis in christo , prior provincialis ejusdem ordine nobis supplicaverit , ut vobis demus in mandatis , quod omnes iudaeos ubicunque locorum in ballivis vestris conversantes efficaciter moneatis et inducatis , quod in locis ubi vobis de consilio fratrnm ipsorum magis expedire videbitur , ad audiendum verbum dei conveniant , et illus ad eisdem fratribus absq tumultu , contentione , vel blasphemia , audiant diligenter & benigne . et si forte altissimus velamen duritiae a cordibus eorum auferens aliquibus vel alicui ipsorum iudaeorum gratiam dederit convertendi , quod caeteri iudaei eis super hoc non impediant , nec per alios impediri procurent . nos praedi●●um proposit●m ipsorum ●ratrum attendentes pium et salubre , et precibus predicti prioris favorabiliter annuentes in hac parte , vobis mandamus , quod omnes iudaeos in ballivis vestris conversantes , ad praemissa facienda efficaciter moneatis , et eos ad hoc modis quibus melius sciveritis inducatis , prout unicuique vestrum inspiraverit spiritus veritatis . in cujus , &c. quamdiu regi placuerat duratur . teste rege apud winton . 2 die jan. what good effects this zealous , pious project of the friers preachers , and patents of the king in pursuit thereof produced in converting any considerable number of the jews to the catholick faith , i find not mentioned in histories or record , but their universal banishment hence 8. years after , x principally for their infidelity , sufficiently manifests , that all the endeavours then used for their conversion , by drawing them to these preachers sermons , and the provisions made by the king for the converts support hereafter specified , were very successlesse . wherefore those zealots and enthusiasts who so earnestly plead and write for their readmission amongst us now , upon the future probability of their conversion by their powerfull preaching to , and exemplary conversation amongst them , are like to find no better successe than these preaching friers then did , and other eminenter divines than themselves , of late years , and now , do find in foraign parts where the jews reside : where they may do well now to try what good they can do by preaching and conversing with them abroad , before they practise upon them at home , as these predicants friers formerly did without any such successe as they expected . king edward the 1 , to promote the jews conversion , and for their better maintenance & corroboration when converted to christianity , did this very year by two several patents grant , that whereas all the estates and goos of the jews converted to christianity did of right and custome become forfeited to the crown , that from thencforth the jews should injoy the moity of them for their own sustenance , & that the other moity of them should accrew to the house of the converts , for the better sustentation of the converts there ; and further granted the moity of all the forfeited estates of the jews that should any ways accrue unto him , and all deodands to be distributed in almes amongst the converts , and imployed towards the maintenance and repair of the society and house of the converts ( now the rolls ) erected by his father , as these two patents of his this year most fully relate . p rex thesaurario , et baronibus suis de scaccario , salutem , quia ad augmentum fidei , et cultus nominis christiani conversionem judaicae pravitatis ad fidem catholicam potissime credimus operari , nos ut illi qui jam a caecitate hujusmodi ad lucem ecclesiae sunt conversi , in ipsa fidei firmitate roborarentur , et alii qui adhuc in errore illo persistunt , libentius et promptius ad gratiam fidei de caetero convertant ; disposuimus auctore domino de ipsorum sustentatione salubriter providere . licet igitur omnia bona et catalla judaeorum quae convertuntur ad fidem , ad nos plenarie de jure et consuetudine pertinent , volentes tamen eis postquam filii et fideles ecclesiae sunt effecti , dei intuitu gratiam facere specialem , medietatem valoris omnium bonorum suorum ubicunque in regno nostro ad sustentationem suam concedimus de dono nostro ; aliam autem medietatem bonor . hujusm . bona etiam et catal. judaeor . ex nunc quacunque occasione dampnandorum , una cum bonis et catallis , quorumcunque judaeorum quae ex quacunque ratione nobis forisfieri contigerit , nec non et elemosinam nostram quae deodanda vocatur ( post tempus concessionis nostrae fratribus predicatoribus de elemosina illa facta ) una cum * chevagio judaeorum nostrorum angliae , quae omnia colligi , et deferri volumus ad scaccarium nostrum , ad sustentationem conversorum et convertendorum qui honestae conversationis extiterint usque ad septennium completum duximus deputanda , eisdem per vos et custodem principalem domus praedictae plenarie assignanda . et quia cura domus praedictae aliquo viro discreto , qui continue resideat , et negociis dictae domus personaliter intendat , indigere dignoscitur , volumus , quod ad curam hujusmodi aliquis presbyter idoneus et discretus dicti custodis arbitrio deputetur , qui capellae nostrae ibidem , cum uno socio presbytero honesto converso , seu , alio et clerico seu clericis fibi necessariis personaliter deserviat ibidem continue residendo , qui redditus praedictae domus collegat , bona etiam et catalla , una cum commemoratis elemosina et chevagio ad dictum scaccarium recipiat , et hujusmodi conversis et convertendis prociones suas distribuat , et gerat negotia dictae domus in omnibus tam infra quam extra de consilio custodis praedict . illi autem conversi qui habiles fuerint ad artificia seu ministeria secularia addiscenda , volumus quod ad ea decaetero deputentur , per custodem praedictum , et de portionibus suis eisdem ut dictum est assignatis sustententur , donec de artificiis et ministeriis suis valeant competenter sustentari ; et extunc praedictae portiones subtrahantur , et ad fabricam et reparationem capellae nostrae praedictae , vel ad sustentationem aliorum conversorum arbitrio custodis principalis praedicti assignentur . proviso etiam , quod bona praedicta quae ultra portiones ad sustentationem conversorum praedictorum assignatas superesse contigerit ad fabricam praedict . capel . et usus ejusdem necessarios convertantur . dictus autem presbyter rationabilem sustentationem suam , et concapellani sui ac clerici , seu clericorum suorum , de bonis et catallis praedictis percipiet annuatim . volumus autem , quod ●i in domo praedicta capellanus conversus idoneus et honestus extiterit , qui capellae nostrae ibidem deserviat , illum retineat in socium , quibuscunque extraneis praefarend . praefatus etiam presbyter onera capellae praedictae , tam ordinaria quam extraordinaria sumptibus dictae domus totaliter sustinebit , et de receptis et impensis suis compot um reddat de anno in annum cum vobis ad scaccar . praedictum , prout rationabiliter fuerit faciendum ; et ideo vobis mandamus quod medietatem bonorum illorum judaeorum qui ad fidem amodo se convertent ; bona etiam et catalla judaeorum quorumcunque ex nunc quacunque occasione dampnandorum , una cum chevagio judaeorum angliae , et elemosina nostra praedicta , quae deodanda vocatur , statim cum accederint plenarie ac diligenter colligi , et levari faciatis , et custodi principali praedicto seu presbytero liberari faciatis , conversis et convertendis praedictis distribuend . in forma predicta , & compotum praedicti presbyteri de anno in annum inde audiatis , prout superius est expressum . in cujus , &c. teste rege apud westm . 26 die maii. the king soon after these letters patents to the treasurer and barons of his exchequer , constituted john de saint denys archdeacon of rochester custos or gardian of this house of the converts , and thereupon directed these letters patents to him , agreeing in substance with those to the treasurer and barons , which i shall insert at large , as most fully setting forth his office of any record i have seen . * rex dilecto clerico suo johan . de sancto dionisio archidiacono roffens . custodi domus conversorum london , salutem . quia ad aeugmentum fidei , et cultus nominis christiani convers●onem judaicae pravitatis ad fidem catholicam potissime credimus operari . nos ut illi qui a caecitate hujusmodi ad lucem ecclesiae sunt conversi in ipsa fidei firmitate roborentur , et alii qui adhuc in errore illo persistunt libentius et promptius ad gratiam fidei decaetero se convertant ; disposuimus auctore domino , de ipsorum sustentatione salubriter providere . licet itaque omnia bona & catallae judaeorum qui conventuntur ad fidem ad nos plenarie de jure & consuetudine pertinent , volentes tamen eis postquam filii & fideles ecclesiae sunt effecti dei intuitu , gratiaem facere specialem , medi●tatem valoris omnium bonorum suorum ubicunque in regno nostro , eisdem ad sustentationem suam dono nostro concedimus : aliam autem medietatem bonorum hujusmodi , bona etiam et catalla judaeorum ex nunc quacunque occasione dampnandorum , una cum bonis et catallis quorumcunque judaeorum quae ex quacunque ratione nobis forisfieri contigerit , nec non et elemo sinam nostram , quae deodanda vocatur ( post tempus concessionis nostrae fratribus predicatoribus , de elemosina illa facta ) una cum * chevagio judaeorum nostrorum angliae : quae omnia colligi et deferri volumus ad scaccarium nostrun , ad sustentationem conversorum et convertendorum qui honestae conversationis extiterint , usque ad septennium completum duximus deputanda , eisdem per thesaurarium et barones de scaccario nostro per vos proportionabiliter assignanda . et ut circa domus conversorum nostrorum lond. quo ad praemissa propensius , et cum majori solicitudine pertractetur , volumus , quod provideatis de aliquo idoneo presbytero de cujus industria et discretione merito confidend . sit , qui in domo ipsa certinue resideat , et capellae nostrae ibidem cum uno socio capellano honesto et uno vel duobus clericis personaliter deserviat , redditus ad dictam domum pertinentes colligat , et bona et catalla supradicta ad praedict . scaccarium nostrum recipiat , ac portiones conversis et convertendis assignatas distribuat , et ad alia neg●cia dictae domus fideliter procuranda , quotiens vos abesse , vel ad hoc personaliter vacari non possetis , de consilio vel ordinatione vestra diligenter intendat , qui etiam rationabilem sustentatationem suam pro se , et socio suo , ac clerico vel clericis memoratis , ad servicium capellae necessariis , de redditibus et bonis praedictis recipiat , et de omnibus receptis et misis suis compotum suum reddat coram thesaurario et baronibus de scaccario de anno in annum , secundum quod literis inde dictis thesaur . et baronibus directis plenius continetur . et si in domo praedicta capellanus conversus idoneus et honestus extiterit , volumus quod presbiter seu procurator praedictus ipsum prae caeteris in socium retineat ad administrandum unae secum in capella praedicta ; si qui autem de conversis et convertendis , habiles fuerint ad doctrinam , volumus quod scolas exerceant : laici etiam quos ad artificia seu ministeria secularia addiscenda aptos esse noveritis , adeo decaetero deputentur , ut habeant singuli eorum sustentationes suas de portionibus eisdem de bonis praedictis rationabiliter assignandis . quod si praedicti scolares clerici aliquod beneficium ecclesiasticum adipiscivaleant , de quo sustentationem suam rationabilem habere possint , subtrahantur eis ex tunc portiones praedictae , & eas aliis conversis seu convertendis indigentibus facias assignari . et hoc idem fiat de laicis supradictis , quam cito se possint de artificiis seu ministeriis suis sustentationem competentem habere . proviso inter caetera , quod de redditibus & bonis praedictis quae ultra sustentationem conversorum capellanorum et ministrorum ecclesiae superesse contigerit , ad fabricam & ornatum capellae predictae , & divini cultus augmentum faciatis ibidem provide deputari . et si quae in domo praedicta in personis aut rebus corrigenda seu reformanda videritis , ea corrigi & reformari cum omni diligentia facias , prout indempnitati et honestati dictae domus magis videbitis expedire . in cujus &c. t. reg. apud westm . 3 die junii . yet all this care and diligence both of the king and preaching friers forementioned , made very few jewish converts in that age , and those only of the p●●rer sort , rather to get a livelyhood to sustein them in this house , than out of any real affection to christ or christianity . in the plea rolls of the kings exchequer for the jews in the 9 year of his reign , i find this gardian of the house of the converts suing forth this ensuing writ for the moity of the goods and chattels of one belager an oxford jew converted to the chris●ian faith , by vertue of the forementioned patent : whereupon they were delivered unto him for the use of the house , as the record it self will more largely expresse . placita apud scaccarium judaeorum & termino pasche , anno regis bdwardi novo part . 7. * johannes de sancto dionisio custos domus conversorum tulit breve regis de magno sigillo in haec verba . edwardus , &c. justiciariis ad custodiam judaeorum , &c. assignatis salutem . ex parte conversorum domus nostrae london . nobis est ostensum , quod cum medietas bonorum & catallorum jud●orum conversorum sen convertendorum ad fidem catholicam ad conversos domus nostrae praedict . ratione concessionis nostrae eis inde factae pertineat , alia medietate illis qui sic a tempore concessionis nostrae praedict . convertunt reservata : ac belager judeus oxon. nuper ad fidem catholicam se converterit , &c. thereupon the king commanded that according to his former charters , the one moiety of the goods should be delivered to the convert for his ●ustentation , and the other moity to the house of the converts . t. rege apud . woodstock 25 die aprilis , an. regni nostri nono . per hoc breve liberantur eidem johanni bona & catalla subscripta , videlizet de bonis & catallis praedicti conversorum , viz. vnus liber prest . constit : precii 12 d. unus grecismus precii 6 d. una legenda precii 10 d. unum doctrinale magnum precii 1 d. quidam liber constitutionum precii 4 s. quidam codex , precii 16 s. quoddam insciatum precii 16 s. & e. in the plea rolls of this term and year ( pasche 9 e. 1. rot . 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. ) there are very many actions brought by jews against christians , and christians against jews , and one jew against another , and many stars as well of grant and release , as obligatory and by way of morgage , pleaded and recited at large , and issues joyned upon them , whether they were their stars or deeds , or not , when denied by them to bee their deeds ; which issues were tried by a jury of 6. legal christians and 6 jews . their starrum and starra , as they are there stiled , began in this form . solomon judaeus de stanford cognovit per starrum suum , &c. that he was obliged to such a one in such a summe , or that he had assigned and granted such a debt , starre or morgage to such a one ; or that he had released such a debt , star or morgage . and in their stars of release they added this clause . et si inveniatur carta salis , vel obligatio in archa cirografforum , vel extra nomine praedicti solomonis , &c. quod quieta sit , et nil valeat , & quod recognoscit hoc idem sigillo suo . when issue was joyned upon non est factum , concerning any of their stars or deeds , the entry upon the trial by 6 sworn legal christians and jews in those rolls , was usually in this form . et inquisitio inde venit à die pasche in tres septim : nunc per thomam clinch , johannem hubbard , abraham sampson &c. et alios probos et legales homines & iudaeos , ( expressing all their names ) qui dicunt super sacramentum suum , quod praedictum star : est factum praedicti solomonis , et litera ebraica manu sua propria signatum , & quod dictum starrum fecit tempore quo habuit liberam administrationem benorum suorum , &c. i shall transcribe only one of these records as a pattern of most of the rest , whereby the form of the legal process and proceedings before the justices assigned for their custody , will be more fully manifested to the readers , together with the forme of their stars of release . ſ cum alicia quae fuit uxor clementis de poringland districta fuisset pro xl . s. ad opus regis de debito gente quae fuit uxor ayey : fil : deulegin : eadem alicia venit , et clamat habere quietantiam de dicto debito per quoddam starrum coram : &c. in haec verba . isaac filius jurn : et muriel . leveske judaei testantur , quod gente de glocest . concedit , quod alicia quae fuit uxor clementis de poringland et haeredes sni quieti sint de ipsa et haeredibus suis de omnibus demandis calumniis & placitis a creatione seculi usque ad pentecosten anno edwardi 4to . et si aliquis judaeus , homo vel foemina , quid exigat , vel calumniatur versus praedictam aliciam occasione alicujus debiti quod eidem gente debebat a principio seculi usque ad praedict . festum pentecost : supradict : gente eam est acquietare , defendere & warrantizare . et praedicti judaei testantur , quod eadem gente spontanea voluntate hoc recognovit , et quod istud starr : est factum praedictae gente , & factum quo tempore habuit liberam administrationem bonorum suorum ; et petit quod inquiratur . ideo praeceptum est vicecomiti , quod venire faciat coram justiciariis sex probos et legales homines christianos , et sex legales iudaeos de civitate norwic. ad dies , &c. et quia constat per praedictam inquisitionem ( upon the trial ) quod praedicta alicia quieta est de praedicto debito per praedictam starr : quod est factum ipsius gente de debito tempore factum , &c. consideratum est , quod de prēdicto debito xl s. cedat quieta , &c. the like trial is in rotulo 5. of this term in dorso . kanc. eustachius de peckham ; and rot. 6. suthampt. between solomon ben-solomon and others ; with sundry more , overtedious to insert , since i intend not to be a reporter of all their cases , but only of the form of their law proceedings , for which these with the former instances may suffice . in the same 9th year of king edward the 1. i find these records relating to the jews in the clause and patent rolls in the tower of london . the first of them in time , is concerning a fine made with the kings commissioners by a jew , which another jew undertook to satisfie for him to the king , whereupon there issued this writ to the receiver of their goods . * rex dilecto clerico suo philippo de wyleby nuper receptori bonorum iudaeorum dampnatorum in diversis comitatibus salutem , quia aaron filius vynes iudaeus london , manucepit solvere nobis 40 s. in quibus abraham fil : elye filii magistri mossei iudaei london , et quinque marcas in quibus mosseus fil : hugonis nobis tenentur pro fine quem nobiscum feceru●t coram dilectis & fidelibus nostris stephano de penecestre , & sociis suis tunc justiciariis nostris ad placita de transgressionibus , monetae nostrae andiend : et terminand : assignatis pro transgressionibus mon●tae . vobis mandamus , quod praedict . abraham de praedict . 40 s. et praedict . mosseum de praedict . 5 marcis quietos esse facias . et scire facias justiciariis nostris ad custodiam iudaeorum assignatis , quod praedict . 40 s. & 5. marc . decidant praefato aaron in debitis quae eidem aaroni concessimus in recompensationem cujusdam debiti in quo galfridus peche eidem aaroni tenebatur . et quod idem aaron carissimae consorti nostrae , et alianorae reginae angliae nuper remisit . t. r. apud westm . 28 die maii. the like writ in effect issued for sarra a jewesse of london concerning a like fine the same year , to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer . * rex thes : et baronibus suis de scaccario , salutem . cum sarra de london judea northampt : teneatur nobis in quinque marcis , per quas finem fecit nobiscum coram dilecto clerico nostro hugo de kendale ad hujusmodi fines recipiend : nuper assignat : pro hak : fil . ejus judeae , pro quibusdam transgressionibus monetae eidem hak : impositis , ut dicitur ; ad quarum solutionem bona et catalla ipsius sarrae ad presens non sufficiant , ut accepimus . nos paupertati ejusdem sarrae quae occasione debiti illius in prisona nostra northampt. detinetur compatientes , et in eo super hoc gratiam facere volentes ; concessimus eidem sarrae , quod de illis 5 marcis solvat nobis per annum ad scaccarium nostrum , viz. ad scacc. nostrum pasche prox : futur : unam marcam , et sic de anno in annum ad eundem terminum unam marcam , quousque dictae 5. marcae nobis fuerint persolutae . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod eidem sarrae terminum illum habere , et sic fieri et irrotulari faciatis : & ipsam sarram a prisona praedicta , si ea occasione , et non alia detineatur in eadem , sine dilatione deliberari faciatis . teste rege apud winton , 12. die octobris . the jews by the custome formerly used , and the statute de iudaismo , could not sell any of their houses ( no more than their debts ) without the kings special license first obtained in writing , for which take this president of the foresaid year . * rex omnibus ad quos , &c. salutem . sciatis , quod de gratia nostra speciali dedimus licentiam samueli de eborum judaeo london , vendendi cui voluerit quoddam messuagium suum in civitae ebor : quod est in vico de conyngestreet , inter domum paulini de munbray , ex una parte , et domum ade verdeuel ex altera : dum tamen idem sam : messuag : illud ad manum mortuam non ponat , contra formam statuti nostri . dedimus etiam licentiam ei qui messuag : illud ab eodem samuele emere voluerit illud emendi , prout magis viderit expedire , nisi messuag : illud fit escaeta nostra , vel alio modo jus habeamus in eodem . in cujus , &c. teste rege apud winton , 12 die octobris . the like licenses to sell houses i find in other patent and clause rolls . this year the king to search out all the debts owing to the condemned jews or others , sent forth this commission to search all the chests of the jews , and the stars and writings in them , and to recover all the debts that were due on them , somewhat different from those formerly granted . * rex dil : & fidel . suis hamoni hutteyn , roberto de ludham , et magistro henrico de bray , salutem . quia volumus quod omnes cartae , starra et munimenta omnia iudaeorum dampnatorum , et alia quocunque modo ad nos ratione iudaismo pertinentia per vos scrutentur , videantur , et tunc transcribantur distinctè et aperte . ita quod extractae fieri possint inde ad debita illa ad opus nostrum levanda , prout de jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem scaccarii iudaismi nostri fuerit faciend . et prout ad opus nostrum magis videritis expedire . et ideo vobis mandamus quod ad certos &c. praemissa fac : in forma praedicta . et de cartis , star●is , munimentis et debitis illis tres r●tulos faciatis , quorum unus liberetur baronibus nostris de scaccario ; alter ad scaccarium iudaismi nostri , et tertius remaneat in custodia vestra magistro henrico nobis liberandus . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud guildeford 21 die octobris . a like patent to this , with little variation , de archis cirographorum aperiendis et scrutandis , &c. i find in the patent roll of 14 e. 1. m. 20. where all may peruse it at leisure . this same year the king confirmed the grant of his d●odands to the house of the converts in london , towards the repairing of the chappel and buildings there by this writ directed to his justices it inerant . * rex justiciariis itinerantibus in com. lincoln . salutem . cum nos dudum pro salute animae nostrae , et animarum antecessorum nostrorum regum angliae , concessimus dilectis nobis in christo fratribus fraedicatoribus london , elemosinam nostram quae deodanda vocatur in regno nostro angliae , in subsidium translationis domorum suarum usque ad finem triennii percipiendam , et post idem triennium , eandem elemosinam dei intuitu concessimus conversis domus nostrae london , ad fabricam capellae suae , quam dom. h. quondam pater noster rex angliae fundavit , ibidem perficiend : et in subventionem reparationis et sustentationis edificiorum loci illius . vobis mandamus , quod praedictam elemosinam nostram de itinere vestro in com : praedict . et in caeteris comitatibus in quibus itineraturi est is , habere faciatis dilecto clerico nostro joh : de sancto dionisio custodi domus praedictae ad fabricam et sustentationem ad reparationem praedict : inde faciend : t. r. apud westm . 13 die novembris . confimiles literae diriguntur justiciariis proximo itineraturis in com. devon. pro conversis praedictis . t. ut supra . king edward in the 10th . year of his reign , safely to protect the persons and goods of the jews in hereford from the violence of the people there , committed the protection of them to 24 of the chief burgesses of hereford ( as he did the jews in other towns throughout england ) and proclaimed , that none should damnifie or molest them in their persons or goods under pain of losing his goods , as this patent manifests . * rex dilectis sibi waltero de la barre , hugoni de clere , reginaldo comwood , thomae de anesye ( and to 20 more particularly named in the patent ) burgensibus suis hereford salutem . cum susceperimus in protectionem et defensionem nostram judaeos nostros hereford , res & omnes possessiones suas , & ad tuitionem & majorem securitatem ipsorum vos assignavimus ad custodiam eorundem . vobis mandamus , quod per totam villam praedictam publice proclamari & firmiter inhiberi faciatis ex parte nostra : ne quis sub periculo omissionis bonorum suorum , praedictis judaeis in personis aut rebus suis , inferat dampnum , molestiam seu gravamen . et vos ipsi judaeos illos , res et possessiones suas infra villam praedictam et extra , quantum in vobis est , manuteneatis , protegatis et defendatis . in cujus , &c. quamdiu regi placuerit durat . teste rege apud devises 10 die aprilis . it appears the jews were then very odious and grievous to the english , that they needed so many gardians to protect their persons and estates from their plunder and violence . soon after this some jews of hereford , being there imprisoned for trespasses done to some english there , the king sent this writ to the sheriff of the county to release them upon their putting in of bail to answer it , and to restore their goods if seased . * rex vic. hereford salutem . quia mosseus le blund , iosseus filius manasses judaei hereford , & mosseus fil . jacobi judaeus london , manuceperunt habere apud westm . coram justiciariis nostris ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis aaron le blund , & mirabiliam uxorem ejus , fautinum filium praedicti aaron , & bonam uxorem ejus , cresseum filium jacobi & floriam uxorem ejus , a die sancti iohis . baptistae in tres septimanas ad standum recto super quibu●dam transgressionibus quas dicti judaei fecisse dicuntur ade de peyntur & margeriae filiae ejusdem ade , si ipse vel eadem margeria versus eos loqui voluerit , tunc praedictos aaron , mirabilem , fautinum , & bonam , et cresscum , & floriam et eorum familiam , si ea occasione , et non alia , in prisona nostra detineantur , dictis manucaptoribus interim tradas in ballium , ●t catalla praedict . judeorum , si quae occasione praedicta ceperis in manum nostram , eis interim restituas per manucaptionem praedictam , & de corporibus eorum judaeorum , seu de familia aut catallis eorundem occasione rransgressionis illorum , te non intromittas , donec aliud inde preciperimus , & habeas ibi hoc breve . t. rege apud salop 2 die junii . the jews ( most likely to avoid the rage and plunders of the english christians ) having left the wearing of their tables on their upper garments , formerly prescribed by sundry forecited writs and ordinances , and the statute de iudaismo , to distinguish them from christians , were now by this new proclamation from the king sent to the justices , strictly enjoyned to wear them , as well women as men , and likewise prohibited to sell any flesh to christians by any means , or to retain any christian man or woman in their houses or elsewhere in their service under great penalties . * rex justiciariis suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , salutem . cum nuper preciperimus & publice proclamari fecerimus ; quod omnes judaei regni nostri , tabulas deferant in indumentis suis exterioribus , ut a cultoribus catholicae fidei evidentius decernentur . volentes hoc idem de judeabus ejusdem regni generaliter & firmiter observari ; vobis mandamus , quod tam in civitate nostra londen , quam in aliis civitatibus , burgis , & villis alibi infra regnum praedictum ubi judaei conversantur , publice proclamari faciatis sub gravi forisfactura nostra ; ut omnes & singulae judeae ejusdem tabulas hujusmodi publice deferant in forma quae provisa est de judeis praedictis . facias insuper inhiberi & publice proclamari per totum regnum praedictum , ne aliquis judaeus quascunque carnes quoquo modo presumat vendere christianis , n●c christianum secum in hospitio suo , seu alibi in servicio suo audeat decaetero retinere . teste rege apud westm . 1 die decembris . in the 11 year of king edward the 1 , upon complaint of the jews clipping and falsifying his coyn , and other merchants trading with them therein , the king issued forth this following commission to inquire thereof , the hanging and punishing of so many of them but three or four years before for the like offences , not reclaiming the survivers of them from this their usual jewish practise . t rex dilecto & fideli suo hamoni hauteyn , et aliis , salutem . quia ex relatu fide dignorum nostrorum intelleximus , quod quidam judaei nostri mercantur cum quibusdam mercatoribus extraneis & aliis in platis de retonsura monetae nostrae fundatis , & etiam falsis platis de stagno exterius deargentatis . vobis mandamus , quod diligenter super hoc faciatis inquisitionem quotiescunque videritis expedire : et si vobis constare poterit ita esse , tunc mercatores illos , & alios quoscunque hujusmodi pla●as mercantes , vel a judaeis nostris emendas petentes , arrestari , & salvo custodiri faciatis , donec super hoc aliud duxererimus ordinandum . et judaeos illos a quibus hujusmodi platas petierint emendas dummodo hujusmodi venditioni seu emptioni non fuerint consentientes , per talem munucaptionem qualem videritis optimam ponatis : in cujus , &c. teste rege apud rothele 6 ●ie febr. in the 12 year of king edward the 1. i find these 4. several writs and records conceruing the jews in one schedule . the first , prohibiting them to live or reside in any city , burrough or town where they had no common chest , and commanding their justices to remove them thence . the second , commanding the collector of the condemned jews goods and estates and his clerks , to give an account thereof , and of the summe they amounted unto . the 3d , commanding the sheriffs in all counties where they resided , with two discreet and legal knights of the county , to seal up and secure all their chests and charters in them , till farther order . the 4th commanding the justices assigned for the custody of the jews , to certifie the treasurer and barons of the exchequer the state of all the jews debts , and to distinguish which were clear debts , and which not , that so they might be there recovered for the kings use . i shall recite them in order as they are recorded , the writs bearing date the ( 11th ) year before . * edwardus , dei gratia rex angliae , dominus hiberniae , dux aquitaniae , justiciariis suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , salutem . quia secundum consuetudinem judaismi nostri , iudaei nostri in aliis civitatibus , burgis aut villis habitare aut morari non debent , quam in illis quibus archa chirographar : iudaeorum existat , et diversi iudaei diversas villas in regno nostro sunt ingressi & eas inhabitant , in quibus hujusmodi archa non existat , per quod eosdem iudaeos ab hujusmodi villis volumus amoveri . vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes , quod universos & singulos iudaeos in civitatibus , burgis et villis , in quibus dicta archa non existit habitantes seu morantes , absque damno eis de corporibus , seu de rebus suis faciendo , sine dilatione faciatis amoveri ab eisdem : ita quod ipsi judaei ab eisdem villis modis omnibus amoveantur ante quindenam pasche prox : futuram , non permittentes ipsos in hujusmodi villis habitare decetero , vel morari . et ita vos habeatis in hoc mandato nostro exequendo , quod non oporteat nos vobis iterata mandata nostra di●igere , ex hac causa . t. rege apud newark , 28 die jan. anno regni nostri 11. edwardus dei gratia rex angliae , &c. dilecto et fideli suo , waltero de warham , nuper receptori bonorum & catallorum quorundam judaeorum dampnatorum , salutem . quia quibusdam de causis super summa exituum bonorum et catallorum praedict . volumus certiorari . vobis mandamas quod die pasche proximo futuro in quinque septimanas ; sitis coram thesaur . & baronibus nostris de scaccario , una cum clericis et rotulis vestris de bonis et catallis illis , ut iidem clerici compotum reddant tunc ibidem de exitibus praedictis ; et ulterius faciant ea quae compotum et negotium illud con●ingunt . t. r. ut supra . eodem modo mandatum est ioh. beks , ade kirketon , and 7. others more there named . rex vic : midd. salutem . praecipimus tibi quod assumptis tecum duobus de discretionibus et legalioribus militibus ejusdem comitatus , in propria scil : persona tua accedas ad universas & singulas archas cyrograf . judaeorum in balliva tua existentes , et eas sigillis eorundem militum , et sigillo tuo consignari facias . ita quod archae illic sic consignatae , cum rotulis in locis , quibus nunc existunt , sub tua costodia remaneant , donec aliud inde praeceperimus , et hoc nullo modo omittas t. ut supra . eodem modo mandatur vic. linc. cant. hunt. kanc. warw. leicest . norff. suff. wigorn , northampt. surrey , sussex , colcest . oxon , berks , hereford , essex , hertford , glocest . darby , bedeford , notingh . devon. cornub. wilts , suthampt. exon , devises & ebor. rex justiciariis suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis , salutem . quia volumus quod thesaur . & barones nostri de scaccario , super omnibus debitis quae nobis debontur ad scaccarium judaismi nostri , ex quacunque causa per vos ad plenum certificentur , vobis mandamus , quod ad certum diem quem praedict . thesaur . & barones vobis scire facient , coram ipsis in scaccario praedicto , cum rotulis vestris veniatis , ad certificandum ipsis super debitis praedictis , quae videlicet sunt clara , et quae non clara , ut ex tunc debita illa levantur , secundum consuetudinem scaccarii praedicti , et hoc nullatenus omittatis . t. ut supra . moreover , in the patent rolls of this 12 year , the king granted this ensuing commission , to enquire of all the concealed goods and chattels of those formerly condemned , and of their clipping , falsifying , counterfeiting money , and trading with others in such deceitfnl coyn . * rex dilectis & fidelibus suis solomoni de roff. magist . hen : de bray , et hen : de waleyes salutem . sciatis quod assignavimus vos ad inquirendum per sacramentum tam christianorum quam judaeorum , per quos , &c. de omnibus bonis et catallis quorumcunque indaeorum dampnatorum nobis concelatis , et modo , et ad quorum manus hujusmodi bona devene●int . et etiam de mercatoribus et iudaeis invicem vendemibus , et ementibus , seu cambientibus platas argenteas , et falsas platas de stagno , et alia metallo conflatas , et exterius deargentatas , et de omnibus aliis circumstantiis negotium illud qualitercunque contingentibus , prout magis videritis expedire , & a● plenam et celerem justitiam inde faciendam . et ideo vobis mandamus quod ad certos dies et loca quos ad hoc provideritis , praemissa faciatis in forma praedicta . mandamus enim majori & viceco● : nostris london quod ad certos dies et loca quos eis scire faciatis , venire faciant coram vobis , tam christianos quam judaeos , per quos rei veritas in praemissis melius sciri poterit , et inquiri . in cujus , &c. t. rege apud cestr . 15 die septemb. this inquisition ( as was usual in the case of jews ) was to be made as well by jews and christians , and so were their trials ordinarily per medietatem linguarum , as in the case of other foreigners , for the greater indifferency , and prevention of injustice through malice or emulation . in 14 e. 1. * i find a commission issued out for opening and searching the chests of the jews , and inrolling and certifying their debts , agreeable with those already cited . and likewise a writ to the treasurer and barons of the kings exchequer , to discharge john de sto. dionisio , custos domus conversorum regis london , from giving any account of his office and receipts before them ; quia compotus hujusmodi nunquam in scaccario hactenus à predecessoribus suis custodibus domus praedictae fieri consuevit . t. rege apud westm . 24 die feb. this iohn of st. denys , custos domus conversorum , dying in the 16 year of edw. 1. the king thereupon granted the custos office of this house to robert de * scardeburgh clerk , quamdiu nobis placuerit : and commanded that he should be permitted to dwell in this house , and that all the converts therein should be intendent and obedient to him , as their governor . his patent bearing date the 13 of octob. this same year the jews still persevering in their trade of clipping and counterfeiting the kings coin , thereupon there issued out several letters patents and commissions to diverse justices to make inquiry thereof , and of all concealed goods and chattels of all the jews forfeited to the king , as this following commission of association , to pretermit all others , will resolve us . * rex dilecto & ●sideli suo hugoni de cressingham , salutem . qnia dilectus et fidelis noster henricus le waleys , quem nuper cum dilectis et fidelibus nostris solomone de roff. & magistro henrico de bray assignavimus ad quasdem inquisitiones faciendas de omnibus bonis & catallis quorumcunque judaeorum dampnatorum nobis concelatis & forisfactis , & etiam de mercatoribus & judaeis invicem vendentibus & ementibus , seu cambientibus plateas argenteas , & falsas plateas de stagno & alio metallo conflatas , et exterius deargentatas , & de aliis circumstantiis negotium illud qualitercunque contingentibus , prout in literis nostris patentibus , quos eisdem solomoni , henrico & henrico inde fieri fecimus plenius continetur , nobiscum in partibus transmarinis pro quibusdam negotiis nostris specialibus quibus ibidem intendit moram facit ; per quod idem henricus le waleys ad praemissa una cum prefatis solomone & magistro hen. facienda , non potest intendere ad praesens vos loco ipsius h. le waleyes ad praemissa una cum prefatis magist . henrico ad praedictas inquisitiones faciendas juxta tenorem literarum nostrarum patentium praedictarum . et ideo vobis mandamusquod ad praemissa facienda , una cum praedictis solomone , & magistro henrico intendatis in forma praedicta . mandamus enim eisdem solomoni & magistro henrico , quod vos ad hoc in socium admittant , sicut praedictum est . in cujus rei , &c. teste ed. comite cornubii consil . regis apud westm. 26 die jan. this year i find a strange case , a jew and his wife complained to the king , that some had maliciously defamed the wife , in reporting that she had turned christiand was baptized , to their great prejudice and grievance , when as it was a malitious scandal ; whereupon they procured this writ from the king to the justices of the jews to inquire the truth thereof by an inquisition of christians and jews , and to do them right if slandered . * rex justic . suis ad custodiam judaeorum assignatis salutem . monstraverint nobis mosseus de hornden & suetecota uxor ejus judaei lond. quod cum ipsa suetecota christiana non sit , ne aliquo tempore fu●rat baptizata , quidam emuli eorum maliciose confingentes ipsam suetecotam baptizatam fuisse inter duo bella de lewes & evesham , eam super hocdefamarunt , in ipsorum mossei & suetecotae dampnum non modicum & gravamen . et ideo vobis mandamus , quod inquisita inde plenius veritate per christianos & judaeos , sicut mos est ; si inveneritis praedicta suetecota non fuit baptizata , sicut sibi imponitur , tunc eisdem mosseo & suetecotae , juxta officii vestri debitum , pacem habere inde faciatis . t , com. if the jews deem it so great a scandal and grievance to them , for others to reporr them to have been christians and baptized , there is little hopes of their real general conversion to christianity now . the jews were such absolute slaves and villains to our kings , that they sometimes granted them with all their goods and chattels to others by their charters , as they did their other villanies , as this memorable record of 17 e. 1. will inform us . * rex dilecto & fideli suo , rado de berners constabul . tur. london salutem . cum dom. h. rex pater noster per cartam suam ded●rit & concesserit edmundo fratri nostro carissimo aaron fil . vynes judeo london , una cum omnibus bonis et catallis suis , er omnibus quae ad ipsum patrem nostrum ratione ipsius judaei quocunque modo possint pertinere ; et nos postmodum eandem donationem et concessionem continuari volentes , ipsam prefato fratri nostro confirmavimus per nostras literas patentes ; ac idem frater noster manuceperit habere coram nobis e●ndem aaron ad voluntatem nostram adstandum recte super omnibus quae ipsum aaron contingunt , quandocunque nos vel alii versus ipsum in aliquo loqui voluerimus ; per quod eidem fratri nostro per manucaptionem suam praedictam concessimus , quod omnia negotia ipsum aaron contingentia , et quae examen judiciale requirunt coram nobis , et eodem fratre nostro audiantur , et prout justum fuerit terminentur . vobis mandamus , quod de bonis et catallis ipsius aaron , aut aliquibus ipsum tangentibus vos in nullo intromittatis , contra donationem , concessionem , et confirmationem supradictas , nisi ex voluntate fratris nostri praedicti . t. edmund . apud westm. 24 die maii. eodem modo mandatum est , iohanni de breton custodi civitatis london . t. ut supra . in the 18 year of king edward the 1. i find this grant of his on the 12 day of iune of all his deodands to the house of the converts , for the better maintenance and support of the convert , chapel and edifices thereof , during his pleasure only . * rex iusticiariis & omnibus aliis ballivis et fidelus suis , &c. salutem . cum nos dudum concessimus conversis domus nostrae london , ad sustentationem ipsorum , deodanda , quae nobis accidere , & coram quibuscunque iusticiariis nostris adjudicari contingent , ad certum terminum jam transactum : nos concessionem illam intuitu dei pradictis conversis & convertendis coutinuare volentes ; concessimus eisdem conversis et convertendis , ad sustentationem ipsorum , et fabricam capellae suae et aedificiorum suorum perficiendam , omnia deodanda quae nobis ubicunque in reg●o nostro angliae accidere , et coram quibuscunque iusticiariis seu ministris nostris , adjudicari contingent . habenda & percipienda quamdiu nobis placuerit . t. rege apud westm . 12 die iunii . on the 17 day of the same month and year , i find this special grant made by the king to auntlera a jewesse , to sell the inheritance of a garden in london to any jew and his heirs , and for them to purchase it of her without being questioned or molested for it , by any of his officers , which without such license she could not sell , nor he purchase of her without seisure or forfeiture . * rex omnibus , &c. sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali licentiam dedimus auntlerae quae fuit uxor vynes fil . magistri mossei judaei london quod quoddam gardinum suum quod habet in civitate nostra london , in parochia sancti laurentii in cattestreet , vendere possit cuicunque judaeo gardinum illud emere volenti , habendum et tenendum eidem judaeo & haeredibus suis in perpetuum : & eidem judaeo quod praedictum gardinum ab eadem auntlera recipere possit , tenore praesentium similiter licentiam concedimus specialem . nolentes quod eadem auntlera vel haeredes sui , aut praedictus iudaeus authaeredes sui , ratione venditionis seu recepitionis gardini praedicti , per nos vel haeredes nostros , justiciarios ballivos aut alios ministros nostros occasionentur , gravantur in aliquo , seu molestantur . in cujus , &c , t. r. apud west . 17. die junii . the like patent i find to aaron the kings brothers jew ●orementioned , to sell his house and rents in fee to any christian who should purchase them by his lords license , even after the edict past , and letters of safe conduct granted , for the jews banishment and departure hence , as appears by comparing their dates . * rex omnibus , &c. salutem . sciatis quod concessimus & licentiam dedimus aaron fil . vynes judaeo edmundi fratris nostri carissimi , quod ipse domos et redditus suos tam infra civitatem nostram london , quam infra regnum nostrum , de licentia & voluntate praedicti fratris nostri domini sui vendere possit ( upon his banishment hence : ) quibuscunque christiaenis voluerit , absque impedimento nostri , vel aliorum nostrorum quorumcunque , & eisdem christianis quod dom●s illas & redditus ab eodem iudaeo emere valeant , similiter licentiamconcedimus specialem , jure cujuslibet in omnibus semper salvo . in cujus , &c , t. r. apud langeleye 28 die julii . ( after the date is the letters for the jews safe conduct out of england to the sheriffs . ) it is very observable , that these three last patents were made but a very little before , and the last of them clearly after the jews universal banishment voted , resolved both by the king and parliament . for when as the king , his justices and parliament by all their inquisitions , commissions , care , providence , and execution of so many jews in all parts , could no ways suppresse their clipping and falsifying of the money of the realme nor yet reforme the manifold other wickednesse and misdemeanors of the english jewes , nor all the industry and pains of the friers preachers , nor all that liberal provisions and grants of the king forecited to the house of converts for their comfortable support , maintenance and confirmation in the christian faith , so far operate upon their obstinate , obdurate hearts , as to convert any considerable number , or any persons of note amongst them to the christian faith , from which many converts apostatized , nor ▪ yet suppresse their continual blasphemies against our crucified saviour , the christian faith , sacraments of the church and blessed virgin ; thereupon the king , at the earnest frequent solicitation , of the commons assembled this year in parliament , after the feast of st. hilary , enacted & published an edict or decree in parliament for the total , universal , and final banishment of all these wicked , blasphemous , unbeleeving jews out of england , then generally execrable , detestable to all the people , who were so desirous to be for ever quit of their company , that they granted the king the 15 part of all their goods and moveables for their banishment and expulsion out of england , as i have formerly proved at large by a full grand jury of historians , and several records in my former * demurrer , against sir edward cooks grosse assertion , that they only voluntarily banished themselves , because their usury was this year suppressed by the stat. de iudaismo ; which i have proved was made full 15 years before , & to be no cause at all of their exile now . in pursuance of this parliamentary edict & decree , now no where extant on record ( all the parliament rolls before 5 ed. 2. being wholly lost , and many since , by the carelessenesse or iniquity of the times , except only an old parchment book of some pleas in parliam . in e. 1 ▪ & one statute roll of k. ed. the 1. ed. 2. and ed. 3. wherein the statute de iudaismo , with many other printed acts , are not to be found , no more than this edict for the jews banishment , though mentioned in many histories and records ) the king in this very moneth of iuly sent several writs , letters and patents to the sheriffs of counties , mayors of towns , bayliffs and barons of the cinqueports , and likwise to mariners , reciting , that he had prescrib'd a certain time , term , day to all and every of the iews within the realm , for their departure out of it into forraign parts : commanding them , not to doe nor suffer any injury molestation , grievance , to be done to them by any in their passage beyond the seas , for which he had given them safe conduct , but to grant them their wives and children a safe and speedy passage , within the time prefixed them , at the jews own costs , paying reasonable rates for their freights and passage , without immoderate exactions especially on the poorer sort of them , lest their passage should be hindred by such immoderate and unreasonable exactions . i shall transcribe these writs and letters at large out of the records themselves , as most pertinent to my intended theame , beginning with those to sheriffs . * rex vic . gloucestriae , &c. cum iudaeis regni nostri universis certum tempus praefixerimus a regno illo transfretanoi ; nolentes quod ipsi per ministros nostro , aut alios quoscunque , aliter quam fieri consuevit , indebite pertrectentur ; tibi praecipimus , quod per totam ballivam tuam publicè proclamari , et firmiter inhiberi facias , ne quis eis intra terminum praedictum , injuriam , molestiam , dampnum inferat , seu gravamen . et cum contingat ipsos cum catallis suis , quae eis concessimus , versus partes london , causa transfretrationis suae , dirigere gressus suos , salvum & securum conductum eis habere facias sumptibus eorum . proviso , quod iudaei praedicti ante recessum suum , vadia christianorum quae penes se habent illis quorum fuerint , si ea acquietare voluerint , restituant , ut tenentur . teste rege apud westm . 18 die iulii . anno 18. e. 1. consimiles literae diriguntur vicecomitibus essex , ebor. northampt. lincoln . teste ut supra . item vicecomitibus hereford , suthampt. the form of the letters for protection and safe conduct to particular jews and their families , ( which the richer sort of jews purchased at dear rates ) was this . * rex majoti et ballivis eborum salutem , quia certum diem praefixerimus iudaeis nostris angliae regnum nostrum exeundi , et ●e ad partes alias transferendi ; vobis mandamus , quod bonamico judaeo eborum , uxori , pueris , vel familiae suae , in personis aut rebus interim nullam moles●iam inferatis , set ipsos quantum in vobis est , manuteneatis , protegatis , et defendatis . et cum idem bonamicus cum uxore , pueris et familia sua , post terminum proclamationis factae de vadiis christianorum acquietandis , ad partes maritimas causa transfretandi , divertere se voluerint , sibi et suis salvum conductum , cum ab eo fueritis requisiti , suis sumptibus habere faciatis ; ne eis super bonis , quae secum deferre contingerit periculum emineat , pro defectu conductus hujusmodi faciendi . t. rege apud lang. 26 die julii . et sunt patentes . by this patent it appears , first , that the jewes had a certain day prefixed them by the king to depart out of the realm of england into foreign parts , of which they all had general and particular notice . 2ly , that the wealthier jews thereupon to preserve their own persons , wives , children , families from corporal violence , and their goods from plunder , purchased particular letters of protection and safeconduct from the king to mayors and other officers . 3ly , that the king published a general proclamation upon the edict of their banishment , that all the pawns of christians to them should be redeemed and discharged before their departure , or left behind them when they departed hence . the next day after this private letter of protection and safeconduct , on the 27 of july , the king sent these letters to the bailiffs , barons and seamen of the cinque ports , for the jews safe conduct , passage and transportation out of england , within the term which he had prefixed to all and every of them , being general for all the jews . * rex omnibus ballivis , baronibus , et nautis quinque portuum suorum salutem . cum certum terminum omnibus et singulis iudaeis regni nostri praefixerimus idem regnum exeundi . nolentes quod ipsi in rebus seu personis interim aliqualiter injurientur : vobis mandamus , quod eisdem iudaeis cum ipsos ad portus praedictos , cum uxoribus , pueris , & catallis suis venire contingerit ad transfretand : intra terminum praedictum , salvum & festinum p●ssag●um , & securum conductum habere faciatis sumptibus corundem . ita tamen , quod pauperibus judaies super freto navium in transportatione parcatur , et a●●is juxta facultates inde fiat exactio moderata , prout in hujusmodi passagiis alias fieri consuevit , ne quis ipsorum per exactiones immoderatas et irrationabiles , super passagio suo impediatur . et sub gravi forisfactura nostra firm●ter vobis injungimus , ne quis vestrum iudaeis praedictis in rebus aut pe sonis inferat , vel quantum in ipso est inferri permittat injuriam , molestiam , dampnum , impedimentum , seu gravamen . in cujus . &c. teste rege apud westm . xxvii . die julii . besides these general , he granted other particular letters of safe conduct to the bailiffs , barons and seamen of the cinque ports , for some privat jews , their wives , children and families who desired them , as appears by this record . * rex omnibus ballivis , baronibus & nautis quinque portuum salutem . cum certum terminum omnibus et singulis iudaeis regni nostri praefixerimus idem regnum exeundi , nolentes quod ipsi in rebus seu personis interim aliqualiter injuriatur ; et vobis mandamus , quod mosseo filio jacobi de oxon iudaeo nostro northampt. cum ipsum ad portus praedictos , cum uxore , pueris , familia , et catallis suis venire contigerit ad transfretandum intra terminum praedictum , salvum et festinum passagium , et securū conductum habere faciatis sumptibus ejusdem . ita quod ei juxta facultates inde fiat exactio moderata , prout in hujusmodi passagiis alias fieri consuevit , ne ipse per exactiones immoderatas et irrationabiles ( which the jews all feared from the english upon this extraordinary occasion of their peremptory exile ) super passagio fuo impediatur ●●t sub gravi forisfactura nostra firmiter vobis in●ungimus , ne quis vestrum praedicto mosseo , uxori , pueris aut familiis suis praedictis , in rebus aut personis inferat , vel quatemus in ipso est inferri permittat in uriam , molestiam , dampnum , impedimentum seu gravamen . in cujus , &c. teste rege apud selveston 8 die aug. it is observable that in all these writs and letters , the king relates , that he had prefixed a certain day , time or term to all and every the jews of the realm , to depart out of the same realm , but mentions not in any of them the precise day , time or term at all : therfore it is most certain , it was mentioned in some other publike act and edict for their banishment made in parliament , ( which * all our historians remember , ) then publickly known to all the jews , sheriffs , officers and people ; for how else should they certainly know or take notice of it , if it were not then as notorious as these writs and letters , which do not particularly expresse it ? * matthew westminster in or near this time , precisely writes , that the jews were all to depart out of england with their wives and children by the feast of all saints , quod eis pro termino ponebatur , quem sub poenae suspendii transgredi non est causa . this therefore was the term prefixed to them in the parliamentary act & decree for their banishment by that day , under pain of being hanged , if they departed not england before that term . the liber rubeus , or red book in the remembrancers office in the eschequer , fol. 252. b. hath this memorand . entred in it , touching the time the jews actually departed from london and england , † de iudaeis recedentibus ab anglia : memorandum , quod die martis in crastino sancti dionisii , anno regni regis edwardi silii henrici decimo octavo , et anno domini millesimo ducentessimo nonagessimo , recesserunt omnes judaei de london versus mare ad transfretandum sub protectione domini regis . and the same memorandum in effect is written in a hand of that time , at the end of the original manuscript copy of florentius wigorniensis . now saint dionisius day being the 9th of october ; this their departure from london must necessarily be on the 10. day of octob. being the next day after it an. 1290. just 21 days before the feast of all saints , by which day they were all to depart out of england under pain of death ; and accordingly departed , as i have elsewhere manifested ; except some few poor converted jews , who remained like almesmen in the house of the converts , and were not banished with the rest , whose infidelity was the chief cause of their exile , as our historians attest . the king on the 27 day of october ( but 17 days after the jews final departure from london out of england ) committed the custody of this domus conversorum and the converts in london to walter de agmodisham during pleasure , by this his patent . * rex omnibus ad quos , &c. salutem . sciatis quod commissimus waltero de agmodisham custodiam domus nostrae conversorum london , & conversorum nostrorum , ( therefore not banished with the rest ) habendum quamdiu nobis placuerit , cum omnibus ad custodiam illam pertinentibus , sicut johis de sancto dionis . quondam archidiac . roff. eam dum vixit habere consuevit . ita quod idem walterus domos illas in quibus idem archidiaconus morabatur ibidem inhabitet pro voluntate sua , &c. t. r. apud kingestclipton 27 die octobris on the 16 day of december following the king granted the custody of this house to richard de clunpynges by this patent , which manifests that the converted jews were not banished with the rest . * rex omnibus et singulis conversis domus suae london salutem . sciatis quod commissimus dilecto clerico nostro rico. de clunpynges custodiam domus praedictae , habendum quamdiu nobis placuerit , cum omnibus ad dictam custodiam pertinentibus , eodem modo quo johis . de sancto dionis . quondam archidiaconus roffensis defunctus eam dum vixit habere consuevit ; ita quod dom . illas in quibus idem archidiaconus morabatur ibidem pro voluntate sua inhabitet . et ideo vobis mandamus quod eidem rico. tanquam custodi vestro in omnibus que ad custodiam illam per●inent , 〈◊〉 e● sitis et respondentes , sicut praedictum est . in cujus , &c. t. rege apud odyham 16 die decembris . the very next year after the jews banishment within four moneths of their departure hence , i find these letters patents directed by the king to all his sheriffs , bayliffs and lieges , expresly mentioning their banishment hence , and the kings designing of all the rents and profits of their houses , from the time of their banishment to be collected , and disposed to pious uses ; as hugh de kendale clerk should appoint , specially intrusted with the management of this affair . * rex vicecomitibus , & omnibus aliis ballivis & fidelibus suis ad quos , &c. salutem . cum assignavimus totam pecuniam provenientem de domibus quae fuerunt judaeorum nostrorum in anglia in quosdam pios usus convertendam , per quod volumus quod totum commodum perveniens ex domibus illis a tempore exilii eorundem , ut ex conventione domorum earundem , & rebus aliis , in eosdem usus applicetur : assignavimus dilectum clericum nostrum , hugon●m de kendale , ad inquirendum de conductionibus , et omnibus receptis hujusmodi plenam veritatem , et ad onerandum vicecomites , ministros , et omnes recepto●es pecuniae inde provenientis , a tempore exilii praedicti , et ad pecuniam illam in tuto loco reponendam per vicecomites , vel alio modo prout melius viderit expedire . et ideo vobis mandamus quod eidem hugoni intendentes sitis , credentes & respondentes . teste rege apud asherugge 22 die ianuarii . king edward presently after the jews banishment hence , seized upon all their houses , lands and revenues throughout england as escheated into his hands by this their sentence of banishment , and presently within few moneths after made sale of them to english men by several letters patents , as appears by a special pat. roll of the sales of their houses made in the 19 and 20 years of his reign , thus endorsed . carta de judaismo . literae patentes de domibus iudaeorum concessis post eorum exilium de anglia ; wherein are near one hundred particular patents of sales of them to several persons , running in the selfsame form ( mutatis mutandis ) all mentioning their banishment hence , & this kings title to them thereby , by way of escheat ; take one in the 19. year for an example of all that ensue that year . c rex omnibus ad quos , &c. salutem . sciatis quod concessimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris isabellae , quae fuit uxor ade de sancto albano junior : domos illas cum pertinentiis in london , quae fuerunt leonis fil : cressey : fil : magistri eliae judaei , de parochia sancti martini pomer : in ismongerslane , per exilium ejusdem iudaei a regno nostro , tanquam escaeta nostra in manu nostra existentes , et quae ad quatuor marcas extenduntur : habendum & tenendum eidem isabellae et haeredibus suis de nobis et haeredibus nostris imperpetuum . reddendo inde nobis & haeredibus nostris unum denarium per manum vicecomitis ejusdem civitatis singulis annis ad scaccarium nostrum pasche , et faciendo aliis dominis feodi illius servicia inde debita et consueta . in cujus , &c. teste rege apud asherigge 27 : die decembris , anno regni regis edwardi filii regis henrici xix . this patent bears date within two moneths next after the jews actual departure hence , upon the decree and edict for their banishment . after which follow near one hundred patents of their houses made this year , wherein was the same recital of their banishment as in this transcribed ; then follow many other patents made of the jews houses by the king in the 20 year of his reign , intituled in the roll and margin . patentes de domibus judaeorum concessis , post eorum exilium ab anglia ; the first whereof in memb. 2. runs thus . d rex omnibus ad quos , &c. salutem . sciatis quod concessimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris willielmo de taburet de bedeford , & katerinae uxori ejus , domos illas quae fuerunt cok : filii benedicti de bedeford per exilium ejusdem iudaeia regno nostro , tanquam escaeta nostra , in manu nostra existentes , et quae ad sex 〈◊〉 extenduatur . habendum et tenendum eisdem willielmo & kater . et haeredibus suis , vel cui il●as , secundum consuetudinē villae praedictae donare vel assignare voluerint de nobis & haeredibus nostris imperpetuum . reddendo inde nobis & haeredibus nostris unum denarium per manum vicecom . nostri bedf. singulis annis ad scaccarium nostrum ad festum sancti michaelis . et faciendo aliis dominis feodi illius servicia inde debita & consueta . t. rege apud westm . 29 die novemb. after which follow near 20 patents more of other jews houses , made that year in the same form . therefore by the unanimous irrefragable verdict of all these manifold patents ; the jews were legally and judicially banished out of england , and by this their judgment of banishment ( both by the king and parliament ) all their houses and lands actually escheated into the kings hands , who thereupon seized and sold them to others in fee , upon this very title of escheat by their exile out of england : which had sir edward cooke known or observed , i am confident he would never have asserted this untruth , that they voluntarily banished themselves out of england , only because their usury was banished thence . to these records i might annex the case of the prior of bridlington , which * himself cites in the placita parliamenti post pascha apud london , 21 e. 1. rot . 4. recited again in alio rotulo , anno 22 e. 1. rot . 5. wherein there is this double recital of the jews exile hence , and of a debt of 200 l. due to the king thereby , which he had judgement to recover against the prior. et quia praedictus prior cognoscit , quod praedicta pecunia praed : judaeo debebatur , nec ei solvebatur , ante exilium iudaeorum et quicquid remansit eorum debitis & catallis in regno post eorum exilium domino regi fuit : consideratum est , quod dominus rex recuperet pecuniam praedictam . ; an unanswerable euidence of their judicial , legal , actual banishment hence , here twice together repeated in this plea in parliament but three years after their exile . i have now traced the history of the english jewes through the obscure , untrodden , generally unknown , and almost forgotten path of our english records , yet remaining in the tower of london , and exchequer , from the very first year of king john , where our yet extant records begin , to the 22. of king edward the first , full 4 years after their universal banishment out of england ; which as it then put a period to any further memorial of them in our subsequent records , so it now sets a final conclusion to this my chronological collection of such records as concern the generality of the english jews and their affairs . to which i shall only annex some few records in succeeding times , relating to some particular jewish converts since their general banishment hence , and to the forementioned house of the iewish converts ( now the rolls in chancery lane ) which are some wayes pertinent ( like so much gleanings after the harvest ) to the jewish history , and so draw toward a conclusion of this my undertaking . there being a great want of jewish converts after the jews banishment hence to receive the alms , revenues formerly setled on their house by the premised charters of our kings , i find king edw. the 3d in the 18th year of his reign , by special patents , granted to other poor people who had nothing to live on , both the benefit and easment of the houses and gardens of the house of the converts , together with a penny a day out of the exchequer , and so much besiedes as any one convert there received out of the rents and profits of the house . particularly he granted to one alianor , e quae non habet unde vivat , quod habeat tantum in omnibus pro sustentatione sua tam de pecunia ad sc accarium , videlicet per diem 1 d. et pro ●is●amento domorum & gardinarum , sicutuna conversorum habet et capit , ac de deodandis & aliis proficuis quam de redditibus & tenementis conversorum domus london , et alibi infra regnum angliae commorant , &c. quantum una conversa inde percepit . after this a converted jew , john castell by name , coming over into england in the 30 year of king edward the 3d. the king thereupon granted him such admittance into , and sustenance in this house of convertr , as other converts had in former time ; received , by this ensuing writ of privy seal . f rex dilecto clerico suo hen : de ingleby , custodi domus nostrae conversorum in civitate nostra london , salutem . quia volumus quod johannes de chastell , à ritu judaeorum conversus , qui in regnum nostrum angliae nuper venit , habeat talem sustentationem in domo nostra praedicta de elemosina nostra , qualem alii ejusdem conditionis in eadem ante hoc tempus habuerunt . vobis mandamus , quod ipsum johannem in domum nostram praedictam admittatis , et ei sustentationem hujusmodi pro uno converso consuetum de eadem domo liberari & habere facias . t. rege apud westm . primo die iulii . per breve de privato sigillo . this henry de ingelby afterwards resigning his office of keeper or gardian of the house of converts to the king , thereupon king edward the 3. in the 45 year o● his reign granted this office to william de burstall clerk , during his life , by this following patent . g rex omnibus ad quos &c. sciatis quod dedimus & concessimus dilecto clerico nostro will : de burstal custodiam domus nostrae conversorum london , vacantem per resignationem hen. de ingleby ultimi custodis domus praedictae , et ad nostram donationem spectantem : habendum & tenendum cum omnibus ad custodiam illam quoquo modo spectantibus ad totam vitam ipsius willielm . in cujus , &c. t. r. apud westm . 22 die julii . per ipsum regem . et mandatum est vicecomit . loudon , quod ipsum will. in corporalem possessionem domus praedictae inducant vel induci faciant , habendum juxta tenorem literarum regis praedictarum . teste ut supra . per ipsum regem . this house with the chappel and other edifices being greatly ruined after the jews banishment , through the negligence of former guardians , william burstal being made keeper thereof , bestowed much money upon the repairing of it out of his own purse ; which done , upon consideration thereof , and to keep the same in constant repair for the future , upon the supplication of the said william , then keeper likewise of the rolls of the chancery , he procured king edward to annex the house and chappel of the converts to the custos of the rolls of the chancery and his successors for ever , in the 51 year of king edward the 3d. by this patent . h rex omnibus ad quos , &c. salutem : sciatis quod nos considerantes qualiter domus conversorum , in suburbio civitatis nostrae london , de patronatu nostro existens , et capella , edificia & clausura ejusdem tempore quo dilectus clericus noster willielmus de burstall custodiam ejusdem domus ex collatione nostra primo habuit , per negligentiam et incuriam aliorum , qui antedictum willielmum custodiam domus illius habuerunt , et ibidem morari , seu inhibitare non curarunt multipliciter debilitata , & quasi totaliter in ruina extiterunt . et quod praedict . willielmus tempore suo de bonis suis propriis grandes fecit custus et ex pensas super reparatione et emendatione domus , capellae , edificiorū & clausurarum praedict . at etiam super factura novarum domorum ibidem . nos , ut domus conversorum , capella , edificia , clausurae et novae domus supradicta compatenter sustententur , & custodiantur in futur . ad supplicationem praedicti will : ( qui custos rotulorum cancellariae nostrae existit in praesenti ) concessimus de gratia nostra speciali , pro nobis & haeredibus nostris , quod post mortem ejusdem willielm : dicta domus conversorum cum suis juribus & pertinentiis quibuscunque , remaneat et moretur in perpetuum clerico custodi rotulorum cancellariae nostrae , et haeredum nostrorum pro tempore existenti , et sit annexa ad idem officium imperpetuum . et quod cancellarius angliae , vel custos sive custodes magni sigilli nostri , et haeredum nostrorum angliae , pro tempore existentes , post mortem ipsius will. habeat et habeant potestatem ad quamlibet vacationem dicti officii custodis rotulorum per mortem , cessionem , vel mutationem personae , quocunque tempore futuro , instituendi successive custodes rotulorum praedictorum in dicta domo conversorum , et custodes illos ponendi in possessionem ejusdem , cum suis juribus et pertinentiis quibuscunque . in cujus , &c. t. rege apud shene x. die aprilis . per breve de privato sigillo . since which by vertue of this patent , this house of the converts hath continued annexed to the custos and mastership ol the rolls of the chancery , yet still liable and subject to the first charitable uses for habitation and sustentation of such jewish and other converts , to which it was at first designed : for which i shall now only recite one president more already printed by * john stow out of the records of 5 r. 2. one william pierce a jew that became a christian , and was baptized , was by this kings charter in the 5th of his reign , admitted and received into this ancient domus conversorum , and had there 2 d. a day allowed him by the king during his life : and by the self-same equity , if the jews be now readmitted into england , and any of them shall chance to be converted to christianity and baptized , either upon real , or hypocritical , or politick grounds , they ought to be there received and maintained in the self-same manner as they were in former times . i have now ( courteous reader ) presented thee and the world with the exactest chronicle and history of the english iews ( from the 1. year of king iohn , anno dom. 1599. till their total and final banishment hence in the 18 year of edward the 1. anno dom. 1290 , and some years after it ) hitherto published in any age , sincerely collected ( with no little diligence , pains , search , and cost ) out of the most excellent rolls & records of those times , yet extant in the tower and exchequer , all which i diligently perused with mine own eys , & faithfully transcribed , not taking them upon trust , as others commonly do , and so frequently miscite or mistake them : all which records ( being diligently entred very year successively under these kings reigns , by publick clerks and notaries imployed for that end , and faithfully relating every thing concerning the jews , and all other transactions , publick or private , as they were then really acted ) are the truest , best , most unerring guides that posterity can follow , the infalliblest evidences they can surely rely on , or any historians make use of in relating the history or proceedings of former ages ; the ignorance of which records hath occasioned many mistakes both in matters of fact and law in most of our historians , chronicles , and law books ; some whereof , ( relating to the english jews ) i have here rectified in the by . from all the records here printed in their own words and language , give me leave in brief to observe for thy better information , these few general heads concerning the jews , to which they are reducible . 1. that though our kings by their forementioned charters , writs , and proclamations , granted many large priviledges , protections , immunities to the jews , especially in the beginning of their reigns , as if they were their only favourites and darlings , above all other of their subjects ; yet these their royal protectors , and their justices specially appointed for their custody , soon after , notwithstanding all their former charters , declarations , and promised liberty , peace , protection proved their most unsatiable , merciless , perfidious , tyrannical exactors , fleecers , oppressors , taxmasters , tormentors , almost without any intermission in one kind or other . 2 that the jews under all these kings reigns , notwithstanding all their indulged liberties , were but their most absolute bondslaves , and exquisite villains , in all respects , as these particulars will evidence : first , their names were all inrolled in the kings exchequer for the jews , and they confined to live and abide only in such places as the king and his justices assigned for their custody should prescribe them , from which they might not remove without special license . 2ly , they were to be there constantly resident , that the kings officers might there finde both them and their families upon all occasions . 3ly , they were translated from place to place at the kings pleasure , and permitted to reside in no place but where they had a common chest . 4ly , their persons , wives , children , infants , families , were imprisoned , distrained , sent to remote prisons , castles , banished , executed , tormented , put to fines and ransoms upon all occasions , especially for their taxes and debts to the king. 5ly . they were both by poll and wholesale granted and sold to others like bondslaves and villains in grosse by the king , and morgaged to those who would purchase them , or advance any monies upon their assignment . 6ly , they were alwayes to wear a badge and table on their outmost garments , as well females as males , whereever they rod or went , to distinguish them from christians , with whom they were to have no intimate communion , ( who were prohibited to be servants ; nurses to any of the jews in any kind , ) and were all of them to be slaves and servants to the king in one kinde or other . 7ly , they were all prohibited to depart the realm , when once entred , without special licence , which they could not obtain ; and imprisoned yea put to fines and ransoms when they attempted it , to avoid their taxes . such was their vassallage in respect of their persons . as for their real and personal estates , they were wholly at the kings disposal . first , the king could seise all their lands , houses , rents , annuities , fees , morgages , debts , goods , chattels , gold silver , and sell , grant , release , give them unto whom he pleased at his pleasure . 2ly , all their real and personal estates , chattels , debts escheated to the king upon their deaths , neither could their children , wives , heirs , executors enjoy them , without making fines , reliefs , and compositions with the king for them , at high rates . 3ly , they could not sue for any debt , morgage , house , fee , duty , nor assign , grant , sell , give , release them unto others , without the kings special license , for which they paid such fines as he thought fit to impose . 4ly , the king could stay their actions , debts , usury , respite them for what time he pleased , order them to be paid at other terms , and by other summes than those expressed in their charters and obligations : and finally pardon , release them , and deliver up their charters to their debtors , when and where he pleased . 5ly . the king seised , searched , inrolled , sealed up all their publick chests , charters , writings , debts , goods , chattels , estates , and disposed of them to his own use upon all occasions , notwithstanding all grants and charters to them ; and appointed all their judges , officers , cyrographers , cofferers , escheators , presbyters , priests and tallagers at his pleasure : yea inforced them to tax , distrain , imprison one another , under pain of perpetual imprisonment , banishment , confiscation of all their estates , and the severest penalties , as the premised records assure us . 3ly , they alwayes lived under uncessant , perpetual , arbitrary unsupportable taxes and tallages , imposed on them ( without any act of parliament , or their common assents ) by our kings and their griping officers at what rates soever they pleased , sometimes 5000. or 6000. somtimes 20000. & 60000 , but commonly 8000. & 10000. marks or pounds by the year ; levyed with the greatest rigour , which some of the richest jews in all places were commonly engaged to see punctually paid in at the terms appointed , and when any of them opposed , or neglected to pay or levy them , their persons , wives , children , families , infants were all distrained , imprisoned , their estates , debts seised , confiscated , some of them sent prisoners into ireland , and frequently menaced with perpetual banishment hence and losse of their estates , their taxes being levyed by the strictest menacing warrants , and all rigorous violent ways the king and his instruments could possibly invent , and are not their taxes ( in case they will now return again ) like to be more high , frequent , oppressive , since the very english themselves , after all their late contests , wars , consultations , and prodigal expences of their blood , treasures , estates , are now brought under heavy , uncessant , monthly arbitrary taxes , excises , imposts , decimations , levyed with the greatest rigour , and such as dare oppose them out of conscience or defence of publike liberty , though in a legal way , imprisoned , close imprisoned , ruined , yea threatned with perpetual banishment , even by such who pretend themselves the patrons , protectors of the english liberties , franchises , properties from such aegyptian and jewish bondage , and greatest antagonists against such arbitrary exorbitant tyranny ? 4. that besides these constant annual taxes , our kings upon all occasions enforced them by way of loans , to lend what sums they demanded , under pain of imprisonment , confiscation of their estates , seisure of all their debts , pawns , chests : and frequently seised , searched , released , granted , sold all their gold , silver , chests , debts , houses , fees , annuities , pawns , and imprisoned their persons , wives , children , to extort and raise monies upon all extraordinary necessities . 5. that when they had fleeced them to their very skins , and could expect no more moneys from them , then they morgaged and sold their persons , estates , and the revenues proceeding from them unto others , to advance present moneys before hand , like so many slaves and villains . and though many of them , notwithstanding all their endlesse taxes , extortions , squeezings , fleecings , grew rich again in a short time through usury , broccage , clipping and falsifying coyn , plate , frauds and extortions of all kinds , and their base parsimony , industry , frugality ; yet their wives , children , heirs , friends enjoyed little or no benefit at all by it , but the king and his officers commonly fleeced them of al they gained , by one device or other . so that england was little better than a second aegypt , and our kings and their griping officers nothing else but so many new pharoahs and aegyptian tax-masters to them , during all their continuance here , they having no assurance of lives , liberties , estates under them by any charters , grants , protection , engagements , which they made no conscience to revoke and violate at their pleasures , as some of late have done , even to their own christian brethren , in as high a degree as they did to the jews . 6. that they were so exceeding execrable and detestable to the people in all places where they resided , both for their infidelity , blasphemies , apostacies , enmity to christ and christianity , circumcising and crucifying christian children , clipping of coin , falsifying of charters , extortion , brokage , usury , frauds , unconscionable jewish cut-throat dealing , and discrepancy of maners from the english , that many places and ports opposed their coming over , other towns , ( as newcastle , winchelse , wycombe , newbury , berkhamsted , suthampton , & other places ) purchased exemptions or removals of them : and those towns where they resided , frequently rose up in a tumultuous maner against them , burning their houses , beating , abusing , kiling their persons , pillaging their goods , and forcing them to fly to the kings castles for sanctuary , notwithstanding all the kings charters , proclamations , provisions of all sorts for their protection and defence against violence , and committing them to the protection of the sheriffs , maiors , chief officers and burgesses of the places where they resided . but especially they were above measure assaulted , beaten , slaughtered , pillaged by the cruce-signati and saint-like souldiers of that age , who listed , crossed themselves for the holy-wars , , and by the barons , souldiers who took up arms against their soveraigns under pretext only of defending the great charters , laws , liberties of the church and realm of england , usually stiling themselves * exercitus dei et sanctae ecclesiae in anglia . neither were they free from violence , plunder , nor the common people satisfied till their universal final banishment hence , which they oft sollicited , their implacable enmity against them being such , that the symptoms thereof yet continue amongst us in our proverbiall speeches . i hate thee as i do a jew . i would not have done so to a jew . none but a jew would have done so , and the like . 7. that notwithstanding all the injuries , oppressions , indignities , cruelties they here sustained both from our kings , their officers & the generality of the people by gods just curse and vengeance on them for their sins , yea notwithstanding all means used by our kings , magistates , bishops , preaching friers , and others , both for their reformation and conversion to the christian faith , yet the generality of them continued , persevered still in their willfull obstinacy , infidelity , blindnesse , enmity , malice , blasphemies , despite against our crucified saviour , and christianity ; which they manifested upon all occasions in publike and private by circumcising and crucifying chistian children , breaking the crucifix in oxford , and trampling it under foot in the midst of the universities soleme procession , and otherwise ; expressed at large in the forementioned records : as likewise in their extorsions , clipping and falsifying moneys , charters , usuries , frauds , rapes . murders , forgeries , very few of them turning christian converts , and that either to save their lives , or prevent some imminent dangers to their persons , families , estates ; and those of the poorer sort for the most part , to get a present livelyhood from the christians , who frequently turned apostates , or flagi●ious malefactors , to the scandal of religion . 8. that the jews here had their synagogues , schools , pries●s , presbyter and comptroller of their exchequer , escheator , cofferers , cyrographers , attornies , bayliffs , with their proper judges and court of exchequer , ( wherein only they were to be sued proceeded against , and by whom they were iudged ) their prisons , attachers , tax-masters , record-keepers , ordered in all things according as the king by his writs and letters directed . all which offices were appointed by the kings special patents , writs , whose names , powers , jurisdictions , salaries , together with their legal trials and proceedings of all sorts civil , criminal , the forms of their starrs , charters , extents of lands , assignments of debts , releases , reliefs , fines , with the names of the chiefest jews , are registred , and most clearly , fully related in the forecited records , and in no other printed history or law-book whatsoever . 9. that the jews were exempt from all other temporal and ecclesiastical courts and jurisdictions but the justices specially appointed for their custody , and the kings exchequer for the jews ; yea from all publike taxes imposed on the english , and could not be excommunicated by the masters of their law , without the kings special license . 10. that the iews usury was no ways countenanced nor approved , but generally condemned , and frequently released by our kings long before the statute de judaismo . which most infallibly appears to be made in 3 ed. 1. not in 18. * as sir edward cook very grosly mistook . and that the banishment of their usury by it , was not the cause of their voluntary banishment hence , as he most fondly conceited . 11. that the presbyteratus judeorum totius angliae , was not the high priests spiritual function , as * sir edward cook and others affirm , but only a temporal office and comptrolership in the kings exchequer of the jews . 12. that our kings and auncestors in times of popery made and published sundry excellent ordinances against the blasphemies , abuses of the jews ; and were very zealous , industrious to convert them to christianity , and carefull to maintain , support , confirm , and provide for them when converted in their domus conversorum ; that king edward the first remitted his right to all the goods of convert jews , ( by an unchristian usage confiscated formerly to the crowne by their very conversion ) allowing all converts the moity of their estates to maintain them , and granting the other moity of their estates , together with his deodands , and all forfeitures and chevages of the jews , for the support of the converts , and their house , chappel , chaplains ; yet very few of them were converted . 13. that king edward the 1 : in the 18 year of his reign , did by publike edict of parliam . actually banish all the jews out of england , except the converts , by a set prefixed day , beyond all contradiction , much against the jews good wills ; as i have undeniably proved by sundry records forecited here ; and by multitudes of historians , in my first * demurrer against sir edw. cooks grosse error . a truth so clear , that the very jews themselves ( as i am informed by those best versed in their manuscript antiquities ) do make special mention of this their banishment out of england in their chronicles ( in manasseh ben-israels custody ) taking their later computations of years from thence , as a time very remarkable and ominous to their whole nation ; and well might they do so , seeing learned mr. edward brerewood , in his enquiries , touching the diversities of languages and religions throughout the chief parts of the world , london 1614. c. 13. p. 92. assures us , that the first country of christendom whence the iews were expelled without hope of return , was our country of england , whence they were banished anno 1290. by king edward the first . ( by which example ) not long after they were likewise banished france , anno 1307. by philippus pulcher : only of all the countries of france , in the iurisdiction of avignon ( the popes state ) some are remaining . out of spain , an. 1492. by ferdinand ; and shortly after out of portugal , anno 1539. by emanuel . out of the kingdome of naples and sicilie anno 1539. by charls the v. ( as he there writes ) out of which sir edward cooke might have as well averred , they only voluntarily banished themselves , as that they voluntarily banished themselves out of england , with ut any special edict for their exile thence . what other particulars of lester moment concerning the jews occurre in these records , i have formerly touched in their respective places , and shall here omit . having thus compleated my judaismus anglicanus redivivus , if i may so stile it , or chronological collections of the historical and legal affairs of the english jews , out of the rich unknown magazine of our generally neglected , slighted precious old records ; which hugh peters , ( the great new-modeller , * reformer of our former lawes , liberties , government , kingdom , republike , church , religion , justice , law , merchandise , navy , the poor , and what not but himself ) out of his rash fiery zeal and transcendent ignorance , would now make all new martyrs , but yet be none himself ; for which end , in his good work for a good magistrate , london 1651. after his proposal of a short model for the law , p. 28. &c. he concludes with this advice , as a good work fit for his good magistrate , p. 33. this being done , it is very advisable to burn all the old records , yea even those in the tower ; the monuments of tyranny : that so his new whimsies only might be known and adored for our english lawes and monuments in all succeeding ages ; i shall therefore crave liberty to inform the world and this ignoramus , of the incomparable excellency , utility , necessity of preserving these records , which he hath so brutishly devoted to the fire , before he either knew their contents or worth , which our ancestors ( even in all former wars , revolutions ; as well as times of peace and settlement ) preserved with much care and cost , as the richest pearls , treasures , and jewels of the nation . to which i answer : 1. that all our wisest kings , parliaments , ancestors , statesmen in former ages had ever a special care to record all businesses of publike or private ocncernment , and to preserve our ancient records as the * choicest treasures , appointing special treasuries , places to preserve them in , and custodes r●tulorum , treasurers , chamberlains , registers , clerks to keep them safe from injury , corrupting and embezelling , and enacting many statutes for this purpose , witnesse not only the chests , cyrographers , officers and others forementioned , for keeping the records and charters of the jews and their rolls , but also 13 e. 1. c. 25. 30. 1 e. 3. c. 4. 5 e. 3. c. 12. 9 e. 3. c. 5. 6 r : 2. c. 4. 13 h. 4. c. 7. 2 h. 5. c. 8. 4 h. 6. c. 3. 8 h. 6. c. 12. 15. 10 h. 6. c. 4. 18 h. 6. c. 1. 9. 27 h. 8. c. 16. 32 h. 8. c. 28. 34 h. 8. c. 22. 28. 37 h. 8. c. 1. 2 e. 6. c. 10. 3 & 4 e. 6. c. 1. 1 & 2 phil. & mar. c. 2. 23 eliz. c. 3. 27 eliz. c. 9. 31 eliz. c. 3. 1 jac. c. 6. with other acts , and must they now , after all these statutes , be all made a burnt-of●ring unto vulcan , upon the crack-brain'd motion of an ignatian incendiary ? 2. the statute of 8 h. 6. c. 12. * still in force : ordains , that if any record or parcel of the same , writ , retorn , panel , proces , or warrant of attorney in the kings courts of chancery , eschequer , the one bench or other , or in his treasury , be willingly stolen taken away , withdrawn or avoided by any clerk or other person , by cause whereof any judgement be reversed ; th● such stealer taker away , withdrawer and avoider , their procurers , counsellors and abettors , being thereof indicted , and by process the●eupon made thereof duly convict by their own confession , or by enquest to be taken by legal men , whereof the one half shall be of the men of some court of the same courts , and the other half of other , shall be judged for felons , and shall incurre the pain of felons . and that the iudges of the said courts , of the one bench and of the other , have power to hear and determine such defaults before them , and thereof to make due punishment , as is aforesaid . and now hugh peters ( if i may be thy counsellor ) in sober sadnesse look to thy neck : which as thou hast oft indangered , forfeited by thy late fire-works , to blow up kings , kingdoms , parliaments , lords , our old fundamental lawes , liberties , government , ( as straffords , canterburies late impeachments , sentences , with mr. st. iohns and others arguments at their attainders , will resolve thee ) and thy open treasonable advising , abetting the seising , imprisoning of my self , and above 40 more members of parliament , in hell , on the bare boards , decemb. 6. 1648. ( whose names thou didst then list with an iron sword under thy arme , instead of the sword of the spirit : ) so this thy iesuitical project to burn all our old records , ( whereby all former judgement , titles , fines , recoveries , &c. will be nulled , reversed ) which thou publickly abettest , counsellest thy magistrate to effect in print ; proclaimes thee by thine own confession , without other evidence , a notorious felon within this act , in the highest degree . the burning , avoiding of all our records in general , being a more transcendent felony , ( yea treason , ) to the whole kingdom , nation , than the embezelling only of one or two private records or writs , relating but to one private person . and if ever thou be brought to a legal trial for it , before such a iury , and such iudges as this act prescibes , thou art sure to undergoe a halter-martyrdome at tyburne ; which all will cry up ( according to thy pamphlets title ) for a good work of a good magistrate , and a short cut to great quiet ; for thy devoting all our old records to a fiery martyrdom in smithfield ; which i trust they shall never undergo ; and that upon these ensuing weighty considerations , first , these old records which he would have burnt , contain in them all the antient rights , titles , evidences , charters , agreements , leagues , compacts of the kings , kingdom , nation and people of england , to all their pristine and present dominions , jurisdictions , prerogatives ▪ preheminences , priviledges , hereditaments and enjoyments , both at home and abroad , by land and by sea , as they are a kingdom , nation , republike & body politick in general ; and that both in relation to themselves and their own intrinsecal affairs at home & as they have been , owned , reputed , negotiated , treated with upon special occasions as a kingdom , nation , republike , by any forraign kings , princes , kingdoms , states ; whose ancient undoubted rights , titles to all or any of our dominions , territories , jurisdictions , royalties , cannot otherwise be legally cleared & judicially evidenced upon any emergent occasion or controversie between our kingdom , nation and other forraign states and realms , or between our selves at home , but by our old records , the only publike evidences of the whole kingdom and english nation , as necessary to defend , maintain , justifie their common publick rights , dominions , possessions , jurisdictions , claims , priviledges upon all occasions , as any private noble or gentlemans ancient charters , records , writings are to defend , manifest his right and title to his private inheritance and injoyments ; witnesse the * famous letter of the king , parliament and nobles of england , written and sent to the pope , anno 1302. to clear the subordination of scotland to the crown of england , and the homage of the kings of scotland made for their kingdom to the kings of england as their superiour lords from time to time , manifested by the ancient histories and records of england beyond all contradiction ; mr. selden his mare clausum , proving the dominion and jurisdiction of the kings of england over the narrow seas by records , and sir robert cottons posthuma . therefore it must necessarily be as bad and mad a worke , for a bad and mad magistrate to burn all the publick evidences and records of the whole kingdom and nation , ( upon the frantick motion of a bedlam in this particular ) as for a great landed nobleman to burne all the old charters , evidences of his lands and honors ; or for a rich usurer to burn all his bonds and morgages , which all wise men will repute an act of frenzy , and hugh peters too in his right senses . 2. they contein in them all the great publike charters , contracts , agreements , leagues , formerly granted or made by the kings of england , to or with the prelates , earles , barons , freemen , commons of england , ireland , scotland , wales , gernsey , iersy , man , and all other isles and dominions belonging to the crown of england in general : all charters , patents grants , contracts , writs , releases , gifts , pardons , offices , honors , liberties , franchises , customs , priviledges , faires , markets , inheritances , rents , revenues , licences , compositions formerly granted by our kings to the respective counties , cities , towns , burroughs , villages , hundreds , arch-bishops , bishops , deans , chapters , prebends , abbies , priories , nunneries , colledges , hospitals , free-schools , universities , great officers , chancellors , generals , admirals , marshals , justices , nobles , gentlemen , citizens , merchants , societies , fraternities , most private persons both in england , ireland , wales , scotland , all the british isles , and other territories anciently belonging to england . all whose particular patents , grants , evidences though under seal ( if alleged to be false , forged , sophisticated ) must be tryed only by their exemplifications or inrollments on record . they likewise comprise all the judgements , fines , common recoveries , verdicts , trials , suits , statute merchants and staple , recognizances , inrolments , yea in any of the private conveyances , contracts between our kings and private subjects , and one subject & another . what a universal confusion , subversion then disinherison , destruction of all rights , titles , interests , inheritances , priviledges , the burning of all our old records would immediatly bring upon all and every county , city , corporation , nobleman , gentleman , inheriter , freeholder of the realm of england , and all the subordinate dominions thereto annexed , let this short cutter himself , and all wise men determine , who hold or claim any thing by matter of record , their best and surest evidence . 3ly . all the good old laws , statutes for the governme●t , peace , safety , defence and wellfare of the nation are originally conteined in our records , by which they must be tryed , examined . yea all the perambulations and deafforestations of our forrests , all the limits , bounds , extents , contents , jurisdictions , customs , priviledges , tenures , rents , services of all counties , cities , burroughs , ports , honors , mannors , parishes , courts of justice , offices , officers civil , military , ecclesiastical , marine , all the pedegree ▪ , discents , successions ( by which all heirs , successors hold or claim their inheritances ) are for the most part defined , ascertained , evidenced , proved in and by our records alone , wherein they are enrolled : and if they should all be burnt together , what ataxies , confusions , contentions , oppressions , suits , quarrels , frauds , disinherisons would thereupon immediatly ensue , all wisemen may prognosticke . the mighty nymrods and grandees of the times wil then soon question al mens titles , devour their lesse potent neighbours estates , inheritances adjoyning near to theirs ; all potent landlords will exact what services , rents , customs , heriots , releifes they please from their poor tenants : all superiour , inferiour courts , officers , corporations claim , exercise what extravagant jurisdictions , powers they think meet , and all legal means of defending mens rights , liberties , inheritances against malitious , potent , vexatious adversaries , will be utterly abolished by salt peters new firework to burn all our old records to ashes . 4ly . whereas this ignoramus in our records ( the most whereof he never yet saw , and cannot so much as read ) produceth this only reason for their burning , that they are the monuments of tyranny ; i would demand of rhis bold blind bayard ( who judgeth of coulors he never yet saw ) how he can make good this notorious untruth ? the greatest part of our records are the two great charters of the liberties of england , and the forrest , or sundry subsequent confirmations of them in several parliaments : the good old laws , statutes , ordinances made by our wisest kings , nobles , commons upon long advise and serions debates in our english parliaments , for the government , peace , defence , wellfare of the people ; the proceedings , debates , judgements ; resolutions of our sagest parliaments , judges , courts of justice , in all matters , cases , publike , private , civil or criminal , formerly debated or resolved in them . old charters , commissions ; patents , writs , concords , fines , recoveries , statutes , judgements , extents , indictments , offices , grants of liberties , lands , franchises , fairs , offices , pardons to particular persons & corporations ; all matters advancing the defence of the realm by land and sea in times of danger , war , according to the ancient laws and customes of the realm : negotiations , truces , leagues with , embassies , letters to & from forain stares ; all particulars concerning merchants , merchandise , trade , coyn , bullion , measures , weights , wools , staples , ships , and the like . now how all or any of these can be stiled monuments of tyranny , let this lindsy-wolsy great clerk demonstrate at his best leasure . besides , i here averr , ex certa scientia against this imposture ; that most of our old records ( especially in the tower are so far from being monuments of tyranny , that on the contrary , they are the chiefest badges , the clearest evidendences of those good old english liberties which our noble ancestors claimed , purchased , and transmitted to us as our richest birthrights , yea the principal bulworks fences against all sorts of tyrannical usurpations , encroachments on the peoples liberties , rights , properties , in any kind whatsoever . to put this out of controversie , i shall appeal only to the many excellent * old records produced & most insisted on by the commons and others in the several parliaments of 7 , 8 & 21 jacobi , and 3 , 4 , 17. caroli against all impositions , tunnage , poundage , customs , excises , loans , taxes , demanded , imposed and exacted from the subject , without common consent and act of parliament : against imprisoning subjects by king or council table , without any legal cause expressed in the warrants , and not bailing them in such cases : against shipmoney , court and conductmoney , the bishops late canons and oath , commissions for executing martial law in times of peace , impressing and billiting souldiers , the commissions of array , with other late grievances , monopolies , and the arbitrary proceedings of strafford , canterbury , the old council table , star-chamber and high-commission , printed in sundry treatises , in sir edw. cooks 2 & 4 institut . sir robert cottons posthuma , and in my legal , historical , vindication and collection of the good old fundamental liberties , &c. of england . to which i shall refer the reader and hugh peters : who if he had st. augustines ingenuity , hath as much cause and more than he , to write a book of retractations , especially of this his rash sentence passed against our old records , devoting them to the fire , which his and others new-modles better deserve than they . now that i may the better excite , encourage all generous english spirits ( especially lawyers , statesmen , historians , heralds , and divines who have opportunity ) not only to the diligent preservation , but inspection , study , perusal of our ancient over-much neglected , sleighted records , so rashly devoted to the fire by peters , i shall in brief acquaint each of them , what hidden treasures and rare precious pearls are locked up in these old parchment cabinets . 1. all grounded students and professors of the law , upon diligent search , may find in our old records the several writs of summons for our archbishops , bishops , abbots , priors , dukes , earls , viscounts , barons , citizens , burgesses , merchants , and all other members to our ancient english parliaments , great councils of state , synods , convocations , with the several prorogations , adjournments , dissolutions of them , & for knights and others wages . the speeches , proceedings , petitions , debates , consultations , orders , ordinances , statutes , judgements , pleas , demands , grants , or refusals of aides , subsidies , with all transactions , resolves concerning peace , war , government , trade , merchandise , bullion , coyn , weights , measure , purviances , customes , tunnage , poundage , imposts , fishing , shipping , defence of king or kingdom by land or sea , liberties , priviledges , properties , regulation of abuses , supplies of defects of law , justice , and all other matters formerly discussed in our english parliaments . which if faithfully transcribed and methodically digested into a parliamentary chronicle , would for rare usefull matter , excellency , certainty far exceed all histories , statute-books , law-books , chronicles ever yet compiled , rectifie many grosse mistakes in most of them , and make more able , knowing lawyers , judges , parlamentmen , statesmen , than former ages have produced . besides the old records , in the respective treasuries of the tower , courts at westminster , and the rolls , faithfully relate at large the institutions , jurisdictions , procedings , judgements , writs , formalities , debates , commissions , law-cases , judges , officers names , customes , fees , of all the great courts of law , justice , equity ( civil , ecclesiastical , military , marine ) justices itinerant , justices of the forrest , justices of assize , oyer and determiner , & of most other inferiour courts and commissioners both in england , wales , ireland , scotland , gascoyne , normandy , poyters , the isles of man , gernsy , iersy alder●y , serk , silly , and other isles ; the stanneries in cornwall , and in most corporations , counties , hundreds , honors , mannors in them . record all sorts of commissions , charters , writs , warrants , instruments relating to law , iustice , trade , peace , war. the courts jurisdictions priviledges , mannors , lands , fees , rents , exemptions , liberties , royalties , tenures , services , customs , offices , successions , pedigrees of the kings , princes , queens , archbishops , bishops , deans , chapters , cities , corporations , fraternities , guilds , nobility , gentry , freeholders of england , ireland , wales , scotland , and all dominions , isles annexed to them , with sundry other particulars necessary for an accomplished lawyer : out of which industrious lawyers , ( if countenanced by authority , and encouraged by a a publike salary ) might collect such a rare new body and systeme of the laws , customs , courts , and ancient legal proceedings in all the courts of justice throughout our dominions as would as far excell all other abridgements , collections , reports , institutes , registers , law-books , hitherto published , for use , excellency , as the richest diamond exceeds the basest pibble , and bring more honour , benefit to the english nation , than all the shepheards calenders , and new-corps or models of our old english laws , attempted by hugh peters , sword-men , and some bold illiterate ignoramusses of the law , who neuer yet perused any of our old records , nor read over half our english law-books , and yet will be reformers ( or deformers rather ) of what they never exactly knew not understood . in brief , the exact knowledge of our records will furnish industrious lawyers with such rare usefull materials of all sorts , for the publike service of their native country , upon all emergent occasions , the benefit , information of their clyents , the honour of their profession , and their own reputation , advancement , profit , as will enable them to outshine all others of their robe unversed in the records , as far as the sun and moon outshine the lesser stars , which lose all their borrowed splendor when they once appear in place . witnesse mr. noy , mr. selden , mr. littleton , and some other lawyers of late times , whose real , and i shall clo●e up all with some scripture-texts discovering the excellent use , benefit of old records , and what ●igh esteem the wisest kings in the old , and paul himself in the new testament had of them . the first text i shall cite , gives 〈◊〉 a true character of the jews seditions carriage , then manifested by records . exra 4. 14 , 15. now because we are salted with the salt of the palace , and it was not meet for us to see the kings dishonour : therefore have we sent and certified the ●ing , that search may be made in the books of records of thy fathers ; so shalt thou find in the book of the records , and know , that this city is a rebellious city , and 〈◊〉 unto kings and provinces , and they have moved sedition within the same of old times , for which cause was the city destroyed : which appeared true upon search made in the records : vers . 19. 20. esther 6. 1. on that right could not the king sleep , and he commanded to bring the book of kecords of the chronicles . and they were 〈…〉 the king. neh. 12. 22 , 23. the levites in the days of eliashib , joiada , &c. were recorded chief of the fathers ; also the priests to the reign of 〈◊〉 the persian : the so●● of lev● the chief of the fathers were recorded in the books of chronicles , &c. 〈…〉 when thou comest bring with thee the books , but especially the parchments : which the 〈◊〉 translators 〈◊〉 membranas , 〈◊〉 parchment rolls upon which words theodoret , oecume●us and others thus comment ; maxime membranas , * membran●s latina magis voce , volumina , sive chartas volubiles appell●●● la complicatis enim & involutis chartis habebant olim quae ad divinam spectant scripturam quemadmo●um etiam 〈…〉 iudaei plurima habent . if then all our parchment membranaes , rolls , records , must be burnt , hugh peters and his good magistrate , to accomplish this good work must first burn the old original parchment membranaes & rolls of the old and new testament ( the ancientest of all others ) which st. paul was so carefull to preserve , and then those of the kingdom next ; and whether this will be a good or christian work , for a good or christian magistrate or minister , let all sober men resolve : seeing it will totally deprive us of all sacred all civil antiquities and records , and be matter of greatest rejoycing advantage to our common romish enemies and the jesuites the original projectors of this infernal ●esuitical designe and practice , as ludovicus lucius hist . iesuiticae l. 1. c. 6. p. 144. manifests & records . what therefore our saviour himself concludes of old wine , that will all learned , discreet , sage men determine of our good old english laws , liberties , records compared with hugh peters and others new models , instruments , papers relating to the publike . lu. 5. 39. no man having drunk old wine streightway desireth new for he saith the old is better . finis . errata and omissions . kind reader , take notice , that the ●ecords of edw. 1. being transcribed before the later of king john and those of henry the 3d. and printed at guess before them , they amounting to above double the sheets conjectured , thereupon from c. p. 13. to h. p. 53. the folioes only are figured , and some sheets altogether without figures . wherefore i shall desire thee to page them all with thy pen , from p. 13. to p. 53. that so thou maist the better correct those few errataes which have escaped the press in some copies , here noted as if they had all been paged in order . in the epistle : p. 2. l. 27. read endeavorer . in the book , p. 3. l. 32. priesthood r. 〈…〉 p. 11. l. 33. together , p. 13. l. 6. preceding , p. 16. l. 1. 〈◊〉 in , l. 14. statutes , p. 18. l. 30. thus , p. 20. l. 3. franket . p. 24. l. 13. placia , p. 25. l. 32. lucro . p. 27. l. 37. r. victualia , et si quem inveneritis quae deneget eis victualia , &c. p. 34. l. 36. i find , p. 37. l. 10. reddendam , p. 28. l. 36. but , then . p. 43. l. 1. jews chattels , p. 44. l. 37. ●erminis , p 49. l. 14. marcar . p. 52. l. 28. goods , r. bonds , p. 68. l. 15. r. nisi in , l. 21. solum , folutis , p. 75. l 5. intersit , p. 76. l. 18. execu●us , l. 33. names too , p. 81. l. 1. priestly office only , p. 83 l. 1. dele as , p. 90. l. 2. earundem , p. 97. l. 11. falvos , p. 102. l. 1. quam aliunde , p. 104. l. 4. there . p. 108. l. 7. the jews , p. 119. l. 8. quaerelis , p. 122. l. 3. pro , per , now follow the errata after h. as the pages are printed , p. 54. l. 17. r. de , p. 55. l. 20. r. iudaei in , l. 23. quidam , p. 54. l. 13. exequuntur , p. 64. l , 10. 23. r. 53. p. 65 , l. 37. mandatum , p. 82. l. 19. indictati , l. 21. ●●●●ecerunt , l. 27. in . r. nec , l. 33. r. judaeis metum , p. 92. l. 29. continue , p. 94. l. 9. ed●nono . l. 28. conversi , p. 105. l. 18. alio , l. 31. and , as , p. 108. l. 19. recto , l. 36. converts , p. 109 l. 1. fidelibus , p. 110. l. 19. in the , of his , p. 114. l. 22. ipsis , l. 10. dele et , p. 115. l. 19. causa , ausa , p. 116. l. 30. competentur ▪ p. 196. l. 19. dele law. margin . p. 36. 1. claus . 19 h. 3. p. 41. l. 1. r. 20 h. 3. p. 43. l. 7. r. claus . 25 h. 3. p. 114. l. 1. claus . 53. h. 3. h. 3. p. 89. l. 6. conversorum . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91270-e290 * page 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 40 , 41. * page 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 41. notes for div a91270-e860 a pars 2. pat. 1. e. 2. n : 10 walsingh . hist . ang. p. 68. to 76. 97. to 108. ypodigm . neustriae , p. 100 , 104 , 105. 108. &c. grafton , fabian , speed , holinshed , stow , daniel , baker , in ed. 2. claus . 5. e. 2. m. 15. et dors . 7. claus . 15. e. 2. m. 24. & 14. sched . & dors . 32. b rot. chart . part . 1. r. johan . n. 28. chart. 171. c in his pilgrimage , edit . 3. 1617 , l. 2. c. 10. sect . 7. p. 172. in his pilgrims , l. 9. c. 5. sect . 1. p. 1441. in the margin . d 2 instit . p. 508. e a short demurrer , p. 1. to 16. f chart. 1 johannis , pars 1. n. 50 , rot . 28. g a short demurrer , p. 2 , 3. h cart. 2. johannis : num . 49. carta judaeorum angliae . i cart. 2. johannis . n. 53. confirmatio judaeorum de libertatibus suis . * annal pars post. p. 604. see the first part of a short demurrer , p. 3. k hist . augliae , anno 1213. p. 243. * page 16. l pat. 6. iohan . num 7. dorso . pat. 6 johan . 〈◊〉 . 7. intus . m hoveden , annal. pars posterior , p. 745. n se● purchas pilgrimage l. 2. c. 10. sect . 7. * fines ● ioh. 〈…〉 . * fines 6. joh. m. 6. suthantes ss . * pat. 5. joh. regi . m. 7. n. 18. * fines 6. jo. reg. m. 3. warwic . * claus . 7. joh. reg. m. 26. * claus , 9. joh. reg. m. 5. * claus . 9. jo. reg. m. 6. * fines 6 joh. reg. in 2 dors . * fines 9 joh. reg. m. 5 * patents 10. job . r. m. 5. linc. ss . * claus . 15. jo. reg. m. 3. * claus . 15 jo. reg. m. 2. * claus . 15. jo. reg. m. 3. * see my first demurrer p. 1 * pat. 15. jo. reg. pars 1. m. 20. * pat. 16 joh. reg. dors . 15. an. dom. 1215. * claus . 18. jo. reg. m. 24. * pat. 1. h. 3. m. 8. d● judaea deliberanda . * ibidem . * ibidem * claus . 2. h. 3. pars 2. m. 10. de custodia judaeorum gloc. * claus . 2 h. 3. pars . 2. m. 9. pro judaeis linc. * pat. 2. h. 3. m. 3. de justic . iudaeorum . * whom they suceeded . * pat. 2. h 3. pars 1. m. 3. 2 claus . 2 h. 3 ▪ in . 10. dors . * fine 2 h. 3. m. 7. * claus . 2 h. 3. part 2. m. 2. claus . 3. h. 3. pars 1. m. 12. claus . 4. h. 3. m. 13. * claus . 3. h. 3. pars 2. m. 2. de domibus judaeorum glouc. o pat. 3. h. 3. pars 2. m. 6. ● . ● . * pat. 3. h. 3. m. 6. de debitis judaeorum . * pat. 3. h. 3. 〈◊〉 . 6. * pat. pars 2. an . 3. h. 3. m. 1. * claus . 5. h. 3. m. 17. de dom. judaeorum . * 7. h. 3. part 2. m. 29. dors . * fines 7 h. 3. m. 2. pars 1. ebor . * ibid. kanc. * claus . 9. h. 3. pars 3. m. 7. * claus . 10. h. 3. m. 3. de qu●dam fine in judaismo tenendo * claus . 11 h. 3. m. 21. * claus . 14. h. 3. m. 14. ●e judaeis ●ustodiend . in turre london . * claus . 15 h. 3. m. 16. dors . * claus . 16. h. 3. m. 7. de domo cujusdam judaei in london dato rico. capellae . † fines 16 h. 3. pars 1. m. 7. ibid. m. 7. * pat. 17. h. 3. m. 6. pro judaeis angliae . t claus . 18. h. 3. m. 16. see cartae & 18 h. 3. 〈…〉 apud vvallingford in octabis sant● trinitatis , ro● . 1. dors . & rot . 10. 11. † claus . 19. h. 3. pars 1. m. 21. de judaeis . * claus . 19 h. 3. pars 2. m. 23. de judaeis mittendis usque london . † first demurrer , edit . 2. p. 19. 20. 21. * fines 19. h. 3. m. 15. norw . de respectu judaeis iudaeorum norwic . * clau● . 19. e , 3. pars 1. m 9 , dors . de judaeis . * claus . 19. h. 3. pars 1. m. 23. de jud●eis avendis de vvicham . claus 29. h. 3. m. 24. fines 19. h. 3. m. 3. * ibid. m. 12. * pat. 19. h. 3. m. 14. pro aaron j●daeo ebor . de quietant tallagii first demurrer p. 25. edit . 2. * fines 20 h. 3. m. 13. * claus . 20. h. 3. m. 10. de pardonatione usurae . ibid. m. 10. de junaeis non remanend . in suthampt. sine speciali praecepto regis . claus . 20 h. 3. m. 10 de extinctu sacienda . † claus . 21. h. 3. m. 18. pro aaron judaeo ebor. 2 institutes p. 507 , 508 * purchas pilgrimage edit . 3. l. 2. c. 10. sect . 7. & pilgrims l. 9. r. 5. sect . 1. p. 1441. † church hist . ● l. 3. p. 84. 85. * see pat. 41. h. 3. m. 4. * claus . 21 h. 3. pars 1. m. 19. * pat. 21. h. 3. m. 6. pro aaron judaeo . * claus . 21 h. 3. pars 1. m. 22. pro judaeis oxon deliberandis . † claus . 22. h. 3. m. 18. de judaeis deliberandis . † claus . 22. h. 3. pars 1. m. 17. de terra extendenda , & claus . 22 h. 3. pars 2. m. 9. fines 23. h. 3. m. 3. claus . 22 h. 3. m● 10. dorso . fines 23 h. 3 pars 1. m. 20. dors . * 2 h. 3. c. 5. † fines 23 h. 3. pars 2. m. 11. † ibid. m. 9. pro quibusdam iudaeis . claus . 24 h. 3. pars 1. m. 10. * claus . 24. h. 3. pars 1. m. 17. * claus . 27 h. 3. dors . 19. * claus . 25. h. ● . dors . 20. d● tallagio iudetum colligendo . † claus . 15. h. 3. dors . 9. claus . 25 h. 3. m. 9. de judesi . * ibidem m. 5. de judeis . * ibid. m. 6 , * claus . 25 h. 3. roll m. 8. pro judaeis . claus . 25 h. 3. m. 6. * claus . 25. h. 3. m. 13. dorf . * claus . 25. h. 3 m. 9. dorso . claus . 26. h. 3. pars 2. m. 9. pro samaritano judeo . * ibid. m. 7. * claus . 26. h. 3. pars 2. m. 7. * claus . 26. h. 3. pars 2. dors . 8. * claus . 26 h. 3. pars 1. m. 19. de judeis removend . ab uno loco ad alium . * claus . 26. h. 3. pars 1. m. 3. * claus . 27. h 3. pars 2. m. 2. pro martin● converso . * claus . 27. 〈◊〉 2. pars 2. m. 9. * claus . 27 h. 3. m. 10. 9. 5. schedula p. 1. * claus . 27 h. 3. pars 2. m. 3. * claus . 21 h. 3. pars 1. m. 18. here p. 25. * claus . 27 h. 3. pars 1 , m. 6. pro abrah . judaeo berkhamsted . claus . 28. h. 3. m. 6. pr● judeis . claus . 28. h. 3. m. 17. claus . 2● . h. 3. m. 17. * claus . 28. h. 3. m. 1. dors . claus . 28. h. 3. m. 4. dors● . * claus . 29 h. 3 m. 2. ibid. * claus . 29 h. 3. m. 18. * claus . 29. h. 3. m. 17. de judaismo . claus . 29. h. 3. m. 19. pat. 30. h. 3. m. 1. pro judaeo * claus . 30 h. 3. pars 1 m. 9. * claus . 30. h. 3. pars 1. m. 10. pr● iudeo . claus . 30. h. 3. pars 2. m. 4. claus . 30. h. 3. pars . 1. m. 10. pro judeis . * claus . 32 h. 3. pars 1. m. 9. pro quodam judeo . * ibid. m. 9. * ibidem m. 9. pro aaron judeo ebor. * ibid. m. 10. pro judeis cantebr . * ibid. m. 11. * claus . 33 h. 3. pars 1. m. 1. pro roberto de munteny . † claus . 33 h. 3 pars 1. m. 7. pro judeis . * ibidem m. 7. pro quodam judeo . † ibidem m. 8. * ibidem m. 10. * patent 33. h. 3 m. 3. pro aar . fil . abr. judaeo . * fines 33. h. 3. m. 7. * fines 33. h. 3 m. 3. de ta●lag●● super judeos ebor. ibidem pro judaeis . * fines 34 h. 3. m. 2. pro judaeis . fines 34 h. 3. m. 2. pro salmone episcopo judeo london . † claus . 34. h. 3. m. 19. dorso † claus . 34. h. 3 m. 11. dorso . * pat. 34 h. 3. m. 3. * claus . 35. h. 3. m. 7. pro reginaldo de salinis valetto regis . * claus . 25 h. 3. m. 5. pro quaedam judea & pueris suis . * claus . 35. h. 3. m. 7. de tallagio judeorum regi reddendo . * de auro emendo ad opus regis de denariis judaismi * claus . 35 h. 3. m. 11. pro judaeis . * claus . 35 h. 3. m. 5. dorso . * claus . 36. h. 3. m. 6. * ibid. * pat. 36. h. 3. m. 11. * pat. 36. h. 3. m. 10. pro aaron de ebor. m 1. 1 * claus . 36. h. ● m. 7 , 8. claus . 37 h. 3. m. 20. † claus . 36. h. 3. m. 24. pro judeis . * claus . 36. h. 3. m. 26. pro quadam judea . † claus . 36. h. 3. m. 7. de quib sdam judeisu uassignatis ad a ssidend . tallagium super communitate judeorum . * claus . 36. h. m. 32. dors . † claus . 36. h. 3. m. 26. dorso . * claus . 36 h. 3. dorso 22. * ibid. dors . 14. * claus . 37. h. 3 m. 6. pro judeis angliae . * ibid. m. 7. * claus . 37. h. 3. m. 7. * claus . 37. h. 3. m. 13. pro judeo . * ib. m. 17. 19. * claus . 37 h. 3. m. 18. pro judeo . * claus . 37. h. 3. m. 18. de provisione facta per regem de iudeis angliae . * synagogae are here meant by scolae . * pat. 39. h. 3. m. 2. dorso . * see claus . 39. h. 3. m. 3. pro aaron de ebor. iudeo . to discharge him hereof for his poverty . * claus . 39. h. 3. m. 13. de archis iude●rum * so it was noted when i read it , though mistaken in the year . * s●e first demurrer , edit . 2. p. 29 , 30 , &c. † pat. 40 h. 3. m. 5 de domibus quorund . iudeorum vendendis . † see mat. pa●●● , p. 622. first demurrer , p. 33 * pat. 40. h. 3. m. 18. pro joh. converso . * claus . 40 h. 3. pars 1. do●s . 16. * claus . 40 h. 3. pars 1. m. 15. de justic . constit . ad custodiam judeorum . * ibidem dors . 9. pro judeo . † hist . angl. p. 888. see my first demurrer , p. 28. * pat 41. h. 3. m. 4. no. 6. pro communi●ate judaeorum angliae . * episcopus here , i conceive to be a surname , as le eveske , the same in french , and bishop then was , & at this day is both amongst the jews , french and english , not a name of office , as is generally mistaken . * here f. 3. 23. b. * pag. 28. 29. * hist . angl. p. 887. 902. * pat. 41. h. 3. pars 1. m. 8. ibid. m. 13 & 17. † ibid. m. 17. pro roesia crespin iudea . * claus . 41 h. 3. m. 6. * claus . 41. h. 3. pars 1. m. 12. pro quibusdam judeis . ibidem . see claus . 56. h. 3. m. 3 , 4. * claus . 42 h. pars 1. m. 13 pro judeo . * fines 42 h. 3. m. pro communitate judeorum . * claus . 42. h. 3. dors , 6. pro iudeis . * ●ines 43. h. 3. m. 10. pro iudea russel . * pat. 43. h. 3. m. 4. de districtione fac . super judeos * pat. 43. h. 3. m. 15. pat. 44. h. 3. pars 1. m. 7. pro cok. fil . aaron iudeo london , & fratre suo . claus . 44 h. m. 14. 17. † claus . 45 h. 3. pars 1. m. pro rege de iudaismo . * pat. 45 h. 3. m. 3. † pat. 45. h. 3. dors . 9. † pat. 45. h. 3. m. 13. * claus . 45 h. 3. pars 1. m. 11. pro custodia turris london . * ibidem m. 17. pro cresseo iudeo wilton . * † ibidem dors . 15. pro denar , de judaismo mittend . ad regem . * fines 46 h. 3. m. 14. * fines 46 h. 3. m. 13. * pat. 46. h. 3. m. 14. 15. * pat. 46. h. 3 m. 19. dorso . † claus . 46 h. 3. pars 2. m. 2. pro hanekino de flem. et sosio suo judaeis . * claus . 46. h. 3. pars 1. m. 4. * claus . 46. h. 3. pars 1. m. 19. dorso . * cart. 46. h. 3 m. 4 de feodis judeorum * pat. 47. h. 3 m. 9. * claus . 47. h. 3. m. 12. &c. pro ma●uel judeis . * † pat. 48. h. 3. is . 11. pro judeis winton . * † pat. 48. h. 3. m. 12. pro iudeis northamp . * † pat. 48. h. 3. m. 12. pro judeis london . * see stowes chron. p. 220. the first demurrer . edit . 2. p. 35. * fines 48. h. 3. m. 1. see fines 49. h. 3. m. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. where are more presidents like this * claus . 49. h. 3. m. 4. de quibusdam judeis habendis coram iust . ad custod . iud : ●ssign . * cla●s . 49 h. 3. m. 4. de judaisme capiend . in manum regis . * fines 49 h. 3. m. 1. * fines 49 h. 3 m. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. * claus . 50 h. 3. m. 1. * claus . 50 h. 3. m. 2. † ibidem , pro aaron le blund judeo . † claus . 52 ▪ 3. m. 5. pro hagio fil . mossei judeo . * claus . 50 h. 3. m. 10. pro judeis angliae de statu suo recuperando . * patents 50 h. 3. m. 6 , 8 , 20 , 25 , 31 , 34. 41. * pat. 50 h. 3. m. 21. pro judeis london . * pat. 50. h. 3. m. 38. † pat. 50. h. 3. m. 21. de rotulis et brevibus iudaismi commissis . * pat. 50. h. 3. m. 34. 33. 38 , 41 , 42 , 44. † pat. 50. h. 3. m. 46. † pat. 50. h. 3. m 42. pro hagino judeo london . pat. 51. h. 3. m. 10. pro diversis iudeis . * pat. 51. h. 3. m. 30. * pat. 52. h. 3. m. 6. p●o hag●o fil . magistri mossei judeo london . * pat. 52. h. 3. m. 13 , 16 ▪ 30 ▪ 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 36. * pat. 52. h. 3. m. 26. † pat. 52. h. 3. m. 34. † ● † claus . 52. h. 3. m. 4. † ibid. m. 6. * ibidem 10. † placita hilarii anno 52 ▪ h. 3. rot 5. * ibid. rot . 6. in dorfo . ibid. rot . 7. * ibid. rot . 7. in dorso . * ibidem rot. 8. * ibidem rot . 8. * 〈◊〉 tottles 〈◊〉 charta 〈◊〉 ▪ and 〈◊〉 ●art 〈…〉 , edit . 2. 〈◊〉 ●6 . * placita hill. an. 52. h. 3. rot 9. * ibidem . m. 9. * ibidem dors . * claus . 53. h. 3. m. 12. de duabus crucibus de bonis et catallis judeorum oxon. faciendis . * claus . 53. h. 3. m. 10. de cruce marmorea erigend . in placia scholar . de merton . oxon. de quadam cruce portatili eisdem liberand . in domo sua . * claus . 53 h. 3. pars 1. m. 6. de fine facto per judeis angliae . pat. 53 h. 3. m. 12. * claus . 53 h. 3. pars 1. m. 6. * claus . 53. h. pars 1. m. 13. de compot . justic . ad custod . jud. assign . audiendo . * claus . 53. h. 3 pars 1. m. 8. dorso . * claus . 5. h 53 3. pars 1. m. 10 dorso , and pat. 53. h. 3. m. 25. dors . * claus . 54 h. 3. pars 1. m. 8. dorso . † pat. 54. h. 3. pars . 1. ● . 16. pro ja●obo judeo , & gal● . de lukenor . * pat. 54 h. 3. m. 1. pro edmundo fil . regis & aaron judeo . * pat. 54. h. 3. m. 7. * pat. 54. h. 3. m. 3. pro cresse fil . mag . mossei iud. london . * pat. 54. h. 3. m. 18. pro iudeis winton . * claus . 54. h. 3. m. 2. 7. * ib. m. 6. * ib. m. 6. * pat. 55. h. 3. m. 4 , 5 , 11 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 28. 29. * pat. 55. h. 3. m. 29. pro aaron fil . vyn . * pat. 55. h. 3. m. 12. de judaismo angliae . * claus . 56. h. 3. m. 1. 7 , 8 , 9 , sched . m. 13. * claus . 56. h. 3. m. 4. 7. * claus . 56. h. 3. m , 3. * pat. 56 h. 3. m. 15. pars 1. pro conversis london . * patents 56. h. 3. pars 1. m. 19. de inquirendo de redditibus conversorum london , & eisdem redditibus pauperioribus conversis assignandis . † pat. 56 h. 3. pars 1. m. 17. * pat. 56. h. 3. pars 1. m. 19. * pat. 56. h. 3. pars 1. m. 10. * claus . 57. h. 3. m. 11. [a] claus . 1. e. 1. m. 10. de justiciariis judaeorum . b see the 1. part of the demurrer , p. 14 , 15. hoveden . annal. pars posterior . p. 745. * claus . 1. e. 1. m. 9. * claus . 1. e. 1. m. 7. dorso de judaeis de burges . * patent 1. e. 1. m. 18. de debitis levandis . * claus . 1. e. 1. m. 7. dorso . de judaeis angliae inhabitantibus villas . * claus . 1. e. 1. m. 9. pro lumbardo de krikelad . judaeo . c patent 2. e. 1. m. 5. de tallagio judaeorum levando . [d] pat. 2. e. 1. m. 3. de arreragiis tallagii , super judaeos assist , levandis . nota. e see the first part of the demurrer edit . 2. p. 46. to 64. [f] claus . 2. e. 1. m. 2. pro magistro elia filio magistri mossei judaeo london . g claus . 3. e. 1. m. 8. h claus . 3. e. 1. m. 12. pro rege de judaeis . i ibidem . m. 12. pro hako , fil . roes judaeo . k claus . 3 e. 1. m. 13. l claus . 3. e. 1. m. 16. de debitis regis levandis . m claus . 1. e. 1. m. 17. de tallagio judaeorum levando . u claus . 3. e. m. 19. pro willielmo fil . robert. de middleton . o claus . 3. e. 1. m. 21. pro magistro elia fil . mossei judaei london . * 2 instit . p. 206 ▪ * rot. pat. an. 3. e. 1. m. 14. 27. 20. william middleton reddie compot . p pat. 3. e. 1. m. 4. de licentia vendendi debita . q pat. 3. e. 1. m. 17. * claus . 3. e. 1. m. 13. pro alinora regina angliae consorte regis . r claus . 3. e. 1. m. 23 , de rotul . scaccarii judaismi scrutandis . ſ ibid. m. ● pro w. de appledresfeld . t ibid. m. 23. pro eodem willo . &c. u the first part of my short demurrer . edit . 2. p. 35. to 42. * 2. instit . p. 506 , 507. y claus . 4. e. 1. m. 8. pro gamaliele de oxon. judaeo * nota. z claus . 4. e. 1. m. 11. pro gamaliele de oxon judaeo . * nota. * nota. * nota. a 2 instit . p. 506. 507. b claus . 4. e. 1. m. 7. pro benedicto de winton judaeo . c claus . 4. e. 1. m. 7. pro magistro elia , &c. et gamal . judeis london . d pat. 4 e. 1. m. 9. pro will. de middleton . e pat. 4. e. 1. 14. de clavibus vicessim . & tallagii judaeorum liberandis . f pat. 4. e. 1. m. 9 de r●●ulis & brevibus judaismi liberandis . g pat. 4. e. 1. m. 11. de cirograph . judaeorum london . scrutandis . h pat. 4. e. 1. m. 25. de archis judaeorum colcestriae aperiendis et scrutandis , et alibi . i pat. 4. e. 1. m. 36. de archis judaeorum norwici scrutandis , et aperiendis et alibi . k pat. 4. e. 1. m. 12. pro ▪ custodia judaeorum oxon. * pat 5. e. 1. m. 13. de judaeis talliandis see rot. finium 5. e. 1. * claus . 5. e. m. 4. pro judaeis oxon. * claus . 5. e. 1. m. 6. pro mosseo de clare . judaeo . * cap. 8. see. the first part of my demurrer , edit , 2. p. 40. * patent . 5 e. 1. m. 13. pro judaeis angliae . * patent . 6 e. 1. m. 8. de tallagio assidendo super communitate judaeorum angliae . see rot. finium . 6. e. 1. nota. l clau●● . e. 1. m. 6. ● de judaei● . m the first part of the demurrer , edition 2. p. 41. 42. * claus . 7. e. 1. m. 7. de fine recipiendo a iudaeis . nota. * claus . 7. e. 1. m. 7. * pat. 7. e. 1. m. 1. de domibus judaeo . rum suspensorum vendendis . * pat. 7. e. 1. m. 11. de potestate vendendi domus & redditus judaeo●um dampnatorum . * claus . 7. e. 1. in schedula : pro judaeis ebor. * par. 8 e. 1. m. ● 〈…〉 vendendi 〈◊〉 ●erras & 〈…〉 iudaeorum . * claus . 8. e. 1. m. 1. pro ●onamy judaeo eborum . u pat. 8. e. 1. m. 27. ee praedicando judaeis . x see the first demurrer , edit . 2. p. 44 , 45. 90 , &c. p pat. 8. e. 1. pars 1. m. 15 dors . pro sustentatione judaeorum conversione . * that is pol-mony , or the fine every jewish villain paid for the acknowledgement of his slavery to the king. see spelmans glossary cowels interpreter chevagium lambard . cooks 1 instit . f. 140. a bracton l. 1. c. 10. britton . f. 79. * pat. 8. e. 8. pars 1. m. 15. pro sustentatione judaeorum conversorum . * census capitis or poll or headmony . see statutum de judaismo , 3 e. 1. c. 4. first part of the demurrer . edit . 2. p. 39. * pasche 9 e. ● . rot . 7. ſ pasche 9. e. 1. rot . 4. ● nor● . scil . * claus . 9 e. 1. m. 7. pro aarone fil . vines judaeo london . * claus . 9. e. 1. m. 3. pro sarra de london judaea . * pat. 9. e. 1. m. 5. pro samuele de ebo● . judaeo . * pat. 9. e. m. 1. de archis cirograff . judaismi scrutandis . * claus . 9. e. 1. m. 1. pro conversorum domo london de deodandis . * pat. 10. e. 1. m. 15. pro judaeis hereford . * claus 10. e. m. 4. pro aaron de blund , & aliis judaeos in breve . * claus . 10. e. 1. m. 8. quod iude●a portant tabulas sicut & judaei t pat. 11 e. 1. m. 22. de his arretandis qui cum judaeis mercantur de falsis platis . * claus . 12. e. 1. m. 8. in schedula appensa . de quibusdam brevibus tangentibus judaismum . * patents 12. e. 1. m. 4. schedula . de inquisitione facienda de bonis & catallis quorundam judaeorum dampnatorum , &c. * patent . 14 e. 1. m. 20. * pat. 16. e. 1. m. 4. * pat 16 e. 1. m. 16. de inquisitione fac . de platis argenteis , &c. * claus . 16. e. 1. m. 10. pro mosseo de heref. & suetecota uxor ejus judeis london . * claus 17 e. 1. m. 6. p●o aaron fil . vynes judaei london . * pat. 18. e. 1. m. 25. pro conversis domus london de deodandis . * pat. 18. e. 1. m. 23. pro 〈…〉 fuit vynes uxor . &c. judaei london . * pat. 18. e. 1. m. 1. 4 pro aaron fil . vynes judaeo fratris regis , licentia vendendi domos , &c. * edit . 2. p. 44 to 63. * claus . 18 e. e. 1. m. 6. de judaeis regno angliae exeuntibus . * pat. 18. e. 1. m. 14. pro bonamico judaeo eborum , et familia sua . * pat. 18. e. 1. m. 14. de passagio & conductu judaeorum angliae . * patent . 18 e. 1. m. 13. pro mosseo fil : jacobi de oxon judaeo & familia sua . * see my former demurrer , edit . 2. p. 44. to 50. * flores hist . an. 1290. pare 2. p. 381. † de recessu judaeorum ab anglia , is writ in the margin . * pat. 18. e. 1. m. 4. de custodia domus conversorum london commiss . * pat. 18. e. 1. m. 45. de custodia domus conversorum london commissa . * pat. 19. e. 1. m. 20. de iudaismo . c pat 19. e. 1. concessionibus factis de domi●us quae fuerunt judaeorum in anglia 〈◊〉 . 4. d 20 e. 1. m. 2. * 2 instit . p. 508. e pat. 18 e. 3 pars 1. m. 2. 3. & pars 2. m. 47. f claus . 30. e. 3. m. 13. de converso admittando in domo conversorum london . g pat. 45. e. 3. pars 2. memb . 28. h patent . 51 e. 3. m. 20. de domo conversorum in suburbio london officio custodis rotulorum cancellarii regis annexanda . * survey of london , 1633. p. 435. * see cart. an. 17. joh. reg. dors . 27. * 2 institutes . p. 506 , 507 , 508. * ibidem . * edit . 2. p. 44. to 64. * see his epistle and title to his good work for a good magistrate . * see cooks 3 instit . p. 70 , 71 , 72. * see cooks 3 instit . p. 70 , 71 72 , 73. * see tho. walsingham , hist . ang. an. 1292 , &c. 1302. par 18 , 49. to 〈◊〉 ypodig . ne●● p , 86 , to 95. henry de knyghton de eventibus angliae , l. 3. c. 2. * see a learned and necessary argument against impositions in the parl. of 7 iac. printed 1641. mr. will. hakewell his liberty of the subject , against impositions , london 1641. the confer●nce at the committee of both houses con●erning the rights and priviledges of the subject 3 and 4 to caroli london . 1642. judge crooks and huttons arguments against shipmony . the remonstrances of the lords and commons against tho commission of array . exact col. p. 386. &c. 450. 890. ephemeris parliamentaria london . 1654. * interp. & enar. in 2 tim. 4. 13.